从此走进深度人生 Deepoo net, deep life.

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  • KANT《CRITIQUE OF JUDGEMENT》

    TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY J. H. BERNARD, D.D., D.C.L.
    BISHOP OF OSSORY SOMETIME FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, AND ARCHBISHOP KING’S PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN
    SECOND EDITION, REVISED
    MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED ST. MARTI N’S STREET, LONDON 1914

    CONTENTS
    Editor’s Introduction
    Preface
    Introduction
    I. Of the division of Philosophy
    II. Of the realm of Philosophy in general
    III. Of the Critique of Judgement as a means of combining the two parts of Philosophy into a whole
    IV. Of Judgement as a faculty legislating a priori 17
    V. The principle of the formal purposiveness of nature is a transcendental principle of Judgement 20
    VI. Of the combination of the feeling of pleasure with the concept of the purposiveness of nature 27
    VII. Of the aesthetical representation of the purposiveness of nature 30
    VIII. Of the logical representation of the purposiveness of nature 35
    IX. Of the connexion of the legislation of Understanding with that of Reason by means of the Judgement
    First Part.—Critique of the Aesthetical Judgement
    First Division.—Analytic of the Aesthetical Judgement
    First Book.—Analytic of the Beautiful
    First Moment of the judgement of taste, according to quality
    §  1. The judgement of taste is aesthetical
    §  2. The satisfaction which determines the judgement of taste is disinterested 46

    §  3. The satisfaction in the pleasant is bound up with interest 48

    §  4. The satisfaction in the good is bound up with interest 50

    §  5. Comparison of the three specifically different kinds of satisfaction 53

    Second Moment of the judgement of taste, viz. according to quantity 55

    §  6. The Beautiful is that which apart from concepts is represented as the object of a universal satisfaction 55

    §  7. Comparison of the Beautiful with the Pleasant and the Good by means of the above characteristic 57

    §  8. The universality of the satisfaction is represented in a judgement of Taste only as subjective 59

    §  9. Investigation of the question whether in a judgement of taste the feeling of pleasure precedes or follows the judging of the object 63

    Third Moment of judgements of taste according to the relation of the purposes which are brought into consideration therein 67

    § 10. Of purposiveness in general 67

    § 11. The judgement of taste has nothing at its basis but the form of the purposiveness of an object (or of its mode of representation) 69

    § 12. The judgement of taste rests on a priori grounds 70

    § 13. The pure judgement of taste is independent of charm and emotion 72

    § 14. Elucidation by means of examples 73

    § 15. The judgement of taste is quite independent of the concept of perfection 77

    § 16. The judgement of taste, by which an object is declared to be beautiful under the condition of a definite concept, is not pure 81

    § 17. Of the Ideal of Beauty 84

    Fourth Moment of the judgement of taste, according to the modality of the satisfaction in the object 91

    § 18. What the modality in a judgement of taste is 91

    § 19. The subjective necessity which we ascribe to the judgement of taste is conditioned 92

    § 20. The condition of necessity which a judgement of taste asserts is the Idea of a common sense 92

    § 21. Have we ground for presupposing a common sense? 93

    § 22. The necessity of the universal agreement that is thought in a judgement of taste is a subjective necessity, which is represented as objective under the presupposition of a common sense 94

    General remark on the first section of the Analytic 96

    Second Book.—Analytic of the Sublime 101

    § 23. Transition from the faculty which judges of the Beautiful to that which judges of the Sublime 101

    § 24. Of the divisions of an investigation into the feeling of the Sublime 105

    A.—Of the Mathematically Sublime 106

    § 25. Explanation of the term “Sublime” 106

    § 26. Of that estimation of the magnitude of natural things which is requisite for the Idea of the Sublime 110

    § 27. Of the quality of the satisfaction in our judgements upon the Sublime 119

    B.—Of the Dynamically Sublime in Nature 123

    § 28. Of Nature regarded as Might 123

    § 29. Of the modality of the judgement upon the sublime in nature 130

    General remark upon the exposition of the aesthetical reflective Judgement 132

    Deduction of [pure] aesthetical judgements 150

    § 30. The Deduction of aesthetical judgements on the objects of nature must not be directed to what we call Sublime in nature, but only to the Beautiful 150

    § 31. Of the method of deduction of judgements of taste 152

    § 32. First peculiarity of the judgement of taste 154

    § 33. Second peculiarity of the judgement of taste 157

    § 34. There is no objective principle of taste possible 159

    § 35. The principle of Taste is the subjective principle of Judgement in general 161

    § 36. Of the problem of a Deduction of judgements of Taste 162

    § 37. What is properly asserted a priori of an object in a judgement of taste 164

    § 38. Deduction of judgements of taste 165

    § 39. Of the communicability of a sensation 167

    § 40. Of taste as a kind of sensus communis 169

    § 41. Of the empirical interest in the Beautiful 173

    § 42. Of the intellectual interest in the Beautiful 176

    § 43. Of Art in general 183

    § 44. Of beautiful Art 185

    § 45. Beautiful art is an art in so far as it seems like nature 187

    § 46. Beautiful art is the art of genius 188

    § 47. Elucidation and confirmation of the above explanation of Genius 190

    § 48. Of the relation of Genius to Taste 193

    § 49. Of the faculties of the mind that constitute Genius 197

    § 50. Of the combination of Taste with Genius in the products of beautiful Art 205

    § 51. Of the division of the beautiful arts 206

    § 52. Of the combination of beautiful arts in one and the same product 214

    § 53. Comparison of the respective aesthetical worth of the beautiful arts 215

    § 54. Remark 220

    Second Division.—Dialectic of the Aesthetical Judgement 229

    § 55. 229

    § 56. Representation of the antinomy of Taste 230

    § 57. Solution of the antinomy of Taste 231

    § 58. Of the Idealism of the purposiveness of both Nature and Art as the unique principle of the aesthetical Judgement 241

    § 59. Of Beauty as the symbol of Morality 248

    § 60. Appendix:—Of the method of Taste 253

    Second Part.—Critique of the Teleological Judgement 257

    § 61. Of the objective purposiveness of Nature 259

    First Division.—Analytic of the Teleological Judgement 262

    § 62. Of the objective purposiveness which is merely formal as distinguished from that which is material 262

    § 63. Of the relative, as distinguished from the inner, purposiveness of nature 268

    § 64. Of the peculiar character of things as natural purposes 272

    § 65. Things regarded as natural purposes are organised beings 275

    § 66. Of the principle of judging of internal purposiveness in organised beings 280

    § 67. Of the principle of the teleological judging of nature in general as a system of purposes 282

    § 68. Of the principle of Teleology as internal principle of natural science 287

    Second Division.—Dialectic of the Teleological Judgement 292

    § 69. What is an antinomy of the Judgement? 292

    § 70. Representation of this antinomy 293

    § 71. Preliminary to the solution of the above antinomy 296

    § 72. Of the different systems which deal with the purposiveness of Nature 298

    § 73. None of the above systems give what they pretend 302

    § 74. The reason that we cannot treat the concept of a Technic of nature dogmatically is the fact that a natural purpose is inexplicable 306

    § 75. The concept of an objective purposiveness of nature is a critical principle of Reason for the reflective Judgement 309

    § 76. Remark 313

    § 77. Of the peculiarity of the human Understanding, by means of which the concept of a natural purpose is possible 319

    § 78. Of the union of the principle of the universal mechanism of matter with the teleological principle in the Technic of nature 326

    Appendix.—Methodology of the Teleological Judgement
    § 79. Whether Teleology must be treated as if it belonged to the doctrine of nature
    § 80. Of the necessary subordination of the mechanical to the teleological principle in the explanation of a thing as a natural purpose
    § 81. Of the association of mechanism with the teleological principle in the explanation of a natural purpose as a natural product
    § 82. Of the teleological system in the external relations of organised beings
    § 83. Of the ultimate purpose of nature as a teleological system 352

    § 84. Of the final purpose of the existence of a world, i.e. of creation itself 359

    § 85. Of Physico-theology 362

    § 86. Of Ethico-theology 370

    § 87. Of the moral proof of the Being of God 377

    § 88. Limitation of the validity of the moral proof 384

    § 89. Of the use of the moral argument 392

    § 90. Of the kind of belief in a teleological proof of the Being of God
    § 91. Of the kind of belief produced by a practical faith
    General remark on Teleology

    EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

    There are not wanting indications that public interest in the Critical Philosophy has been quickened of recent days in these countries, as well as in America. To lighten the toil of penetrating through the wilderness of Kant’s long sentences, the English student has now many aids, which those who began their studies fifteen or twenty years ago did not enjoy. Translations, paraphrases, criticisms, have been published in considerable numbers; so that if it is not yet true that “he who runs may read,” it may at least be said that a patient student of ordinary industry and intelligence has his way made plain before him. And yet the very number of aids is dangerous. Whatever may be the value of short and easy handbooks in other departments of science, it is certain that no man will become a philosopher, no man will even acquire a satisfactory knowledge of the history of philosophy, without personal and prolonged study of the ipsissima verba of the great masters of human thought. “Above all,” said Schopenhauer, “my truth-seeking young friends, beware of letting our professors tell you what is contained in the Critique of the Pure Reason”; and the advice has not become less wholesome with the lapse of years. The fact, however, that many persons have not sufficient familiarity with German to enable them to study German Philosophy in the original with ease, makes translations an educational necessity; and this translation of Kant’s Critique of the faculty of Judgement has been undertaken in the hope that it may promote a more general study of that masterpiece. If any reader wishes to follow Schopenhauer’s advice, he has only to omit the whole of this prefatory matter and proceed at once to the Author’s laborious Introduction.

    It is somewhat surprising that the Critique of Judgement has never yet been made accessible to the English reader. Dr. Watson has indeed translated a few selected passages, so also has Dr. Caird in his valuable account of the Kantian philosophy, and I have found their renderings of considerable service; but the space devoted by both writers to the Critique of Judgement is very small in comparison with that given to the Critiques of Pure and Practical Reason. And yet the work is not an unimportant one. Kant himself regarded it as the coping-stone of his critical edifice; it even formed the point of departure for his successors, Fichte, Schelling and Hegel, in the construction of their respective systems. Possibly the reason of its comparative neglect lies in its repulsive style. Kant was never careful of style, and in his later years he became more and more enthralled by those technicalities and refined distinctions which deter so many from the Critical Philosophy even in its earlier sections. These “symmetrical architectonic amusements,” as Schopenhauer called them, encumber every page of Kant’s later writings, and they are a constant source of embarrassment to his unhappy translator. For, as every translator knows, no single word in one language exactly covers any single word in another; and yet if Kant’s distinctions are to be preserved it is necessary to select with more or less arbitrariness English equivalents for German technical terms, and retain them all through. Instances of this will be given later on; I only remark here on the fact that Kant’s besetting sin of over-technicality is especially conspicuous in this treatise.

    Another fault—an old fault of Kant—apparent after reading even a few pages, is that repetitions are very frequent of the same thought in but slightly varied language. Arguments are repeated over and over again until they become quite wearisome; and then when the reader’s attention has flagged, and he is glancing cursorily down the page, some important new point is introduced without emphasis, as if the author were really anxious to keep his meaning to himself at all hazards. A book written in such fashion rarely attracts a wide circle of readers. And yet, not only did Goethe think highly of it, but it received a large measure of attention in France as well as in Germany on its first appearance. Originally published at Berlin in 1790, a Second Edition was called for in 1793; and a French translation was made by Imhoff in 1796. Other French versions are those by Keratry and Weyland in 1823, and by Barni in 1846. This last I have had before me while performing my task, but I have not found it of much service; the older French translations I have not seen. The existence of these French versions, when taken in connexion with the absence until very recently of any systematic account of the Critique of Judgement in English, may be perhaps explained by the lively interest that was taken on the Continent in the Philosophy of Art in the early part of the century; whereas scientific studies on this subject received little attention in England during the same period.

    The student of the Critique of Pure Reason will remember how closely, in his Transcendental Logic, Kant follows the lines of the ordinary logic of the schools. He finds his whole plan ready made for him, as it were; and he proceeds to work out the metaphysical principles which underlie the process of syllogistic reasoning. And as there are three propositions in every syllogism, he points out that, in correspondence with this triplicity, the higher faculties of the soul may be regarded as threefold. The Understanding or the faculty of concepts gives us our major premise, as it supplies us in the first instance with a general notion. By means of the Judgement we see that a particular case comes under the general rule, and by the Reason we draw our conclusion. These, as three distinct movements in the process of reasoning, are regarded by Kant as indicating three distinct faculties, with which the Analytic of Concepts, the Analytic of Principles, and the Dialectic are respectively concerned. The full significance of this important classification does not seem, however, to have occurred to Kant at the time, as we may see from the order in which he wrote his great books.1 The first problem which arrests the attention of all modern philosophers is, of course, the problem of knowledge, its conditions and its proper objects. And in the Critique of Pure Reason this is discussed, and the conclusion is reached that nature as phenomenon is the only object of which we can hope to acquire any exact knowledge. But it is apparent that there are other problems which merit consideration; a complete philosophy includes practice as well as theory; it has to do not only with logic, but with life. And thus the Critique of Practical Reason was written, in which is unfolded the doctrine of man’s freedom standing in sharp contrast with the necessity of natural law. Here, then, it seems at first sight as if we had covered the whole field of human activity. For we have investigated the sources of knowledge, and at the same time have pointed out the conditions of practical life, and have seen that the laws of freedom are just as true in their own sphere as are the laws of nature.

    But as we reflect on our mental states we find that here no proper account has been given of the phenomena of feeling, which play so large a part in experience. And this Kant saw before he had proceeded very far with the Critique of Practical Reason; and in consequence he adopted a threefold classification of the higher mental faculties based on that given by previous psychologists. Knowledge, feeling, desire, these are the three ultimate modes of consciousness, of which the second has not yet been described. And when we compare this with the former triple division which we took up from the Aristotelian logic, we see that the parallelism is significant. Understanding is par excellence the faculty of knowledge, and Reason the faculty of desire (these points are developed in Kant’s first two Critiques). And this suggests that the Judgement corresponds to the feeling of pleasure and pain; it occupies a position intermediate between Understanding and Reason, just as, roughly speaking, the feeling of pleasure is intermediate between our perception of an object and our desire to possess it.

    And so the Critique of Judgement completes the whole undertaking of criticism; its endeavour is to show that there are a priori principles at the basis of Judgement just as there are in the case of Understanding and of Reason; that these principles, like the principles of Reason, are not constitutive but only regulative of experience, i.e. that they do not teach us anything positive about the characteristics of objects, but only indicate the conditions under which we find it necessary to view them; and lastly, that we are thus furnished with an a priori philosophy of pleasure.

    The fundamental principle underlying the procedure of the Judgement is seen to be that of the purposiveness of Nature; nature is everywhere adapted to ends or purposes, and thus constitutes a κόσμος, a well-ordered whole. By this means, nature is regarded by us as if its particular empirical laws were not isolated and disparate, but connected and in relation, deriving their unity in seeming diversity from an intelligence which is at the source of nature. It is only by the assumption of such a principle that we can construe nature to ourselves; and the principle is then said to be a transcendental condition of the exercise of our judging faculty, but valid only for the reflective, not for the determinant Judgement. It gives us pleasure to view nature in this way; just as the contemplation of chaos would be painful.

    But this purposiveness may be only formal and subjective, or real and objective. In some cases the purposiveness resides in the felt harmony and accordance of the form of the object with the cognitive faculties; in others the form of the object is judged to harmonise with the purpose in view in its existence. That is to say, in the one case we judge the form of the object to be purposive, as in the case of a flower, but could not explain any purpose served by it; in the other case we have a definite notion of what it is adapted for. In the former case the aesthetical Judgement is brought to bear, in the latter the teleological; and it thus appears that the Critique of Judgement has two main divisions; it treats first of the philosophy of Taste, the Beautiful and the Sublime in Nature; and secondly, of the Teleology of nature’s working. It is a curious literary parallel that St. Augustine hints (Confessions iv. 15) that he had written a book, De Pulchro et Ápto, in which these apparently distinct topics were combined; “pulchrum esse, quod per se ipsum; aptum, autem, quod ad aliquid accommodatum deceret.” A beautiful object has no purpose external to itself and the observer; but a useful object serves further ends. Both, however, may be brought under the higher category of things that are reckoned purposive by the Judgement.

    We have here then, in the first place, a basis for an a priori Philosophy of Taste; and Kant works out its details with great elaboration. He borrowed little from the writings of his predecessors, but struck out, as was ever his plan, a line of his own. He quotes with approval from Burke’s Treatise on the Sublime and Beautiful, which was accessible to him in a German translation; but is careful to remark that it is as psychology, not as philosophy, that Burke’s work has value. He may have read in addition Hutcheson’s Inquiry which had also been translated into German; and he was complete master of Hume’s opinions. Of other writers on Beauty, he only names Batteux and Lessing. Batteux was a French writer of repute who had attempted a twofold arrangement of the Arts as they may be brought under Space and under Time respectively, a mode of classification which would naturally appeal to Kant. He does not seem, however, to have read the ancient text-book on the subject, Aristotle’s Poetics, the principles of which Lessing declared to be as certain as Euclid.

    Following the guiding thread of the categories, he declares that the aesthetical judgement about Beauty is according to quality disinterested; a point which had been laid down by such different writers as Hutcheson and Moses Mendelssohn. As to quantity, the judgement about beauty gives universal satisfaction, although it is based on no definite concept. The universality is only subjective; but still it is there. The maxim Trahit sua quemque voluptas does not apply to the pleasure afforded by a pure judgement about beauty. As to relation, the characteristic of the object called beautiful is that it betrays a purposiveness without definite purpose. The pleasure is a priori, independent on the one hand of the charms of sense or the emotions of mere feeling, as Winckelmann had already declared; and on the other hand is a pleasure quite distinct from that taken which we feel when viewing perfection, with which Wolff and Baumgarten had identified it. By his distinction between free and dependent beauty, which we also find in the pages of Hutcheson, Kant further develops his doctrine of the freedom of the pure judgement of taste from the thraldom of concepts.

    Finally, the satisfaction afforded by the contemplation of a beautiful object is a necessary satisfaction. This necessity is not, to be sure, theoretical like the necessity attaching to the Law of Causality; nor is it a practical necessity as is the need to assume the Moral Law as the guiding principle of conduct. But it may be called exemplary; that is, we may set up our satisfaction in a beautiful picture as setting an example to be followed by others. It is plain, however, that this can only be assumed under certain presuppositions. We must presuppose the idea of a sensus communis or common sense in which all men share. As knowledge admits of being communicated to others, so also does the feeling for beauty. For the relation between the cognitive faculties requisite for Taste is also requisite for Intelligence or sound Understanding, and as we always presuppose the latter to be the same in others as in ourselves, so may we presuppose the former.

    The analysis of the Sublime which follows that of the Beautiful is interesting and profound; indeed Schopenhauer regarded it as the best part of the Critique of the Aesthetical Judgement. The general characteristics of our judgements about the Sublime are similar to those already laid down in the case of the Beautiful; but there are marked differences in the two cases. If the pleasure taken in beauty arises from a feeling of the purposiveness of the object in its relation to the subject, that in sublimity rather expresses a purposiveness of the subject in respect of the object. Nothing in nature is sublime; and the sublimity really resides in the mind and there alone. Indeed, as true Beauty is found, properly speaking, only in beauty of form, the idea of sublimity is excited rather by those objects which are formless and exhibit a violation of purpose.

    A distinction not needed in the case of the Beautiful becomes necessary when we proceed to further analyse the Sublime. For in aesthetical judgements about the Beautiful the mind is in restful contemplation; but in the case of the Sublime a mental movement is excited (pp. 105 and 120). This movement, as it is pleasing, must involve a purposiveness in the harmony of the mental powers; and the purposiveness may be either in reference to the faculty of cognition or to that of desire. In the former case the sublime is called the Mathematically Sublime—the sublime of mere magnitude—the absolutely great; in the latter it is the sublime of power, the Dynamically Sublime. Gioberti, an Italian writer on the philosophy of Taste, has pushed this distinction so far as to find in it an explanation of the relation between Beauty and Sublimity. “The dynamical Sublime,” he says, “creates the Beautiful; the mathematical Sublime contains it,” a remark with which probably Kant would have no quarrel.

    In both cases, however, we find that the feeling of the Sublime awakens in us a feeling of the supersensible destination of man. “The very capacity of conceiving the sublime,” he tells us, “indicates a mental faculty that far surpasses every standard of sense.” And to explain the necessity belonging to our judgements about the sublime, Kant points out that as we find ourselves compelled to postulate a sensus communis to account for the agreement of men in their appreciation of beautiful objects, so the principle underlying their consent in judging of the sublime is “the presupposition of the moral feeling in man.” The feeling of the sublimity of our own moral destination is the necessary prerequisite for forming such judgements. The connexion between Beauty and Goodness involved to a Greek in the double sense of the word καλόν is developed by Kant with keen insight. To feel interest in the beauty of Nature he regards as a mark of a moral disposition, though he will not admit that the same inference may be drawn as to the character of the art connoisseur (§ 42). But it is specially with reference to the connexion between the capacity for appreciating the Sublime, and the moral feeling, that the originality of Kant’s treatment becomes apparent.

    The objects of nature, he continues, which we call sublime, inspire us with a feeling of pain rather than of pleasure; as Lucretius has it—
    Me quaedam divina voluptas
    Percipit atque horror.

    But this “horror” must not inspire actual fear. As no extraneous charm must mingle with the satisfaction felt in a beautiful object, if the judgement about beauty is to remain pure; so in the case of the sublime we must not be afraid of the object which yet in certain aspects is fearful.

    This conception of the feelings of sublimity excited by the loneliness of an Alpine peak or the grandeur of an earthquake is now a familiar one; but it was not so in Kant’s day. Switzerland had not then become the recreation-ground of Europe; and though natural beauty was a familiar topic with poets and painters it was not generally recognised that taste has also to do with the sublime. De Saussure’s Travels, Haller’s poem Die Alpen, and this work of Kant’s mark the beginning of a new epoch in our ways of looking at the sublime and terrible aspects of Nature. And it is not a little remarkable that the man who could write thus feelingly about the emotions inspired by grand and savage scenery, had never seen a mountain in his life. The power and the insight of his observations here are in marked contrast to the poverty of some of his remarks about the characteristics of beauty. For instance, he puts forward the curious doctrine that colour in a picture is only an extraneous charm, and does not really add to the beauty of the form delineated, nay rather distracts the mind from it. His criticisms on this point, if sound, would make Flaxman a truer artist than Titian or Paolo Veronese. But indeed his discussion of Painting or Music is not very appreciative; he was, to the end, a creature of pure Reason.

    Upon the analysis he gives of the Arts, little need be said here. Fine Art is regarded as the Art of Genius, “that innate mental disposition through which Nature gives the rule to Art” (§ 46). Art differs from Science in the absence of definite concepts in the mind of the artist. It thus happens that the great artist can rarely communicate his methods; indeed he cannot explain them even to himself. Poeta nascitur, non fit; and the same is true in every form of fine art. Genius is, in short, the faculty of presenting aesthetical Ideas; an aesthetical Idea being an intuition of the Imagination, to which no concept is adequate. And it is by the excitation of such ineffable Ideas that a great work of art affects us. As Bacon tells us, “that is the best part of Beauty which a picture cannot express; no, nor the first sight of the eye.” This characteristic of the artistic genius has been noted by all who have thought upon art; more is present in its productions than can be perfectly expressed in language. As Pliny said of Timanthus the painter of Iphigenia, “In omnibus ejus operibus intelligitur plus super quam pingitur.” But this genius requires to be kept in check by taste; quite in the spirit of the σωφροσύνη of the best Greek art, Kant remarks that if in a work of art some feature must be sacrificed, it is better to lose something of genius than to violate the canons of taste. It is in this self-mastery that “the sanity of true genius” expresses itself.

    The main question with which the Critique of Judgement is concerned is, of course, the question as to the purposiveness, the Zweckmässigkeit, exhibited by nature. That nature appears to be full of purpose is mere matter of fact. It displays purposiveness in respect of our faculties of cognition, in those of its phenomena which we designate beautiful. And also in its organic products we observe methods of operation which we can only explain by describing them as processes in which means are used to accomplish certain ends, as processes that are purposive. In our observation of natural phenomena, as Kuno Fischer puts it, we judge their forms aesthetically, and their life teleologically.

    As regards the first kind of Zweckmässigkeit, that which is ohne Zweck—the purposiveness of a beautiful object which does not seem to be directed to any external end—there are two ways in which we may account for it. We may either say that it was actually designed to be beautiful by the Supreme Force behind Nature, or we may say that purposiveness is not really resident in nature, but that our perception of it is due to the subjective needs of our judging faculty. We have to contemplate beautiful objects as if they were purposive, but they may not be so in reality. And this latter idealistic doctrine is what Kant falls back upon. He appeals in support of it, to the phenomena of crystallisation (pp. 243 sqq.), in which many very beautiful forms seem to be produced by merely mechanical processes. The beauty of a rock crystal is apparently produced without any forethought on the part of nature, and he urges that we are not justified in asserting dogmatically that any laws distinct from those of mechanism are needed to account for beauty in other cases. Mechanism can do so much; may it not do all? And he brings forward as a consideration which ought to settle the question, the fact that in judging of beauty “we invariably seek its gauge in ourselves a priori”; we do not learn from nature, but from ourselves, what we are to find beautiful. Mr. Kennedy in his Donnellan Lectures has here pointed out several weak spots in Kant’s armour. In the first place, the fact that we seek the gauge of beauty in our own mind “may be shown from his own definition to be a necessary result of the very nature of beauty.”2 For Kant tells us that the aesthetical judgement about beauty always involves “a reference of the representation to the subject”; and this applies equally to judgements about the beautiful in Art and the beautiful in Nature. But no one could maintain that from this definition it follows that we are not compelled to postulate design in the mind of the artist who paints a beautiful picture. And thus as the fact that “we always seek the gauge of beauty” in ourselves does not do away with the belief in a designing mind when we are contemplating works of art, it cannot be said to exclude the belief in a Master Hand which moulded the forms of Nature. As Cicero has it, nature is “non artificiosa solum, sed plane artifex.” But the cogency of this reasoning, for the details of which I must refer the reader to Mr. Kennedy’s pages, becomes more apparent when we reflect on that second form of purposiveness, viz. adaptation to definite ends, with which we meet in the phenomena of organic life.

    If we watch, e.g. the growth of a tree we perceive that its various parts are not isolated and unconnected, but that on the contrary they are only possible by reference to the idea of the whole. Each limb affects every other, and is reciprocally affected by it; in short “in such a product of nature every part not only exists by means of the other parts, but is thought as existing for the sake of the others and the whole” (p. 277). The operations of nature in organised bodies seem to be of an entirely different character from mere mechanical processes; we cannot construe them to ourselves except under the hypothesis that nature in them is working towards a designed end. The distinction between nature’s “Technic” or purposive operation, and nature’s Mechanism is fundamental for the explanation of natural law. The language of biology eloquently shows the impossibility of eliminating at least the idea of purpose from our investigations into the phenomena of life, growth, and reproduction. And Kant dismisses with scant respect that cheap and easy philosophy which would fain deny the distinctiveness of nature’s purposive operation. A doctrine, like that of Epicurus, in which every natural phenomenon is regarded as the result of the blind drifting of atoms in accordance with purely mechanical laws, really explains nothing, and least of all explains that illusion in our teleological judgements which leads us to assume purpose where really there is none.

    It has been urged by Kirchmann and others that this distinction between Technic and Mechanism, on which Kant lays so much stress, has been disproved by the progress of modern science. The doctrines, usually associated with the name of Darwin, of Natural Selection and Survival of the Fittest, quite sufficiently explain, it is said, on mechanical principles the semblance of purpose with which nature mocks us. The presence of order is not due to any purpose behind the natural operation, but to the inevitable disappearance of the disorderly. It would be absurd, of course, to claim for Kant that he anticipated the Darwinian doctrines of development; and yet passages are not wanting in his writings in which he takes a view of the continuity of species with which modern science would have little fault to find. “Nature organises itself and its organised products in every species, no doubt after one general pattern but yet with suitable deviations, which self-preservation demands according to circumstances” (p. 279). “The analogy of forms, which with all their differences seem to have been produced according to a common original type, strengthens our suspicions of an actual relationship between them in their production from a common parent, through the gradual approximation of one animal genus to another—from those in which the principle of purposes seems to be best authenticated, i.e. from man, down to the polype and again from this down to mosses and lichens, and finally to crude matter. And so the whole Technic of nature, which is so incomprehensible to us in organised beings that we believe ourselves compelled to think a different principle for it, seems to be derived from matter and its powers according to mechanical laws (like those by which it works in the formation of crystals)” (p. 337). Such a theory he calls “a daring venture of reason,” and its coincidences with modern science are real and striking. But he is careful to add that such a theory, even if established, would not eliminate purpose from the universe; it would indeed suggest that certain special processes having the semblance of purpose may be elucidated on mechanical principles, but on the whole, purposive operation on the part of Mother Nature it would still be needful to assume (p. 338). “No finite Reason can hope to understand the production of even a blade of grass by mere mechanical causes” (p. 326). “It is absurd to hope that another Newton will arise in the future who shall make comprehensible by us the production of a blade of grass according to natural laws which no design has ordered” (p. 312).

    Crude materialism thus affording no explanation of the purposiveness in nature, we go on to ask what other theories are logically possible. We may dismiss at once the doctrine of Hylozoism, according to which the purposes in nature are explained in reference to a world-soul, which is the inner principle of the material universe and constitutes its life. For such a doctrine is self-contradictory, inasmuch as lifelessness, inertia, is the essential characteristic of matter, and to talk of living matter is absurd (p. 304). A much more plausible system is that of Spinoza, who aimed at establishing the ideality of the principle of natural purposes. He regarded the world whole as a complex of manifold determinations inhering in a single simple substance; and thus reduced our concepts of the purposive in nature to our own consciousness of existing in an all-embracing Being. But on reflection we see that this does not so much explain as explain away the purposiveness of nature; it gives us an unity of inherence in one Substance, but not an unity of causal dependence on one Substance (p. 303). And this latter would be necessary in order to explain the unity of purpose which nature exhibits in its phenomenal working. Spinozism, therefore, does not give what it pretends to give; it puts us off with a vague and unfruitful unity of ground, when what we seek is a unity that shall itself contain the causes of the differences manifest in nature.

    We have left then as the only remaining possible doctrine, Theism, which represents natural purposes as produced in accordance with the Will and Design of an Intelligent Author and Governor of Nature. This theory is, in the first place, “superior to all other grounds of explanation” (p. 305), for it gives a full solution of the problem before us and enables us to maintain the reality of the Zweckmässigkeit of nature. “Teleology finds the consummation of its investigations only in Theology” (p. 311). To represent the world and the natural purposes therein as produced by an intelligent Cause is “completely satisfactory from every human point of view for both the speculative and practical use of our Reason” (p. 312). Thus the contemplation of natural purposes, i.e. the common Argument from Design, enables us to reach a highest Understanding as Cause of the world “in accordance with the principles of the reflective Judgement, i.e. in accordance with the constitution of our human faculty of cognition” (p. 416).

    It is in this qualifying clause that Kant’s negative attitude in respect of Theism betrays itself. He regards it as a necessary assumption for the guidance of scientific investigation, no less than for the practical needs of morals; but he does not admit that we can claim for it objective validity. In the language of the Critique of Pure Reason, the Idea of God furnishes a regulative, not a constitutive principle of Reason; or as he prefers to put it in the present work, it is valid only for the reflective, not for the determinant Judgement. We are not justified, Kant maintains, in asserting dogmatically that God exists; there is only permitted to us the limited formula “We cannot otherwise conceive the purposiveness which must lie at the basis of our cognition of the internal possibility of many natural things, than by representing it and the world in general as produced by an intelligent cause, i.e. a God” (p. 312).

    We ask then, whence arises this impossibility of objective statement? It is in the true Kantian spirit to assert that no synthetical proposition can be made with reference to what lies above and behind the world of sense; but there is a difficulty in carrying out this principle into details. Kant’s refusal to infer a designing Hand behind the apparent order of nature is based, he tells us, on the fact that the concept of a “natural purpose” is one that cannot be justified to the speculative Reason. For all we know it may only indicate our way of looking at things, and may point to no corresponding objective reality. That we are forced by the limited nature of our faculties to view nature as working towards ends, as purposive, does not prove that it is really so. We cannot justify such pretended insight into what is behind the veil.

    It is to be observed, however, that precisely similar arguments might be urged against our affirmation of purpose, design, will, as the spring of the actions of other human beings.3 For let us consider why it is that, mind being assumed as the basis of our own individual consciousness, we go on to attribute minds of like character to other men. We see that the external behaviour of other men is similar to our own, and that the most reasonable way of accounting for such behaviour is to suppose that they have minds like ourselves, that they are possessed of an active and spontaneously energising faculty, which is the seat of their personality. But it is instructive to observe that neither on Kantian principles nor on any other can we demonstrate this; to cross the chasm which separates one man’s personality from another’s requires a venture of faith just as emphatically as any theological formula. I can by no means prove to the determinant Judgement that the complex of sensations which I constantly experience, and which I call the Prime Minister, is anything more than a well-ordered machine. It is improbable that this is the case—highly improbable; but the falsity of such an hypothesis cannot be proved in the same way that we would prove the falsity of the assertion that two and two make five. But then though the hypothesis cannot be thus ruled out of court by demonstration of its absurdity, it is not the simplest hypothesis, nor is it that one which best accounts for the facts. The assumption, on the other hand, that the men whom I meet every day have minds like my own, perfectly accounts for all the facts, and is a very simple assumption. It merely extends by induction the sphere of a force which I already know to exist. Or in other words, crude materialism not giving me an intelligent account of my own individual consciousness, I recognise mind, νοῦς, as a vera causa, as something which really does produce effects in the field of experience, and which therefore I may legitimately put forward as the cause of those actions of other men which externally so much resemble my own. But, as has been said before, this argument, though entirely convincing to any sane person, is not demonstrative; in Kantian language and on Kantian principles the reasoning here used would seem to be valid only for the reflective and not for the determinant Judgement. If the principle of design or conscious adaptation of means to ends be not a constitutive principle of experience, but only a regulative principle introduced to account for the facts, what right have we to put it forward dogmatically as affording an explanation of the actions of other human beings?

    It cannot be said that Kant’s attempted answer to such a defence of the Design Argument is quite conclusive. In § 90 of the Methodology (p. 399) he pleads that though it is perfectly legitimate to argue by analogy from our own minds to the minds of other men,—nay further, although we may conclude from those actions of the lower animals which display plan, that they are not, as Descartes alleged, mere machines—yet it is not legitimate to conclude from the apparent presence of design in the operations of nature that a conscious mind directs those operations. For, he argues, that in comparing the actions of men and the lower animals, or in comparing the actions of one man with those of another, we are not pressing our analogy beyond the limits of experience. Men and beasts alike are finite living beings, subject to the limitations of finite existence; and hence the law which governs the one series of operations may be regarded by analogy as sufficiently explaining the other series. But the power at the basis of Nature is utterly above definition or comprehension, and we are going beyond our legitimate province if we venture to ascribe to it a mode of operation with which we are only conversant in the case of beings subject to the conditions of space and time. He urges in short that when speaking about man and his mind we thoroughly understand what we are talking about; but in speaking of the Mind of Deity we are dealing with something of which we have no experience, and of which therefore we have no right to predicate anything.

    But it is apparent that, as has been pointed out, even when we infer the existence of another finite mind from certain observed operations, we are making an inference about something which is as mysterious an x as anything can be. Mind is not a thing that is subject to the laws and conditions of the world of sense; it is “in the world but not of the world.” And so to infer the existence of the mind of any individual except myself is a quite different kind of inference from that by which, for example, we infer the presence of an electro-magnet in a given field. The action of the latter we understand to a large extent; but we do not understand the action of mind, which yet we know from daily experience of ourselves does produce effects in the phenomenal world, often permanent and important effects. Briefly, the action of mind upon matter (to use the ordinary phraseology for the sake of clearness) is—we may assume for our present purpose—an established fact. Hence the causality of mind is a vera causa; we bring it in to account for the actions of other human beings, and by precisely the same process of reasoning we invoke it to explain the operations of nature.

    And it is altogether beside the point to urge, as Kant does incessantly, that in the latter case the intelligence inferred is infinite; in the former only finite. All that the Design Argument undertakes to prove is that mind lies at the basis of nature. It is quite beyond its province to say whether this mind is finite or infinite; and thus Kant’s criticisms on p. 364 are somewhat wide of the mark. There is always a difficulty in any argument which tries to establish the operation of mind anywhere, for mind cannot be seen or touched or felt; but the difficulty is not peculiar to that particular form of argument with which theological interests are involved.

    The real plausibility of this objection arises from a vague idea, often present to us when we speak of infinite wisdom or infinite intelligence, namely that the epithet infinite in some way alters the meaning of the attributes to which it is applied. But the truth is that the word infinite, when applied to wisdom or knowledge or any other intellectual or moral quality, can only properly have reference to the number of acts of wisdom or knowledge that we suppose to have been performed. The only sense in which we have any right to speak of infinite wisdom is that it is that which performs an infinite number of wise acts. And so when we speak of infinite intelligence, we have not the slightest warrant, either in logic or in common sense, for supposing that such intelligence is not similar in kind to that finite intelligence which we know in man.

    To understand Kant’s attitude fully, we must also take into consideration the great weight that he attaches to the Moral Argument for the existence of God. The positive side of his teaching on Theism is summed up in the following sentence (p. 388): “For the theoretical reflective Judgement physical Teleology sufficiently proves from the purposes of Nature an intelligent world-cause; for the practical Judgement moral Teleology establishes it by the concept of a final purpose, which it is forced to ascribe to creation.” That side of his system which is akin to Agnosticism finds expression in his determined refusal to admit anything more than this. The existence of God is for him a “thing of faith”; and is not a fact of knowledge, strictly so called. “Faith” he holds (p. 409) “is the moral attitude of Reason as to belief in that which is unattainable by theoretical cognition. It is therefore the constant principle of the mind to assume as true that which it is necessary to presuppose as condition of the possibility of the highest moral final purpose.” As he says elsewhere (Introduction to Logic, ix. p. 60), “That man is morally unbelieving who does not accept that which, though impossible to know, is morally necessary to suppose.” And as far as he goes a Theist may agree with him, and he has done yeoman’s service to Theism by his insistence on the absolute impossibility of any other working hypothesis as an explanation of the phenomena of nature. But I have endeavoured to indicate at what points he does not seem to me to have gone as far as even his own declared principles would justify him in going. If the existence of a Supreme Mind be a “thing of faith,” this may with equal justice be said of the finite minds of the men all around us; and his attempt to show that the argument from analogy is here without foundation is not convincing.

    Kant, however, in the Critique of Judgement is sadly fettered by the chains that he himself had forged, and frequently chafes under the restraints they impose. He indicates more than once a point of view higher than that of the Critique of Pure Reason, from which the phenomena of life and mind may be contemplated. He had already hinted in that work that the supersensible substrate of the ego and the non-ego might be identical. “Both kinds of objects differ from each other, not internally, but only so far as the one appears external to the other; possibly what is at the basis of phenomenal matter as a thing in itself may not be so heterogeneous after all as we imagine.”4 This hypothesis which remains a bare undeveloped possibility in the earlier work is put forward as a positive doctrine in the Critique of Judgement. “There must,” says Kant, “be a ground of the unity of the supersensible, which lies at the basis of nature, with that which the concept of freedom practically contains” (Introduction, p. 13). That is to say, he maintains that to explain the phenomena of organic life and the purposiveness of nature we must hold that the world of sense is not disparate from and opposed to the world of thought, but that nature is the development of freedom. The connexion of nature and freedom is suggested by, nay is involved in, the notion of natural adaptation; and although we can arrive at no knowledge of the supersensible substrate of both, yet such a common ground there must be. This principle is the starting-point of the systems which followed that of Kant; and the philosophy of later Idealism is little more than a development of the principle in its consequences.

    He approaches the same doctrine by a different path in the Critique of the Teleological Judgement (§ 77), where he argues that the distinction between the mechanical and the teleological working of nature, upon which so much stress has been justly laid, depends for its validity upon the peculiar character of our Understanding. When we give what may be called a mechanical elucidation of any natural phenomenon, we begin with its parts, and from what we know of them we explain the whole. But in the case of certain objects, e.g. organised bodies, this cannot be done. In their case we can only account for the parts by a reference to the whole. Now, were it possible for us to perceive a whole before its parts and derive the latter from the former,5 then an organism would be capable of being understood and would be an object of knowledge in the strictest sense. But our Understanding is not able to do this, and its inadequacy for such a task leads us to conceive the possibility of an Understanding, not discursive like ours, but intuitive, for which knowledge of the whole would precede that of the parts. “It is at least possible to consider the material world as mere phenomenon, and to think as its substrate something like a thing in itself (which is not phenomenon), and to attach to this a corresponding intellectual intuition. Thus there would be, although incognisable by us, a supersensible real ground for nature, to which we ourselves belong” (p. 325). Hence, although Mechanism and Technic must not be confused and must ever stand side by side in our scientific investigation of natural law, yet must they be regarded as coalescing in a single higher principle incognisable by us. The ground of union is “the supersensible substrate of nature of which we can determine nothing positively, except that it is the being in itself of which we merely know the phenomenon.” Thus, then, it appears that the whole force of Kant’s main argument has proceeded upon an assumption, viz. the permanent opposition between Sense and Understanding, which the progress of the argument has shown to be unsound. “Kant seems,” says Goethe,6 “to have woven a certain element of irony into his method. For, while at one time he seemed to be bent on limiting our faculties of knowledge in the narrowest way, at another time he pointed, as it were with a side gesture, beyond the limits which he himself had drawn.” The fact of adaptation of means to ends observable in nature seems to break down the barrier between Nature and Freedom; and if we once relinquish the distinction between Mechanism and Technic in the operations of nature we are led to the Idea of an absolute Being, who manifests Himself by action which, though necessary, is yet the outcome of perfect freedom.

    Kant, however, though he approaches such a position more than once, can never be said to have risen to it. He deprecates unceasingly the attempt to combine principles of nature with the principles of freedom as a task beyond the modest capacity of human reason; and while strenuously insisting on the practical force of the Moral Argument for the Being of God, which is found in the witness of man’s conscience, will not admit that it can in any way be regarded as strengthening the theoretical arguments adduced by Teleology. The two lines of proof, he holds, are quite distinct; and nothing but confusion and intellectual disaster can result from the effort to combine them. The moral proof stands by itself, and it needs no such crutches as the argument from Design can offer. But, as Mr. Kennedy has pointed out in his acute criticism7 of the Kantian doctrine of Theism, it would not be possible to combine a theoretical disbelief in God with a frank acceptance of the practical belief of His existence borne in upon us by the Moral Law. Kant himself admits this: “A dogmatical unbelief,” he says (p. 411), “cannot subsist together with a moral maxim dominant in the mental attitude.” That is, though the theoretical argument be incomplete, we cannot reject the conclusion to which it leads, for this is confirmed by the moral necessities of conscience.

    Kant’s position, then, seems to come to this, that though he never doubts the existence of God, he has very grave doubts that He can be theoretically known by man. That He is, is certain; what He is, we cannot determine. It is a position not dissimilar to current Agnostic doctrines; and as long as the antithesis between Sense and Understanding, between Matter and Mind, is insisted upon as expressing a real and abiding truth, Kant’s reasoning can hardly be refuted with completeness. No doubt it may be urged that since the practical and theoretical arguments both arrive at the same conclusion, the cogency of our reasoning in the latter should confirm our trust in the former. But true conclusions may sometimes seem to follow from quite insufficient premises; and Kant is thus justified in demanding that each argument shall be submitted to independent tests. I have endeavoured to show above that he has not treated the theoretical line of reasoning quite fairly, and that he has underestimated its force; but its value as an argument is not increased by showing that another entirely different process of thought leads to the same result. And that the witness of conscience affords the most powerful and convincing argument for the existence of a Supreme Being, the source of law as of love, is a simple matter of experience. Induction, syllogism, analogy, do not really generate belief in God, though they may serve to justify to reason a faith that we already possess. The poet has the truth of it:

    Wer Gott nicht fühlt in sich und allen Lebenskreisen,

    Dem werdet Ihr Ihn nicht beweisen mit Beweisen.

    * * * * *

    I give at the end of this Introduction a Glossary of the chief philosophical terms used by Kant; I have tried to render them by the same English equivalents all through the work, in order to preserve, as far as may be, the exactness of expression in the original. I am conscious that this makes the translation clumsy in many places, but have thought it best to sacrifice elegance to precision. This course is the more necessary to adopt, as Kant cannot be understood unless his nice verbal distinctions be attended to. Thus real means quite a different thing from wirklich; Hang from Neigung; Rührung from Affekt or Leidenschaft; Anschauung from Empfindung or Wahrnehmung; Endzweck from letzter Zweck; Idee from Vorstellung; Eigenschaft from Attribut or Beschaffenheit; Schranke from Grenze; überreden from überzeugen, etc. I am not satisfied with “gratification” and “grief” as the English equivalents for Vergnügen and Schmerz; but it is necessary to distinguish these words from Lust and Unlust, and “mental pleasure,” “mental pain,” which would nearly hit the sense, are awkward. Again, the constant rendering of schön by beautiful involves the expression “beautiful art” instead of the more usual phrase “fine art.” Purposive is an ugly word, but it has come into use lately; and its employment enables us to preserve the connexion between Zweck and zweckmässig. I have printed Judgement with a capital letter when it signifies the faculty, with a small initial when it signifies the act, of judging. And in like manner I distinguish Objekt from Gegenstand, by printing the word “Object,” when it represents the former, with a large initial.

    The text I have followed is, in the main, that printed by Hartenstein; but occasionally Rosenkranz preserves the better reading. All important variants between the First and Second Editions have been indicated at the foot of the page. A few notes have been added, which are enclosed in square brackets, to distinguish them from those which formed part of the original work. I have in general quoted Kant’s Introduction to Logic and Critique of Practical Reason in Dr. Abbott’s translations.

    My best thanks are due to Rev. J. H. Kennedy and Mr. F. Purser for much valuable aid during the passage of this translation through the press. And I am under even greater obligations to Mr. Mahaffy, who was good enough to read through the whole of the proof; by his acute and learned criticisms many errors have been avoided. Others I have no doubt still remain, but for these I must be accounted alone responsible.

    J. H. BERNARD.

    Trinity College, Dublin,

    May 24, 1892.

    * * * * *

    More than twenty-one years have passed since the first edition of this Translation was published, and during that time much has been written, both in Germany and in England, on the subject of Kant’s Critique of Judgement. In particular, the German text has been critically determined by the labours of Professor Windelband, whose fine edition forms the fifth volume of Kant’s Collected Works as issued by the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences (Berlin, 1908). It will be indispensable to future students. An excellent account of the significance, in the Kantian system, of the Urtheilskraft, by Mr. R. A. C. Macmillan, appeared in 1912; and Mr. J. C. Meredith has published recently an English edition of the Critique of Aesthetical Judgement, with notes and essays, dealing with the philosophy of art, which goes over the ground very fully.

    Some critics of my first edition took exception to the clumsiness of the word “representation” as the equivalent of Vorstellung, but I have made no change in this respect, as it seems to me (and so far as I have observed to others who have worked on the Critique of Judgement), that it is necessary to preserve in English the relation between the noun Vorstellung and the verb vorstellen, if Kant’s reasoning is to be exhibited clearly. I have, however, abandoned the attempt to preserve the word Kritik in English, and have replaced it by Critique or criticism, throughout. The other changes that have been made are mere corrections or emendations of faulty or obscure renderings, with a few additional notes. I have left my original Introduction as it was written in 1892, without attempting any fresh examination of the problems that Kant set himself.

    JOHN OSSORY.  The Palace, Kilkenny,  January 6, 1914.

    PREFACE

    We may call the faculty of cognition from principles a priori, pure Reason, and the inquiry into its possibility and bounds generally the Critique of pure Reason, although by this faculty we only understand Reason in its theoretical employment, as it appears under that name in the former work; without wishing to inquire into its faculty, as practical Reason, according to its special principles. That [Critique] goes merely into our faculty of knowing things a priori, and busies itself therefore only with the cognitive faculty to the exclusion of the feeling of pleasure and pain and the faculty of desire; and of the cognitive faculties it only concerns itself with Understanding, according to its principles a priori, to the exclusion of Judgement and Reason (as faculties alike belonging to theoretical cognition), because it is found in the sequel that no other cognitive faculty but the Understanding can furnish constitutive principles of cognition a priori. The Critique, then, which sifts them all, as regards the share which each of the other faculties might pretend to have in the clear possession of knowledge from its own peculiar root, leaves nothing but what the Understanding prescribes a priori as law for nature as the complex of phenomena (whose form also is given a priori). It relegates all other pure concepts under Ideas, which are transcendent for our theoretical faculty of cognition, but are not therefore useless or to be dispensed with. For they serve as regulative principles; partly to check the dangerous pretensions of Understanding, as if (because it can furnish a priori the conditions of the possibility of all things which it can know) it had thereby confined within these bounds the possibility of all things in general; and partly to lead it to the consideration of nature according to a principle of completeness, although it can never attain to this, and thus to further the final design of all knowledge.

    It was then properly the Understanding which has its special realm in the cognitive faculty, so far as it contains constitutive principles of cognition a priori, which by the Critique, comprehensively called the Critique of pure Reason, was to be placed in certain and sole possession8 against all other competitors. And so also to Reason, which contains constitutive principles a priori nowhere except simply in respect of the faculty of desire, should be assigned its place in the Critique of practical Reason.

    Whether now the Judgement, which in the order of our cognitive faculties forms a mediating link between Understanding and Reason, has also principles a priori for itself; whether these are constitutive or merely regulative (thus indicating no special realm); and whether they give a rule a priori to the feeling of pleasure and pain, as the mediating link between the cognitive faculty and the faculty of desire (just as the Understanding prescribes laws a priori to the first, Reason to the second); these are the questions with which the present Critique of Judgement is concerned.

    A Critique of pure Reason, i.e. of our faculty of judging a priori according to principles, would be incomplete, if the Judgement, which as a cognitive faculty also makes claim to such principles, were not treated as a particular part of it; although its principles in a system of pure Philosophy need form no particular part between the theoretical and the practical, but can be annexed when needful to one or both as occasion requires. For if such a system is one day to be completed under the general name of Metaphysic (which it is possible to achieve quite completely, and which is supremely important for the use of Reason in every reference), the soil for the edifice must be explored by Criticism as deep down as the foundation of the faculty of principles independent of experience, in order that it may sink in no part, for this would inevitably bring about the downfall of the whole.

    We can easily infer from the nature of the Judgement (whose right use is so necessarily and so universally requisite, that by the name of sound Understanding nothing else but this faculty is meant), that it must be attended with great difficulties to find a principle peculiar to it; (some such it must contain a priori in itself, for otherwise it would not be set apart by the commonest Criticism as a special cognitive faculty). This principle must not be derived a priori from concepts, for these belong to the Understanding, and Judgement is only concerned with their application. It must, therefore, furnish of itself a concept, through which, properly speaking, no thing is cognised, but which only serves as a rule, though not an objective one to which it can adapt its judgement; because for this latter another faculty of Judgement would be requisite, in order to be able to distinguish whether [any given case] is or is not the case for the rule.

    This perplexity about a principle (whether it is subjective or objective) presents itself mainly in those judgements that we call aesthetical, which concern the Beautiful and the Sublime of Nature or of Art. And, nevertheless, the critical investigation of a principle of Judgement in these is the most important part in a Critique of this faculty. For although they do not by themselves contribute to the knowledge of things, yet they belong to the cognitive faculty alone, and point to an immediate reference of this faculty to the feeling of pleasure or pain according to some principle a priori; without confusing this with what may be the determining ground of the faculty of desire, which has its principles a priori in concepts of Reason.—In the logical judging of nature, experience exhibits a conformity to law in things, to the understanding or to the explanation of which the general concept of the sensible does not attain; here the Judgement can only derive from itself a principle of the reference of the natural thing to the unknowable supersensible (a principle which it must only use from its own point of view for the cognition of nature). And so, though in this case such a principle a priori can and must be applied to the cognition of the beings of the world, and opens out at the same time prospects which are advantageous for the practical Reason, yet it has no immediate reference to the feeling of pleasure and pain. But this reference is precisely the puzzle in the principle of Judgement, which renders a special section for this faculty necessary in the Critique; since the logical judging according to concepts (from which an immediate inference can never be drawn to the feeling of pleasure and pain) along with their critical limitation, has at all events been capable of being appended to the theoretical part of Philosophy.

    The examination of the faculty of taste, as the aesthetical Judgement, is not here planned in reference to the formation or the culture of taste (for this will take its course in the future as in the past without any such investigations), but merely in a transcendental point of view. Hence, I trust that as regards the deficiency of the former purpose it will be judged with indulgence, though in the latter point of view it must be prepared for the severest scrutiny. But I hope that the great difficulty of solving a problem so involved by nature may serve as excuse for some hardly avoidable obscurity in its solution, if only it be clearly established that the principle is correctly stated. I grant that the mode of deriving the phenomena of the Judgement from it has not all the clearness which might be rightly demanded elsewhere, viz. in the case of cognition according to concepts; but I believe that I have attained to it in the second part of this work.

    Here then I end my whole critical undertaking. I shall proceed without delay to the doctrinal [part] in order to profit, as far as is possible, by the more favourable moments of my increasing years. It is obvious that in this [part] there will be no special section for the Judgement, because in respect of this faculty Criticism serves instead of Theory; but, according to the division of Philosophy (and also of pure Philosophy) into theoretical and practical, the Metaphysic of Nature and of Morals will complete the undertaking.

    INTRODUCTION

    I. OF THE DIVISION OF PHILOSOPHY

    We proceed quite correctly if, as usual, we divide Philosophy, as containing the principles of the rational cognition of things by means of concepts (not merely, as logic does, principles of the form of thought in general without distinction of Objects), into theoretical and practical. But then the concepts, which furnish their Object to the principles of this rational cognition, must be specifically distinct; otherwise they would not justify a division, which always presupposes a contrast between the principles of the rational cognition belonging to the different parts of a science.

    Now there are only two kinds of concepts, and these admit as many distinct principles of the possibility of their objects, viz. natural concepts and the concept of freedom. The former render possible theoretical cognition according to principles a priori; the latter in respect of this theoretical cognition only supplies in itself a negative principle (that of mere contrast), but on the other hand it furnishes fundamental propositions which extend the sphere of the determination of the will and are therefore called practical. Thus Philosophy is correctly divided into two parts, quite distinct in their principles; the theoretical part or Natural Philosophy, and the practical part or Moral Philosophy (for that is the name given to the practical legislation of Reason in accordance with the concept of freedom). But up to the present a gross misuse of these expressions has prevailed, both in the division of the different principles and consequently also of Philosophy itself. For what is practical according to natural concepts has been identified with the practical according to the concept of freedom; and so with the like titles, ‘theoretical’ and ‘practical’ Philosophy, a division has been made, by which in fact nothing has been divided (for both parts might in such case have principles of the same kind).

    The will, regarded as the faculty of desire, is (in this view) one of the many natural causes in the world, viz. that cause which acts in accordance with concepts. All that is represented as possible (or necessary) by means of a will is called practically possible (or necessary); as distinguished from the physical possibility or necessity of an effect, whose cause is not determined to causality by concepts (but in lifeless matter by mechanism and in animals by instinct). Here, in respect of the practical, it is left undetermined whether the concept which gives the rule to the causality of the will, is a natural concept or a concept of freedom.

    But the last distinction is essential. For if the concept which determines the causality is a natural concept, then the principles are technically practical; whereas, if it is a concept of freedom they are morally practical. And as the division of a rational science depends on the distinction between objects whose cognition needs distinct principles, the former will belong to theoretical Philosophy (doctrine of Nature), but the latter alone will constitute the second part, viz. practical Philosophy (doctrine of Morals).

    All technically practical rules (i.e. the rules of art and skill generally, or of prudence regarded as skill in exercising an influence over men and their wills), so far as their principles rest on concepts, must be reckoned only as corollaries to theoretical Philosophy. For they concern only the possibility of things according to natural concepts, to which belong not only the means which are to be met with in nature, but also the will itself (as a faculty of desire and consequently a natural faculty), so far as it can be determined conformably to these rules by natural motives. However, practical rules of this kind are not called laws (like physical laws), but only precepts; because the will does not stand merely under the natural concept, but also under the concept of freedom, in relation to which its principles are called laws. These with their consequences alone constitute the second or practical part of Philosophy.

    The solution of the problems of pure geometry does not belong to a particular part of the science; mensuration does not deserve the name of practical, in contrast to pure, geometry, as a second part of geometry in general; and just as little ought the mechanical or chemical art of experiment or observation to be reckoned as a practical part of the doctrine of Nature. Just as little, in fine, ought housekeeping, farming, statesmanship, the art of conversation, the prescribing of diet, the universal doctrine of happiness itself, or the curbing of the inclinations and checking of the affections for the sake of happiness, to be reckoned as practical Philosophy, or taken to constitute the second part of Philosophy in general. For all these contain only rules of skill (and are consequently only technically practical) for bringing about an effect that is possible according to the natural concepts of causes and effects, which, since they belong to theoretical Philosophy, are subject to those precepts as mere corollaries from it (viz. natural science), and can therefore claim no place in a special Philosophy called practical. On the other hand, the morally practical precepts, which are altogether based on the concept of freedom to the complete exclusion of the natural determining grounds of the will, constitute a quite special class. These, like the rules which nature obeys, are called simply laws, but they do not, like them, rest on sensuous conditions but on a supersensible principle; and accordingly they require for themselves a quite different part of Philosophy, called practical, corresponding to its theoretical part.

    We hence see that a complex of practical precepts given by Philosophy does not constitute a distinct part of Philosophy, as opposed to the theoretical part, because these precepts are practical; for they might be that, even if their principles were derived altogether from the theoretical cognition of nature (as technically practical rules). [A distinct branch of Philosophy is constituted only] if their principle, as it is not borrowed from the natural concept, which is always sensuously conditioned, rests on the supersensible, which alone makes the concept of freedom cognisable by formal laws. These precepts are then morally practical, i.e. not merely precepts or rules in this or that aspect, but, without any preceding reference to purposes and designs, are laws.

    II. OF THE REALM OF PHILOSOPHY IN GENERAL

    So far as our concepts have a priori application, so far extends the use of our cognitive faculty according to principles, and with it Philosophy.

    But the complex of all objects, to which those concepts are referred, in order to bring about a knowledge of them where it is possible, may be subdivided according to the adequacy or inadequacy of our [cognitive] faculty to this design.

    Concepts, so far as they are referred to objects, independently of the possibility or impossibility of the cognition of these objects, have their field which is determined merely according to the relation that their Object has to our cognitive faculty in general. The part of this field in which knowledge is possible for us is a ground or territory (territorium) for these concepts and the requisite cognitive faculty. The part of this territory, where they are legislative, is the realm (ditio) of these concepts and of the corresponding cognitive faculties. Empirical concepts have, therefore, their territory in nature, as the complex of all objects of sense, but no realm, only a dwelling-place (domicilium); for though they are produced in conformity to law they are not legislative, but the rules based on them are empirical and consequently contingent.

    Our whole cognitive faculty has two realms, that of natural concepts and that of the concept of freedom; for through both it is legislative a priori. In accordance with this, Philosophy is divided into theoretical and practical. But the territory to which its realm extends and in which its legislation is exercised, is always only the complex of objects of all possible experience, so long as they are taken for nothing more than mere phenomena; for otherwise no legislation of the Understanding in respect of them is conceivable.

    Legislation through natural concepts is carried on by means of the Understanding and is theoretical. Legislation through the concept of freedom is carried on by the Reason and is merely practical. It is only in the practical [sphere] that the Reason can be legislative; in respect of theoretical cognition (of nature) it can merely (as acquainted with law by the Understanding) deduce from given laws consequences which always remain within [the limits of] nature. But on the other hand, Reason is not always therefore legislative, where there are practical rules, for they may be only technically practical.

    Understanding and Reason exercise, therefore, two distinct legislations in regard to one and the same territory of experience, without prejudice to each other. The concept of freedom as little disturbs the legislation of nature, as the natural concept influences the legislation through the former.—The possibility of at least thinking without contradiction the co-existence of both legislations, and of the corresponding faculties in the same subject, has been shown in the Critique of pure Reason; for it annulled the objections on the other side by exposing the dialectical illusion which they contain.

    These two different realms then do not limit each other in their legislation, though they perpetually do so in the world of sense. That they do not constitute one realm, arises from this, that the natural concept represents its objects in intuition, not as things in themselves, but as mere phenomena; the concept of freedom, on the other hand, represents in its Object a thing in itself, but not in intuition. Hence, neither of them can furnish a theoretical knowledge of its Object (or even of the thinking subject) as a thing in itself; this would be the supersensible, the Idea of which we must indeed make the basis of the possibility of all these objects of experience, but which we can never extend or elevate into a cognition.

    There is, then, an unbounded but also inaccessible field for our whole cognitive faculty—the field of the supersensible—wherein we find no territory, and, therefore, can have in it, for theoretical cognition, no realm either for concepts of Understanding or Reason. This field we must indeed occupy with Ideas on behalf of the theoretical as well as the practical use of Reason, but we can supply to them in reference to the laws [arising] from the concept of freedom no other than practical reality, by which our theoretical cognition is not extended in the slightest degree towards the supersensible.

    Now even if an immeasurable gulf is fixed between the sensible realm of the concept of nature and the supersensible realm of the concept of freedom, so that no transition is possible from the first to the second (by means of the theoretical use of Reason), just as if they were two different worlds of which the first could have no influence upon the second, yet the second is meant to have an influence upon the first. The concept of freedom is meant to actualise in the world of sense the purpose proposed by its laws, and consequently nature must be so thought that the conformity to law of its form, at least harmonises with the possibility of the purposes to be effected in it according to laws of freedom.—There must, therefore, be a ground of the unity of the supersensible, which lies at the basis of nature, with that which the concept of freedom practically contains; and the concept of this ground, although it does not attain either theoretically or practically to a knowledge of the same, and hence has no peculiar realm, nevertheless makes possible the transition from the mode of thought according to the principles of the one to that according to the principles of the other.

    III. OF THE CRITIQUE OF JUDGEMENT AS A MEANS OF COMBINING THE TWO PARTS OF PHILOSOPHY INTO A WHOLE.

    The Critique of the cognitive faculties, as regards what they can furnish a priori, has properly speaking no realm in respect of Objects, because it is not a doctrine, but only has to investigate whether and how, in accordance with the state of these faculties, a doctrine is possible by their means. Its field extends to all their pretensions, in order to confine them within their legitimate bounds. But what cannot enter into the division of Philosophy may yet enter, as a chief part, into the Critique of the pure faculty of cognition in general, viz. if it contains principles which are available neither for theoretical nor for practical use.

    The natural concepts, which contain the ground of all theoretical knowledge a priori, rest on the legislation of the Understanding.—The concept of freedom, which contains the ground of all sensuously-unconditioned practical precepts a priori, rests on the legislation of the Reason. Both faculties, therefore, besides being capable of application as regards their logical form to principles of whatever origin, have also as regards their content, their special legislations above which there is no other (a priori); and hence the division of Philosophy into theoretical and practical is justified.

    But in the family of the higher cognitive faculties there is a middle term between the Understanding and the Reason. This is the Judgement, of which we have cause for supposing according to analogy that it may contain in itself, if not a special legislation, yet a special principle of its own to be sought according to laws, though merely subjective a priori. This principle, even if it have no field of objects as its realm, yet may have somewhere a territory with a certain character, for which no other principle can be valid.

    But besides (to judge by analogy) there is a new ground for bringing the Judgement into connexion with another arrangement of our representative faculties, which seems to be of even greater importance than that of its relationship with the family of the cognitive faculties. For all faculties or capacities of the soul can be reduced to three, which cannot be any further derived from one common ground: the faculty of knowledge, the feeling of pleasure and pain, and the faculty of desire.9 For the faculty of knowledge the Understanding is alone legislative, if (as must happen when it is considered by itself without confusion with the faculty of desire) this faculty is referred to nature as the faculty of theoretical knowledge; for in respect of nature (as phenomenon) it is alone possible for us to give laws by means of natural concepts a priori, i.e. by pure concepts of Understanding.—For the faculty of desire, as a higher faculty according to the concept of freedom, the Reason (in which alone this concept has a place) is alone a priori legislative.—Now between the faculties of knowledge and desire there is the feeling of pleasure, just as the Judgement is intermediate between the Understanding and the Reason. We may therefore suppose provisionally that the Judgement likewise contains in itself an a priori principle. And as pleasure or pain is necessarily combined with the faculty of desire (either preceding this principle as in the lower desires, or following it as in the higher, when the desire is determined by the moral law), we may also suppose that the Judgement will bring about a transition from the pure faculty of knowledge, the realm of natural concepts, to the realm of the concept of freedom, just as in its logical use it makes possible the transition from Understanding to Reason.

    Although, then, Philosophy can be divided only into two main parts, the theoretical and the practical, and although all that we may be able to say of the special principles of Judgement must be counted as belonging in it to the theoretical part, i.e. to rational cognition in accordance with natural concepts; yet the Critique of pure Reason, which must decide all this, as regards the possibility of the system before undertaking it, consists of three parts; the Critique of pure Understanding, of pure Judgement, and of pure Reason, which faculties are called pure because they are legislative a priori.

    IV. OF JUDGEMENT AS A FACULTY LEGISLATING A PRIORI

    Judgement in general is the faculty of thinking the particular as contained under the Universal. If the universal (the rule, the principle, the law) be given, the Judgement which subsumes the particular under it (even if, as transcendental Judgement, it furnishes a priori, the conditions in conformity with which subsumption under that universal is alone possible) is determinant. But if only the particular be given for which the universal has to be found, the Judgement is merely reflective.

    The determinant Judgement only subsumes under universal transcendental laws given by the Understanding; the law is marked out for it, a priori, and it has therefore no need to seek a law for itself in order to be able to subordinate the particular in nature to the universal.—But the forms of nature are so manifold, and there are so many modifications of the universal transcendental natural concepts left undetermined by the laws given, a priori, by the pure Understanding,—because these only concern the possibility of a nature in general (as an object of sense),—that there must be laws for these [forms] also. These, as empirical, may be contingent from the point of view of our Understanding, and yet, if they are to be called laws (as the concept of a nature requires), they must be regarded as necessary in virtue of a principle of the unity of the manifold, though it be unknown to us.—The reflective Judgement, which is obliged to ascend from the particular in nature to the universal, requires on that account a principle that it cannot borrow from experience, because its function is to establish the unity of all empirical principles under higher ones, and hence to establish the possibility of their systematic subordination. Such a transcendental principle, then, the reflective Judgement can only give as a law from and to itself. It cannot derive it from outside (because then it would be the determinant Judgement); nor can it prescribe it to nature, because reflection upon the laws of nature adjusts itself by nature, and not nature by the conditions according to which we attempt to arrive at a concept of it which is quite contingent in respect of these.

    This principle can be no other than the following: As universal laws of nature have their ground in our Understanding, which prescribes them to nature (although only according to the universal concept of it as nature); so particular empirical laws, in respect of what is in them left undetermined by these universal laws, must be considered in accordance with such a unity as they would have if an Understanding (although not our Understanding) had furnished them to our cognitive faculties, so as to make possible a system of experience according to particular laws of nature. Not as if, in this way, such an Understanding must be assumed as actual (for it is only our reflective Judgement to which this Idea serves as a principle—for reflecting, not for determining); but this faculty thus gives a law only to itself and not to nature.

    Now the concept of an Object, so far as it contains the ground of the actuality of this Object, is the purpose; and the agreement of a thing with that constitution of things, which is only possible according to purposes, is called the purposiveness of its form. Thus the principle of Judgement, in respect of the form of things of nature under empirical laws generally, is the purposiveness of nature in its manifoldness. That is, nature is represented by means of this concept, as if an Understanding contained the ground of the unity of the manifold of its empirical laws.

    The purposiveness of nature is therefore a particular concept, a priori, which has its origin solely in the reflective Judgement. For we cannot ascribe to natural products anything like a reference of nature in them to purposes; we can only use this concept to reflect upon such products in respect of the connexion of phenomena which is given in nature according to empirical laws. This concept is also quite different from practical purposiveness (in human art or in morals), though it is certainly thought according to the analogy of these last.

    V. THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORMAL PURPOSIVENESS OF NATURE IS A TRANSCENDENTAL PRINCIPLE OF JUDGEMENT.

    A transcendental principle is one by means of which is represented, a priori, the universal condition under which alone things can be in general Objects of our cognition. On the other hand, a principle is called metaphysical if it represents the a priori condition under which alone Objects, whose concept must be empirically given, can be further determined a priori. Thus the principle of the cognition of bodies as substances, and as changeable substances, is transcendental, if thereby it is asserted that their changes must have a cause; it is metaphysical if it asserts that their changes must have an external cause. For in the former case bodies need only be thought by means of ontological predicates (pure concepts of Understanding), e.g. substance, in order to cognise the proposition a priori; but in the latter case the empirical concept of a body (as a movable thing in space) must lie at the basis of the proposition, although once this basis has been laid down, it may be seen completely a priori that this latter predicate (motion only by external causes) belongs to body.—Thus, as I shall presently show, the principle of the purposiveness of nature (in the manifoldness of its empirical laws) is a transcendental principle. For the concept of Objects, so far as they are thought as standing under this principle, is only the pure concept of objects of possible empirical cognition in general and contains nothing empirical. On the other hand, the principle of practical purposiveness, which must be thought in the Idea of the determination of a free will, is a metaphysical principle; because the concept of a faculty of desire as a will must be given empirically (i.e. does not belong to transcendental predicates). Both principles are, however, not empirical, but a priori; because for the combination of the predicate with the empirical concept of the subject of their judgements no further experience is needed, but it can be apprehended completely a priori.

    That the concept of a purposiveness of nature belongs to transcendental principles can be sufficiently seen from the maxims of the Judgement, which lie at the basis of the investigation of nature a priori, and yet do not go further than the possibility of experience, and consequently of the cognition of nature—not indeed nature in general, but nature as determined through a variety of particular laws. These maxims present themselves in the course of this science often enough, though in a scattered way, as sentences of metaphysical wisdom, whose necessity we cannot demonstrate from concepts. “Nature takes the shortest way (lex parsimoniae); at the same time it makes no leaps, either in the course of its changes or in the juxtaposition of specifically different forms (lex continui in natura); its great variety in empirical laws is yet unity under a few principles (principia praeter necessitatem non sunt multiplicanda),” etc.

    If we propose to set forth the origin of these fundamental propositions and try to do so by the psychological method, we violate their sense. For they do not tell us what happens, i.e. by what rule our cognitive powers actually operate, and how we judge, but how we ought to judge; and this logical objective necessity does not emerge if the principles are merely empirical. Hence that purposiveness of nature for our cognitive faculties and their use, which is plainly apparent from them, is a transcendental principle of judgements, and needs therefore also a Transcendental Deduction, by means of which the ground for so judging must be sought in the sources of cognition a priori.

    We find in the grounds of the possibility of an experience in the very first place something necessary, viz. the universal laws without which nature in general (as an object of sense) cannot be thought; and these rest upon the Categories, applied to the formal conditions of all intuition possible for us, so far as it is also given a priori. Now under these laws the Judgement is determinant, for it has nothing to do but to subsume under given laws. For example, the Understanding says that every change has its cause (universal law of nature); the transcendental Judgement has nothing further to do than to supply a priori the condition of subsumption under the concept of the Understanding placed before it, i.e. the succession [in time] of the determinations of one and the same thing. For nature in general (as an object of possible experience) that law is cognised as absolutely necessary.—But now the objects of empirical cognition are determined in many other ways than by that formal time-condition, or, at least as far as we can judge a priori, are determinable. Hence specifically different natures can be causes in an infinite variety of ways, as well as in virtue of what they have in common as belonging to nature in general; and each of these modes must (in accordance with the concept of a cause in general) have its rule, which is a law and therefore brings necessity with it, although we do not at all comprehend this necessity, in virtue of the constitution and the limitations of our cognitive faculties. We must therefore think in nature, in respect of its merely empirical laws, a possibility of infinitely various empirical laws, which are, as far as our insight goes, contingent (cannot be cognised a priori), and in respect of which we judge nature, according to empirical laws and the possibility of the unity of experience (as a system according to empirical laws), to be contingent. But such a unity must be necessarily presupposed and assumed, for otherwise there would be no thoroughgoing connexion of empirical cognitions in a whole of experience. The universal laws of nature no doubt furnish such a connexion of things according to their kind as things of nature in general, but not specifically, as such particular beings of nature. Hence the Judgement must assume for its special use this principle a priori, that what in the particular (empirical) laws of nature is from the human point of view contingent, yet contains a unity of law in the combination of its manifold into an experience possible in itself—a unity not indeed to be fathomed by us, but yet thinkable. Consequently as the unity of law in a combination, which we cognise as contingent in itself, although in conformity with a necessary design (a need) of Understanding, is represented as the purposiveness of Objects (here of nature); so must the Judgement, which in respect of things under possible (not yet discovered) empirical laws is merely reflection, think of nature in respect of the latter according to a principle of purposiveness for our cognitive faculty, which then is expressed in the above maxims of the Judgement. This transcendental concept of a purposiveness of nature is neither a natural concept nor a concept of freedom, because it ascribes nothing to the Object (of nature), but only represents the peculiar way in which we must proceed in reflection upon the objects of nature in reference to a thoroughly connected experience, and is consequently a subjective principle (maxim) of the Judgement. Hence, as if it were a lucky chance favouring our design, we are rejoiced (properly speaking, relieved of a want), if we meet with such systematic unity under merely empirical laws; although we must necessarily assume that there is such a unity without our comprehending it or being able to prove it.

    In order to convince ourselves of the correctness of this Deduction of the concept before us, and the necessity of assuming it as a transcendental principle of cognition, just consider the magnitude of the problem. The problem, which lies a priori in our Understanding, is to make a connected experience out of given perceptions of a nature containing at all events an infinite variety of empirical laws. The Understanding is, no doubt, in possession a priori of universal laws of nature, without which nature could not be an object of experience; but it needs in addition a certain order of nature in its particular rules, which can only be empirically known and which are, as regards the Understanding, contingent. These rules, without which we could not proceed from the universal analogy of a possible experience in general to the particular, must be thought by it as laws (i.e. as necessary), for otherwise they would not constitute an order of nature; although their necessity can never be cognised or comprehended by it. Although, therefore, the Understanding can determine nothing a priori in respect of Objects, it must, in order to trace out these empirical so-called laws, place at the basis of all reflection upon Objects an a priori principle, viz. that a cognisable order of nature is possible in accordance with these laws. The following propositions express some such principle. There is in nature a subordination of genera and species comprehensible by us. Each one approximates to some other according to a common principle, so that a transition from one to another and so on to a higher genus may be possible. Though it seems at the outset unavoidable for our Understanding to assume different kinds of causality for the specific differences of natural operations, yet these different kinds may stand under a small number of principles, with the investigation of which we have to busy ourselves. This harmony of nature with our cognitive faculty is presupposed a priori by the Judgement, on behalf of its reflection upon nature in accordance with its empirical laws; whilst the Understanding at the same time cognises it objectively as contingent, and it is only the Judgement that ascribes it to nature as a trancendental purposiveness (in relation to the cognitive faculty of the subject). For without this presupposition we should have no order of nature in accordance with empirical laws, and consequently no guiding thread for an experience ordered by these in all their variety, or for an investigation of them.

    For it might easily be thought that, in spite of all the uniformity of natural things according to the universal laws, without which we should not have the form of an empirical cognition in general, the specific variety of the empirical laws of nature including their effects might yet be so great, that it would be impossible for our Understanding, to detect in nature a comprehensible order; to divide its products into genera and species, so as to use the principles which explain and make intelligible one for the explanation and comprehension of another; or out of such confused material (strictly we should say, so infinitely various and not to be measured by our faculty of comprehension) to make a connected experience.

    The Judgement has therefore also in itself a principle a priori of the possibility of nature, but only in a subjective aspect; by which it prescribes, not to nature (autonomy), but to itself (heautonomy) a law for its reflection upon nature. This we might call the law of the specification of nature in respect of its empirical laws. The Judgement does not cognise this a priori in nature, but assumes it on behalf of a natural order cognisable by our Understanding in the division which it makes of the universal laws of nature when it wishes to subordinate to these the variety of particular laws. If then we say that nature specifies its universal laws according to the principles of purposiveness for our cognitive faculty, i.e. in accordance with the necessary business of the human Understanding of finding the universal for the particular which perception offers it, and again of finding connexion for the diverse (which however is a universal for each species) in the unity of a principle,—we thus neither prescribe to nature a law, nor do we learn one from it by observation (although such a principle may be confirmed by this means). For it is not a principle of the determinant but merely of the reflective Judgement. We only require that, be nature disposed as it may as regards its universal laws, investigation into its empirical laws may be carried on in accordance with that principle and the maxims founded thereon, because it is only so far as that holds that we can make any progress with the use of our Understanding in experience, or gain knowledge.

    VI. OF THE COMBINATION OF THE FEELING OF PLEASURE WITH THE CONCEPT OF THE PURPOSIVENESS OF NATURE.

    The thought harmony of nature in the variety of its particular laws with our need of finding universality of principles for it, must be judged as contingent in respect of our insight, but yet at the same time as indispensable for the needs of our Understanding, and consequently as a purposiveness by which nature is harmonised with our design, which, however, has only knowledge for its aim. The universal laws of the Understanding, which are at the same time laws of nature, are just as necessary (although arising from spontaneity) as the material laws of motion. Their production presupposes no design on the part of our cognitive faculty, because it is only by means of them that we, in the first place, attain a concept of what the cognition of things (of nature) is, and attribute them necessarily to nature as Object of our cognition in general. But, so far as we can see, it is contingent that the order of nature according to its particular laws, in all its variety and heterogeneity possibly at least transcending our comprehension, should be actually conformable to these [laws]. The discovery of this [order] is the business of the Understanding which is designedly borne towards a necessary purpose, viz. the bringing of unity of principles into nature, which purpose then the Judgement must ascribe to nature, because the Understanding cannot here prescribe any law to it.

    The attainment of that design is bound up with the feeling of pleasure, and since the condition of this attainment is a representation a priori,—as here a principle for the reflective Judgement in general,—therefore the feeling of pleasure is determined by a ground a priori and valid for every man, and that merely by the reference of the Object to the cognitive faculty, the concept of purposiveness here not having the least reference to the faculty of desire. It is thus quite distinguished from all practical purposiveness of nature.

    In fact, although from the agreement of perceptions with laws in accordance with universal natural concepts (the categories), we do not and cannot find in ourselves the slightest effect upon the feeling of pleasure, because the Understanding necessarily proceeds according to its nature without any design; yet, on the other hand, the discovery that two or more empirical heterogeneous laws of nature may be combined under one principle comprehending them both, is the ground of a very marked pleasure, often even of an admiration, which does not cease, though we may be already quite familiar with the objects of it. We no longer find, it is true, any marked pleasure in the comprehensibility of nature and in the unity of its divisions into genera and species, whereby are possible all empirical concepts, through which we cognise it according to its particular laws. But this pleasure has certainly been present at one time, and it is only because the commonest experience would be impossible without it that it is gradually confounded with mere cognition and no longer arrests particular attention. There is then something in our judgements upon nature which makes us attentive to its purposiveness for our Understanding—an endeavour to bring, where possible, its dissimilar laws under higher ones, though still always empirical—and thus, if successful, makes us feel pleasure in that harmony of these with our cognitive faculty, which harmony we regard as merely contingent. On the other hand, a representation of nature would altogether displease, by which it should be foretold to us that in the smallest investigation beyond the commonest experience we should meet with a heterogeneity of its laws, which would make the union of its particular laws under universal empirical laws impossible for our Understanding. For this would contradict the principle of the subjectively-purposive specification of nature in its genera, and also of our reflective Judgement in respect of such principle.

    This presupposition of the Judgement is, however, at the same time so indeterminate as to how far that ideal purposiveness of nature for our cognitive faculty should be extended, that if we were told that a deeper or wider knowledge of nature derived from observation must lead at last to a variety of laws, which no human Understanding could reduce to a principle, we should at once acquiesce. But still we more gladly listen to one who offers hope that the more we know nature internally, and can compare it with external members now unknown to us, the more simple shall we find it in its principles, and that the further our experience reaches the more uniform shall we find it amid the apparent heterogeneity of its empirical laws. For it is a mandate of our Judgement to proceed according to the principle of the harmony of nature with our cognitive faculty so far as that reaches, without deciding (because it is not the determinant Judgement which gives us this rule) whether or not it is bounded anywhere. For although in respect of the rational use of our cognitive faculty we can determine such bounds, this is not possible in the empirical field.

    VII. OF THE AESTHETICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE PURPOSIVENESS OF NATURE.

    That which in the representation of an Object is merely subjective, i.e. which decides its reference to the subject, not to the object, is its aesthetical character; but that which serves or can be used for the determination of the object (for cognition), is its logical validity. In the cognition of an object of sense both references present themselves. In the sense-representation of external things the quality of space wherein we intuite them is the merely subjective [element] of my representation (by which it remains undecided what they may be in themselves as Objects), on account of which reference the object is thought thereby merely as phenomenon. But space, notwithstanding its merely subjective quality, is at the same time an ingredient in the cognition of things as phenomena. Sensation, again (i.e. external sensation), expresses the merely subjective [element] of our representations of external things, but it is also the proper material (reale) of them (by which something existing is given), just as space is the mere form a priori of the possibility of their intuition. Nevertheless, however, sensation is also employed in the cognition of external Objects.

    But the subjective [element] in a representation which cannot be an ingredient of cognition, is the pleasure or pain which is bound up with it; for through it I cognise nothing in the object of the representation, although it may be the effect of some cognition. Now the purposiveness of a thing, so far as it is represented in perception, is no characteristic of the Object itself (for such cannot be perceived), although it may be inferred from a cognition of things. The purposiveness, therefore, which precedes the cognition of an Object, and which, even without our wishing to use the representation of it for cognition, is, at the same time, immediately bound up with it, is that subjective [element] which cannot be an ingredient in cognition. Hence the object is only called purposive, when its representation is immediately combined with the feeling of pleasure; and this very representation is an aesthetical representation of purposiveness.—The only question is whether there is, in general, such a representation of purposiveness.

    If pleasure is bound up with the mere apprehension (apprehensio) of the form of an object of intuition, without reference to a concept for a definite cognition, then the representation is thereby not referred to the Object, but simply to the subject; and the pleasure can express nothing else than its harmony with the cognitive faculties which come into play in the reflective Judgement, and so far as they are in play; and hence can only express a subjective formal purposiveness of the Object. For that apprehension of forms in the Imagination can never take place without the reflective Judgement, though undesignedly, at least comparing them with its faculty of referring intuitions to concepts. If now in this comparison the Imagination (as the faculty of a priori intuitions) is placed by means of a given representation undesignedly in agreement with the Understanding, as the faculty of concepts, and thus a feeling of pleasure is aroused, the object must then be regarded as purposive for the reflective Judgement. Such a judgement is an aesthetical judgement upon the purposiveness of the Object, which does not base itself upon any present concept of the object, nor does it furnish any such. In the case of an object whose form (not the matter of its representation, as sensation), in the mere reflection upon it (without reference to any concept to be obtained of it), is judged as the ground of a pleasure in the representation of such an Object, this pleasure is judged as bound up with the representation necessarily; and, consequently, not only for the subject which apprehends this form, but for every judging being in general. The object is then called beautiful; and the faculty of judging by means of such a pleasure (and, consequently, with universal validity) is called Taste. For since the ground of the pleasure is placed merely in the form of the object for reflection in general—and, consequently, in no sensation of the object, and also without reference to any concept which anywhere involves design—it is only the conformity to law in the empirical use of the Judgement in general (unity of the Imagination with the Understanding) in the subject, with which the representation of the Object in reflection, whose conditions are universally valid a priori, harmonises. And since this harmony of the object with the faculties of the subject is contingent, it brings about the representation of its purposiveness in respect of the cognitive faculties of the subject.

    Here now is a pleasure, which, like all pleasure or pain that is not produced through the concept of freedom (i.e. through the preceding determination of the higher faculties of desire by pure Reason), can never be comprehended from concepts, as necessarily bound up with the representation of an object. It must always be cognised as combined with this only by means of reflective perception; and, consequently, like all empirical judgements, it can declare no objective necessity and lay claim to no a priori validity. But the judgement of taste also claims, as every other empirical judgement does, to be valid for every one; and in spite of its inner contingency this is always possible. The strange and irregular thing is that it is not an empirical concept, but a feeling of pleasure (consequently not a concept at all), which by the judgement of taste is attributed to every one,—just as if it were a predicate bound up with the cognition of the Object—and which is connected with the representation thereof.

    A singular judgement of experience, e.g., when we perceive a moveable drop of water in an ice-crystal, may justly claim that every one else should find it the same; because we have formed this judgement, according to the universal conditions of the determinant faculty of Judgement, under the laws of a possible experience in general. Just in the same way he who feels pleasure in the mere reflection upon the form of an object without respect to any concept, although this judgement be empirical and singular, justly claims the agreement of every one; because the ground of this pleasure is found in the universal, although subjective, condition of reflective judgements, viz., the purposive harmony of an object (whether a product of nature or of art) with the mutual relations of the cognitive faculties (the Imagination and the Understanding), a harmony which is requisite for every empirical cognition. The pleasure, therefore, in the judgement of taste is dependent on an empirical representation, and cannot be bound up a priori with any concept (we cannot determine a priori what object is or is not according to taste; that we must find out by experiment). But the pleasure is the determining ground of this judgement only because we are conscious that it rests merely on reflection and on the universal though only subjective conditions of the harmony of that reflection with the cognition of Objects in general, for which the form of the Object is purposive.

    Thus the reason why judgements of taste according to their possibility are subjected to a Critique is that they presuppose a principle a priori, although this principle is neither one of cognition for the Understanding nor of practice for the Will, and therefore is not in any way determinant a priori.

    Susceptibility to pleasure from reflection upon the forms of things (of Nature as well as of Art), indicates not only a purposiveness of the Objects in relation to the reflective Judgement, conformably to the concept of nature in the subject; but also conversely a purposiveness of the subject in respect of the objects according to their form or even their formlessness, in virtue of the concept of freedom. Hence the aesthetical judgement is not only related as a judgement of taste to the beautiful, but also as springing from a spiritual feeling is related to the sublime; and thus the Critique of the aesthetical Judgement must be divided into two corresponding sections.

    VIII. OF THE LOGICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE PURPOSIVENESS OF NATURE

    Purposiveness may be represented in an object given in experience on a merely subjective ground, as the harmony of its form,—in the apprehension (apprehensio) of it prior to any concept,—with the cognitive faculties, in order to unite the intuition with concepts for a cognition generally. Or it may be represented objectively as the harmony of the form of the object with the possibility of the thing itself, according to a concept of it which precedes and contains the ground of this form. We have seen that the representation of purposiveness of the first kind rests on the immediate pleasure in the form of the object in the mere reflection upon it. But the representation of purposiveness of the second kind, since it refers the form of the Object, not to the cognitive faculties of the subject in the apprehension of it, but to a definite cognition of the object under a given concept, has nothing to do with a feeling of pleasure in things, but only with the Understanding in its judgement upon them. If the concept of an object is given, the business of the Judgement in the use of the concept for cognition consists in presentation (exhibitio), i.e. in setting a corresponding intuition beside the concept. This may take place either through our own Imagination, as in Art when we realise a preconceived concept of an object which is a purpose of ours; or through Nature in its Technic (as in organised bodies) when we supply to it our concept of its purpose in order to judge of its products. In the latter case it is not merely the purposiveness of nature in the form of the thing that is represented, but this its product is represented as a natural purpose.—Although our concept of a subjective purposiveness of nature in its forms according to empirical laws is not a concept of the Object, but only a principle of the Judgement for furnishing itself with concepts amid the immense variety of nature (and thus being able to ascertain its own position), yet we thus ascribe to nature as it were a regard to our cognitive faculty according to the analogy of purpose. Thus we can regard natural beauty as the presentation of the concept of the formal (merely subjective) purposiveness, and natural purposes as the presentation of the concept of a real (objective) purposiveness. The former of these we judge of by Taste (aesthetically, by the medium of the feeling of pleasure), the latter by Understanding and Reason (logically, according to concepts).

    On this is based the division of the Critique of Judgement into the Critique of aesthetical and of teleological Judgement. By the first we understand the faculty of judging of the formal purposiveness (otherwise called subjective) of Nature by means of the feeling of pleasure or pain; by the second the faculty of judging its real (objective) purposiveness by means of Understanding and Reason.

    In a Critique of Judgement the part containing the aesthetical Judgement is essential, because this alone contains a principle which the Judgement places quite a priori at the basis of its reflection upon nature; viz., the principle of a formal purposiveness of nature, according to its particular (empirical) laws, for our cognitive faculty, without which the Understanding could not find itself in nature. On the other hand no reason a priori could be specified,—and even the possibility of a reason would not be apparent from the concept of nature as an object of experience whether general or particular,—why there should be objective purposes of nature, i.e. things which are only possible as natural purposes; but the Judgement, without containing such a principle a priori in itself, in given cases (of certain products), in order to make use of the concept of purposes on behalf of Reason, would only contain the rule according to which that transcendental principle has already prepared the Understanding to apply to nature the concept of a purpose (at least as regards its form).

    But the transcendental principle which represents a purposiveness of nature (in subjective reference to our cognitive faculty) in the form of a thing as a principle by which we judge of nature, leaves it quite undetermined where and in what cases I have to judge of a product according to a principle of purposiveness, and not rather according to universal natural laws. It leaves it to the aesthetical Judgement to decide by taste the harmony of this product (of its form) with our cognitive faculty (so far as this decision rests not on any agreement with concepts but on feeling). On the other hand, the Judgement teleologically employed furnishes conditions determinately under which something (e.g. an organised body) is to be judged according to the Idea of a purpose of nature; but it can adduce no fundamental proposition from the concept of nature as an object of experience authorising it to ascribe to nature a priori a reference to purposes, or even indeterminately to assume this of such products in actual experience. The reason of this is that we must have many particular experiences, and consider them under the unity of their principle, in order to be able to cognise, even empirically, objective purposiveness in a certain object.—The aesthetical Judgement is therefore a special faculty for judging of things according to a rule, but not according to concepts. The teleological Judgement is not a special faculty, but only the reflective Judgement in general, so far as it proceeds, as it always does in theoretical cognition, according to concepts; but in respect of certain objects of nature according to special principles, viz., of a merely reflective Judgement, and not of a Judgement that determines Objects. Thus as regards its application it belongs to the theoretical part of Philosophy; and on account of its special principles which are not determinant, as they must be in Doctrine, it must constitute a special part of the Critique. On the other hand, the aesthetical Judgement contributes nothing towards the knowledge of its objects, and thus must be reckoned as belonging to the criticism of the judging subject and its cognitive faculties, only so far as they are susceptible of a priori principles, of whatever other use (theoretical or practical) they may be. This is the propaedeutic of all Philosophy.

    IX. OF THE CONNEXION OF THE LEGISLATION OF UNDERSTANDING WITH THAT OF REASON BY MEANS OF THE JUDGEMENT

    The Understanding legislates a priori for nature as an Object of sense—for a theoretical knowledge of it in a possible experience. Reason legislates a priori for freedom and its peculiar casuality; as the supersensible in the subject, for an unconditioned practical knowledge. The realm of the natural concept under the one legislation and that of the concept of freedom under the other are entirely removed from all mutual influence which they might have on one another (each according to its fundamental laws) by the great gulf that separates the supersensible from phenomena. The concept of freedom determines nothing in respect of the theoretical cognition of nature; and the natural concept determines nothing in respect of the practical laws of freedom. So far then it is not possible to throw a bridge from the one realm to the other. But although the determining grounds of causality according to the concept of freedom (and the practical rules which it contains) are not resident in nature, and the sensible cannot determine the supersensible in the subject, yet this is possible conversely (not, to be sure, in respect of the cognition of nature, but as regards the effects of the supersensible upon the sensible). This in fact is involved in the concept of a causality through freedom, the effect of which is to take place in the world according to its formal laws. The word cause, of course, when used of the supersensible only signifies the ground which determines the causality of natural things to an effect in accordance with their proper natural laws, although harmoniously with the formal principle of the laws of Reason. Although the possibility of this cannot be comprehended, yet the objection of a contradiction alleged to be found in it can be sufficiently answered.10—The effect in accordance with the concept of freedom is the final purpose which (or its phenomenon in the world of sense) ought to exist; and the condition of the possibility of this is presupposed in nature (in the nature of the subject as a sensible being, that is, as man). The Judgement presupposes this a priori and without reference to the practical; and thus furnishes the mediating concept between the concepts of nature and that of freedom. It makes possible the transition from the conformity to law in accordance with the former to the final purpose in accordance with the latter, and this by the concept of a purposiveness of nature. For thus is cognised the possibility of the final purpose which alone can be actualised in nature in harmony with its laws.

    The Understanding by the possibility of its a priori laws for nature, gives a proof that nature is only cognised by us as phenomenon; and implies at the same time that it has a supersensible substrate, though it leaves this quite undetermined. The Judgement by its a priori principle for the judging of nature according to its possible particular laws, makes the supersensible substrate (both in us and without us) determinable by means of the intellectual faculty. But the Reason by its practical a priori law determines it; and thus the Judgement makes possible the transition from the realm of the concept of nature to that of the concept of freedom.

    As regards the faculties of the soul in general, in their higher aspect, as containing an autonomy; the Understanding is that which contains the constitutive principles a priori for the cognitive faculty (the theoretical cognition of nature). For the feeling of pleasure and pain there is the Judgement, independently of concepts and sensations which relate to the determination of the faculty of desire and can thus be immediately practical. For the faculty of desire there is the Reason which is practical without the mediation of any pleasure whatever. It determines for the faculty of desire, as a superior faculty, the final purpose which carries with it the pure intellectual satisfaction in the Object.—The concept formed by Judgement of a purposiveness of nature belongs to natural concepts, but only as a regulative principle of the cognitive faculty; although the aesthetical judgement upon certain objects (of Nature or Art) which occasions it is, in respect of the feeling of pleasure or pain, a constitutive principle. The spontaneity in the play of the cognitive faculties, the harmony of which contains the ground of this pleasure, makes the above concept [of the purposiveness of nature] fit to be the mediating link between the realm of the natural concept and that of the concept of freedom in its effects; whilst at the same time it promotes the sensibility of the mind for moral feeling.—The following table may facilitate the review of all the higher faculties according to their systematic unity.11

    All the faculties of the mind

    Cognitive faculties. Faculties of desire.

    Feeling of pleasure and pain.

    Cognitive faculties

    Understanding. Judgement. Reason.

    A priori principles

    Conformity to law. Purposiveness. Final purpose.

    Application to

    Nature. Art. Freedom.

    THE CRITIQUE OF JUDGEMENT

    PART I

    CRITIQUE OF THE AESTHETICAL JUDGEMENT

    FIRST DIVISION

    ANALYTIC OF THE AESTHETICAL JUDGEMENT

    FIRST BOOK

    ANALYTIC OF THE BEAUTIFUL

    FIRST MOMENT

    OF THE JUDGEMENT OF TASTE12 ACCORDING TO QUALITY

    § 1. The judgement of taste is aesthetical

    In order to decide whether anything is beautiful or not, we refer the representation, not by the Understanding to the Object for cognition but, by the Imagination (perhaps in conjunction with the Understanding) to the subject, and its feeling of pleasure or pain. The judgement of taste is therefore not a judgement of cognition, and is consequently not logical but aesthetical, by which we understand that whose determining ground can be no other than subjective. Every reference of representations, even that of sensations, may be objective (and then it signifies the real in an empirical representation); save only the reference to the feeling of pleasure and pain, by which nothing in the Object is signified, but through which there is a feeling in the subject, as it is affected by the representation.

    To apprehend a regular, purposive building by means of one’s cognitive faculty (whether in a clear or a confused way of representation) is something quite different from being conscious of this representation as connected with the sensation of satisfaction. Here the representation is altogether referred to the subject and to its feeling of life, under the name of the feeling of pleasure or pain. This establishes a quite separate faculty of distinction and of judgement, adding nothing to cognition, but only comparing the given representation in the subject with the whole faculty of representations, of which the mind is conscious in the feeling of its state. Given representations in a judgement can be empirical (consequently, aesthetical); but the judgement which is formed by means of them is logical, provided they are referred in the judgement to the Object. Conversely, if the given representations are rational, but are referred in a judgement simply to the subject (to its feeling), the judgement is so far always aesthetical.

    § 2. The satisfaction which determines the judgement of taste is disinterested

    The satisfaction which we combine with the representation of the existence of an object is called interest. Such satisfaction always has reference to the faculty of desire, either as its determining ground or as necessarily connected with its determining ground. Now when the question is if a thing is beautiful, we do not want to know whether anything depends or can depend on the existence of the thing either for myself or for any one else, but how we judge it by mere observation (intuition or reflection). If any one asks me if I find that palace beautiful which I see before me, I may answer: I do not like things of that kind which are made merely to be stared at. Or I can answer like that Iroquois sachem who was pleased in Paris by nothing more than by the cook-shops. Or again after the manner of Rousseau I may rebuke the vanity of the great who waste the sweat of the people on such superfluous things. In fine I could easily convince myself that if I found myself on an uninhabited island without the hope of ever again coming among men, and could conjure up just such a splendid building by my mere wish, I should not even give myself the trouble if I had a sufficiently comfortable hut. This may all be admitted and approved; but we are not now talking of this. We wish only to know if this mere representation of the object is accompanied in me with satisfaction, however indifferent I may be as regards the existence of the object of this representation. We easily see that in saying it is beautiful and in showing that I have taste, I am concerned, not with that in which I depend on the existence of the object, but with that which I make out of this representation in myself. Every one must admit that a judgement about beauty, in which the least interest mingles, is very partial and is not a pure judgement of taste. We must not be in the least prejudiced in favour of the existence of the things, but be quite indifferent in this respect, in order to play the judge in things of taste.

    We cannot, however, better elucidate this proposition, which is of capital importance, than by contrasting the pure disinterested13 satisfaction in judgements of taste, with that which is bound up with an interest, especially if we can at the same time be certain that there are no other kinds of interest than those which are now to be specified.

    § 3. The satisfaction in the PLEASANT is bound up with interest

    That which pleases the senses in sensation is PLEASANT. Here the opportunity presents itself of censuring a very common confusion of the double sense which the word sensation can have, and of calling attention to it. All satisfaction (it is said or thought) is itself sensation (of a pleasure). Consequently everything that pleases is pleasant because it pleases (and according to its different degrees or its relations to other pleasant sensations it is agreeable, lovely, delightful, enjoyable, etc.). But if this be admitted, then impressions of Sense which determine the inclination, fundamental propositions of Reason which determine the Will, mere reflective forms of intuition which determine the Judgement, are quite the same, as regards the effect upon the feeling of pleasure. For this would be pleasantness in the sensation of one’s state, and since in the end all the operations of our faculties must issue in the practical and unite in it as their goal, we could suppose no other way of estimating things and their worth than that which consists in the gratification that they promise. It is of no consequence at all how this is attained, and since then the choice of means alone could make a difference, men could indeed blame one another for stupidity and indiscretion, but never for baseness and wickedness. For all, each according to his own way of seeing things, seek one goal, that is, gratification.

    If a determination of the feeling of pleasure or pain is called sensation, this expression signifies something quite different from what I mean when I call the representation of a thing (by sense, as a receptivity belonging to the cognitive faculty) sensation. For in the latter case the representation is referred to the Object, in the former simply to the subject, and is available for no cognition whatever, not even for that by which the subject cognises itself.

    In the above elucidation we understand by the word sensation, an objective representation of sense; and in order to avoid misinterpretation, we shall call that, which must always remain merely subjective and can constitute absolutely no representation of an object, by the ordinary term “feeling.” The green colour of the meadows belongs to objective sensation, as a perception of an object of sense; the pleasantness of this belongs to subjective sensation by which no object is represented, i.e. to feeling, by which the object is considered as an Object of satisfaction (which does not furnish a cognition of it).

    Now that a judgement about an object, by which I describe it as pleasant, expresses an interest in it, is plain from the fact that by sensation it excites a desire for objects of that kind; consequently the satisfaction presupposes not the mere judgement about it, but the relation of its existence to my state, so far as this is affected by such an Object. Hence we do not merely say of the pleasant, it pleases; but, it gratifies. I give to it no mere approval, but inclination is aroused by it; and in the case of what is pleasant in the most lively fashion, there is no judgement at all upon the character of the Object, for those who always lay themselves out only for enjoyment (for that is the word describing intense gratification) would fain dispense with all judgement.

    § 4. The satisfaction in the GOOD is bound up with interest

    Whatever by means of Reason pleases through the mere concept is GOOD. That which pleases only as a means we call good for something (the useful); but that which pleases for itself is good in itself. In both there is always involved the concept of a purpose, and consequently the relation of Reason to the (at least possible) volition, and thus a satisfaction in the presence of an Object or an action, i.e. some kind of interest.

    In order to find anything good, I must always know what sort of a thing the object ought to be, i.e. I must have a concept of it. But there is no need of this, to find a thing beautiful. Flowers, free delineations, outlines intertwined with one another without design and called foliage, have no meaning, depend on no definite concept, and yet they please. The satisfaction in the beautiful must depend on the reflection upon an object, leading to any concept (however indefinite); and it is thus distinguished from the pleasant which rests entirely upon sensation.

    It is true, the Pleasant seems in many cases to be the same as the Good. Thus people are accustomed to say that all gratification (especially if it lasts) is good in itself; which is very much the same as to say that lasting pleasure and the good are the same. But we can soon see that this is merely a confusion of words; for the concepts which properly belong to these expressions can in no way be interchanged. The pleasant, which, as such, represents the object simply in relation to Sense, must first be brought by the concept of a purpose under principles of Reason, in order to call it good, as an object of the Will. But that there is [involved] a quite different relation to satisfaction in calling that which gratifies at the same time good, may be seen from the fact that in the case of the good the question always is, whether it is mediately or immediately good (useful or good in itself); but on the contrary in the case of the pleasant there can be no question about this at all, for the word always signifies something which pleases immediately. (The same is applicable to what I call beautiful.)

    Even in common speech men distinguish the Pleasant from the Good. Of a dish which stimulates the taste by spices and other condiments we say unhesitatingly that it is pleasant, though it is at the same time admitted not to be good; for though it immediately delights the senses, yet mediately, i.e. considered by Reason which looks to the after results, it displeases. Even in the judging of health we may notice this distinction. It is immediately pleasant to every one possessing it (at least negatively, i.e. as the absence of all bodily pains). But in order to say that it is good, it must be considered by Reason with reference to purposes; viz. that it is a state which makes us fit for all our business. Finally in respect of happiness every one believes himself entitled to describe the greatest sum of the pleasantnesses of life (as regards both their number and their duration) as a true, even as the highest, good. However Reason is opposed to this. Pleasantness is enjoyment. And if we were concerned with this alone, it would be foolish to be scrupulous as regards the means which procure it for us, or [to care] whether it is obtained passively by the bounty of nature or by our own activity and work. But Reason can never be persuaded that the existence of a man who merely lives for enjoyment (however busy he may be in this point of view), has a worth in itself; even if he at the same time is conducive as a means to the best enjoyment of others, and shares in all their gratifications by sympathy. Only what he does, without reference to enjoyment, in full freedom and independently of what nature can procure for him passively, gives an [absolute14] worth to his being, as the existence of a person; and happiness, with the whole abundance of its pleasures, is far from being an unconditioned good.15

    However, notwithstanding all this difference between the pleasant and the good, they both agree in this that they are always bound up with an interest in their object. [This is true] not only of the pleasant(§ 3), and the mediate good (the useful) which is pleasing as a means towards pleasantness somewhere, but also of that which is good absolutely and in every aspect, viz. moral good, which brings with it the highest interest. For the good is the Object of will (i.e. of a faculty of desire determined by Reason). But to will something, and to have a satisfaction in its existence, i.e. to take an interest in it, are identical.

    § 5. Comparison of the three specifically different kinds of satisfaction

    The pleasant and the good have both a reference to the faculty of desire; and they bring with them—the former a satisfaction pathologically conditioned (by impulses, stimuli)—the latter a pure practical satisfaction, which is determined not merely by the representation of the object, but also by the represented connexion of the subject with the existence of the object. [It is not merely the object that pleases, but also its existence.16] On the other hand, the judgement of taste is merely contemplative; i.e. it is a judgement which, indifferent as regards the being of an object, compares its character with the feeling of pleasure and pain. But this contemplation itself is not directed to concepts; for the judgement of taste is not a cognitive judgement (either theoretical or practical), and thus is not based on concepts, nor has it concepts as its purpose.

    The Pleasant, the Beautiful, and the Good, designate then, three different relations of representations to the feeling of pleasure and pain, in reference to which we distinguish from each other objects or methods of representing them. And the expressions corresponding to each, by which we mark our complacency in them, are not the same. That which GRATIFIES a man is called pleasant; that which merely PLEASES him is beautiful; that which is ESTEEMED [or approved17] by him, i.e. that to which he accords an objective worth, is good. Pleasantness concerns irrational animals also; but Beauty only concerns men, i.e. animal, but still rational, beings—not merely quâ rational (e.g. spirits), but quâ animal also; and the Good concerns every rational being in general. This is a proposition which can only be completely established and explained in the sequel. We may say that of all these three kinds of satisfaction, that of taste in the Beautiful is alone a disinterested and free satisfaction; for no interest, either of Sense or of Reason, here forces our assent. Hence we may say of satisfaction that it is related in the three aforesaid cases to inclination, to favour, or to respect. Now favour is the only free satisfaction. An object of inclination, and one that is proposed to our desire by a law of Reason, leave us no freedom in forming for ourselves anywhere an object of pleasure. All interest presupposes or generates a want; and, as the determining ground of assent, it leaves the judgement about the object no longer free.

    As regards the interest of inclination in the case of the Pleasant, every one says that hunger is the best sauce, and everything that is eatable is relished by people with a healthy appetite; and thus a satisfaction of this sort does not indicate choice directed by taste. It is only when the want is appeased that we can distinguish which of many men has or has not taste. In the same way there may be manners (conduct) without virtue, politeness without goodwill, decorum without modesty, etc. For where the moral law speaks there is no longer, objectively, a free choice as regards what is to be done; and to display taste in its fulfilment (or in judging of another’s fulfilment of it) is something quite different from manifesting the moral attitude of thought. For this involves a command and generates a want, whilst moral taste only plays with the objects of satisfaction, without attaching itself to one of them.

    EXPLANATION OF THE BEAUTIFUL RESULTING FROM THE FIRST MOMENT

    Taste is the faculty of judging of an object or a method of representing it by an entirely disinterested satisfaction or dissatisfaction. The object of such satisfaction is called beautiful.18

    SECOND MOMENT

    OF THE JUDGEMENT OF TASTE, VIZ. ACCORDING TO QUANTITY

    § 6. The beautiful is that which apart from concepts is represented as the object of a universal satisfaction

    This explanation of the beautiful can be derived from the preceding explanation of it as the object of an entirely disinterested satisfaction. For the fact of which every one is conscious, that the satisfaction is for him quite disinterested, implies in his judgement a ground of satisfaction for every one. For since it does not rest on any inclination of the subject (nor upon any other premeditated interest), but since he who judges feels himself quite free as regards the satisfaction which he attaches to the object, he cannot find the ground of this satisfaction in any private conditions connected with his own subject; and hence it must be regarded as grounded on what he can presuppose in every other man. Consequently he must believe that he has reason for attributing a similar satisfaction to every one. He will therefore speak of the beautiful, as if beauty were a characteristic of the object and the judgement logical (constituting a cognition of the Object by means of concepts of it); although it is only aesthetical and involves merely a reference of the representation of the object to the subject. For it has this similarity to a logical judgement that we can presuppose its validity for every one. But this universality cannot arise from concepts; for from concepts there is no transition to the feeling of pleasure or pain (except in pure practical laws, which bring an interest with them such as is not bound up with the pure judgement of taste). Consequently the judgement of taste, accompanied with the consciousness of separation from all interest, must claim validity for every one, without this universality depending on Objects. That is, there must be bound up with it a title to subjective universality.

    § 7. Comparison of the Beautiful with the Pleasant and the Good by means of the above characteristic

    As regards the Pleasant every one is content that his judgement, which he bases upon private feeling, and by which he says of an object that it pleases him, should be limited merely to his own person. Thus he is quite contented that if he says “Canary wine is pleasant,” another man may correct his expression and remind him that he ought to say “It is pleasant to me.” And this is the case not only as regards the taste of the tongue, the palate, and the throat, but for whatever is pleasant to any one’s eyes and ears. To one violet colour is soft and lovely, to another it is faded and dead. One man likes the tone of wind instruments, another that of strings. To strive here with the design of reproving as incorrect another man’s judgement which is different from our own, as if the judgements were logically opposed, would be folly. As regards the pleasant therefore the fundamental proposition is valid, every one has his own taste (the taste of Sense).

    The case is quite different with the Beautiful. It would (on the contrary) be laughable if a man who imagined anything to his own taste, thought to justify himself by saying: “This object (the house we see, the coat that person wears, the concert we hear, the poem submitted to our judgement) is beautiful for me.” For he must not call it beautiful if it merely pleases himself. Many things may have for him charm and pleasantness; no one troubles himself at that; but if he gives out anything as beautiful, he supposes in others the same satisfaction—he judges not merely for himself, but for every one, and speaks of beauty as if it were a property of things. Hence he says “the thing is beautiful”; and he does not count on the agreement of others with this his judgement of satisfaction, because he has found this agreement several times before, but he demands it of them. He blames them if they judge otherwise and he denies them taste, which he nevertheless requires from them. Here then we cannot say that each man has his own particular taste. For this would be as much as to say that there is no taste whatever; i.e. no aesthetical judgement, which can make a rightful claim upon every one’s assent.

    At the same time we find as regards the Pleasant that there is an agreement among men in their judgements upon it, in regard to which we deny Taste to some and attribute it to others; by this not meaning one of our organic senses, but a faculty of judging in respect of the pleasant generally. Thus we say of a man who knows how to entertain his guests with pleasures (of enjoyment for all the senses), so that they are all pleased, “he has taste.” But here the universality is only taken comparatively; and there emerge rules which are only general (like all empirical ones), and not universal; which latter the judgement of Taste upon the beautiful undertakes or lays claim to. It is a judgement in reference to sociability, so far as this rests on empirical rules. In respect of the Good it is true that judgements make rightful claim to validity for every one; but the Good is represented only by means of a concept as the Object of a universal satisfaction, which is the case neither with the Pleasant nor with the Beautiful.

    § 8. The universality of the satisfaction is represented in a judgement of Taste only as subjective

    This particular determination of the universality of an aesthetical judgement, which is to be met with in a judgement of taste, is noteworthy, not indeed for the logician, but for the transcendental philosopher. It requires no small trouble to discover its origin, but we thus detect a property of our cognitive faculty which without this analysis would remain unknown.

    First, we must be fully convinced of the fact that in a judgement of taste (about the Beautiful) the satisfaction in the object is imputed to every one, without being based on a concept (for then it would be the Good). Further, this claim to universal validity so essentially belongs to a judgement by which we describe anything as beautiful, that if this were not thought in it, it would never come into our thoughts to use the expression at all, but everything which pleases without a concept would be counted as pleasant. In respect of the latter every one has his own opinion; and no one assumes, in another, agreement with his judgement of taste, which is always the case in a judgement of taste about beauty. I may call the first the taste of Sense, the second the taste of Reflection; so far as the first lays down mere private judgements, and the second judgements supposed to be generally valid (public), but in both cases aesthetical (not practical) judgements about an object merely in respect of the relation of its representation to the feeling of pleasure and pain. Now here is something strange. As regards the taste of Sense not only does experience show that its judgement (of pleasure or pain connected with anything) is not valid universally, but every one is content not to impute agreement with it to others (although actually there is often found a very extended concurrence in these judgements). On the other hand, the taste of Reflection has its claim to the universal validity of its judgements (about the beautiful) rejected often enough, as experience teaches; although it may find it possible (as it actually does) to represent judgements which can demand this universal agreement. In fact for each of its judgements of taste it imputes this to every one, without the persons that judge disputing as to the possibility of such a claim; although in particular cases they cannot agree as to the correct application of this faculty.

    Here we must, in the first place, remark that a universality which does not rest on concepts of Objects (not even on empirical ones) is not logical but aesthetical, i.e. it involves no objective quantity of the judgement but only that which is subjective. For this I use the expression general validity which signifies the validity of the reference of a representation, not to the cognitive faculty but, to the feeling of pleasure and pain for every subject. (We can avail ourselves also of the same expression for the logical quantity of the judgement, if only we prefix objective to “universal validity,” to distinguish it from that which is merely subjective and aesthetical.)

    A judgement with objective universal validity is also always valid subjectively; i.e. if the judgement holds for everything contained under a given concept, it holds also for every one who represents an object by means of this concept. But from a subjective universal validity, i.e. aesthetical and resting on no concept, we cannot infer that which is logical; because that kind of judgement does not extend to the Object. Hence the aesthetical universality which is ascribed to a judgement must be of a particular kind, because it does not unite the predicate of beauty with the concept of the Object, considered in its whole logical sphere, and yet extends it to the whole sphere of judging persons.

    In respect of logical quantity all judgements of taste are singular judgements. For because I must refer the object immediately to my feeling of pleasure and pain, and that not by means of concepts, they cannot have the quantity of objective generally valid judgements. Nevertheless if the singular representation of the Object of the judgement of taste in accordance with the conditions determining the latter, were transformed by comparison into a concept, a logically universal judgement could result therefrom. E.g. I describe by a judgement of taste the rose, that I see, as beautiful. But the judgement which results from the comparison of several singular judgements, “Roses in general are beautiful” is no longer described simply as aesthetical, but as a logical judgement based on an aesthetical one. Again the judgement “The rose is pleasant” (to smell) is, although aesthetical and singular, not a judgement of Taste but of Sense. It is distinguished from the former by the fact that the judgement of Taste carries with it an aesthetical quantity of universality, i.e. of validity for every one; which cannot be found in a judgement about the Pleasant. It is only judgements about the Good which—although they also determine satisfaction in an object,—have logical and not merely aesthetical universality; for they are valid of the Object, as cognitive of it, and thus are valid for every one.

    If we judge Objects merely according to concepts, then all representation of beauty is lost. Thus there can be no rule according to which any one is to be forced to recognise anything as beautiful. We cannot press [upon others] by the aid of any reasons or fundamental propositions our judgement that a coat, a house, or a flower is beautiful. We wish to submit the Object to our own eyes, as if the satisfaction in it depended on sensation; and yet if we then call the object beautiful, we believe that we speak with a universal voice, and we claim the assent of every one, although on the contrary all private sensation can only decide for the observer himself and his satisfaction.

    We may see now that in the judgement of taste nothing is postulated but such a universal voice, in respect of the satisfaction without the intervention of concepts; and thus the possibility of an aesthetical judgement that can, at the same time, be regarded as valid for every one. The judgement of taste itself does not postulate the agreement of every one (for that can only be done by a logically universal judgement because it can adduce reasons); it only imputes this agreement to every one, as a case of the rule in respect of which it expects, not confirmation by concepts, but assent from others. The universal voice is, therefore, only an Idea (we do not yet inquire upon what it rests). It may be uncertain whether or not the man, who believes that he is laying down a judgement of taste, is, as a matter of fact, judging in conformity with that Idea; but that he refers his judgement thereto, and, consequently, that it is intended to be a judgement of taste, he announces by the expression “beauty.” He can be quite certain of this for himself by the mere consciousness of the separation of everything belonging to the Pleasant and the Good from the satisfaction which is left; and this is all for which he promises himself the agreement of every one—a claim which would be justifiable under these conditions, provided only he did not often make mistakes, and thus lay down an erroneous judgement of taste.

    § 9. Investigation of the question whether in the judgement of taste the feeling of pleasure precedes or follows the judging of the object

    The solution of this question is the key to the Critique of Taste, and so is worthy of all attention.

    If the pleasure in the given object precedes, and it is only its universal communicability that is to be acknowledged in the judgement of taste about the representation of the object, there would be a contradiction. For such pleasure would be nothing different from the mere pleasantness in the sensation, and so in accordance with its nature could have only private validity, because it is immediately dependent on the representation through which the object is given.

    Hence, it is the universal capability of communication of the mental state in the given representation which, as the subjective condition of the judgement of taste, must be fundamental, and must have the pleasure in the object as its consequent. But nothing can be universally communicated except cognition and representation, so far as it belongs to cognition. For it is only thus that this latter can be objective; and only through this has it a universal point of reference, with which the representative power of every one is compelled to harmonise. If the determining ground of our judgement as to this universal communicability of the representation is to be merely subjective, i.e. is conceived independently of any concept of the object, it can be nothing else than the state of mind, which is to be met with in the relation of our representative powers to each other, so far as they refer a given representation to cognition in general.

    The cognitive powers, which are involved by this representation, are here in free play, because no definite concept limits them to a particular19 rule of cognition. Hence, the state of mind in this representation must be a feeling of the free play of the representative powers in a given representation with reference to a cognition in general. Now a representation by which an object is given, that is to become a cognition in general, requires Imagination, for the gathering together the manifold of intuition, and Understanding, for the unity of the concept uniting the representations. This state of free play of the cognitive faculties in a representation by which an object is given, must be universally communicable; because cognition, as the determination of the Object with which given representations (in whatever subject) are to agree, is the only kind of representation which is valid for every one.

    The subjective universal communicability of the mode of representation in a judgement of taste, since it is to be possible without presupposing a definite concept, can refer to nothing else than the state of mind in the free play of the Imagination and the Understanding (so far as they agree with each other, as is requisite for cognition in general). We are conscious that this subjective relation, suitable for cognition in general, must be valid for every one, and thus must be universally communicable, just as if it were a definite cognition, resting always on that relation as its subjective condition.

    This merely subjective (aesthetical) judging of the object, or of the representation by which it is given, precedes the pleasure in it, and is the ground of this pleasure in the harmony of the cognitive faculties; but on the universality of the subjective conditions for judging of objects is alone based the universal subjective validity of the satisfaction bound up by us with the representation of the object that we call beautiful.

    The power of communicating one’s state of mind, even though only in respect of the cognitive faculties, carries a pleasure with it, as we can easily show from the natural propension of man towards sociability (empirical and psychological). But this is not enough for our design. The pleasure that we feel is, in a judgement of taste, necessarily imputed by us to every one else; as if, when we call a thing beautiful, it is to be regarded as a characteristic of the object which is determined in it according to concepts; though beauty, without a reference to the feeling of the subject, is nothing by itself. But we must reserve the examination of this question until we have answered another, viz. “If and how aesthetical judgements are possible a priori?”

    We now occupy ourselves with the easier question, in what way we are conscious of a mutual subjective harmony of the cognitive powers with one another in the judgement of taste; is it aesthetically by mere internal sense and sensation? or is it intellectually by the consciousness of our designed activity, by which we bring them into play?

    If the given representation, which occasions the judgement of taste, were a concept uniting Understanding and Imagination in the judging of the object, into a cognition of the Object, the consciousness of this relation would be intellectual (as in the objective schematism of the Judgement of which the Critique20 treats). But then the judgement would not be laid down in reference to pleasure and pain, and consequently would not be a judgement of taste. But the judgement of taste, independently of concepts, determines the Object in respect of satisfaction and of the predicate of beauty. Therefore that subjective unity of relation can only make itself known by means of sensation. The excitement of both faculties (Imagination and Understanding) to indeterminate, but yet, through the stimulus of the given sensation, harmonious activity, viz. that which belongs to cognition in general, is the sensation whose universal communicability is postulated by the judgement of taste. An objective relation can only be thought, but yet, so far as it is subjective according to its conditions, can be felt in its effect on the mind; and, of a relation based on no concept (like the relation of the representative powers to a cognitive faculty in general), no other consciousness is possible than that through the sensation of the effect, which consists in the more lively play of both mental powers (the Imagination and the Understanding) when animated by mutual agreement. A representation which, as singular and apart from comparison with others, yet has an agreement with the conditions of universality which it is the business of the Understanding to supply, brings the cognitive faculties into that proportionate accord which we require for all cognition, and so regard as holding for every one who is determined to judge by means of Understanding and Sense in combination (i.e. for every man).

    EXPLANATION OF THE BEAUTIFUL RESULTING FROM THE SECOND MOMENT

    The beautiful is that which pleases universally, without a concept.

    THIRD MOMENT

    OF JUDGEMENTS OF TASTE, ACCORDING TO THE RELATION OF THE PURPOSES WHICH ARE BROUGHT INTO CONSIDERATION THEREIN.

    § 10. Of purposiveness in general

    If we wish to explain what a purpose is according to its transcendental determinations (without presupposing anything empirical like the feeling of pleasure) [we say that] the purpose is the object of a concept, in so far as the concept is regarded as the cause of the object (the real ground of its possibility); and the causality of a concept in respect of its Object is its purposiveness (forma finalis). Where then not merely the cognition of an object, but the object itself (its form and existence) is thought as an effect only possible by means of the concept of this latter, there we think a purpose. The representation of the effect is here the determining ground of its cause and precedes it. The consciousness of the causality of a representation, for maintaining the subject in the same state, may here generally denote what we call pleasure; while on the other hand pain is that representation which contains the ground of the determination of the state of representations into their opposite [of restraining or removing them21].

    The faculty of desire, so far as it is determinable only through concepts, i.e. to act in conformity with the representation of a purpose, would be the Will. But an Object, or a state of mind, or even an action, is called purposive, although its possibility does not necessarily presuppose the representation of a purpose, merely because its possibility can be explained and conceived by us only so far as we assume for its ground a causality according to purposes, i.e. a will which would have so disposed it according to the representation of a certain rule. There can be, then, purposiveness without22 purpose, so far as we do not place the causes of this form in a will, but yet can only make the explanation of its possibility intelligible to ourselves by deriving it from a will. Again, we are not always forced to regard what we observe (in respect of its possibility) from the point of view of Reason. Thus we can at least observe a purposiveness according to form, without basing it on a purpose (as the material of the nexus finalis), and we can notice it in objects, although only by reflection.

    § 11. The judgement of taste has nothing at its basis but the form of the purposiveness of an object (or of its mode of representation)

    Every purpose, if it be regarded as a ground of satisfaction, always carries with it an interest—as the determining ground of the judgement—about the object of pleasure. Therefore no subjective purpose can lie at the basis of the judgement of taste. But neither can the judgement of taste be determined by any representation of an objective purpose, i.e. of the possibility of the object itself in accordance with principles of purposive combination, and consequently it can be determined by no concept of the good; because it is an aesthetical and not a cognitive judgement. It therefore has to do with no concept of the character and internal or external possibility of the object by means of this or that cause, but merely with the relation of the representative powers to one another, so far as they are determined by a representation.

    Now this relation in the determination of an object as beautiful is bound up with the feeling of pleasure, which is declared by the judgement of taste to be valid for every one; hence a pleasantness, accompanying the representation, can as little contain the determining ground [of the judgement] as the representation of the perfection of the object and the concept of the good can. Therefore it can be nothing else than the subjective purposiveness in the representation of an object without any purpose (either objective or subjective); and thus it is the mere form of purposiveness in the representation by which an object is given to us, so far as we are conscious of it, which constitutes the satisfaction that we without a concept judge to be universally communicable; and, consequently, this is the determining ground of the judgement of taste.

    § 12. The judgement of taste rests on a priori grounds

    To establish a priori the connexion of the feeling of a pleasure or pain as an effect, with any representation whatever (sensation or concept) as its cause, is absolutely impossible; for that would be a [particular]23 causal relation which (with objects of experience) can always only be cognised a posteriori, and through the medium of experience itself. We actually have, indeed, in the Critique of practical Reason, derived from universal moral concepts a priori the feeling of respect (as a special and peculiar modification of feeling which will not strictly correspond either to the pleasure or the pain that we get from empirical objects). But there we could go beyond the bounds of experience and call in a causality which rested on a supersensible attribute of the subject, viz. freedom. And even there, properly speaking, it was not this feeling which we derived from the Idea of the moral as cause, but merely the determination of the will. But the state of mind which accompanies any determination of the will is in itself a feeling of pleasure and identical with it, and therefore does not follow from it as its effect. This last must only be assumed if the concept of the moral as a good precede the determination of the will by the law; for in that case the pleasure that is bound up with the concept could not be derived from it as from a mere cognition.

    Now the case is similar with the pleasure in aesthetical judgements, only that here it is merely contemplative and does not bring about an interest in the Object, which on the other hand in the moral judgement it is practical.24 The consciousness of the mere formal purposiveness in the play of the subject’s cognitive powers, in a representation through which an object is given, is the pleasure itself; because it contains a determining ground of the activity of the subject in respect of the excitement of its cognitive powers, and therefore an inner causality (which is purposive) in respect of cognition in general without however being limited to any definite cognition; and consequently contains a mere form of the subjective purposiveness of a representation in an aesthetical judgement. This pleasure is in no way practical, neither like that arising from the pathological ground of pleasantness, nor that from the intellectual ground of the represented good. But yet it involves causality, viz. of maintaining the state of the representation itself, and the exercise of the cognitive powers without further design. We linger over the contemplation of the beautiful, because this contemplation strengthens and reproduces itself, which is analogous to (though not of the same kind as) that lingering which takes place when a [physical] charm in the representation of the object repeatedly arouses the attention, the mind being passive.

    § 13. The pure judgement of taste is independent of charm and emotion

    Every interest spoils the judgement of taste and takes from its impartiality, especially if the purposiveness is not, as with the interest of Reason, placed before the feeling of pleasure but grounded on it. This last always happens in an aesthetical judgement upon anything so far as it gratifies or grieves us. Hence judgements so affected can lay no claim at all to a universally valid satisfaction, or at least so much the less claim, in proportion as there are sensations of this sort among the determining grounds of taste. That taste is still barbaric which needs a mixture of charms and emotions in order that there may be satisfaction, and still more so if it make these the measure of its assent.

    Nevertheless charms are often not only taken account of in the case of beauty (which properly speaking ought merely to be concerned with form) as contributory to the aesthetical universal satisfaction; but they are passed off as in themselves beauties, and thus the matter of satisfaction is substituted for the form. This misconception, however, like so many others which have something true at their basis, may be removed by a careful definition of these concepts.

    A judgement of taste on which charm and emotion have no influence (although they may be bound up with the satisfaction in the beautiful),—which therefore has as its determining ground merely the purposiveness of the form,—is a pure judgement of taste.

    § 14. Elucidation by means of examples

    Aesthetical judgements can be divided just like theoretical (logical) judgements into empirical and pure. The first assert pleasantness or unpleasantness; the second assert the beauty of an object or of the manner of representing it. The former are judgements of Sense (material aesthetical judgements); the latter [as formal25] are alone strictly judgements of Taste.

    A judgement of taste is therefore pure, only so far as no merely empirical satisfaction is mingled with its determining ground. But this always happens if charm or emotion have any share in the judgement by which anything is to be described as beautiful.

    Now here many objections present themselves, which fallaciously put forward charm not merely as a necessary ingredient of beauty, but as alone sufficient [to justify] a thing’s being called beautiful. A mere colour, e.g. the green of a grass plot, a mere tone (as distinguished from sound and noise) like that of a violin, are by most people described as beautiful in themselves; although both seem to have at their basis merely the matter of representations, viz. simply sensation, and therefore only deserve to be called pleasant. But we must at the same time remark that the sensations of colours and of tone have a right to be regarded as beautiful only in so far as they are pure. This is a determination which concerns their form, and is the only [element] of these representations which admits with certainty of universal communicability; for we cannot assume that the quality of sensations is the same in all subjects, and we can hardly say that the pleasantness of one colour or the tone of one musical instrument is judged preferable to that of another in the same26 way by every one.

    If we assume with Euler that colours are isochronous vibrations (pulsus) of the aether, as sounds are of the air in a state of disturbance, and,—what is most important,—that the mind not only perceives by sense the effect of these in exciting the organ, but also perceives by reflection the regular play of impressions (and thus the form of the combination of different representations) which I still do not doubt27—then colours and tone cannot be reckoned as mere sensations, but as the formal determination of the unity of a manifold of sensations, and thus as beauties in themselves.

    But “pure” in a simple mode of sensation means that its uniformity is troubled and interrupted by no foreign sensation, and it belongs merely to the form; because here we can abstract from the quality of that mode of sensation (abstract from the colours and tone, if any, which it represents). Hence all simple colours, so far as they are pure, are regarded as beautiful; composite colours have not this advantage, because, as they are not simple, we have no standard for judging whether they should be called pure or not.

    But as regards the beauty attributed to the object on account of its form, to suppose it to be capable of augmentation through the charm of the object is a common error, and one very prejudicial to genuine, uncorrupted, well-founded taste. We can doubtless add these charms to beauty, in order to interest the mind by the representation of the object, apart from the bare satisfaction [received]; and thus they may serve as a recommendation of taste and its cultivation, especially when it is yet crude and unexercised. But they actually do injury to the judgement of taste if they draw attention to themselves as the grounds for judging of beauty. So far are they from adding to beauty that they must only be admitted by indulgence as aliens; and provided always that they do not disturb the beautiful form, in cases when taste is yet weak and untrained.

    In painting, sculpture, and in all the formative arts—in architecture, and horticulture, so far as they are beautiful arts—the delineation is the essential thing; and here it is not what gratifies in sensation but what pleases by means of its form that is fundamental for taste. The colours which light up the sketch belong to the charm; they may indeed enliven28 the object for sensation, but they cannot make it worthy of contemplation and beautiful. In most cases they are rather limited by the requirements of the beautiful form; and even where charm is permissible it is ennobled solely by this.

    Every form of the objects of sense (both of external sense and also mediately of internal) is either figure or play. In the latter case it is either play of figures (in space, viz. pantomime and dancing), or the mere play of sensations (in time). The charm of colours or of the pleasant tones of an instrument may be added; but the delineation in the first case and the composition in the second constitute the proper object of the pure judgement of taste. To say that the purity of colours and of tones, or their variety and contrast, seems to add to beauty, does not mean that they supply a homogeneous addition to our satisfaction in the form because they are pleasant in themselves; but they do so, because they make the form more exactly, definitely, and completely, intuitible, and besides by their charm [excite the representation, whilst they29] awaken and fix our attention on the object itself.

    Even what we call ornaments [parerga29], i.e. those things which do not belong to the complete representation of the object internally as elements but only externally as complements, and which augment the satisfaction of taste, do so only by their form; as for example [the frames of pictures,29 or] the draperies of statues or the colonnades of palaces. But if the ornament does not itself consist in beautiful form, and if it is used as a golden frame is used, merely to recommend the painting by its charm, it is then called finery and injures genuine beauty.

    Emotion, i.e. a sensation in which pleasantness is produced by means of a momentary checking and a consequent more powerful outflow of the vital force, does not belong at all to beauty. But sublimity [with which the feeling of emotion is bound up29] requires a different standard of judgement from that which is at the foundation of taste; and thus a pure judgement of taste has for its determining ground neither charm nor emotion, in a word, no sensation as the material of the aesthetical judgement.

    § 15. The judgement of taste is quite independent of the concept of perfection

    Objective purposiveness can only be cognised by means of the reference of the manifold to a definite purpose, and therefore only through a concept. From this alone it is plain that the Beautiful, the judging of which has at its basis a merely formal purposiveness, i.e. a purposiveness without purpose, is quite independent of the concept of the Good; because the latter presupposes an objective purposiveness, i.e. the reference of the object to a definite purpose.

    Objective purposiveness is either external, i.e. the utility, or internal, i.e. the perfection of the object. That the satisfaction in an object, on account of which we call it beautiful, cannot rest on the representation of its utility, is sufficiently obvious from the two preceding sections; because in that case it would not be an immediate satisfaction in the object, which is the essential condition of a judgement about beauty. But objective internal purposiveness, i.e. perfection, comes nearer to the predicate of beauty; and it has been regarded by celebrated philosophers30 as the same as beauty, with the proviso, if it is thought in a confused way. It is of the greatest importance in a Critique of Taste to decide whether beauty can thus actually be resolved into the concept of perfection.

    To judge of objective purposiveness we always need not only the concept of a purpose, but (if that purposiveness is not to be external utility but internal) the concept of an internal purpose which shall contain the ground of the internal possibility of the object. Now as a purpose in general is that whose concept can be regarded as the ground of the possibility of the object itself; so, in order to represent objective purposiveness in a thing, the concept of what sort of thing it is to be must come first. The agreement of the manifold in it with this concept (which furnishes the rule for combining the manifold) is the qualitative perfection of the thing. Quite different from this is quantitative perfection, the completeness of a thing after its kind, which is a mere concept of magnitude (of totality).31 In this what the thing ought to be is conceived as already determined, and it is only asked if it has all its requisites. The formal [element] in the representation of a thing, i.e. the agreement of the manifold with a unity (it being undetermined what this ought to be), gives to cognition no objective purposiveness whatever. For since abstraction is made of this unity as purpose (what the thing ought to be), nothing remains but the subjective purposiveness of the representations in the mind of the intuiting subject. And this, although it furnishes a certain purposiveness of the representative state of the subject, and so a facility of apprehending a given form by the Imagination, yet furnishes no perfection of an Object, since the Object is not here conceived by means of the concept of a purpose. For example, if in a forest I come across a plot of sward, round which trees stand in a circle, and do not then represent to myself a purpose, viz. that it is intended to serve for country dances, not the least concept of perfection is furnished by the mere form. But to represent to oneself a formal objective purposiveness without purpose, i.e. the mere form of a perfection (without any matter and without the concept of that with which it is accordant, even if it were merely the Idea of conformity to law in general32) is a veritable contradiction.

    Now the judgement of taste is an aesthetical judgement, i.e. such as rests on subjective grounds, the determining ground of which cannot be a concept, and consequently cannot be the concept of a definite purpose. Therefore in beauty, regarded as a formal subjective purposiveness, there is in no way thought a perfection of the object, as a would-be formal purposiveness, which yet is objective. And thus to distinguish between the concepts of the Beautiful and the Good, as if they were only different in logical form, the first being a confused, the second a clear concept of perfection, but identical in content and origin, is quite fallacious. For then there would be no specific difference between them, but a judgement of taste would be as much a cognitive judgement as the judgement by which a thing is described as good; just as when the ordinary man says that fraud is unjust he bases his judgement on confused grounds, whilst the philosopher bases it on clear grounds, but both on identical principles of Reason. I have already, however, said that an aesthetical judgement is unique of its kind, and gives absolutely no cognition (not even a confused cognition) of the Object; this is only supplied by a logical judgement. On the contrary, it simply refers the representation, by which an Object is given, to the subject; and brings to our notice no characteristic of the object, but only the purposive form in the determination of the representative powers which are occupying themselves therewith. The judgement is called aesthetical just because its determining ground is not a concept, but the feeling (of internal sense) of that harmony in the play of the mental powers, so far as it can be felt in sensation. On the other hand, if we wish to call confused concepts and the objective judgement based on them, aesthetical, we shall have an Understanding judging sensibly or a Sense representing its Objects by means of concepts [both of which are contradictory.33] The faculty of concepts, be they confused or clear, is the Understanding; and although Understanding has to do with the judgement of taste, as an aesthetical judgement (as it has with all judgements), yet it has to do with it not as a faculty by which an object is cognised, but as the faculty which determines the judgement and its representation (without any concept) in accordance with its relation to the subject and the subject’s internal feeling, in so far as this judgement may be possible in accordance with a universal rule.

    § 16. The judgement of taste, by which an object is declared to be beautiful under the condition of a definite concept, is not pure

    There are two kinds of beauty; free beauty (pulchritudo vaga) or merely dependent beauty (pulchritudo adhaerens). The first presupposes no concept of what the object ought to be; the second does presuppose such a concept and the perfection of the object in accordance therewith. The first is called the (self-subsistent) beauty of this or that thing; the second, as dependent upon a concept (conditioned beauty), is ascribed to Objects which come under the concept of a particular purpose.

    Flowers are free natural beauties. Hardly any one but a botanist knows what sort of a thing a flower ought to be; and even he, though recognising in the flower the reproductive organ of the plant, pays no regard to this natural purpose if he is passing judgement on the flower by Taste. There is then at the basis of this judgement no perfection of any kind, no internal purposiveness, to which the collection of the manifold is referred. Many birds (such as the parrot, the humming bird, the bird of paradise), and many sea shells are beauties in themselves, which do not belong to any object determined in respect of its purpose by concepts, but please freely and in themselves. So also delineations à la grecque, foliage for borders or wall-papers, mean nothing in themselves; they represent nothing—no Object under a definite concept,—and are free beauties. We can refer to the same class what are called in music phantasies (i.e. pieces without any theme), and in fact all music without words.

    In the judging of a free beauty (according to the mere form) the judgement of taste is pure. There is presupposed no concept of any purpose, for which the manifold should serve the given Object, and which therefore is to be represented therein. By such a concept the freedom of the Imagination which disports itself in the contemplation of the figure would be only limited.

    But human beauty (i.e. of a man, a woman, or a child), the beauty of a horse, or a building (be it church, palace, arsenal, or summer-house) presupposes a concept of the purpose which determines what the thing is to be, and consequently a concept of its perfection; it is therefore adherent beauty. Now as the combination of the Pleasant (in sensation) with Beauty, which properly is only concerned with form, is a hindrance to the purity of the judgement of taste; so also is its purity injured by the combination with Beauty of the Good (viz. that manifold which is good for the thing itself in accordance with its purpose).

    We could add much to a building which would immediately please the eye, if only it were not to be a church. We could adorn a figure with all kinds of spirals and light but regular lines, as the New Zealanders do with their tattooing, if only it were not the figure of a human being. And again this could have much finer features and a more pleasing and gentle cast of countenance provided it were not intended to represent a man, much less a warrior.

    Now the satisfaction in the manifold of a thing in reference to the internal purpose which determines its possibility is a satisfaction grounded on a concept; but the satisfaction in beauty is such as presupposes no concept, but is immediately bound up with the representation through which the object is given (not through which it is thought). If now the judgement of Taste in respect of the beauty of a thing is made dependent on the purpose in its manifold, like a judgement of Reason, and thus limited, it is no longer a free and pure judgement of Taste.

    It is true that taste gains by this combination of aesthetical with intellectual satisfaction, inasmuch as it becomes fixed; and though it is not universal, yet in respect to certain purposively determined Objects it becomes possible to prescribe rules for it. These, however, are not rules of taste, but merely rules for the unification of Taste with Reason, i.e. of the Beautiful with the Good, by which the former becomes available as an instrument of design in respect of the latter. Thus the tone of mind which is self-maintaining and of subjective universal validity is subordinated to the way of thinking which can be maintained only by painful resolve, but is of objective universal validity. Properly speaking, however, perfection gains nothing by beauty or beauty by perfection; but, when we compare the representation by which an object is given to us with the Object (as regards what it ought to be) by means of a concept, we cannot avoid considering along with it the sensation in the subject. And thus when both states of mind are in harmony our whole faculty of representative power gains.

    A judgement of taste, then, in respect of an object with a definite internal purpose, can only be pure, if either the person judging has no concept of this purpose, or else abstracts from it in his judgement. Such a person, although forming an accurate judgement of taste in judging of the object as free beauty, would yet by another who considers the beauty in it only as a dependent attribute (who looks to the purpose of the object) be blamed, and accused of false taste; although both are right in their own way, the one in reference to what he has before his eyes, the other in reference to what he has in his thought. By means of this distinction we can settle many disputes about beauty between judges of taste; by showing that the one is speaking of free, the other of dependent, beauty,—that the first is making a pure, the second an applied, judgement of taste.

    § 17. Of the Ideal of beauty

    There can be no objective rule of taste which shall determine by means of concepts what is beautiful. For every judgement from this source is aesthetical; i.e. the feeling of the subject, and not a concept of the Object, is its determining ground. To seek for a principle of taste which shall furnish, by means of definite concepts, a universal criterion of the beautiful, is fruitless trouble; because what is sought is impossible and self-contradictory. The universal communicability of sensation (satisfaction or dissatisfaction) without the aid of a concept—the agreement, as far as is possible, of all times and peoples as regards this feeling in the representation of certain objects—this is the empirical criterion, although weak and hardly sufficing for probability, of the derivation of a taste, thus confirmed by examples, from the deep-lying grounds of agreement common to all men, in judging of the forms under which objects are given to them.

    Hence, we consider some products of taste as exemplary. Not that taste can be acquired by imitating others; for it must be an original faculty. He who imitates a model shows, no doubt, in so far as he attains to it, skill; but only shows taste in so far as he can judge of this model itself.34 It follows from hence that the highest model, the archetype of taste, is a mere Idea, which every one must produce in himself; and according to which he must judge every Object of taste, every example of judgement by taste, and even the taste of every one. Idea properly means a rational concept, and Ideal the representation of an individual being, regarded as adequate to an Idea.35 Hence that archetype of taste, which certainly rests on the indeterminate Idea that Reason has of a maximum, but which cannot be represented by concepts, but only in an individual presentation, is better called the Ideal of the beautiful. Although we are not in possession of this, we yet strive to produce it in ourselves. But it can only be an Ideal of the Imagination, because it rests on a presentation and not on concepts, and the Imagination is the faculty of presentation.—How do we arrive at such an Ideal of beauty? A priori, or empirically? Moreover, what species of the beautiful is susceptible of an Ideal?

    First, it is well to remark that the beauty for which an Ideal is to be sought cannot be vague beauty, but is fixed by a concept of objective purposiveness; and thus it cannot appertain to the Object of a quite pure judgement of taste, but to that of a judgement of taste which is in part intellectual. That is, in whatever grounds of judgement an Ideal is to be found, an Idea of Reason in accordance with definite concepts must lie at its basis; which determines a priori the purpose on which the internal possibility of the object rests. An Ideal of beautiful flowers, of a beautiful piece of furniture, of a beautiful view, is inconceivable. But neither can an Ideal be represented of a beauty dependent on definite purposes, e.g. of a beautiful dwelling-house, a beautiful tree, a beautiful garden, etc.; presumably because their purpose is not sufficiently determined and fixed by the concept, and thus the purposiveness is nearly as free as in the case of vague beauty. The only being which has the purpose of its existence in itself is man, who can determine his purposes by Reason; or, where he must receive them from external perception, yet can compare them with essential and universal purposes, and can judge this their accordance aesthetically. This man is, then, alone of all objects in the world, susceptible of an Ideal of beauty; as it is only humanity in his person, as an intelligence, that is susceptible of the Ideal of perfection.

    But there are here two elements. First, there is the aesthetical normal Idea, which is an individual intuition (of the Imagination), representing the standard of our judgement [upon man] as a thing belonging to a particular animal species. Secondly, there is the rational Idea which makes the purposes of humanity, so far as they cannot be sensibly represented, the principle for judging of a figure through which, as their phenomenal effect, those purposes are revealed. The normal Idea of the figure of an animal of a particular race must take its elements from experience. But the greatest purposiveness in the construction of the figure, that would be available for the universal standard of aesthetical judgement upon each individual of this species—the image which is as it were designedly at the basis of nature’s Technic, to which only the whole race and not any isolated individual is adequate—this lies merely in the Idea of the judging [subject]. And this, with its proportions, as an aesthetical Idea, can be completely presented in concreto in a model. In order to make intelligible in some measure (for who can extract her whole secret from nature?) how this comes to pass, we shall attempt a psychological explanation.

    We must remark that, in a way quite incomprehensible by us, the Imagination can not only recall, on occasion, the signs for concepts long past, but can also reproduce the image of the figure of the object out of an unspeakable number of objects of different kinds or even of the same kind. Further, if the mind is concerned with comparisons, the Imagination can, in all probability, actually though unconsciously let one image glide into another, and thus by the concurrence of several of the same kind come by an average, which serves as the common measure of all. Every one has seen a thousand full-grown men. Now if you wish to judge of their normal size, estimating it by means of comparison, the Imagination (as I think) allows a great number of images (perhaps the whole thousand) to fall on one another. If I am allowed to apply here the analogy of optical presentation, it is in the space where most of them are combined and inside the contour, where the place is illuminated with the most vivid colours, that the average size is cognisable; which, both in height and breadth, is equally far removed from the extreme bounds of the greatest and smallest stature. And this is the stature of a beautiful man. (We could arrive at the same thing mechanically, by adding together all thousand magnitudes, heights, breadths, and thicknesses, and dividing the sum by a thousand. But the Imagination does this by means of a dynamical effect, which arises from the various impressions of such figures on the organ of internal sense.) If now in a similar way for this average man we seek the average head, for this head the average nose, etc., such figure is at the basis of the normal Idea in the country where the comparison is instituted. Thus necessarily under these empirical conditions a negro must have a different normal Idea of the beauty of the [human figure] from a white man, a Chinaman a different normal Idea from a European, etc. And the same is the case with the model of a beautiful horse or dog (of a certain breed).—This normal Idea is not derived from proportions got from experience [and regarded] as definite rules; but in accordance with it rules for judging become in the first instance possible. It is the image for the whole race, which floats among all the variously different intuitions of individuals, which nature takes as archetype in her productions of the same species, but which seems not to be fully reached in any individual case. It is by no means the whole archetype of beauty in the race, but only the form constituting the indispensable condition of all beauty, and thus merely correctness in the [mental] presentation of the race. It is, like the celebrated Doryphorus of Polycletus,36 the rule (Myron’s37 Cow might also be used thus for its kind). It can therefore contain nothing specifically characteristic, for otherwise it would not be the normal Idea for the race. Its presentation pleases, not by its beauty, but merely because it contradicts no condition, under which alone a thing of this kind can be beautiful. The presentation is merely correct.38

    We must yet distinguish the normal Idea of the beautiful from the Ideal, which latter, on grounds already alleged, we can only expect in the human figure. In this the Ideal consists in the expression of the moral, without which the object would not please universally and thus positively (not merely negatively in a correct presentation). The visible expression of moral Ideas that rule men inwardly, can indeed only be got from experience; but to make its connexion with all which our Reason unites with the morally good in the Idea of the highest purposiveness,—goodness of heart, purity, strength, peace, etc.,—visible as it were in bodily manifestation (as the effect of that which is internal), requires a union of pure Ideas of Reason with great imaginative power, even in him who wishes to judge of it, still more in him who wishes to present it. The correctness of such an Ideal of beauty is shown by its permitting no sensible charm to mingle with the satisfaction in the Object and yet allowing us to take a great interest therein. This shows that a judgement in accordance with such a standard can never be purely aesthetical, and that a judgement in accordance with an Ideal of beauty is not a mere judgement of taste.

    EXPLANATION OF THE BEAUTIFUL DERIVED FROM THIS THIRD MOMENT

    Beauty is the form of the purposiveness of an object, so far as this is perceived in it without any representation of a purpose.39

    FOURTH MOMENT

    OF THE JUDGEMENT OF TASTE, ACCORDING TO THE MODALITY OF THE SATISFACTION IN THE OBJECT

    § 18. What the modality in a judgement of taste is

    I can say of every representation that it is at least possible that (as a cognition) it should be bound up with a pleasure. Of a representation that I call pleasant I say that it actually excites pleasure in me. But the beautiful we think as having a necessary reference to satisfaction. Now this necessity is of a peculiar kind. It is not a theoretical objective necessity; in which case it would be cognised a priori that every one will feel this satisfaction in the object called beautiful by me. It is not a practical necessity; in which case, by concepts of a pure rational will serving as a rule for freely acting beings, the satisfaction is the necessary result of an objective law and only indicates that we absolutely (without any further design) ought to act in a certain way. But the necessity which is thought in an aesthetical judgement can only be called exemplary; i.e. a necessity of the assent of all to a judgement which is regarded as the example of a universal rule that we cannot state. Since an aesthetical judgement is not an objective cognitive judgement, this necessity cannot be derived from definite concepts, and is therefore not apodictic. Still less can it be inferred from the universality of experience (of a complete agreement of judgements as to the beauty of a certain object). For not only would experience hardly furnish sufficiently numerous vouchers for this; but also, on empirical judgements we can base no concept of the necessity of these judgements.

    § 19. The subjective necessity, which we ascribe to the judgement of taste, is conditioned

    The judgement of taste requires the agreement of every one; and he who describes anything as beautiful claims that every one ought to give his approval to the object in question and also describe it as beautiful. The ought in the aesthetical judgement is therefore pronounced in accordance with all the data which are required for judging and yet is only conditioned. We ask for the agreement of every one else, because we have for it a ground that is common to all; and we could count on this agreement, provided we were always sure that the case was correctly subsumed under that ground as rule of assent.

    § 20. The condition of necessity which a judgement of taste asserts is the Idea of a common sense

    If judgements of taste (like cognitive judgements) had a definite objective principle, then the person who lays them down in accordance with this latter would claim an unconditioned necessity for his judgement. If they were devoid of all principle, like those of the mere taste of sense, we would not allow them in thought any necessity whatever. Hence they must have a subjective principle which determines what pleases or displeases only by feeling and not by concepts, but yet with universal validity. But such a principle could only be regarded as a common sense, which is essentially different from common Understanding which people sometimes call common Sense (sensus communis); for the latter does not judge by feeling but always by concepts, although ordinarily only as by obscurely represented principles.

    Hence it is only under the presupposition that there is a common sense (by which we do not understand an external sense, but the effect resulting from the free play of our cognitive powers)—it is only under this presupposition, I say, that the judgement of taste can be laid down.

    § 21. Have we ground for presupposing a common sense?

    Cognitions and judgements must, along with the conviction that accompanies them, admit of universal communicability; for otherwise there would be no harmony between them and the Object, and they would be collectively a mere subjective play of the representative powers, exactly as scepticism would have it. But if cognitions are to admit of communicability, so must also the state of mind,—i.e. the accordance of the cognitive powers with a cognition generally, and that proportion of them which is suitable for a representation (by which an object is given to us) in order that a cognition may be made out of it—admit of universal communicability. For without this as the subjective condition of cognition, knowledge as an effect could not arise. This actually always takes place when a given object by means of Sense excites the Imagination to collect the manifold, and the Imagination in its turn excites the Understanding to bring about a unity of this collective process in concepts. But this accordance of the cognitive powers has a different proportion according to the variety of the Objects which are given. However, it must be such that this internal relation, by which one mental faculty is excited by another, shall be generally the most beneficial for both faculties in respect of cognition (of given objects); and this accordance can only be determined by feeling (not according to concepts). Since now this accordance itself must admit of universal communicability, and consequently also our feeling of it (in a given representation), and since the universal communicability of a feeling presupposes a common sense, we have grounds for assuming this latter. And this common sense is assumed without relying on psychological observations, but simply as the necessary condition of the universal communicability of our knowledge, which is presupposed in every Logic and in every principle of knowledge that is not sceptical.

    § 22. The necessity of the universal agreement that is thought in a judgement of taste is a subjective necessity, which is represented as objective under the presupposition of a common sense

    In all judgements by which we describe anything as beautiful, we allow no one to be of another opinion; without however grounding our judgement on concepts but only on our feeling, which we therefore place at its basis not as a private, but as a communal feeling.40 Now this common sense cannot be grounded on experience; for it aims at justifying judgements which contain an ought. It does not say that every one will agree with my judgement, but that he ought. And so common sense, as an example of whose judgement I here put forward my judgement of taste and on account of which I attribute to the latter an exemplary validity, is a mere ideal norm, under the supposition of which I have a right to make into a rule for every one a judgement that accords therewith, as well as the satisfaction in an Object expressed in such judgement. For the principle, which concerns the agreement of different judging persons, although only subjective, is yet assumed as subjectively universal (an Idea necessary for every one); and thus can claim universal assent (as if it were objective) provided we are sure that we have correctly subsumed [the particulars] under it.

    This indeterminate norm of a common sense is actually presupposed by us; as is shown by our claim to lay down judgements of taste. Whether there is in fact such a common sense, as a constitutive principle of the possibility of experience, or whether a yet higher principle of Reason makes it only into a regulative principle for producing in us a common sense for higher purposes: whether therefore Taste is an original and natural faculty, or only the Idea of an artificial one yet to be acquired, so that a judgement of taste with its assumption of a universal assent in fact, is only a requirement of Reason for producing such harmony of sentiment; whether the “ought,” i.e. the objective necessity of the confluence of the feeling of any one man with that of every other, only signifies the possibility of arriving at this accord, and the judgement of taste only affords an example of the application of this principle: these questions we have neither the wish nor the power to investigate as yet; we have now only to resolve the faculty of taste into its elements in order to unite them at last in the Idea of a common sense.

    EXPLANATION OF THE BEAUTIFUL RESULTING FROM THE FOURTH MOMENT

    The beautiful is that which without any concept is cognised as the object of a necessary satisfaction.

    GENERAL REMARK ON THE FIRST SECTION OF THE ANALYTIC

    If we seek the result of the preceding analysis we find that everything runs up into this concept of Taste, that it is a faculty for judging an object in reference to the Imagination’s free conformity to law. Now if in the judgement of taste the Imagination must be considered in its freedom, it is in the first place not regarded as reproductive, as it is subject to the laws of association, but as productive and spontaneous (as the author of arbitrary forms of possible intuition). And although in the apprehension of a given object of sense it is tied to a definite form of this Object, and so far has no free play (such as that of poetry) yet it may readily be conceived that the object can furnish it with such a form containing a collection of the manifold, as the Imagination itself, if it were left free, would project in accordance with the conformity to law of the Understanding in general. But that the imaginative power should be free and yet of itself conformed to law, i.e. bringing autonomy with it, is a contradiction. The Understanding alone gives the law. If, however, the Imagination is compelled to proceed according to a definite law, its product in respect of form is determined by concepts as to what it ought to be. But then, as is above shown, the satisfaction is not that in the Beautiful, but in the Good (in perfection, at any rate in mere formal perfection); and the judgement is not a judgement of taste. Hence it is a conformity to law without a law; and a subjective agreement of the Imagination and Understanding,—without such an objective agreement as there is when the representation is referred to a definite concept of an object,—can subsist along with the free conformity to law of the Understanding (which is also called purposiveness without purpose) and with the peculiar feature of a judgement of taste.

    Now geometrically regular figures, such as a circle, a square, a cube, etc., are commonly adduced by critics of taste as the simplest and most indisputable examples of beauty; and yet they are called regular, because we can only represent them by regarding them as mere presentations of a definite concept which prescribes the rule for the figure (according to which alone it is possible). One of these two must be wrong, either that judgement of the critic which ascribes beauty to the said figures, or ours, which regards purposiveness apart from a concept as requisite for beauty.

    Hardly any one will say that a man must have taste in order that he should find more satisfaction in a circle than in a scrawled outline, in an equilateral and equiangular quadrilateral than in one which is oblique, irregular, and as it were deformed, for this belongs to the ordinary Understanding and is not Taste at all. Where, e.g. our design is to judge of the size of an area, or to make intelligible the relation of the parts of it, when divided, to one another and to the whole, then regular figures and those of the simplest kind are needed, and the satisfaction does not rest immediately on the aspect of the figure, but on its availability for all kinds of possible designs. A room whose walls form oblique angles, or a parterre of this kind, even every violation of symmetry in the figure of animals (e.g. being one-eyed), of buildings, or of flower beds, displeases, because it contradicts the purpose of the thing, not only practically in respect of a definite use of it, but also when we pass judgement on it as regards any possible design. This is not the case in the judgement of taste, which when pure combines satisfaction or dissatisfaction,—without any reference to its use or to a purpose,—with the mere consideration of the object.

    The regularity which leads to the concept of an object is indeed the indispensable condition (conditio sine qua non) for grasping the object in a single representation and determining the manifold in its form. This determination is a purpose in respect of cognition, and in reference to this it is always bound up with satisfaction (which accompanies the execution of every, even problematical, design). There is here, however, merely the approval of the solution satisfying a problem, and not a free and indefinite purposive entertainment of the mental powers with what we call beautiful, where the Understanding is at the service of Imagination and not vice versa.

    In a thing that is only possible by means of design,—a building, or even an animal,—the regularity consisting in symmetry must express the unity of the intuition that accompanies the concept of purpose, and this regularity belongs to cognition. But where only a free play of the representative powers (under the condition, however, that the Understanding is to suffer no shock thereby) is to be kept up, in pleasure gardens, room decorations, all kinds of tasteful furniture, etc., regularity that shows constraint is avoided as much as possible. Thus in the English taste in gardens, or in bizarre taste in furniture, the freedom of the Imagination is pushed almost near to the grotesque, and in this separation from every constraint of rule we have the case, where taste can display its greatest perfection in the enterprises of the Imagination.

    All stiff regularity (such as approximates to mathematical regularity) has something in it repugnant to taste; for our entertainment in the contemplation of it lasts for no length of time, but it rather, in so far as it has not expressly in view cognition or a definite practical purpose, produces weariness. On the other hand that with which Imagination can play in an unstudied and purposive manner is always new to us, and one does not get tired of looking at it. Marsden in his description of Sumatra makes the remark that the free beauties of nature surround the spectator everywhere and thus lose their attraction for him.41 On the other hand a pepper-garden, where the stakes on which this plant twines itself form parallel rows, had much attractiveness for him, if he met with it in the middle of a forest. And hence he infers that wild beauty, apparently irregular, only pleases as a variation from the regular beauty of which one has seen enough. But he need only have made the experiment of spending one day in a pepper-garden, to have been convinced that, once the Understanding, by the aid of this regularity, has put itself in accord with the order that it always needs, the object will not entertain for long,—nay rather it will impose a burdensome constraint upon the Imagination. On the other hand, nature, which there is prodigal in its variety even to luxuriance, that is subjected to no constraint of artificial rules, can supply constant food for taste.—Even the song of birds, which we can bring under no musical rule, seems to have more freedom, and therefore more for taste, than a song of a human being which is produced in accordance with all the rules of music; for we very much sooner weary of the latter, if it is repeated often and at length. Here, however, we probably confuse our participation in the mirth of a little creature that we love, with the beauty of its song; for if this were exactly imitated by man (as sometimes the notes of the nightingale are)42 it would seem to our ear quite devoid of taste.

    Again, beautiful objects are to be distinguished from beautiful views of objects (which often on account of their distance cannot be clearly recognised). In the latter case taste appears not so much in what the Imagination apprehends in this field, as in the impulse it thus gets to fiction, i.e. in the peculiar fancies with which the mind entertains itself, whilst it is continually being aroused by the variety which strikes the eye. An illustration is afforded, e.g. by the sight of the changing shapes of a fire on the hearth or of a rippling brook; neither of these has beauty, but they bring with them a charm for the Imagination, because they entertain it in free play.

    SECOND BOOK

    ANALYTIC OF THE SUBLIME

    § 23. Transition from the faculty which judges of the Beautiful to that which judges of the Sublime

    The Beautiful and the Sublime agree in this, that both please in themselves. Further, neither presupposes a judgement of sense nor a judgement logically determined, but a judgement of reflection. Consequently the satisfaction [belonging to them] does not depend on a sensation, as in the case of the Pleasant, nor on a definite concept, as in the case of the Good; but it is nevertheless referred to concepts although indeterminate ones. And so the satisfaction is connected with the mere presentation [of the object] or with the faculty of presentation; so that in the case of a given intuition this faculty or the Imagination is considered as in agreement with the faculty of concepts of Understanding or Reason (in its furtherance of these latter). Hence both kinds of judgements are singular, and yet announce themselves as universally valid for every subject; although they lay claim merely to the feeling of pleasure and not to any knowledge of the object.

    But there are also remarkable differences between the two. The Beautiful in nature is connected with the form of the object, which consists in having boundaries. The Sublime, on the other hand, is to be found in a formless object, so far as in it or by occasion of it boundlessness is represented, and yet its totality is also present to thought. Thus the Beautiful seems to be regarded as the presentation of an indefinite concept of Understanding; the Sublime as that of a like concept of Reason. Therefore the satisfaction in the one case is bound up with the representation of quality, in the other with that of quantity. And the latter satisfaction is quite different in kind from the former, for this [the Beautiful43] directly brings with it a feeling of the furtherance of life, and thus is compatible with charms and with the play of the Imagination. But the other [the feeling of the Sublime43] is a pleasure that arises only indirectly; viz. it is produced by the feeling of a momentary checking of the vital powers and a consequent stronger outflow of them, so that it seems to be regarded as emotion,—not play, but earnest in the exercise of the Imagination.—Hence it is incompatible with charms; and as the mind is not merely attracted by the object but is ever being alternately repelled, the satisfaction in the sublime does not so much involve a positive pleasure as admiration or respect, which rather deserves to be called negative pleasure.

    But the inner and most important distinction between the Sublime and Beautiful is, certainly, as follows. (Here, as we are entitled to do, we only bring under consideration in the first instance the sublime in natural Objects; for the sublime of Art is always limited by the conditions of agreement with Nature.) Natural beauty (which is self-subsisting) brings with it a purposiveness in its form by which the object seems to be, as it were, pre-adapted to our Judgement, and thus constitutes in itself an object of satisfaction. On the other hand, that which excites in us, without any reasoning about it, but in the mere apprehension of it, the feeling of the sublime, may appear as regards its form to violate purpose in respect of the Judgement, to be unsuited to our presentative faculty, and, as it were, to do violence to the Imagination; and yet it is judged to be only the more sublime.

    Now from this we may see that in general we express ourselves incorrectly if we call any object of nature sublime, although we can quite correctly call many objects of nature beautiful. For how can that be marked by an expression of approval, which is apprehended in itself as being a violation of purpose? All that we can say is that the object is fit for the presentation of a sublimity which can be found in the mind; for no sensible form can contain the sublime properly so-called. This concerns only Ideas of the Reason, which, although no adequate presentation is possible for them, by this inadequacy that admits of sensible presentation, are aroused and summoned into the mind. Thus the wide ocean, agitated by the storm, cannot be called sublime. Its aspect is horrible; and the mind must be already filled with manifold Ideas if it is to be determined by such an intuition to a feeling itself sublime, as it is incited to abandon sensibility and to busy itself with Ideas that involve higher purposiveness.

    Self-subsisting natural beauty discovers to us a Technic of nature, which represents it as a system in accordance with laws, the principle of which we do not find in the whole of our faculty of Understanding. That principle is the principle of purposiveness, in respect of the use of our Judgement in regard to phenomena; [which requires] that these must not be judged as merely belonging to nature in its purposeless mechanism, but also as belonging to something analogous to art. It, therefore, actually extends, not indeed our cognition of natural Objects, but our concept of nature; [which is now not regarded] as mere mechanism but as art. This leads to profound investigations as to the possibility of such a form. But in what we are accustomed to call sublime there is nothing at all that leads to particular objective principles and forms of nature corresponding to them; so far from it that for the most part nature excites the Ideas of the sublime in its chaos or in its wildest and most irregular disorder and desolation, provided size and might are perceived. Hence, we see that the concept of the Sublime is not nearly so important or rich in consequences as the concept of the Beautiful; and that in general it displays nothing purposive in nature itself, but only in that possible use of our intuitions of it by which there is produced in us a feeling of a purposiveness quite independent of nature. We must seek a ground external to ourselves for the Beautiful of nature; but seek it for the Sublime merely in ourselves and in our attitude of thought which introduces sublimity into the representation of nature. This is a very needful preliminary remark, which quite separates the Ideas of the sublime from that of a purposiveness of nature, and makes the theory of the sublime a mere appendix to the aesthetical judging of that purposiveness; because by means of it no particular form is represented in nature, but there is only developed a purposive use which the Imagination makes of its representation.

    § 24. Of the divisions of an investigation into the feeling of the sublime

    As regards the division of the moments of the aesthetical judging of objects in reference to the feeling of the sublime, the Analytic can proceed according to the same principle as was adapted in the analysis of judgements of taste. For as an act of the aesthetical reflective Judgement, the satisfaction in the Sublime must be represented just as in the case of the Beautiful,—according to quantity as universally valid, according to quality as devoid of interest, according to relation as subjective purposiveness, and according to modality as necessary. And so the method here will not diverge from that of the preceding section; unless, indeed, we count it a difference that in the case where the aesthetical Judgement is concerned with the form of the Object we began with the investigation of its quality, but here, in view of the formlessness which may belong to what we call sublime, we shall begin with quantity, as the first moment of the aesthetical judgement as to the sublime. The reason for this may be seen from the preceding paragraph.

    But the analysis of the Sublime involves a division not needed in the case of the Beautiful, viz. a division into the mathematically and the dynamically sublime.

    For the feeling of the Sublime brings with it as its characteristic feature a movement of the mind bound up with the judging of the object, while in the case of the Beautiful taste presupposes and maintains the mind in restful contemplation. Now this movement ought to be judged as subjectively purposive (because the sublime pleases us), and thus it is referred through the Imagination either to the faculty of cognition or of desire. In either reference the purposiveness of the given representation ought to be judged only in respect of this faculty (without purpose or interest); but in the first case it is ascribed to the Object as a mathematical determination of the Imagination, in the second as dynamical. And hence we have this twofold way of representing the sublime.

    A.—Of the Mathematically Sublime

    § 25. Explanation of the term “sublime”

    We call that sublime which is absolutely great. But to be great, and to be a great something are quite different concepts (magnitudo and quantitas). In like manner to say simply (simpliciter) that anything is great is quite different from saying that it is absolutely great (absolute, non comparative magnum). The latter is what is great beyond all comparison.—What now is meant by the expression that anything is great or small or of medium size? It is not a pure concept of Understanding that is thus signified; still less is it an intuition of Sense, and just as little is it a concept of Reason, because it brings with it no principle of cognition. It must therefore be a concept of Judgement or derived from one; and a subjective purposiveness of the representation in reference to the Judgement must lie at its basis. That anything is a magnitude (quantum) may be cognised from the thing itself, without any comparison of it with other things; viz. if there is a multiplicity of the homogeneous constituting one thing. But to cognise how great it is always requires some other magnitude as a measure. But because the judging of magnitude depends not merely on multiplicity (number), but also on the magnitude of the unit (the measure), and since, to judge of the magnitude of this latter again requires another as measure with which it may be compared, we see that the determination of the magnitude of phenomena can supply no absolute concept whatever of magnitude, but only a comparative one.

    If now I say simply that anything is great, it appears that I have no comparison in view, at least none with an objective measure; because it is thus not determined at all how great the object is. But although the standard of comparison is merely subjective, yet the judgement none the less claims universal assent; “this man is beautiful,” and “he is tall,” are judgements not limited merely to the judging subject, but, like theoretical judgements, demanding the assent of every one.

    In a judgement by which anything is designated simply as great, it is not merely meant that the object has a magnitude, but that this magnitude is superior to that of many other objects of the same kind, without, however, any exact determination of this superiority. Thus there is always at the basis of our judgement a standard which we assume as the same for every one; this, however, is not available for any logical (mathematically definite) judging of magnitude, but only for aesthetical judging of the same, because it is a merely subjective standard lying at the basis of the reflective judgement upon magnitude. It may be empirical, as, e.g. the average size of the men known to us, of animals of a certain kind, trees, houses, mountains, etc. Or it may be a standard given a priori, which through the defects of the judging subject is limited by the subjective conditions of presentation in concreto; as, e.g. in the practical sphere, the greatness of a certain virtue, or of the public liberty and justice in a country; or, in the theoretical sphere, the greatness of the accuracy or the inaccuracy of an observation or measurement that has been made, etc.

    Here it is remarkable that, although we have no interest whatever in an Object,—i.e. its existence is indifferent to us,—yet its mere size, even if it is considered as formless, may bring a satisfaction with it that is universally communicable, and that consequently involves the consciousness of a subjective purposiveness in the use of our cognitive faculty. This is not indeed a satisfaction in the Object (because it may be formless), as in the case of the Beautiful, in which the reflective Judgement finds itself purposively determined in reference to cognition in general; but [a satisfaction] in the extension of the Imagination by itself.

    If (under the above limitation) we say simply of an object “it is great,” this is no mathematically definite judgement but a mere judgement of reflection upon the representation of it, which is subjectively purposive for a certain use of our cognitive powers in the estimation of magnitude; and we always then bind up with the representation a kind of respect, as also a kind of contempt for what we simply call “small.” Further, the judging of things as great or small extends to everything, even to all their characteristics; thus we describe beauty as great or small. The reason of this is to be sought in the fact that whatever we present in intuition according to the precept of the Judgement (and thus represent aesthetically) is always a phenomenon and thus a quantum.

    But if we call anything not only great, but absolutely great in every point of view (great beyond all comparison), i.e. sublime, we soon see that it is not permissible to seek for an adequate standard of this outside itself, but merely in itself. It is a magnitude which is like itself alone. It follows hence that the sublime is not to be sought in the things of nature, but only in our Ideas; but in which of them it lies must be reserved for the Deduction.

    The foregoing explanation can be thus expressed: the sublime is that in comparison with which everything else is small. Here we easily see that nothing can be given in nature, however great it is judged by us to be, which could not if considered in another relation be reduced to the infinitely small; and conversely there is nothing so small, which does not admit of extension by our Imagination to the greatness of a world, if compared with still smaller standards. Telescopes have furnished us with abundant material for making the first remark, microscopes for the second. Nothing, therefore, which can be an object of the senses, is, considered on this basis, to be called sublime. But because there is in our Imagination a striving towards infinite progress, and in our Reason a claim for absolute totality, regarded as a real Idea, therefore this very inadequateness for that Idea in our faculty for estimating the magnitude of things of sense, excites in us the feeling of a supersensible faculty. And it is not the object of sense, but the use which the Judgement naturally makes of certain objects on behalf of this latter feeling, that is absolutely great; and in comparison every other use is small. Consequently it is the state of mind produced by a certain representation with which the reflective Judgement is occupied, and not the Object, that is to be called sublime.

    We may therefore append to the preceding formulas explaining the sublime this other: the sublime is that, the mere ability to think which, shows a faculty of the mind surpassing every standard of Sense.

    § 26. Of that estimation of the magnitude of natural things which is requisite for the Idea of the Sublime

    The estimation of magnitude by means of concepts of number (or their signs in Algebra) is mathematical; but that in mere intuition (by the measurement of the eye) is aesthetical. Now we can come by definite concepts of how great a thing is, [only]44 by numbers, of which the unit is the measure (at all events by series of numbers progressing to infinity); and so far all logical estimation of magnitude is mathematical. But since the magnitude of the measure must then be assumed known, and this again is only to be estimated mathematically by means of numbers,—the unit of which must be another [smaller] measure,—we can never have a first or fundamental measure, and therefore can never have a definite concept of a given magnitude. So the estimation of the magnitude of the fundamental measure must consist in this, that we can immediately apprehend it in intuition and use it by the Imagination for the presentation of concepts of number. That is, all estimation of the magnitude of the objects of nature is in the end aesthetical (i.e. subjectively and not objectively determined).

    Now for the mathematical estimation of magnitude there is, indeed, no maximum (for the power of numbers extends to infinity); but for its aesthetical estimation there is always a maximum, and of this I say that if it is judged as the absolute measure than which no greater is possible subjectively (for the judging subject), it brings with it the Idea of the sublime and produces that emotion which no mathematical estimation of its magnitude by means of numbers can bring about (except so far as the aesthetical fundamental measure remains vividly in the Imagination). For the former only presents relative magnitude by means of comparison with others of the same kind; but the latter presents magnitude absolutely, so far as the mind can grasp it in an intuition.

    In receiving a quantum into the Imagination by intuition, in order to be able to use it for a measure or as a unit for the estimation of magnitude by means of numbers, there are two operations of the Imagination involved: apprehension (apprehensio) and comprehension (comprehensio aesthetica). As to apprehension there is no difficulty, for it can go on ad infinitum; but comprehension becomes harder the further apprehension advances, and soon attains to its maximum, viz. the aesthetically greatest fundamental measure for the estimation of magnitude. For when apprehension has gone so far that the partial representations of sensuous intuition at first apprehended begin to vanish in the Imagination, whilst this ever proceeds to the apprehension of others, then it loses as much on the one side as it gains on the other; and in comprehension there is a maximum beyond which it cannot go.

    Hence can be explained what Savary45 remarks in his account of Egypt, viz. that we must keep from going very near the Pyramids just as much as we keep from going too far from them, in order to get the full emotional effect from their size. For if we are too far away, the parts to be apprehended (the stones lying one over the other) are only obscurely represented, and the representation of them produces no effect upon the aesthetical judgement of the subject. But if we are very near, the eye requires some time to complete the apprehension of the tiers from the bottom up to the apex; and then the first tiers are always partly forgotten before the Imagination has taken in the last, and so the comprehension of them is never complete.—The same thing may sufficiently explain the bewilderment or, as it were, perplexity which, it is said, seizes the spectator on his first entrance into St. Peter’s at Rome. For there is here a feeling of the inadequacy of his Imagination for presenting the Ideas of a whole, wherein the Imagination reaches its maximum, and, in striving to surpass it, sinks back into itself, by which, however, a kind of emotional satisfaction is produced.

    I do not wish to speak as yet of the ground of this satisfaction, which is bound up with a representation from which we should least of all expect it, viz. a representation which lets us remark its inadequacy and consequently its subjective want of purposiveness for the Judgement in the estimation of magnitude. I only remark that if the aesthetical judgement is pure (i.e. mingled with no teleological judgement or judgement of Reason) and is to be given as a completely suitable example of the Critique of the aesthetical Judgement, we must not exhibit the sublime in products of art (e.g. buildings, pillars, etc.) where human purpose determines the form as well as the size; nor yet in things of nature the concepts of which bring with them a definite purpose (e.g. animals with a known natural destination); but in rude nature (and in this only in so far as it does not bring with it any charm or emotion produced by actual danger) merely as containing magnitude. For in this kind of representation nature contains nothing monstrous (either magnificent or horrible); the magnitude that is apprehended may be increased as much as you wish provided it can be comprehended in a whole by the Imagination. An object is monstrous if by its size it destroys the purpose which constitutes the concept of it. But the mere presentation of a concept is called colossal, which is almost too great for any presentation (bordering on the relatively monstrous); because the purpose of the presentation of a concept is made harder [to realise] by the intuition of the object being almost too great for our faculty of apprehension.—A pure judgement upon the sublime must, however, have no purpose of the Object as its determining ground, if it is to be aesthetical and not mixed up with any judgement of Understanding or Reason.

    * * * * *

    Because everything which is to give disinterested pleasure to the merely reflective Judgement must bring with the representation of it, subjective and, as subjective, universally valid purposiveness—although no purposiveness of the form of the object lies (as in the case of the Beautiful) at the ground of the judgement—the question arises “what is this subjective purposiveness?” And how does it come to be prescribed as the norm by which a ground for universally valid satisfaction is supplied in the mere estimation of magnitude, even in that which is forced up to the point where our faculty of Imagination is inadequate for the presentation of the concept of magnitude?

    In the process of combination requisite for the estimation of magnitude, the Imagination proceeds of itself to infinity without anything hindering it; but the Understanding guides it by means of concepts of number, for which the Imagination must furnish the schema. And in this procedure, as belonging to the logical estimation of magnitude, there is indeed something objectively purposive,—in accordance with the concept of a purpose (as all measurement is),—but nothing purposive and pleasing for the aesthetical Judgement. There is also in this designed purposiveness nothing which would force us to push the magnitude of the measure, and consequently the comprehension of the manifold in an intuition, to the bounds of the faculty of Imagination, or as far as ever this can reach in its presentations. For in the estimation of magnitude by the Understanding (Arithmetic) we only go to a certain point whether we push the comprehension of the units up to the number 10 (as in the decimal scale) or only up to 4 (as in the quaternary scale); the further production of magnitude proceeds by combination or, if the quantum is given in intuition, by apprehension, but merely by way of progression (not of comprehension) in accordance with an assumed principle of progression. In this mathematical estimation of magnitude the Understanding is equally served and contented whether the Imagination chooses for unit a magnitude that we can take in in a glance, e.g. a foot or rod, or a German mile or even the earth’s diameter,—of which the apprehension is indeed possible, but not the comprehension in an intuition of the Imagination (not possible by comprehensio aesthetica, although quite possible by comprehensio logica in a concept of number). In both cases the logical estimation of magnitude goes on without hindrance to infinity.

    But now the mind listens to the voice of Reason which, for every given magnitude,—even for those that can never be entirely apprehended, although (in sensible representation) they are judged as entirely given,—requires totality. Reason consequently desires comprehension in one intuition, and so the presentation of all these members of a progressively increasing series. It does not even exempt the infinite (space and past time) from this requirement; it rather renders it unavoidable to think the infinite (in the judgement of common Reason) as entirely given (according to its totality).

    But the infinite is absolutely (not merely comparatively) great. Compared with it everything else (of the same kind of magnitudes) is small. And what is most important is that to be able only to think it as a whole indicates a faculty of mind which surpasses every standard of Sense. For [to represent it sensibly] would require a comprehension having for unit a standard bearing a definite relation, expressible in numbers, to the infinite; which is impossible. Nevertheless, the bare capability of thinking this infinite without contradiction requires in the human mind a faculty itself supersensible. For it is only by means of this faculty and its Idea of a noumenon,—which admits of no intuition, but which yet serves as the substrate for the intuition of the world, as a mere phenomenon,—that the infinite of the world of sense, in the pure intellectual estimation of magnitude, can be completely comprehended under a concept, although in the mathematical estimation of magnitude by means of concepts of number it can never be completely thought. The faculty of being able to think the infinite of supersensible intuition as given (in its intelligible substrate), surpasses every standard of sensibility, and is great beyond all comparison even with the faculty of mathematical estimation; not of course in a theoretical point of view and on behalf of the cognitive faculty, but as an extension of the mind which feels itself able in another (practical) point of view to go beyond the limit of sensibility.

    Nature is therefore sublime in those of its phenomena, whose intuition brings with it the Idea of their infinity. This last can only come by the inadequacy of the greatest effort of our Imagination to estimate the magnitude of an object. But now in mathematical estimation of magnitude the Imagination is equal to providing a sufficient measure for every object; because the numerical concepts of the Understanding, by means of progression, can make any measure adequate to any given magnitude. Therefore it must be the aesthetical estimation of magnitude in which it is felt that the effort towards comprehension surpasses the power of the Imagination to grasp in a whole of intuition the progressive apprehension; and at the same time is perceived the inadequacy of this faculty, unbounded in its progress, for grasping and using, for the estimation of magnitude, a fundamental measure which could be made available by the Understanding with little trouble. Now the proper unchangeable fundamental measure of nature is its absolute whole; which, regarding nature as a phenomenon, would be infinity comprehended. But since this fundamental measure is a self-contradictory concept (on account of the impossibility of the absolute totality of an endless progress), that magnitude of a natural Object, on which the Imagination fruitlessly spends its whole faculty of comprehension, must carry our concept of nature to a supersensible substrate (which lies at its basis and also at the basis of our faculty of thought). As this, however, is great beyond all standards of sense, it makes us judge as sublime, not so much the object, as our own state of mind in the estimation of it.

    Therefore, just as the aesthetical Judgement in judging the Beautiful refers the Imagination in its free play to the Understanding, in order to harmonise it with the concepts of the latter in general (without any determination of them); so does the same faculty when judging a thing as Sublime refer itself to the Reason in order that it may subjectively be in accordance with its Ideas (no matter what they are):—i.e. that it may produce a state of mind conformable to them and compatible with that brought about by the influence of definite (practical) Ideas upon feeling.

    We hence see also that true sublimity must be sought only in the mind of the [subject] judging, not in the natural Object, the judgement upon which occasions this state. Who would call sublime, e.g. shapeless mountain masses piled in wild disorder upon each other with their pyramids of ice, or the gloomy raging sea? But the mind feels itself elevated in its own judgement if, while contemplating them without any reference to their form, and abandoning itself to the Imagination and to the Reason—which although placed in combination with the Imagination without any definite purpose, merely extends it—it yet finds the whole power of the Imagination inadequate to its Ideas.

    Examples of the mathematically Sublime of nature in mere intuition are all the cases in which we are given, not so much a larger numerical concept as a large unit for the measure of the Imagination (for shortening the numerical series). A tree, [the height of] which we estimate with reference to the height of a man, at all events gives a standard for a mountain; and if this were a mile high, it would serve as unit for the number expressive of the earth’s diameter, so that the latter might be made intuitible. The earth’s diameter [would supply a unit] for the known planetary system; this again for the Milky Way; and the immeasurable number of milky way systems called nebulae,—which presumably constitute a system of the same kind among themselves—lets us expect no bounds here. Now the Sublime in the aesthetical judging of an immeasurable whole like this lies not so much in the greatness of the number [of units], as in the fact that in our progress we ever arrive at yet greater units. To this the systematic division of the universe contributes, which represents every magnitude in nature as small in its turn; and represents our Imagination with its entire freedom from bounds, and with it Nature, as a mere nothing in comparison with the Ideas of Reason, if it is sought to furnish a presentation which shall be adequate to them.

    § 27. Of the quality of the satisfaction in our judgements upon the Sublime

    The feeling of our incapacity to attain to an Idea, which is a law for us, is RESPECT. Now the Idea of the comprehension of every phenomenon that can be given us in the intuition of a whole, is an Idea prescribed to us by a law of Reason, which recognises no other measure, definite, valid for every one, and invariable, than the absolute whole. But our Imagination, even in its greatest efforts, in respect of that comprehension, which we expect from it, of a given object in a whole of intuition (and thus with reference to the presentation of the Idea of Reason), exhibits its own limits and inadequacy; although at the same time it shows that its destination is to make itself adequate to this Idea regarded as a law. Therefore the feeling of the Sublime in nature is respect for our own destination, which by a certain subreption we attribute to an Object of nature (conversion of respect for the Idea of humanity in our own subject into respect for the Object). This makes intuitively evident the superiority of the rational determination of our cognitive faculties to the greatest faculty of our Sensibility.

    The feeling of the Sublime is therefore a feeling of pain, arising from the want of accordance between the aesthetical estimation of magnitude formed by the Imagination and the estimation of the same formed by Reason. There is at the same time a pleasure thus excited, arising from the correspondence with rational Ideas of this very judgement of the inadequacy of our greatest faculty of Sense; in so far as it is a law for us to strive after these Ideas. In fact it is for us a law (of Reason), and belongs to our destination, to estimate as small, in comparison with Ideas of Reason, everything which nature, regarded as an object of Sense, contains that is great for us; and that which arouses in us the feeling of this supersensible destination agrees with that law. Now the greatest effort of the Imagination in the presentation of the unit for the estimation of magnitude indicates a reference to something absolutely great; and consequently a reference to the law of Reason, which bids us take this alone as the supreme measure of magnitude. Therefore the inner perception of the inadequacy of all sensible standards for rational estimation of magnitude indicates a correspondence with rational laws; it involves a pain, which arouses in us the feeling of our supersensible destination, according to which it is purposive and therefore pleasurable to find every standard of Sensibility inadequate to the Ideas of Understanding.

    The mind feels itself moved in the representation of the Sublime in nature; whilst in aesthetical judgements about the Beautiful it is in restful contemplation. This movement may (especially in its beginnings) be compared to a vibration, i.e. to a quickly alternating attraction towards, and repulsion from, the same Object. The transcendent (towards which the Imagination is impelled in its apprehension of intuition) is for the Imagination like an abyss in which it fears to lose itself; but for the rational Idea of the supersensible it is not transcendent but in conformity with law to bring about such an effort of the Imagination, and consequently here there is the same amount of attraction as there was of repulsion for the mere Sensibility. But the judgement itself always remains in this case only aesthetical, because—without having any determinate concept of the Object at its basis—it merely represents the subjective play of the mental powers (Imagination and Reason) as harmonious through their very contrast. For just as Imagination and Understanding, in judging of the Beautiful, generate a subjective purposiveness of the mental powers by means of their harmony, so [here46] Imagination and Reason do so by means of their conflict. That is, they bring about a feeling that we possess pure self-subsistent Reason, or a faculty for the estimation of magnitude, whose pre-eminence can be made intuitively evident only by the inadequacy of that faculty [Imagination] which is itself unbounded in the presentation of magnitudes (of sensible objects).

    The measurement of a space (regarded as apprehension) is at the same time a description of it, and thus an objective movement in the act of Imagination and a progress. On the other hand, the comprehension of the manifold in the unity,—not of thought but of intuition,—and consequently the comprehension of the successively apprehended [elements] in one glance, is a regress, which annihilates the condition of time in this progress of the Imagination and makes coexistence intuitible.47 It is therefore (since the time-series is a condition of the internal sense and of an intuition) a subjective movement of the Imagination, by which it does violence to the internal sense; this must be the more noticeable, the greater the quantum is which the Imagination comprehends in one intuition. The effort, therefore, to receive in one single intuition a measure for magnitudes that requires an appreciable time to apprehend, is a kind of representation, which, subjectively considered, is contrary to purpose: but objectively, as requisite for the estimation of magnitude, it is purposive. Thus that very violence which is done to the subject through the Imagination is judged as purposive in reference to the whole determination of the mind.

    The quality of the feeling of the Sublime is that it is a feeling of pain in reference to the faculty by which we judge aesthetically of an object, which pain, however, is represented at the same time as purposive. This is possible through the fact that the very incapacity in question discovers the consciousness of an unlimited faculty of the same subject, and that the mind can only judge of the latter aesthetically by means of the former.

    In the logical estimation of magnitude the impossibility of ever arriving at absolute totality, by means of the progress of the measurement of things of the sensible world in time and space, was cognised as objective, i.e. as an impossibility of thinking the infinite as entirely given; and not as merely subjective or that there was only an incapacity to grasp it. For there we have not to do with the degree of comprehension in an intuition, regarded as a measure, but everything depends on a concept of number. But in aesthetical estimation of magnitude the concept of number must disappear or be changed, and the comprehension of the Imagination in reference to the unit of measure (thus avoiding the concepts of a law of the successive production of concepts of magnitude) is alone purposive for it.—If now a magnitude almost reaches the limit of our faculty of comprehension in an intuition, and yet the Imagination is invited by means of numerical magnitudes (in respect of which we are conscious that our faculty is unbounded) to aesthetical comprehension in a greater unit, then we mentally feel ourselves confined aesthetically within bounds. But nevertheless the pain in regard to the necessary extension of the Imagination for accordance with that which is unbounded in our faculty of Reason, viz. the Idea of the absolute whole, and consequently the very unpurposiveness of the faculty of Imagination for rational Ideas and the arousing of them, are represented as purposive. Thus it is that the aesthetical judgement itself is subjectively purposive for the Reason as the source of Ideas, i.e. as the source of an intellectual comprehension for which all aesthetical comprehension is small; and there accompanies the reception of an object as sublime a pleasure, which is only possible through the medium of a pain.

    B.—Of the Dynamically Sublime in Nature

    § 28. Of Nature regarded as Might

    Might is that which is superior to great hindrances. It is called dominion if it is superior to the resistance of that which itself possesses might. Nature considered in an aesthetical judgement as might that has no dominion over us, is dynamically sublime.

    If nature is to be judged by us as dynamically sublime, it must be represented as exciting fear (although it is not true conversely that every object which excites fear is regarded in our aesthetical judgement as sublime). For in aesthetical judgements (without the aid of concepts) superiority to hindrances can only be judged according to the greatness of the resistance. Now that which we are driven to resist is an evil, and, if we do not find our faculties a match for it, is an object of fear. Hence nature can be regarded by the aesthetical Judgement as might, and consequently as dynamically sublime, only so far as it is considered an object of fear.

    But we can regard an object as fearful, without being afraid of it; viz. if we judge of it in such a way that we merely think a case in which we would wish to resist it, and yet in which all resistance would be altogether vain. Thus the virtuous man fears God without being afraid of Him; because to wish to resist Him and His commandments, he thinks is a case as to which he need not be anxious. But in every such case that he thinks as not impossible, he cognises Him as fearful.

    He who fears can form no judgement about the Sublime in nature; just as he who is seduced by inclination and appetite can form no judgement about the Beautiful. The former flies from the sight of an object which inspires him with awe; and it is impossible to find satisfaction in a terror that is seriously felt. Hence the pleasurableness arising from the cessation of an uneasiness is a state of joy. But this, on account of the deliverance from danger [which is involved], is a state of joy conjoined with the resolve not to expose ourselves to the danger again; we cannot willingly look back upon our sensations [of danger], much less seek the occasion for them again.

    Bold, overhanging, and as it were threatening, rocks; clouds piled up in the sky, moving with lightning flashes and thunder peals; volcanoes in all their violence of destruction; hurricanes with their track of devastation; the boundless ocean in a state of tumult; the lofty waterfall of a mighty river, and such like; these exhibit our faculty of resistance as insignificantly small in comparison with their might. But the sight of them is the more attractive, the more fearful it is, provided only that we are in security; and we readily call these objects sublime, because they raise the energies of the soul above their accustomed height, and discover in us a faculty of resistance of a quite different kind, which gives us courage to measure ourselves against the apparent almightiness of nature.

    Now, in the immensity of nature, and in the inadequacy of our faculties for adopting a standard proportionate to the aesthetical estimation of the magnitude of its realm, we find our own limitation; although at the same time in our rational faculty we find a different, non-sensuous standard, which has that infinity itself under it as a unit, and in comparison with which everything in nature is small. Thus in our mind we find a superiority to nature even in its immensity. And so also the irresistibility of its might, while making us recognise our own [physical48] impotence, considered as beings of nature, discloses to us a faculty of judging independently of, and a superiority over, nature; on which is based a kind of self-preservation, entirely different from that which can be attacked and brought into danger by external nature. Thus, humanity in our person remains unhumiliated, though the individual might have to submit to this dominion. In this way nature is not judged to be sublime in our aesthetical judgements, in so far as it excites fear; but because it calls up that power in us (which is not nature) of regarding as small the things about which we are solicitous (goods, health, and life), and of regarding its might (to which we are no doubt subjected in respect of these things), as nevertheless without any dominion over us and our personality to which we must bow where our highest fundamental propositions, and their assertion or abandonment, are concerned. Therefore nature is here called sublime merely because it elevates the Imagination to a presentation of those cases in which the mind can make felt the proper sublimity of its destination, in comparison with nature itself.

    This estimation of ourselves loses nothing through the fact that we must regard ourselves as safe in order to feel this inspiriting satisfaction; and that hence, as there is no seriousness in the danger, there might be also (as might seem to be the case) just as little seriousness in the sublimity of our spiritual faculty. For the satisfaction here concerns only the destination of our faculty which discloses itself in such a case, so far as the tendency to this destination lies in our nature, whilst its development and exercise remain incumbent and obligatory. And in this there is truth, however conscious the man may be of his present actual powerlessness, when he stretches his reflection so far.

    No doubt this principle seems to be too far-fetched and too subtly reasoned, and consequently seems to go beyond the scope of an aesthetical judgement; but observation of men proves the opposite, and shows that it may lie at the root of the most ordinary judgements, although we are not always conscious of it. For what is that which is, even to the savage, an object of the greatest admiration? It is a man who shrinks from nothing, who fears nothing, and therefore does not yield to danger, but rather goes to face it vigorously with the fullest deliberation. Even in the most highly civilised state this peculiar veneration for the soldier remains, though only under the condition that he exhibit all the virtues of peace, gentleness, compassion, and even a becoming care for his own person; because even by these it is recognised that his mind is unsubdued by danger. Hence whatever disputes there may be about the superiority of the respect which is to be accorded them, in the comparison of a statesman and a general, the aesthetical judgement decides for the latter. War itself, if it is carried on with order and with a sacred respect for the rights of citizens, has something sublime in it, and makes the disposition of the people who carry it on thus, only the more sublime, the more numerous are the dangers to which they are exposed, and in respect of which they behave with courage. On the other hand, a long peace generally brings about a predominant commercial spirit, and along with it, low selfishness, cowardice, and effeminacy, and debases the disposition of the people.49

    It appears to conflict with this solution of the concept of the sublime, so far as sublimity is ascribed to might, that we are accustomed to represent God as presenting Himself in His wrath and yet in His sublimity, in the tempest, the storm, the earthquake, etc.; and that it would be foolish and criminal to imagine a superiority of our minds over these works of His, and, as it seems, even over the designs of such might. Hence it would appear that no feeling of the sublimity of our own nature, but rather subjection, abasement, and a feeling of complete powerlessness, is a fitting state of mind before the manifestation of such an object, and this is generally bound up with the Idea of it during natural phenomena of this kind. Generally in religion, prostration, adoration with bent head, with contrite, anxious demeanour and voice, seems to be the only fitting behaviour in presence of the Godhead; and hence most peoples have adopted and still observe it. But this state of mind is far from being necessarily bound up with the Idea of the sublimity of a religion and its object. The man who is actually afraid, because he finds reasons for fear in himself, whilst conscious by his culpable disposition of offending against a Might whose will is irresistible and at the same time just, is not in the frame of mind for admiring the divine greatness. For this a mood of calm contemplation and a quite free judgement are needed. Only if he is conscious of an upright disposition pleasing to God do those operations of might serve to awaken in him the Idea of the sublimity of this Being, for then he recognises in himself a sublimity of disposition conformable to His will; and thus he is raised above the fear of such operations of nature, which he no longer regards as outbursts of His wrath. Even humility, in the shape of a stern judgement upon his own faults,—which otherwise, with a consciousness of good intentions, could be easily palliated from the frailty of human nature,—is a sublime state of mind, consisting in a voluntary subjection of himself to the pain of remorse, in order that its causes may be gradually removed. In this way religion is essentially distinguished from superstition. The latter establishes in the mind, not reverence for the Sublime, but fear and apprehension of the all-powerful Being to whose will the terrified man sees himself subject, without according Him any high esteem. From this nothing can arise but a seeking of favour, and flattery, instead of a religion which consists in a good life.50

    Sublimity, therefore, does not reside in anything of nature, but only in our mind, in so far as we can become conscious that we are superior to nature within, and therefore also to nature without us (so far as it influences us). Everything that excites this feeling in us, e.g. the might of nature which calls forth our forces, is called then (although improperly) sublime. Only by supposing this Idea in ourselves, and in reference to it, are we capable of attaining to the Idea of the sublimity of that Being, which produces respect in us, not merely by the might that it displays in nature, but rather by means of the faculty which resides in us of judging it fearlessly and of regarding our destination as sublime in respect of it.

    § 29. Of the modality of the judgement upon the sublime in nature

    There are numberless beautiful things in nature about which we can assume and even expect, without being far mistaken, the harmony of every one’s judgement with our own. But in respect of our judgement upon the sublime in nature, we cannot promise ourselves so easily the accordance of others. For a far greater culture, as well of the aesthetical Judgement as of the cognitive faculties which lie at its basis, seems requisite in order to be able to pass judgement on this pre-eminent quality of natural objects.

    That the mind be attuned to feel the sublime postulates a susceptibility of the mind for Ideas. For in the very inadequacy of nature to these latter, and thus only by presupposing them and by straining the Imagination to use nature as a schema for them, is to be found that which is terrible to sensibility and yet is attractive. [It is attractive] because Reason exerts a dominion over sensibility in order to extend it in conformity with its own realm (the practical) and to make it look out into the Infinite, which is for it an abyss. In fact, without development of moral Ideas, that which we, prepared by culture, call sublime, presents itself to the uneducated man merely as terrible. In the indications of the dominion of nature in destruction, and in the great scale of its might, in comparison with which his own is a vanishing quantity, he will only see the misery, danger, and distress which surround the man who is exposed to it. So the good, and indeed intelligent, Savoyard peasant (as Herr von Saussure51 relates) unhesitatingly called all lovers of snow-mountains fools. And who knows, whether he would have been so completely wrong, if Saussure had undertaken the danger to which he exposed himself merely, as most travellers do, from amateur curiosity, or that he might be able to give a pathetic account of them? But his design was the instruction of men; and this excellent man gave the readers of his Travels, soul-stirring sensations such as he himself had, into the bargain.

    But although the judgement upon the Sublime in nature needs culture (more than the judgement upon the Beautiful), it is not therefore primarily produced by culture and introduced in a merely conventional way into society. Rather has it root in human nature, even in that which, alike with common Understanding, we can impute to and expect of every one, viz. in the tendency to the feeling for (practical) Ideas, i.e. to the moral feeling.

    Hereon is based the necessity of that agreement of the judgement of others about the sublime with our own which we include in the latter. For just as we charge with want of taste the man who is indifferent when passing judgement upon an object of nature that we regard as beautiful; so we say of him who remains unmoved in the presence of that which we judge to be sublime, he has no feeling. But we claim both from every man, and we presuppose them in him if he has any culture at all; only with the difference, that we expect the former directly of every one, because in it the Judgement refers the Imagination merely to the Understanding, the faculty of concepts; but the latter, because in it the Imagination is related to the Reason, the faculty of Ideas, only under a subjective presupposition (which, however, we believe we are authorised in imputing to every one), viz. the presupposition of the moral feeling [in man.52] Thus it is that we ascribe necessity to this aesthetical judgement also.

    In this modality of aesthetical judgements, viz. in the necessity claimed for them, lies an important moment of the Critique of Judgement. For it enables us to recognise in them an a priori principle, and raises them out of empirical psychology, in which otherwise they would remain buried amongst the feelings of gratification and grief (only with the unmeaning addition of being called finer feelings). Thus it enables us too to place the Judgement among those faculties that have a priori principles at their basis, and so to bring it into Transcendental Philosophy.

    GENERAL REMARK UPON THE EXPOSITION OF THE AESTHETICAL REFLECTIVE JUDGEMENT

    In reference to the feeling of pleasure an object is to be classified as either pleasant, or beautiful, or sublime, or good (absolutely), (jucundum, pulchrum, sublime, honestum).

    The pleasant, as motive of desire, is always of one and the same kind, no matter whence it comes and however specifically different the representation (of sense, and sensation objectively considered) may be. Hence in judging its influence on the mind, account is taken only of the number of its charms (simultaneous and successive), and so only of the mass, as it were, of the pleasant sensation; and this can be made intelligible only by quantity. It has no reference to culture, but belongs to mere enjoyment.—On the other hand, the beautiful requires the representation of a certain quality of the Object, that can be made intelligible and reduced to concepts (although it is not so reduced in an aesthetical judgement); and it cultivates us, in that it teaches us to attend to the purposiveness in the feeling of pleasure.—The sublime consists merely in the relation by which the sensible in the representation of nature is judged available for a possible supersensible use.—The absolutely good, subjectively judged according to the feeling that it inspires (the Object of the moral feeling), as capable of determining the powers of the subject through the representation of an absolutely compelling law, is specially distinguished by the modality of a necessity that rests a priori upon concepts. This necessity involves not merely a claim, but a command for the assent of every one, and belongs in itself to the pure intellectual, rather than to the aesthetical Judgement; and is by a determinant and not a mere reflective judgement ascribed not to Nature but to Freedom. But the determinability of the subject by means of this Idea, and especially of a subject that can feel hindrances in sensibility, and at the same time its superiority to them by their subjugation involving a modification of its state—i.e. the moral feeling,—is yet so far cognate to the aesthetical Judgement and its formal conditions that it can serve to represent the conformity to law of action from duty as aesthetical, i.e. as sublime or even as beautiful, without losing its purity. This would not be so, if we were to put it in natural combination with the feeling of the pleasant.

    If we take the result of the foregoing exposition of the two kinds of aesthetical judgements, there arise therefrom the following short explanations:

    The Beautiful is what pleases in the mere judgement (and therefore not by the medium of sensation in accordance with a concept of the Understanding). It follows at once from this that it must please apart from all interest.

    The Sublime is what pleases immediately through its opposition to the interest of sense.

    Both, as explanations of aesthetical universally valid judging, are referred to subjective grounds; in the one case to grounds of sensibility, in favour of the contemplative Understanding; in the other case in opposition to sensibility, but on behalf of the purposes of practical Reason. Both, however, united in the same subject, are purposive in reference to the moral feeling. The Beautiful prepares us to love disinterestedly something, even nature itself; the Sublime prepares us to esteem something highly even in opposition to our own (sensible) interest.

    We may describe the Sublime thus: it is an object (of nature) the representation of which determines the mind to think the unattainability of nature regarded as a presentation of Ideas.

    Literally taken and logically considered, Ideas cannot be presented. But if we extend our empirical representative faculty (mathematically or dynamically) to the intuition of nature, Reason inevitably intervenes, as the faculty expressing the independence of absolute totality,53 and generates the effort of the mind, vain though it be, to make the representation of the senses adequate to this. This effort,—and the feeling of the unattainability of the Idea by means of the Imagination,—is itself a presentation of the subjective purposiveness of our mind in the employment of the Imagination for its supersensible destination; and forces us, subjectively, to think nature itself in its totality as a presentation of something supersensible, without being able objectively to arrive at this presentation.

    For we soon see that nature in space and time entirely lacks the unconditioned, and, consequently, that absolute magnitude, which yet is desired by the most ordinary Reason. It is by this that we are reminded that we only have to do with nature as phenomenon, and that it must be regarded as the mere presentation of a nature in itself (of which Reason has the Idea). But this Idea of the supersensible, which we can no further determine,—so that we cannot know but only think nature as its presentation,—is awakened in us by means of an object, whose aesthetical appreciation strains the Imagination to its utmost bounds, whether of extension (mathematical) or of its might over the mind (dynamical). And this judgement is based upon a feeling of the mind’s destination, which entirely surpasses the realm of the former (i.e. upon the moral feeling), in respect of which the representation of the object is judged as subjectively purposive.

    In fact, a feeling for the Sublime in nature cannot well be thought without combining therewith a mental disposition which is akin to the Moral. And although the immediate pleasure in the Beautiful of nature likewise presupposes and cultivates a certain liberality in our mental attitude, i.e. a satisfaction independent of mere sensible enjoyment, yet freedom is thus represented as in play rather than in that law-directed occupation which is the genuine characteristic of human morality, in which Reason must exercise dominion over Sensibility. But in aesthetical judgements upon the Sublime this dominion is represented as exercised by the Imagination, regarded as an instrument of Reason.

    The satisfaction in the Sublime of nature is then only negative (whilst that in the Beautiful is positive); viz. a feeling that the Imagination is depriving itself of its freedom, while it is purposively determined according to a different law from that of its empirical employment. It thus acquires an extension and a might greater than it sacrifices,—the ground of which, however, is concealed from itself; whilst yet it feels the sacrifice or the deprivation and, at the same time, the cause to which it is subjected. Astonishment, that borders upon terror, the dread and the holy awe which seizes the observer at the sight of mountain peaks rearing themselves to heaven, deep chasms and streams raging therein, deep-shadowed solitudes that dispose one to melancholy meditations—this, in the safety in which we know ourselves to be, is not actual fear, but only an attempt to feel fear by the aid of the Imagination; that we may feel the might of this faculty in combining with the mind’s repose the mental movement thereby excited, and being thus superior to internal nature,—and therefore to external,—so far as this can have any influence on our feeling of well-being. For the Imagination by the laws of Association makes our state of contentment dependent on physical [causes]; but it also, by the principles of the Schematism of the Judgement (being so far, therefore, ranked under freedom), is the instrument of Reason and its Ideas, and, as such, has might to maintain our independence of natural influences, to regard as small what in reference to them is great, and so to place the absolutely great only in the proper destination of the subject. The raising of this reflection of the aesthetical Judgement so as to be adequate to Reason (though without a definite concept of Reason) represents the object as subjectively purposive, even by the objective want of accordance between the Imagination in its greatest extension and the Reason (as the faculty of Ideas).

    We must here, generally, attend to what has been already noted, that in the Transcendental Aesthetic of Judgement we must speak solely of pure aesthetical judgements; consequently our examples are not to be taken from such beautiful or sublime objects of Nature as presuppose the concept of a purpose. For, if so, the purposiveness would be either teleological, or would be based on mere sensations of an object (gratification or grief); and thus would be in the former case not aesthetical, in the latter not merely formal. If then we call the sight of the starry heaven sublime, we must not place at the basis of our judgement concepts of worlds inhabited by rational beings, and regard the bright points, with which we see the space above us filled, as their suns moving in circles purposively fixed with reference to them; but we must regard it, just as we see it, as a distant, all-embracing vault. Only under such a representation can we range that sublimity which a pure aesthetical judgement ascribes to this object. And in the same way, if we are to call the sight of the ocean sublime, we must not think of it as we [ordinarily] do, endowed as we are with all kinds of knowledge (not contained, however, in the immediate intuition). For example, we sometimes think of the ocean as a vast kingdom of aquatic creatures; or as the great source of those vapours that fill the air with clouds for the benefit of the land; or again as an element which, though dividing continents from each other, yet promotes the greatest communication between them: but these furnish merely teleological judgements. To call the ocean sublime we must regard it as poets do, merely by what strikes the eye; if it is at rest, as a clear mirror of water only bounded by the heaven; if it is restless, as an abyss threatening to overwhelm everything. The like is to be said of the Sublime and Beautiful in the human figure. We must not regard as the determining grounds of our judgement the concepts of the purposes which all our limbs serve, and we must not allow this coincidence to influence our aesthetical judgement (for then it would no longer be pure); although it is certainly a necessary condition of aesthetical satisfaction that there should be no conflict between them. Aesthetical purposiveness is the conformity to law of the Judgement in its freedom. The satisfaction in the object depends on the relation in which we wish to place the Imagination; always provided that it by itself entertains the mind in free occupation. If, on the other hand, the judgement be determined by anything else,—whether sensation or concept,—although it may be conformable to law, it cannot be the act of a free Judgement.

    If then we speak of intellectual beauty or sublimity, these expressions are, first, not quite accurate, because beauty and sublimity are aesthetical modes of representation, which would not be found in us at all if we were pure intelligences (or even regarded ourselves as such in thought). Secondly, although both, as objects of an intellectual (moral) satisfaction, are so far compatible with aesthetical satisfaction that they rest upon no interest, yet they are difficult to unite with it, because they are meant to produce an interest. This, if its presentation is to harmonise with the satisfaction in the aesthetical judgement, could only arise by means of a sensible interest that we combine with it in the presentation; and thus damage would be done to the intellectual purposiveness, and it would lose its purity.

    The object of a pure and unconditioned intellectual satisfaction is the Moral Law in that might which it exercises in us over all mental motives that precede it. This might only makes itself aesthetically known to us through sacrifices (which causing a feeling of deprivation, though on behalf of internal freedom, in return discloses in us an unfathomable depth of this supersensible faculty, with consequences extending beyond our ken); thus the satisfaction on the aesthetical side (in relation to sensibility) is negative, i.e. against this interest, but regarded from the intellectual side it is positive and combined with an interest. Hence it follows that the intellectual, in itself purposive, (moral) good, aesthetically judged, must be represented as sublime rather than beautiful, so that it rather awakens the feeling of respect (which disdains charm) than that of love and familiar inclination; for human nature does not attach itself to this good spontaneously, but only by the authority which Reason exercises over Sensibility. Conversely also, that which we call sublime in nature, whether external or internal (e.g. certain affections), is only represented as a might in the mind to overcome [certain]54 hindrances of the Sensibility by means of moral fundamental propositions, and only thus does it interest.

    I will dwell a moment on this latter point. The Idea of the Good conjoined with affection is called enthusiasm. This state of mind seems to be sublime, to the extent that we commonly assert that nothing great could be done without it. Now every affection55 is blind, either in the choice of its purpose, or, if this be supplied by Reason, in its accomplishment; for it is a mental movement which makes it impossible to exercise a free deliberation about fundamental propositions so as to determine ourselves thereby. It can therefore in no way deserve the approval of the Reason. Nevertheless, aesthetically, enthusiasm is sublime, because it is a tension of forces produced by Ideas, which give an impulse to the mind, that operates far more powerfully and lastingly than the impulse arising from sensible representations. But (which seems strange) the absence of affection (apatheia, phlegma in significatu bono) in a mind that vigorously follows its unalterable principles is sublime, and in a far preferable way, because it has also on its side the satisfaction of pure Reason.56 It is only a mental state of this kind that is called noble; and this expression is subsequently applied to things, e.g. a building, a garment, literary style, bodily presence, etc., when these do not so much arouse astonishment (the affection produced by the representation of novelty exceeding our expectations), as admiration (astonishment that does not cease when the novelty disappears); and this is the case when Ideas agree in their presentation undesignedly and artlessly with the aesthetical satisfaction.

    Every affection of the STRENUOUS kind (viz. that excites the consciousness of our power to overcome every obstacle—animi strenui) is aesthetically sublime, e.g. wrath, even despair (i.e. the despair of indignation, not of faintheartedness). But affections of the LANGUID kind (which make the very effort of resistance an object of pain—animum languidum) have nothing noble in themselves, but they may be reckoned under the sensuously beautiful. Emotions, which may rise to the strength of affections, are very different. We have both spirited and tender emotions. The latter, if they rise to the height of affections, are worthless; the propensity to them is called sentimentality. A sympathetic grief that will not admit of consolation, or one referring to imaginary evils to which we deliberately surrender ourselves—being deceived by fancy—as if they were actual, indicates and produces a tender,57 though weak, soul—which shows a beautiful side and which can be called fanciful, though not enthusiastic. Romances, lacrymose plays, shallow moral precepts, which toy with (falsely) so-called moral dispositions, but in fact make the heart languid, insensible to the severe precept of duty, and incapable of all respect for the worth of humanity in our own person, and for the rights of men (a very different thing from their happiness), and in general incapable of all steady principle; even a religious discourse,58 which recommends a cringing, abject seeking of favour and ingratiation of ourselves, which proposes the abandonment of all confidence in our own faculties in opposition to the evil within us, instead of a sturdy resolution to endeavour to overcome our inclinations by means of those powers which with all our frailty yet remain to us; that false humility which sets the only way of pleasing the Supreme Being in self-depreciation, in whining hypocritical repentance and in a mere passive state of mind—these are not compatible with any frame of mind that can be counted beautiful, still less with one which is to be counted sublime.

    But even stormy movements of mind which may be connected under the name of edification with Ideas of religion, or—as merely belonging to culture—with Ideas containing a social interest, can in no way, however they strain the Imagination, lay claim to the honour of being sublime presentations, unless they leave after them a mental mood which, although only indirectly, has influence upon the mind’s consciousness of its strength, and its resolution in reference to that which involves pure intellectual purposiveness (the supersensible). For otherwise all these emotions belong only to motion, which one would fain enjoy for the sake of health. The pleasant exhaustion, consequent upon such disturbance produced by the play of the affections, is an enjoyment of our well-being arising from the restored equilibrium of the various vital forces. This in the end amounts to the same thing as that state which Eastern voluptuaries find so delightful, when they get their bodies as it were kneaded and all their muscles and joints softly pressed and bent; only that in this case the motive principle is for the most part external, in the other case it is altogether internal. Many a man believes himself to be edified by a sermon, when indeed there is no edification at all (no system of good maxims); or to be improved by a tragedy, when he is only glad at his ennui being happily dispelled. So the Sublime must always have reference to the disposition, i.e. to the maxims which furnish to the intellectual [part] and to the Ideas of Reason a superiority over sensibility.

    We need not fear that the feeling of the sublime will lose by so abstract a mode of presentation,—which is quite negative in respect of what is sensible,—for the Imagination, although it finds nothing beyond the sensible to which it can attach itself, yet feels itself unbounded by this removal of its limitations; and thus that very abstraction is a presentation of the Infinite, which can be nothing but a mere negative presentation, but which yet expands the soul. Perhaps there is no sublimer passage in the Jewish Law than the command, Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image, nor the likeness of anything which is in heaven or on the earth or under the earth, etc. This command alone can explain the enthusiasm that the Jewish people in their moral period felt for their religion, when they compared themselves with other peoples; or explain the pride which Mahommedanism inspires. The same is true of the moral law and of the tendency to morality in us. It is quite erroneous to fear that if we deprive this [tendency] of all that can recommend it to sense it will only involve a cold lifeless assent and no moving force or emotion. It is quite the other way, for where the senses see nothing more before them, and the unmistakable and indelible Idea of morality remains, it would be rather necessary to moderate the impetus of an unbounded Imagination, to prevent it from rising to enthusiasm, than through fear of the powerlessness of these Ideas to seek aid for them in images and childish ritual. Thus governments have willingly allowed religion to be abundantly provided with the latter accessories; and seeking thereby to relieve their subjects of trouble, they have also sought to deprive them of the faculty of extending their spiritual powers beyond the limits that are arbitrarily assigned to them, and by means of which they can be the more easily treated as mere passive59 beings.

    This pure, elevating, merely negative presentation of morality brings with it, on the other hand, no danger of fanaticism, which is a delusion that we can will ourselves to see something beyond all bounds of sensibility, i.e. to dream in accordance with fundamental propositions (or to go mad with Reason); and this is so just because this presentation is merely negative. For the inscrutableness of the Idea of Freedom quite cuts it off from any positive presentation; but the moral law is in itself sufficiently and originally determinant in us, so that it does not permit us to cast a glance at any ground of determination external to itself. If enthusiasm is comparable to madness, fanaticism is comparable to monomania; of which the latter is least of all compatible with the sublime, because in its detail it is ridiculous. In enthusiasm, regarded as an affection, the Imagination is without bridle; in fanaticism, regarded as an inveterate, brooding passion, it is without rule. The first is a transitory accident which sometimes befalls the soundest Understanding; the second is a disease which unsettles it.

    Simplicity (purposiveness without art) is as it were the style of Nature in the sublime, and so also of Morality which is a second (supersensible) nature; of which we only know the laws without being able to reach by intuition that supersensible faculty in ourselves which contains the ground of the legislation.

    Now the satisfaction in the Beautiful, like that in the Sublime, is not alone distinguishable from other aesthetical judgements by its universal communicability, but also because, through this very property, it acquires an interest in reference to society (in which this communication is possible). We must, however, remark that separation from all society is regarded as sublime, if it rests upon Ideas that overlook all sensible interest. To be sufficient for oneself, and consequently to have no need of society, without at the same time being unsociable, i.e. without flying from it, is something bordering on the sublime; as is any dispensing with wants. On the other hand, to fly from men from misanthropy, because we bear ill-will to them, or from anthropophoby (shyness), because we fear them as foes, is partly hateful, partly contemptible. There is indeed a misanthropy (very improperly so-called), the tendency to which frequently appears with old age in many right-thinking men; which is philanthropic enough as far as goodwill to men is concerned, but which through long and sad experience is far removed from satisfaction with men. Evidence of this is afforded by the propensity to solitude, the fantastic wish for a secluded country seat, or (in the case of young persons) by the dream of the happiness of passing one’s life with a little family upon some island unknown to the rest of the world; a dream of which story-tellers or writers of Robinsonades know how to make good use. Falsehood, ingratitude, injustice, the childishness of the purposes regarded by ourselves as important and great, in the pursuit of which men inflict upon each other all imaginable evils, are so contradictory to the Idea of what men might be if they would, and conflict so with our lively wish to see them better, that, in order that we may not hate them (since we cannot love them), the renunciation of all social joys seems but a small sacrifice. This sadness—not the sadness (of which sympathy is the cause) for the evils which fate brings upon others,—but for those things which men do to one another (which depends upon an antipathy in fundamental propositions), is sublime, because it rests upon Ideas, whilst the former can only count as beautiful.—The brilliant and thorough Saussure,60 in his account of his Alpine travels, says of one of the Savoy mountains, called Bonhomme, “There reigns there a certain insipid sadness.” He therefore recognised an interesting sadness, that the sight of a solitude might inspire, to which men might wish to transport themselves that they might neither hear nor experience any more of the world; which, however, would not be quite so inhospitable that it would offer only an extremely painful retreat.—I make this remark solely with the design of indicating again that even depression (not dejected sadness) may be counted among the sturdy affections, if it has its ground in moral Ideas. But if it is grounded on sympathy and, as such, is amiable, it belongs merely to the languid affections. [I make this remark] to call attention to the state of mind which is sublime only in the first case.

    * * * * *

    We can now compare the above Transcendental Exposition of aesthetical judgements with the Physiological worked out by Burke and by many clear-headed men among us, in order to see whither a merely empirical exposition of the Sublime and Beautiful leads. Burke, who deserves to be regarded as the most important author who adopts this mode of treatment, infers by this method “that the feeling of the Sublime rests on the impulse towards self-preservation and on fear, i.e. on a pain, which not going so far as actually to derange the parts of the body, produces movements which, since they purify the finer or grosser vessels of dangerous or troublesome stoppages, are capable of exciting pleasant sensations; not indeed pleasure, but a kind of satisfying horror, a certain tranquillity tinged with terror.”61 The Beautiful, which he founded on love (which he wishes to keep quite separate from desire), he reduces to “the relaxing, slackening, and enervating of the fibres of the body, and a consequent weakening, languor, and exhaustion, a fainting, dissolving, and melting away for enjoyment.”62 And he confirms this explanation not only by cases in which the Imagination in combination with the Understanding can excite in us the feeling of the Beautiful or of the Sublime, but by cases in which it is combined with sensation.—As psychological observations, these analyses of the phenomena of our mind are exceedingly beautiful, and afford rich material for the favourite investigations of empirical anthropology. It is also not to be denied that all representations in us, whether, objectively viewed, they are merely sensible or are quite intellectual, may yet subjectively be united to gratification or grief, however imperceptible either may be; because they all affect the feeling of life, and none of them, so far as it is a modification of the subject, can be indifferent. And so, as Epicurus maintained, all gratification or grief may ultimately be corporeal, whether it arises from the representations of the Imagination or the Understanding; because life without a feeling of bodily organs would be merely a consciousness of existence, without any feeling of well-being or the reverse, i.e. of the furthering or the checking of the vital powers. For the mind is by itself alone life (the principle of life), and hindrances or furtherances must be sought outside it and yet in the man, consequently in union with his body.

    If, however, we place the satisfaction in the object altogether in the fact that it gratifies us by charm or emotion, we must not assume that any other man agrees with the aesthetical judgement which we pass; for as to these each one rightly consults his own individual sensibility. But in that case all censorship of taste would disappear, except indeed the example afforded by the accidental agreement of others in their judgements were regarded as commanding our assent; and this principle we should probably resist, and should appeal to the natural right of subjecting the judgement, which rests on the immediate feeling of our own well-being, to our own sense and not to that of any other man.

    If then the judgement of taste is not to be valid merely egoistically, but according to its inner nature,—i.e. on account of itself and not on account of the examples that others give of their taste,—to be necessarily valid pluralistically, if we regard it as a judgement which may exact the adhesion of every one; then there must lie at its basis some a priori principle (whether objective or subjective) to which we can never attain by seeking out the empirical laws of mental changes. For these only enable us to know how we judge, but do not prescribe to us how we ought to judge. They do not supply an unconditioned command,63 such as judgements of taste presuppose, inasmuch as they require that the satisfaction be immediately connected with the representation. Thus the empirical exposition of aesthetical judgements may be a beginning of a collection of materials for a higher investigation; but a transcendental discussion of this faculty is also possible, and is an essential part of the Critique of Taste. For if it had not a priori principles, it could not possibly pass sentence on the judgements of others, and it could not approve or blame them with any appearance of right.

    The remaining part of the Analytic of the Aesthetical Judgement contains first the

    DEDUCTION OF [PURE64] AESTHETICAL JUDGEMENTS

    § 30. The Deduction of aesthetical judgements on the objects of nature must not be directed to what we call Sublime in nature, but only to the Beautiful.

    The claim of an aesthetical judgement to universal validity for every subject requires, as a judgement resting on some a priori principle, a Deduction (or legitimatising of its pretensions) in addition to its Exposition; if it is concerned with satisfaction or dissatisfaction in the form of the Object. Of this kind are judgements of taste about the Beautiful in Nature. For in that case the purposiveness has its ground in the Object and in its figure, although it does not indicate the reference of this to other objects according to concepts (for a cognitive judgement), but merely has to do in general with the apprehension of this form, so far as it shows itself conformable in the mind to the faculty of concepts and to that of their presentation (which is identical with that of apprehension). We can thus, in respect of the Beautiful in nature, suggest many questions touching the cause of this purposiveness of their forms, e.g. to explain why nature has scattered abroad beauty with such profusion, even in the depth of the ocean, where the human eye (for which alone that purposiveness exists) but seldom penetrates.

    But the Sublime in nature—if we are passing upon it a pure aesthetical judgement, not mixed up with any concepts of perfection or objective purposiveness, in which case it would be a teleological judgement—may be regarded as quite formless or devoid of figure, and yet as the object of a pure satisfaction; and it may display a subjective purposiveness in the given representation. And we ask if, for an aesthetical judgement of this kind,—over and above the Exposition of what is thought in it,—a Deduction also of its claim to any (subjective) a priori principle may be demanded?

    To which we may answer that the Sublime in nature is improperly so called, and that properly speaking the word should only be applied to a state of mind, or rather to its foundation in human nature. The apprehension of an otherwise formless and unpurposive object gives merely the occasion, through which we become conscious of such a state; the object is thus employed as subjectively purposive, but is not judged as such in itself and on account of its form (it is, as it were, a species finalis accepta, non data). Hence our Exposition of judgements concerning the Sublime in nature was at the same time their Deduction. For when we analysed the reflection of the Judgement in such acts, we found in them a purposive relation of the cognitive faculties, which must be ascribed ultimately to the faculty of purposes (the will), and hence is itself purposive a priori. This then immediately involves the Deduction, i.e. the justification of the claim of such a judgement to universal and necessary validity.

    We shall therefore only have to seek for the deduction of judgements of Taste, i.e. of judgements about the Beauty of natural things; we shall thus treat satisfactorily the problem with which the whole faculty of aesthetical Judgement is concerned.

    § 31. Of the method of deduction of judgements of Taste

    A Deduction, i.e. the guarantee of the legitimacy of a class of judgements, is only obligatory if the judgement lays claim to necessity. This it does, if it demands even subjective universality or the agreement of every one, although it is not a judgement of cognition but only one of pleasure or pain in a given object; i.e. it assumes a subjective purposiveness thoroughly valid for every one, which must not be based on any concept of the thing, because the judgement is one of taste.

    We have before us in the latter case no cognitive judgement—neither a theoretical one based on the concept of a Nature in general formed by the Understanding, nor a (pure) practical one based on the Idea of Freedom, as given a priori by Reason. Therefore we have to justify a priori the validity neither of a judgement which represents what a thing is, nor of one which prescribes that I ought to do something in order to produce it. We have merely to prove for the Judgement generally the universal validity of a singular judgement that expresses the subjective purposiveness of an empirical representation of the form of an object; in order to explain how it is possible that a thing can please in the mere act of judging it (without sensation or concept), and how the satisfaction of one man can be proclaimed as a rule for every other; just as the act of judging of an object for the sake of a cognition in general has universal rules.

    If now this universal validity is not to be based on any collecting of the suffrages of others, or on any questioning of them as to the kind of sensations they have, but is to rest, as it were, on an autonomy of the judging subject in respect of the feeling of pleasure (in the given representation), i.e. on his own taste, and yet is not to be derived from concepts; then a judgement like this—such as the judgement of taste is, in fact—has a twofold logical peculiarity. First, there is its a priori universal validity, which is not a logical universality in accordance with concepts, but the universality of a singular judgement. Secondly, it has a necessity (which must always rest on a priori grounds), which however does not depend on any a priori grounds of proof, through the representation of which the assent that every one concedes to the judgement of taste could be exacted.

    The solution of these logical peculiarities, wherein a judgement of taste is different from all cognitive judgements—if we at the outset abstract from all content, viz. from the feeling of pleasure, and merely compare the aesthetical form with the form of objective judgements as logic prescribes it—is sufficient by itself for the deduction of this singular faculty. We shall then represent and elucidate by examples these characteristic properties of taste.

    § 32. First peculiarity of the judgement of Taste

    The judgement of taste determines its object in respect of satisfaction (in its beauty) with an accompanying claim for the assent of every one, just as if it were objective.

    To say that “this flower is beautiful” is the same as to assert its proper claim to satisfy every one. By the pleasantness of its smell it has no such claim. A smell which one man enjoys gives another a headache. Now what are we to presume from this except that beauty is to be regarded as a property of the flower itself, which does not accommodate itself to any diversity of persons or of their sensitive organs, but to which these must accommodate themselves if they are to pass any judgement upon it? And yet this is not so. For a judgement of taste consists in calling a thing beautiful just because of that characteristic in respect of which it accommodates itself to our mode of apprehension.

    Moreover, it is required of every judgement which is to prove the taste of the subject, that the subject shall judge by himself, without needing to grope about empirically among the judgements of others, and acquaint himself previously as to their satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the same object; thus his judgement should be pronounced a priori, and not be a mere imitation because the thing actually gives universal pleasure. One would think, however, that an a priori judgement must contain a concept of the Object, for the cognition of which it contains the principle; but the judgement of taste is not based upon concepts at all, and is in general not a cognitive but an aesthetical judgement.

    Thus a young poet does not permit himself to be dissuaded from his conviction that his poem is beautiful, by the judgement of the public or of his friends; and if he gives ear to them he does so, not because he now judges differently, but because, although (in regard to him) the whole public has false taste, in his desire for applause he finds reason for accommodating himself to the common error (even against his judgement). It is only at a later time, when his Judgement has been sharpened by exercise, that he voluntarily departs from his former judgements; just as he proceeds with those of his judgements which rest upon Reason. Taste [merely]65 claims autonomy. To make the judgements of others the determining grounds of his own would be heteronomy.

    That we, and rightly, recommend the works of the ancients as models and call their authors classical, thus forming among writers a kind of noble class who give laws to the people by their example, seems to indicate a posteriori sources of taste, and to contradict the autonomy of taste in every subject. But we might just as well say that the old mathematicians,—who are regarded up to the present day as supplying models not easily to be dispensed with for the supreme profundity and elegance of their synthetical methods,—prove that our Reason is only imitative, and that we have not the faculty of producing from it in combination with intuition rigid proofs by means of the construction of concepts.66 There is no use of our powers, however free, no use of Reason itself (which must create all its judgements a priori from common sources) which would not give rise to faulty attempts, if every subject had always to begin anew from the rude basis of his natural state, and if others had not preceded him with their attempts. Not that these make mere imitators of those who come after them, but rather by their procedure they put others on the track of seeking in themselves principles and so of pursuing their own course, often a better one. Even in religion—where certainly every one has to derive the rule of his conduct from himself, because he remains responsible for it and cannot shift the blame of his transgressions upon others, whether his teachers or his predecessors—there is never as much accomplished by means of universal precepts, either obtained from priests or philosophers or got from oneself, as by means of an example of virtue or holiness which, exhibited in history, does not dispense with the autonomy of virtue based on the proper and original Idea of morality (a priori), or change it into a mechanical imitation. Following, involving something precedent, not “imitation,” is the right expression for all influence that the products of an exemplary author may have upon others. And this only means that we draw from the same sources as our predecessor did, and learn from him only the way to avail ourselves of them. But of all faculties and talents Taste, because its judgement is not determinable by concepts and precepts, is just that one which most needs examples of what has in the progress of culture received the longest approval; that it may not become again uncivilised and return to the crudeness of its first essays.

    § 33. Second peculiarity of the judgement of Taste

    The judgement of taste is not determinable by grounds of proof, just as if it were merely subjective.

    If a man, in the first place, does not find a building, a prospect, or a poem beautiful, a hundred voices all highly praising it will not force his inmost agreement. He may indeed feign that it pleases him in order that he may not be regarded as devoid of taste; he may even begin to doubt whether he has formed his taste on a knowledge of a sufficient number of objects of a certain kind (just as one, who believes that he recognises in the distance as a forest, something which all others regard as a town, doubts the judgement of his own sight). But he clearly sees that the agreement of others gives no valid proof of the judgement about beauty. Others might perhaps see and observe for him; and what many have seen in one way, although he believes that he has seen it differently, might serve him as an adequate ground of proof of a theoretical and consequently logical judgement. But that a thing has pleased others could never serve as the basis of an aesthetical judgement. A judgement of others which is unfavourable to ours may indeed rightly make us scrutinise our own with care, but it can never convince us of its incorrectness. There is therefore no empirical ground of proof which would force a judgement of taste upon any one.

    Still less, in the second place, can an a priori proof determine according to definite rules a judgement about beauty. If a man reads me a poem of his or brings me to a play, which does not after all suit my taste, he may bring forward in proof of the beauty of his poem Batteux67 or Lessing or still more ancient and famous critics of taste, and all the rules laid down by them; certain passages which displease me may agree very well with rules of beauty (as they have been put forth by these writers and are universally recognised): but I stop my ears, I will listen to no arguments and no reasoning; and I will rather assume that these rules of the critics are false, or at least that they do not apply to the case in question, than admit that my judgement should be determined by grounds of proof a priori. For it is to be a judgement of Taste and not of Understanding or Reason.

    It seems that this is one of the chief reasons why this aesthetical faculty of judgement has been given the name of Taste. For though a man enumerate to me all the ingredients of a dish, and remark that each is separately pleasant to me and further extol with justice the wholesomeness of this particular food—yet am I deaf to all these reasons; I try the dish with my tongue and my palate, and thereafter (and not according to universal principles) do I pass my judgement.

    In fact the judgement of Taste always takes the form of a singular judgement about an Object. The Understanding can form a universal judgement by comparing the Object in point of the satisfaction it affords with the judgement of others upon it: e.g. “all tulips are beautiful.” But then this is not a judgement of taste but a logical judgement, which takes the relation of an Object to taste as the predicate of things of a certain species. That judgement, however, in which I find an individual given tulip beautiful, i.e. in which I find my satisfaction in it to be universally valid, is alone a judgement of taste. Its peculiarity consists in the fact that, although it has merely subjective validity, it claims the assent of all subjects, exactly as it would do if it were an objective judgement resting on grounds of knowledge, that could be established by a proof.

    § 34. There is no objective principle of Taste possible

    By a principle of taste I mean a principle under the condition of which we could subsume the concept of an object and thus infer by means of a syllogism that the object is beautiful. But that is absolutely impossible. For I must feel the pleasure immediately in the representation of the object, and of that I can be persuaded by no grounds of proof whatever. Although, as Hume says,68 all critics can reason more plausibly than cooks, yet the same fate awaits them. They cannot expect the determining ground of their judgement [to be derived] from the force of the proofs, but only from the reflection of the subject upon its own proper state (of pleasure or pain), all precepts and rules being rejected.

    But although critics can and ought to pursue their reasonings so that our judgements of taste may be corrected and extended, it is not with a view to set forth the determining ground of this kind of aesthetical judgements in a universally applicable formula, which is impossible; but rather to investigate the cognitive faculties and their exercise in these judgements, and to explain by examples the reciprocal subjective purposiveness, the form of which, as has been shown above, in a given representation, constitutes the beauty of the object. Therefore the Critique of Taste is only subjective as regards the representation through which an Object is given to us; viz. it is the art or science of reducing to rules the reciprocal relation between the Understanding and the Imagination in the given representation (without reference to any preceding sensation or concept). That is, it is the art or science of reducing to rules their accordance or discordance, and of determining them with regard to their conditions. It is an art, if it only shows this by examples; it is a science if it derives the possibility of such judgements from the nature of these faculties, as cognitive faculties in general. We have here, in Transcendental Criticism, only to do with the latter. It should develop and justify the subjective principle of taste, as an a priori principle of the Judgement. This Critique, as an art, merely seeks to apply, in the judging of objects, the physiological (here psychological), and therefore empirical rules, according to which taste actually proceeds (without taking any account of their possibility); and it criticises the products of beautiful art just as, regarded as a science, it criticises the faculty by which they are judged.

    § 35. The principle of Taste is the subjective principle of Judgement in general

    The judgement of taste is distinguished from a logical judgement in this, that the latter subsumes a representation under the concept of the Object, while the former does not subsume it under any concept; because otherwise the necessary universal agreement [in these judgements] would be capable of being enforced by proofs. Nevertheless it is like the latter in this, that it claims universality and necessity, though not according to concepts of the Object, and consequently a merely subjective necessity. Now, because the concepts in a judgement constitute its content (what belongs to the cognition of the Object), but the judgement of taste is not determinable by concepts, it is based only on the subjective formal condition of a judgement in general. The subjective condition of all judgements is the faculty of Judgement itself. This when used with reference to a representation by which an object is given, requires the accordance of two representative powers: viz. Imagination (for the intuition and comprehension of the manifold) and Understanding (for the concept as a representation of the unity of this comprehension). Now because no concept of the Object lies here at the basis of the judgement, it can only consist in the subsumption of the Imagination itself (in the case of a representation by which an object is given) under the conditions that the Understanding requires to pass from intuition to concepts. That is, because the freedom of the Imagination consists in the fact that it schematises without any concept, the judgement of taste must rest on a mere sensation of the reciprocal activity of the Imagination in its freedom and the Understanding with its conformity to law. It must therefore rest on a feeling, which makes us judge the object by the purposiveness of the representation (by which an object is given) in respect of the furtherance of the cognitive faculty in its free play. Taste, then, as subjective Judgement, contains a principle of subsumption, not of intuitions under concepts, but of the faculty of intuitions or presentations (i.e. the Imagination) under the faculty of the concepts (i.e. the Understanding); so far as the former in its freedom harmonises with the latter in its conformity to law.

    In order to discover this ground of legitimacy by a Deduction of the judgements of taste we can only take as a clue the formal peculiarities of this kind of judgements, and consequently can only consider their logical form.

    § 36. Of the problem of a Deduction of judgements of Taste

    The concept of an Object in general can immediately be combined with the perception of an object, containing its empirical predicates, so as to form a cognitive judgement; and it is thus that a judgement of experience is produced.69 At the basis of this lie a priori concepts of the synthetical unity of the manifold of intuition, by which the manifold is thought as the determination of an Object. These concepts (the Categories) require a Deduction, which is given in the Critique of pure Reason; and by it we can get the solution of the problem, how are synthetical a priori cognitive judgements possible? This problem concerns then the a priori principles of the pure Understanding and its theoretical judgements.

    But with a perception there can also be combined a feeling of pleasure (or pain) and a satisfaction, that accompanies the representation of the Object and serves instead of its predicate; thus there can result an aesthetical non-cognitive judgement. At the basis of such a judgement—if it is not a mere judgement of sensation but a formal judgement of reflection, which imputes the same satisfaction necessarily to every one,—must lie some a priori principle; which may be merely subjective (if an objective one should prove impossible for judgements of this kind), but also as such may need a Deduction, that we may thereby comprehend how an aesthetical judgement can lay claim to necessity. On this is founded the problem with which we are now occupied, how are judgements of taste possible? This problem then has to do with the a priori principles of the pure faculty of Judgement in aesthetical judgements; i.e. judgements in which it has not (as in theoretical ones) merely to subsume under objective concepts of Understanding, and in which it is subject to a law, but in which it is, itself, subjectively, both object and law.

    This problem then may be thus represented: how is a judgement possible, in which merely from our own feeling of pleasure in an object, independently of its concept, we judge that this pleasure attaches to the representation of the same Object in every other subject, and that a priori without waiting for the accordance of others?

    It is easy to see that judgements of taste are synthetical, because they go beyond the concept and even beyond the intuition of the Object, and add to that intuition as predicate something that is not a cognition, viz. a feeling of pleasure (or pain). Although the predicate (of the personal pleasure bound up with the representation) is empirical, nevertheless, as concerns the required assent of every one the judgements are a priori, or desire to be regarded as such; and this is already involved in the expressions of this claim. Thus this problem of the Critique of Judgement belongs to the general problem of transcendental philosophy, how are synthetical a priori judgements possible?

    § 37. What is properly asserted a priori of an object in a judgement of Taste

    That the representation of an object is immediately bound up with pleasure can only be internally perceived, and if we did not wish to indicate anything more than this it would give a merely empirical judgement. For I cannot combine a definite feeling (of pleasure or pain) with any representation except where there is at bottom an a priori principle in the Reason determining the Will. In that case the pleasure (in the moral feeling) is the consequence of the principle, but cannot be compared with the pleasure in taste, because it requires a definite concept of a law; and the latter pleasure, on the contrary, must be bound up with the mere act of judging, prior to all concepts. Hence also all judgements of taste are singular judgements, because they do not combine their predicate of satisfaction with a concept, but with a given individual empirical representation.

    And so it is not the pleasure, but the universal validity of this pleasure, perceived as mentally bound up with the mere judgement upon an object, which is represented a priori in a judgement of taste as a universal rule for the Judgement and valid for every one. It is an empirical judgement [to say] that I perceive and judge an object with pleasure. But it is an a priori judgement [to say] that I find it beautiful, i.e. I attribute this satisfaction necessarily to every one.

    § 38. Deduction of judgements of Taste

    If it be admitted that in a pure judgement of taste the satisfaction in the object is combined with the mere act of judging its form, it is nothing else than its subjective purposiveness for the Judgement which we feel to be mentally combined with the representation of the object. The Judgement, as regards the formal rules of its action, apart from all matter (whether sensation or concept), can only be directed to the subjective conditions of its employment in general (it is applied70 neither to a particular mode of sense nor to a particular concept of the Understanding); and consequently to that subjective [element] which we can presuppose in all men (as requisite for possible cognition in general). Thus the agreement of a representation with these conditions of the Judgement must be capable of being assumed as valid a priori for every one. I.e. we may rightly impute to every one the pleasure or the subjective purposiveness of the representation for the relation between the cognitive faculties in the act of judging a sensible object in general.71

    Remark

    This Deduction is thus easy, because it has no need to justify the objective reality of any concept, for Beauty is not a concept of the Object and the judgement of taste is not cognitive. It only maintains that we are justified in presupposing universally in every man those subjective conditions of the Judgement which we find in ourselves; and further, that we have rightly subsumed the given Object under these conditions. The latter has indeed unavoidable difficulties which do not beset the logical Judgement. There we subsume under concepts, but in the aesthetical Judgement under a merely sensible relation between the Imagination and Understanding mutually harmonising in the representation of the form of the Object,—in which case the subsumption may easily be fallacious. Yet the legitimacy of the claim of the Judgement in counting upon universal assent is not thus annulled; it reduces itself merely to the correctness of the principle of judging validly for every one from subjective grounds. For as to the difficulty or doubt concerning the correctness of the subsumption under that principle, it makes the legitimacy of the claim of an aesthetical judgement in general to such validity and the principle of the same, as little doubtful, as the like faulty (though neither so commonly nor readily faulty) subsumption of the logical Judgement under its principle can make the latter, an objective principle, doubtful. But if the question were to be, how is it possible to assume nature a priori to be a complex of objects of taste? this problem has reference to Teleology, because it must be regarded as a purpose of nature essentially belonging to its concept to exhibit forms that are purposive for our Judgement. But the correctness of this latter assumption is very doubtful, whereas the efficacy of natural beauties is patent to experience.

    § 39. Of the communicability of a Sensation

    If sensation, as the real in perception, is related to knowledge, it is called sensation of the senses; and its specific quality may be represented as generally communicable in a uniform way, if we assume that every one has senses like our own. But this cannot at all be presupposed of any single sensation. To a man who is deficient in the sense of smell, this kind of sensation cannot be communicated; and even if it is not wholly deficient, we cannot be certain that he gets exactly the same sensation from a flower that we have. But even more must we represent men as differing in respect of the pleasantness or unpleasantness involved in the sensation from the same object of sense; and it is absolutely not to be required that every man should take pleasure in the same objects. Pleasure of this kind, because it comes into the mind through the senses, in respect of which therefore we are passive, we may call the pleasure of enjoyment.

    Satisfaction in an action because of its moral character is on the other hand not the pleasure of enjoyment, but of spontaneity and its accordance with the Idea of its destination. But this feeling, called moral, requires concepts, and presents not free purposiveness, but purposiveness that is conformable to law; it therefore admits of being universally communicated only by means of Reason, and, if the pleasure is to be homogeneous for every one, by very definite practical concepts of Reason.

    Pleasure in the Sublime in nature, regarded as a pleasure of rational contemplation, also makes claim to universal participation; but it presupposes, besides, a different feeling, viz. that of our supersensible destination, which, however obscurely, has a moral foundation. But that other men will take account of it, and will find a satisfaction in the consideration of the wild greatness of nature (that certainly cannot be ascribed to its aspect, which is rather terrifying), I am not absolutely justified in supposing. Nevertheless, in consideration of the fact that on every suitable occasion regard should be had to these moral dispositions, I can impute such satisfaction to every man, but only by means of the moral law which on its side again is based on concepts of Reason.

    On the contrary, pleasure in the Beautiful is neither a pleasure of enjoyment nor of a law-abiding activity, nor even of rational contemplation in accordance with Ideas, but of mere reflection. Without having as rule any purpose or fundamental proposition, this pleasure accompanies the ordinary apprehension of an object by the Imagination, as faculty of intuition, in relation with the Understanding, as faculty of concepts, by means of a procedure of the Judgement which it must also exercise on behalf of the commonest experience; only that in the latter case it is in order to perceive an empirical objective concept, in the former case (in aesthetical judgements) merely to perceive the accordance of the representation with the harmonious (subjectively purposive) activity of both cognitive faculties in their freedom, i.e. to feel with pleasure the mental state produced by the representation. This pleasure must necessarily depend for every one on the same conditions, for they are subjective conditions of the possibility of a cognition in general; and the proportion between these cognitive faculties requisite for Taste is also requisite for that ordinary sound Understanding which we have to presuppose in every one. Therefore he who judges with taste (if only he does not go astray in this act of consciousness and mistake matter for form or charm for beauty) may impute to every one subjective purposiveness, i.e. his satisfaction in the Object, and may assume his feeling to be universally communicable and that without the mediation of concepts.

    § 40. Of Taste as a kind of sensus communis

    We often give to the Judgement, if we are considering the result rather than the act of its reflection, the name of a sense, and we speak of a sense of truth, or of a sense of decorum, of justice, etc. And yet we know, or at least we ought to know, that these concepts cannot have their place in Sense, and further, that Sense has not the least capacity for expressing universal rules; but that no representation of truth, fitness, beauty, or justice, and so forth, could come into our thoughts if we could not rise beyond Sense to higher faculties of cognition. The common Understanding of men, which, as the mere sound (not yet cultivated) Understanding, we regard as the least to be expected from any one claiming the name of man, has therefore the doubtful honour of being given the name of common sense (sensus communis); and in such a way that by the name common (not merely in our language, where the word actually has a double signification, but in many others) we understand vulgar, that which is everywhere met with, the possession of which indicates absolutely no merit or superiority.

    But under the sensus communis we must include the Idea of a communal sense, i.e. of a faculty of judgement, which in its reflection takes account (a priori) of the mode of representation of all other men in thought; in order as it were to compare its judgement with the collective Reason of humanity, and thus to escape the illusion arising from the private conditions that could be so easily taken for objective, which would injuriously affect the judgement. This is done by comparing our judgement with the possible rather than the actual judgements of others, and by putting ourselves in the place of any other man, by abstracting from the limitations which contingently attach to our own judgement. This, again, is brought about by leaving aside as much as possible the matter of our representative state, i.e. sensation, and simply having respect to the formal peculiarities of our representation or representative state. Now this operation of reflection seems perhaps too artificial to be attributed to the faculty called common sense; but it only appears so, when expressed in abstract formulae. In itself there is nothing more natural than to abstract from charm or emotion if we are seeking a judgement that is to serve as a universal rule.

    The following Maxims of common human Understanding do not properly come in here, as parts of the Critique of Taste; but yet they may serve to elucidate its fundamental propositions. They are: 1° to think for oneself; 2° to put ourselves in thought in the place of every one else; 3° always to think consistently. The first is the maxim of unprejudiced thought; the second of enlarged thought; the third of consecutive thought.72 The first is the maxim of a Reason never passive. The tendency to such passivity, and therefore to heteronomy of the Reason, is called prejudice; and the greatest prejudice of all is to represent nature as not subject to the rules that the Understanding places at its basis by means of its own essential law, i.e. is superstition. Deliverance from superstition is called enlightenment;73 because although this name belongs to deliverance from prejudices in general, yet superstition specially (in sensu eminenti) deserves to be called a prejudice. For the blindness in which superstition places us, which it even imposes on us as an obligation, makes the need of being guided by others, and the consequent passive state of our Reason, peculiarly noticeable. As regards the second maxim of the mind, we are otherwise wont to call him limited (borné, the opposite of enlarged) whose talents attain to no great use (especially as regards intensity). But here we are not speaking of the faculty of cognition, but of the mode of thought which makes a purposive use thereof. However small may be the area or the degree to which a man’s natural gifts reach, yet it indicates a man of enlarged thought if he disregards the subjective private conditions of his own judgement, by which so many others are confined, and reflects upon it from a universal standpoint (which he can only determine by placing himself at the standpoint of others). The third maxim, viz. that of consecutive thought, is the most difficult to attain, and can only be attained by the combination of both the former, and after the constant observance of them has grown into a habit. We may say that the first of these maxims is the maxim of Understanding, the second of Judgement, and the third of Reason.

    I take up again the threads interrupted by this digression, and I say that Taste can be called sensus communis with more justice than sound Understanding can; and that the aesthetical Judgement rather than the intellectual may bear the name of a communal sense,74 if we are willing to use the word “sense” of an effect of mere reflection upon the mind: for then we understand by sense the feeling of pleasure. We could even define Taste as the faculty of judging of that which makes universally communicable, without the mediation of a concept, our feeling in a given representation.

    The skill that men have in communicating their thoughts requires also a relation between the Imagination and the Understanding in order to associate intuitions with concepts, and concepts again with those concepts, which then combine in a cognition. But in that case the agreement of the two mental powers is according to law, under the constraint of definite concepts. Only where the Imagination in its freedom awakens the Understanding, and is put by it into regular play without the aid of concepts, does the representation communicate itself not as a thought but as an internal feeling of a purposive state of the mind.

    Taste is then the faculty of judging a priori of the communicability of feelings that are bound up with a given representation (without the mediation of a concept).

    If we could assume that the mere universal communicability of a feeling must carry in itself an interest for us with it (which, however, we are not justified in concluding from the character of a merely reflective Judgement), we should be able to explain why the feeling in the judgement of taste comes to be imputed to every one, so to speak, as a duty.

    § 41. Of the empirical interest in the Beautiful

    That the judgement of taste by which something is declared beautiful must have no interest as its determining ground has been sufficiently established above. But it does not follow that after it has been given as a pure aesthetical judgement, no interest can be combined with it. This combination, however, can only be indirect, i.e. taste must first of all be represented as combined with something else, in order that we may unite with the satisfaction of mere reflection upon an object a pleasure in its existence (as that wherein all interest consists). For here also in aesthetical judgements what we say in cognitive judgements (of things in general) is valid; a posse ad esse non valet consequentia. This something else may be empirical, viz. an inclination proper to human nature, or intellectual, as the property of the Will of being capable of a priori determination by Reason. Both these involve a satisfaction in the presence of an Object, and so can lay the foundation for an interest in what has by itself pleased without reference to any interest whatever.

    Empirically the Beautiful interests only in society. If we admit the impulse to society as natural to man, and his fitness for it, and his propension towards it, i.e. sociability, as a requisite for man as a being destined for society, and so as a property belonging to humanity, we cannot escape from regarding taste as a faculty for judging everything in respect of which we can communicate our feeling to all other men, and so as a means of furthering that which every one’s natural inclination desires.

    A man abandoned by himself on a desert island would adorn neither his hut nor his person; nor would he seek for flowers, still less would he plant them, in order to adorn himself therewith. It is only in society that it occurs to him to be not merely a man, but a refined man after his kind (the beginning of civilisation). For such do we judge him to be who is both inclined and apt to communicate his pleasure to others, and who is not contented with an Object if he cannot feel satisfaction in it in common with others. Again, every one expects and requires from every one else this reference to universal communication [of pleasure], as it were from an original compact dictated by humanity itself. Thus, doubtless, in the beginning only those things which attracted the senses, e.g. colours for painting oneself (roucou among the Carabs and cinnabar among the Iroquois), flowers, mussel shells, beautiful feathers, etc.,—but in time beautiful forms also (e.g. in their canoes, and clothes, etc.), which bring with them no gratification, or satisfaction of enjoyment—were important in society, and were combined with great interest. Until at last civilisation, having reached its highest point, makes out of this almost the main business of refined inclination; and sensations are only regarded as of worth in so far as they can be universally communicated. Here, although the pleasure which every one has in such an object is inconsiderable and in itself without any marked interest, yet the Idea of its universal communicability increases its worth in an almost infinite degree.

    But this interest that indirectly attaches to the Beautiful through our inclination to society, and consequently is empirical, is of no importance for us here; because we have only to look to what may have a reference, although only indirectly, to the judgement of taste a priori. For if even in this form an interest bound up therewith should discover itself, taste would discover a transition of our judging faculty from sense-enjoyment to moral feeling; and so not only would we be the better guided in employing taste purposively, but there would be thus presented a link in the chain of the human faculties a priori, on which all legislation must depend. We can only say thus much about the empirical interest in objects of taste and in taste itself. Since it is subservient to inclination, however refined the latter may be, it may easily be confounded with all the inclinations and passions, which attain their greatest variety and highest degree in society; and the interest in the Beautiful, if it is grounded thereon, can only furnish a very ambiguous transition from the Pleasant to the Good. But whether this can or cannot be furthered by taste, taken in its purity, is what we now have to investigate.

    § 42. Of the intellectual interest in the Beautiful

    With the best intentions those persons who refer all activities, to which their inner natural dispositions impel men, to the final purpose of humanity, viz. the morally good, have regarded the taking an interest in the Beautiful in general as a mark of good moral character. But it is not without reason that they have been contradicted by others who rely on experience; for this shows that connoisseurs in taste, not only often but generally, are given up to idle, capricious, and mischievous passions, and that they could perhaps make less claim than others to any pre-eminent attachment to moral principles. Thus it would seem that the feeling for the Beautiful is not only (as actually is the case) specifically different from the Moral feeling; but that the interest which can be bound up with it is hardly compatible with moral interest, and certainly has no inner affinity therewith.

    Now I admit at once that the interest in the Beautiful of Art (under which I include the artificial use of natural beauties for adornment and so for vanity) furnishes no proof whatever of a disposition attached to the morally good or even inclined thereto. But on the other hand, I maintain that to take an immediate interest in the Beauty of Nature (not merely to have taste in judging it) is always a mark of a good soul; and that when this interest is habitual it at least indicates a frame of mind favourable to the moral feeling, if it is voluntarily bound up with the contemplation of nature. It is to be remembered, however, that I here speak strictly of the beautiful forms of Nature, and I set aside the charms, that she is wont to combine so abundantly with them; because, though the interest in the latter is indeed immediate, it is only empirical.

    He who by himself (and without any design of communicating his observations to others) regards the beautiful figure of a wild flower, a bird, an insect, etc., with admiration and love—who would not willingly miss it in Nature, although it may bring him some hurt, who still less wants any advantage from it—he takes an immediate and also an intellectual interest in the beauty of Nature. I.e. it is not merely the form of the product of nature which pleases him, but its very presence pleases him, the charms of sense having no share in this pleasure and no purpose whatever being combined with it.

    But it is noteworthy that if we secretly deceived this lover of the beautiful by planting in the ground artificial flowers (which can be manufactured exactly like natural ones), or by placing artificially carved birds on the boughs of trees, and he discovered the deceit, the immediate interest that he previously took in them would disappear at once; though, perhaps, a different interest, viz. the interest of vanity in adorning his chamber with them for the eyes of others, would take its place. This thought then must accompany our intuition and reflection on beauty, viz. that nature has produced it; and on this alone is based the immediate interest that we take in it. Otherwise, there remains a mere judgement of taste, either devoid of all interest, or bound up with a mediate interest, viz. in that it has reference to society; which latter [interest] furnishes no certain indications of a morally good disposition.

    This superiority of natural to artificial beauty in that it alone arouses an immediate interest, although as regards form the first may be surpassed by the second, harmonises with the refined and well-grounded habit of thought of all men who have cultivated their moral feeling. If a man who has taste enough to judge of the products of beautiful Art with the greatest accuracy and refinement willingly leaves a chamber where are to be found those beauties that minister to vanity or to any social joys, and turns to the beautiful in Nature in order to find, as it were, delight for his spirit in a train of thought that he can never completely evolve, we will regard this choice of his with veneration, and attribute to him a beautiful soul, to which no connoisseur or lover [of Art] can lay claim on account of the interest he takes in his [artistic] objects.—What now is the difference in our estimation of these two different kinds of Objects, which in the judgement of mere taste it is hard to compare in point of superiority?

    We have a faculty of mere aesthetical Judgement by which we judge forms without the aid of concepts, and find a satisfaction in this mere act of judgement; this we make into a rule for every one, without this judgement either being based on or producing any interest.—On the other hand, we have also a faculty of intellectual Judgement which determines an a priori satisfaction for the mere forms of practical maxims (so far as they are in themselves qualified for universal legislation); this we make into a law for every one, without our judgement being based on any interest whatever, though in this case it produces such an interest. The pleasure or pain in the former judgement is called that of taste, in the latter, that of moral feeling.

    But it also interests Reason that the Ideas (for which in moral feeling it arouses an immediate interest) should have objective reality; i.e. that nature should at least show a trace or give an indication that it contains in itself some ground for assuming a regular agreement of its products with our entirely disinterested satisfaction (which we recognise a priori as a law for every one, without being able to base it upon proofs). Hence Reason must take an interest in every expression on the part of nature of an agreement of this kind. Consequently, the mind cannot ponder upon the beauty of Nature without finding itself at the same time interested therein. But this interest is akin to moral, and he who takes such an interest in the beauties of nature can do so only in so far as he previously has firmly established his interest in the morally good. If, therefore, the beauty of Nature interests a man immediately we have reason for attributing to him, at least, a basis for a good moral disposition.

    It will be said that this account of aesthetical judgements, as akin to the moral feeling, seems far too studied to be regarded as the true interpretation of that cipher through which Nature speaks to us figuratively in her beautiful forms. However, in the first place, this immediate interest in the beautiful is actually not common; but is peculiar to those whose mental disposition either has already been cultivated in the direction of the good or is eminently susceptible of such cultivation. In that case the analogy between the pure judgement of taste which, independently of any interest, causes us to feel a satisfaction, and also represents it a priori as suitable to humanity in general, and the moral judgement that does the same thing from concepts without any clear, subtle, and premeditated reflection—this analogy leads to a similar immediate interest in the objects of the former as in those of the latter; only that in the one case the interest is free, in the other it is based on objective laws. To this is to be added our admiration for Nature, which displays itself in its beautiful products as Art, not merely by chance, but as it were designedly, in accordance with a regular arrangement, and as purposiveness without purpose. This latter, as we never meet with it outside ourselves, we naturally seek in ourselves; and, in fact, in that which constitutes the ultimate purpose of our being, viz. our moral destination. (Of this question as to the ground of the possibility of such natural purposiveness we shall first speak in the Teleology.)

    It is easy to explain why the satisfaction in the pure aesthetical judgement in the case of beautiful Art is not combined with an immediate interest as it is in the case of beautiful Nature. For the former is either such an imitation of the latter that it reaches the point of deception and then produces the same effect as natural beauty (for which it is taken); or it is an art obviously directed designedly to our satisfaction. In the latter case the satisfaction in the product would, it is true, be brought about immediately by taste, but it would be only a mediate interest in the cause lying at its root, viz. an art that can only interest by means of its purpose and never in itself. It will, perhaps, be said that this is also the case, if an Object of nature interests us by its beauty only so far as it is associated with a moral Idea. But it is not the Object itself which immediately interests us, but its character in virtue of which it is qualified for such association, which therefore essentially belongs to it.

    The charms in beautiful Nature, which are so often found, as it were, blended with beautiful forms, may be referred to modifications either of light (colours) or of sound (tones). For these are the only sensations that imply not merely a sensible feeling but also reflection upon the form of these modifications of Sense; and thus they involve in themselves as it were a language by which nature speaks to us, which thus seems to have a higher sense. Thus the white colour of lilies seems to determine the mind to Ideas of innocence; and the seven colours in order from the red to the violet seem to suggest the Ideas of (1) Sublimity, (2) Intrepidity, (3) Candour, (4) Friendliness, (5) Modesty, (6) Constancy, (7) Tenderness. The song of birds proclaims gladsomeness and contentment with existence. At least so we interpret nature, whether it have this design or not. But the interest which we here take in beauty has only to do with the beauty of Nature; it vanishes altogether as soon as we notice that we are deceived and that it is only Art—vanishes so completely that taste can no longer find the thing beautiful or sight find it charming. What is more highly praised by poets than the bewitching and beautiful note of the nightingale in a lonely copse on a still summer evening by the soft light of the moon? And yet we have instances of a merry host, where no such songster was to be found, deceiving to their great contentment the guests who were staying with him to enjoy the country air, by hiding in a bush a mischievous boy who knew how to produce this sound exactly like nature (by means of a reed or a tube in his mouth). But as soon as we are aware that it is a cheat, no one will remain long listening to the song which before was counted so charming. And it is just the same with the songs of all other birds. It must be Nature or be regarded as Nature, if we are to take an immediate interest in the Beautiful as such; and still more is this the case if we can require that others should take an interest in it too. This happens as a matter of fact when we regard as coarse and ignoble the mental attitude of those persons who have no feeling for beautiful Nature (for thus we describe a susceptibility to interest in its contemplation), and who confine themselves to eating and drinking—to the mere enjoyments of sense.

    § 43. Of Art in general

    (1). Art is distinguished from Nature, as doing (facere) is distinguished from acting or working generally (agere), and as the product or result of the former is distinguished as work (opus) from the working (effectus) of the latter.

    By right we ought only to describe as Art, production through freedom, i.e. through a will that places Reason at the basis of its actions. For although we like to call the product of bees (regularly built cells of wax) a work of art, this is only by way of analogy: as soon as we feel that this work of theirs is based on no proper rational deliberation, we say that it is a product of Nature (of instinct), and as Art only ascribe it to their Creator.

    If, as sometimes happens, in searching through a bog we come upon a bit of shaped wood, we do not say: this is a product of Nature, but, of Art. Its producing cause has conceived a purpose to which the bit of wood owes its form. Elsewhere too we should see art in everything which is made so that a representation of it in its cause must have preceded its actuality (as even in the case of the bees), though the effect could not have been thought by the cause. But if we call anything absolutely a work of art in order to distinguish it from a natural effect, we always understand by that a work of man.

    (2). Art regarded as human skill differs from science (as can from know) as a practical faculty does from a theoretical, as Technic does from Theory (as mensuration from geometry). And so what we can do, as soon as we merely know what ought to be done and therefore are sufficiently cognisant of the desired effect, is not called Art. Only that which a man, even if he knows it completely, may not therefore have the skill to accomplish, belongs to Art. Camper75 describes very exactly how the best shoes must be made, but he certainly could not make one.76

    (3). Art also differs from handicraft; the first is called free, the other may be called mercenary. We regard the first as if it could only prove purposive as play, i.e. as occupation that is pleasant in itself. But the second is regarded as if it could only be compulsorily imposed upon one as work, i.e. as occupation which is unpleasant (a trouble) in itself, and which is only attractive on account of its effect (e.g. the wage). Whether or not in the graded list of the professions we ought to count watchmakers as artists, but smiths only as handicraftsmen, would require another point of view from which to judge than that which we are here taking up; viz. [we should have to consider] the proportion of talents which must be assumed requisite in these several occupations. Whether or not, again, under the so-called seven free arts some may be included which ought to be classed as sciences, and many that are akin rather to handicraft, I shall not here discuss. But it is not inexpedient to recall that in all free arts there is yet requisite something compulsory, or, as it is called, mechanism, without which the spirit, which must be free in art and which alone inspires the work, would have no body and would evaporate altogether; e.g. in poetry there must be an accuracy and wealth of language, and also prosody and metre. [It is not inexpedient, I say, to recall this], for many modern educators believe that the best way to produce a free art is to remove it from all constraint, and thus to change it from work into mere play.

    § 44. Of beautiful Art

    There is no Science of the Beautiful, but only a Critique of it; and there is no such thing as beautiful Science, but only beautiful Art. For as regards the first point, if it could be decided scientifically, i.e. by proofs, whether a thing was to be regarded as beautiful or not, the judgement upon beauty would belong to science and would not be a judgement of taste. And as far as the second point is concerned, a science which should be beautiful as such is a nonentity. For if in such a science we were to ask for grounds and proofs, we would be put off with tasteful phrases (bon-mots).—The source of the common expression, beautiful science, is without doubt nothing else than this, as it has been rightly remarked, that for beautiful art in its entire completeness much science is requisite; e.g. a knowledge of ancient languages, a learned familiarity with classical authors, history, a knowledge of antiquities, etc. And hence these historical sciences, because they form the necessary preparation and basis for beautiful art, and also partly because under them is included the knowledge of the products of beautiful art (rhetoric and poetry), have come to be called beautiful sciences by a confusion of words.

    If art which is adequate to the cognition of a possible object performs the actions requisite therefore merely in order to make it actual, it is mechanical art; but if it has for its immediate design the feeling of pleasure, it is called aesthetical art. This is again either pleasant or beautiful. It is the first, if its purpose is that the pleasure should accompany the representations [of the object] regarded as mere sensations; it is the second if they are regarded as modes of cognition.

    Pleasant arts are those that are directed merely to enjoyment. Of this class are all those charming arts that can gratify a company at table; e.g. the art of telling stories in an entertaining way, of starting the company in frank and lively conversation, of raising them by jest and laugh to a certain pitch of merriment;77 when, as people say, there may be a great deal of gossip at the feast, but no one will be answerable for what he says, because they are only concerned with momentary entertainment, and not with any permanent material for reflection or subsequent discussion. (Among these are also to be reckoned the way of arranging the table for enjoyment, and, at great feasts, the management of the music. This latter is a wonderful thing. It is meant to dispose to gaiety the minds of the guests, regarded solely as a pleasant noise, without any one paying the least attention to its composition; and it favours the free conversation of each with his neighbour.) Again, to this class belong all games which bring with them no further interest than that of making the time pass imperceptibly.

    On the other hand, beautiful art is a mode of representation which is purposive for itself, and which, although devoid of [definite] purpose, yet furthers the culture of the mental powers in reference to social communication.

    The universal communicability of a pleasure carries with it in its very concept that the pleasure is not one of enjoyment, from mere sensation, but must be derived from reflection; and thus aesthetical art, as the art of beauty, has for standard the reflective Judgement and not sensation.

    § 45. Beautiful Art is an art, in so far as it seems like nature

    In a product of beautiful art we must become conscious that it is Art and not Nature; but yet the purposiveness in its form must seem to be as free from all constraint of arbitrary rules as if it were a product of mere nature. On this feeling of freedom in the play of our cognitive faculties, which must at the same time be purposive, rests that pleasure which alone is universally communicable, without being based on concepts. Nature is beautiful because it looks like Art; and Art can only be called beautiful if we are conscious of it as Art while yet it looks like Nature.

    For whether we are dealing with natural or with artificial beauty we can say generally: That is beautiful which pleases in the mere act of judging it (not in the sensation of it, or by means of a concept). Now art has always a definite design of producing something. But if this something were bare sensation (something merely subjective), which is to be accompanied with pleasure, the product would please in the act of judgement only by mediation of sensible feeling. And again, if the design were directed towards the production of a definite Object, then, if this were attained by art, the Object would only please by means of concepts. But in both cases the art would not please in the mere act of judging; i.e. it would not please as beautiful, but as mechanical.

    Hence the purposiveness in the product of beautiful art, although it is designed, must not seem to be designed; i.e. beautiful art must look like nature, although we are conscious of it as art. But a product of art appears like nature when, although its agreement with the rules, according to which alone the product can become what it ought to be, is punctiliously observed, yet this is not painfully apparent; [the form of the schools does not obtrude itself]78—it shows no trace of the rule having been before the eyes of the artist and having fettered his mental powers.

    § 46. Beautiful Art is the art of genius

    Genius is the talent (or natural gift) which gives the rule to Art. Since talent, as the innate productive faculty of the artist, belongs itself to Nature, we may express the matter thus: Genius is the innate mental disposition (ingenium) through which Nature gives the rule to Art.

    Whatever may be thought of this definition, whether it is merely arbitrary or whether it is adequate to the concept that we are accustomed to combine with the word genius (which is to be examined in the following paragraphs), we can prove already beforehand that according to the signification of the word here adopted, beautiful arts must necessarily be considered as arts of genius.

    For every art presupposes rules by means of which in the first instance a product, if it is to be called artistic, is represented as possible. But the concept of beautiful art does not permit the judgement upon the beauty of a product to be derived from any rule, which has a concept as its determining ground, and therefore has at its basis a concept of the way in which the product is possible. Therefore, beautiful art cannot itself devise the rule according to which it can bring about its product. But since at the same time a product can never be called Art without some precedent rule, Nature in the subject must (by the harmony of its faculties) give the rule to Art; i.e. beautiful Art is only possible as a product of Genius.

    We thus see (1) that genius is a talent for producing that for which no definite rule can be given; it is not a mere aptitude for what can be learnt by a rule. Hence originality must be its first property. (2) But since it also can produce original nonsense, its products must be models, i.e. exemplary; and they consequently ought not to spring from imitation, but must serve as a standard or rule of judgement for others. (3) It cannot describe or indicate scientifically how it brings about its products, but it gives the rule just as nature does. Hence the author of a product for which he is indebted to his genius does not himself know how he has come by his Ideas; and he has not the power to devise the like at pleasure or in accordance with a plan, and to communicate it to others in precepts that will enable them to produce similar products. (Hence it is probable that the word genius is derived from genius, that peculiar guiding and guardian spirit given to a man at his birth, from whose suggestion these original Ideas proceed.) (4) Nature by the medium of genius does not prescribe rules to Science, but to Art; and to it only in so far as it is to be beautiful Art.

    § 47. Elucidation and confirmation of the above explanation of Genius

    Every one is agreed that genius is entirely opposed to the spirit of imitation. Now since learning is nothing but imitation, it follows that the greatest ability and teachableness (capacity) regarded quâ teachableness, cannot avail for genius. Even if a man thinks or invents for himself, and does not merely take in what others have taught, even if he discovers many things in art and science, this is not the right ground for calling such a (perhaps great) head, a genius (as opposed to him who because he can only learn and imitate is called a shallow-pate). For even these things could be learned, they lie in the natural path of him who investigates and reflects according to rules; and they do not differ specifically from what can be acquired by industry through imitation. Thus we can readily learn all that Newton has set forth in his immortal work on the Principles of Natural Philosophy, however great a head was required to discover it; but we cannot learn to write spirited poetry, however express may be the precepts of the art and however excellent its models. The reason is that Newton could make all his steps, from the first elements of geometry to his own great and profound discoveries, intuitively plain and definite as regards consequence, not only to himself but to every one else. But a Homer or a Wieland cannot show how his Ideas, so rich in fancy and yet so full of thought, come together in his head, simply because he does not know and therefore cannot teach others. In Science then the greatest discoverer only differs in degree from his laborious imitator and pupil; but he differs specifically from him whom Nature has gifted for beautiful Art. And in this there is no depreciation of those great men to whom the human race owes so much gratitude, as compared with nature’s favourites in respect of the talent for beautiful art. For in the fact that the former talent is directed to the ever-advancing greater perfection of knowledge and every advantage depending on it, and at the same time to the imparting this same knowledge to others—in this it has a great superiority over [the talent of] those who deserve the honour of being called geniuses. For art stands still at a certain point; a boundary is set to it beyond which it cannot go, which presumably has been reached long ago and cannot be extended further. Again, artistic skill cannot be communicated; it is imparted to every artist immediately by the hand of nature; and so it dies with him, until nature endows another in the same way, so that he only needs an example in order to put in operation in a similar fashion the talent of which he is conscious.

    If now it is a natural gift which must prescribe its rule to art (as beautiful art), of what kind is this rule? It cannot be reduced to a formula and serve as a precept, for then the judgement upon the beautiful would be determinable according to concepts; but the rule must be abstracted from the fact, i.e. from the product, on which others may try their own talent by using it as a model, not to be copied but to be imitated. How this is possible is hard to explain. The Ideas of the artist excite like Ideas in his pupils if nature has endowed them with a like proportion of their mental powers. Hence models of beautiful art are the only means of handing down these Ideas to posterity. This cannot be done by mere descriptions, especially not in the case of the arts of speech, and in this latter classical models are only to be had in the old dead languages, now preserved only as “the learned languages.”

    Although mechanical and beautiful art are very different, the first being a mere art of industry and learning and the second of genius, yet there is no beautiful art in which there is not a mechanical element that can be comprehended by rules and followed accordingly, and in which therefore there must be something scholastic as an essential condition. For [in every art] some purpose must be conceived; otherwise we could not ascribe the product to art at all, and it would be a mere product of chance. But in order to accomplish a purpose, definite rules from which we cannot dispense ourselves are requisite. Now since the originality of the talent constitutes an essential (though not the only) element in the character of genius, shallow heads believe that they cannot better show themselves to be full-blown geniuses than by throwing off the constraint of all rules; they believe, in effect, that one could make a braver show on the back of a wild horse than on the back of a trained animal. Genius can only furnish rich material for products of beautiful art; its execution and its form require talent cultivated in the schools, in order to make such a use of this material as will stand examination by the Judgement. But it is quite ridiculous for a man to speak and decide like a genius in things which require the most careful investigation by Reason. One does not know whether to laugh more at the impostor who spreads such a mist round him that we cannot clearly use our Judgement and so use our Imagination the more, or at the public which naïvely imagines that his inability to cognise clearly and to comprehend the masterpiece before him arises from new truths crowding in on him in such abundance that details (duly weighed definitions and accurate examination of fundamental propositions) seem but clumsy work.

    § 48. Of the relation of Genius to Taste

    For judging of beautiful objects as such, taste is requisite; but for beautiful art, i.e. for the production of such objects, genius is requisite.

    If we consider genius as the talent for beautiful art (which the special meaning of the word implies) and in this point of view analyse it into the faculties which must concur to constitute such a talent, it is necessary in the first instance to determine exactly the difference between natural beauty, the judging of which requires only Taste, and artificial beauty, whose possibility (to which reference must be made in judging such an object) requires Genius.

    A natural beauty is a beautiful thing; artificial beauty is a beautiful representation of a thing.

    In order to judge of a natural beauty as such I need not have beforehand a concept of what sort of thing the object is to be; i.e. I need not know its material purposiveness (the purpose), but its mere form pleases by itself in the act of judging it without any knowledge of the purpose. But if the object is given as a product of art, and as such is to be declared beautiful, then, because art always supposes a purpose in the cause (and its causality), there must be at bottom in the first instance a concept of what the thing is to be. And as the agreement of the manifold in a thing with its inner destination, its purpose, constitutes the perfection of the thing, it follows that in judging of artificial beauty the perfection of the thing must be taken into account; but in judging of natural beauty (as such) there is no question at all about this.—It is true that in judging of objects of nature, especially objects endowed with life, e.g. a man or a horse, their objective purposiveness also is commonly taken into consideration in judging of their beauty; but then the judgement is no longer purely aesthetical, i.e. a mere judgement of taste. Nature is no longer judged inasmuch as it appears like art, but in so far as it is actual (although superhuman) art; and the teleological judgement serves as the basis and condition of the aesthetical, as a condition to which the latter must have respect. In such a case, e.g. if it is said “that is a beautiful woman,” we think nothing else than this: nature represents in her figure the purposes in view in the shape of a woman’s figure. For we must look beyond the mere form to a concept, if the object is to be thought in such a way by means of a logically conditioned aesthetical judgement.

    Beautiful art shows its superiority in this, that it describes as beautiful things which may be in nature ugly or displeasing.79 The Furies, diseases, the devastations of war, etc., may [even regarded as calamitous],80 be described as very beautiful, and even represented in a picture. There is only one kind of ugliness which cannot be represented in accordance with nature, without destroying all aesthetical satisfaction and consequently artificial beauty; viz. that which excites disgust. For in this peculiar sensation, which rests on mere imagination, the object is represented as it were obtruding itself for our enjoyment while we strive against it with all our might. And the artistic representation of the object is no longer distinguished from the nature of the object itself in our sensation, and thus it is impossible that it can be regarded as beautiful. The art of sculpture again, because in its products art is almost interchangeable with nature, excludes from its creations the immediate representation of ugly objects; e.g. it represents death by a beautiful genius, the warlike spirit by Mars, and permits [all such things] to be represented only by an allegory or attribute81 that has a pleasing effect, and thus only indirectly by the aid of the interpretation of Reason, and not for the mere aesthetical Judgement.

    So much for the beautiful representation of an object, which is properly only the form of the presentation of a concept, and the means by which the latter is communicated universally.—But to give this form to the product of beautiful art, mere taste is requisite. By taste, after he has exercised and corrected it by manifold examples from art or nature, the artist checks his work; and after many, often toilsome, attempts to content taste he finds the form which satisfies him. Hence this form is not, as it were, a thing of inspiration or the result of a free swing of the mental powers, but of a slow and even painful process of improvement, by which he seeks to render it adequate to his thought, without detriment to the freedom of the play of his powers.

    But taste is merely a judging and not a productive faculty; and what is appropriate to it is not therefore a work of beautiful art. It may be only a product belonging to useful and mechanical art or even to science, produced according to definite rules that can be learned and must be exactly followed. But the pleasing form that is given to it is only the vehicle of communication, and a mode, as it were, of presenting it, in respect of which we remain free to a certain extent, although it is combined with a definite purpose. Thus we desire that table appointments, a moral treatise, even a sermon, should have in themselves this form of beautiful art, without it seeming to be sought: but we do not therefore call these things works of beautiful art. Under the latter class are reckoned a poem, a piece of music, a picture gallery, etc.; and in some would-be works of beautiful art we find genius without taste, while in others we find taste without genius.

    § 49. Of the faculties of the mind that constitute Genius

    We say of certain products of which we expect that they should at least in part appear as beautiful art, they are without spirit82; although we find nothing to blame in them on the score of taste. A poem may be very neat and elegant, but without spirit. A history may be exact and well arranged, but without spirit. A festal discourse may be solid and at the same time elaborate, but without spirit. Conversation is often not devoid of entertainment, but yet without spirit: even of a woman we say that she is pretty, an agreeable talker, and courteous, but without spirit. What then do we mean by spirit?

    Spirit, in an aesthetical sense, is the name given to the animating principle of the mind. But that whereby this principle animates the soul, the material which it applies to that [purpose], is that which puts the mental powers purposively into swing, i.e. into such a play as maintains itself and strengthens the [mental] powers in their exercise.

    Now I maintain that this principle is no other than the faculty of presenting aesthetical Ideas. And by an aesthetical Idea I understand that representation of the Imagination which occasions much thought, without, however, any definite thought, i.e. any concept, being capable of being adequate to it; it consequently cannot be completely compassed and made intelligible by language.—We easily see that it is the counterpart (pendant) of a rational Idea, which conversely is a concept to which no intuition (or representation of the Imagination) can be adequate.

    The Imagination (as a productive faculty of cognition) is very powerful in creating another nature, as it were, out of the material that actual nature gives it. We entertain ourselves with it when experience proves too commonplace, and by it we remould experience, always indeed in accordance with analogical laws, but yet also in accordance with principles which occupy a higher place in Reason (laws too which are just as natural to us as those by which Understanding comprehends empirical nature). Thus we feel our freedom from the law of association (which attaches to the empirical employment of Imagination), so that the material which we borrow from nature in accordance with this law can be worked up into something different which surpasses nature.

    Such representations of the Imagination we may call Ideas, partly because they at least strive after something which lies beyond the bounds of experience, and so seek to approximate to a presentation of concepts of Reason (intellectual Ideas), thus giving to the latter the appearance of objective reality,—but especially because no concept can be fully adequate to them as internal intuitions. The poet ventures to realise to sense, rational Ideas of invisible beings, the kingdom of the blessed, hell, eternity, creation, etc.; or even if he deals with things of which there are examples in experience,—e.g. death, envy and all vices, also love, fame, and the like,—he tries, by means of Imagination, which emulates the play of Reason in its quest after a maximum, to go beyond the limits of experience and to present them to Sense with a completeness of which there is no example in nature. It is, properly speaking, in the art of the poet, that the faculty of aesthetical Ideas can manifest itself in its full measure. But this faculty, considered in itself, is properly only a talent (of the Imagination).

    If now we place under a concept a representation of the Imagination belonging to its presentation, but which occasions solely by itself more thought than can ever be comprehended in a definite concept, and which therefore enlarges aesthetically the concept itself in an unbounded fashion,—the Imagination is here creative, and it brings the faculty of intellectual Ideas (the Reason) into movement; i.e. a movement, occasioned by a representation, towards more thought (though belonging, no doubt, to the concept of the object) than can be grasped in the representation or made clear.

    Those forms which do not constitute the presentation of a given concept itself but only, as approximate representations of the Imagination, express the consequences bound up with it and its relationship to other concepts, are called (aesthetical) attributes of an object, whose concept as a rational Idea cannot be adequately presented. Thus Jupiter’s eagle with the lightning in its claws is an attribute of the mighty king of heaven, as the peacock is of its magnificent queen. They do not, like logical attributes, represent what lies in our concepts of the sublimity and majesty of creation, but something different, which gives occasion to the Imagination to spread itself over a number of kindred representations, that arouse more thought than can be expressed in a concept determined by words. They furnish an aesthetical Idea, which for that rational Idea takes the place of logical presentation; and thus as their proper office they enliven the mind by opening out to it the prospect into an illimitable field of kindred representations. But beautiful art does this not only in the case of painting or sculpture (in which the term “attribute” is commonly employed): poetry and rhetoric also get the spirit that animates their works simply from the aesthetical attributes of the object, which accompany the logical and stimulate the Imagination, so that it thinks more by their aid, although in an undeveloped way, than could be comprehended in a concept and therefore in a definite form of words.— For the sake of brevity I must limit myself to a few examples only.

    When the great King83 in one of his poems expresses himself as follows:

    “Oui, finissons sans trouble et mourons sans regrets,

    En laissant l’univers comblé de nos bienfaits.

    Ainsi l’astre du jour au bout de sa carrière,

    Répand sur l’horizon une douce lumière;

    Et les derniers rayons qu’il darde dans les airs,

    Sont les derniers soupirs qu’il donne à l’univers;”

    he quickens his rational Idea of a cosmopolitan disposition at the end of life by an attribute which the Imagination (in remembering all the pleasures of a beautiful summer day that are recalled at its close by a serene evening) associates with that representation, and which excites a number of sensations and secondary representations for which no expression is found. On the other hand, an intellectual concept may serve conversely as an attribute for a representation of sense and so can quicken this latter by means of the Idea of the supersensible; but only by the aesthetical [element], that subjectively attaches to the concept of the latter, being here employed. Thus, for example, a certain poet84 says, in his description of a beautiful morning:

    “The sun arose

    As calm from virtue springs.”

    The consciousness of virtue, even if one only places oneself in thought in the position of a virtuous man, diffuses in the mind a multitude of sublime and restful feelings and a boundless prospect of a joyful future, to which no expression measured by a definite concept completely attains.85

    In a word the aesthetical Idea is a representation of the Imagination associated with a given concept, which is bound up with such a multiplicity of partial representations in its free employment, that for it no expression marking a definite concept can be found; and such a representation, therefore, adds to a concept much ineffable thought, the feeling of which quickens the cognitive faculties, and with language, which is the mere letter, binds up spirit also.

    The mental powers, therefore, whose union (in a certain relation) constitutes genius are Imagination and Understanding. In the employment of the Imagination for cognition it submits to the constraint of the Understanding and is subject to the limitation of being conformable to the concept of the latter. On the other hand, in an aesthetical point of view it is free to furnish unsought, over and above that agreement with a concept, abundance of undeveloped material for the Understanding; to which the Understanding paid no regard in its concept, but which it applies, though not objectively for cognition, yet subjectively to quicken the cognitive powers and therefore also indirectly to cognitions. Thus genius properly consists in the happy relation [between these faculties], which no science can teach and no industry can learn, by which Ideas are found for a given concept; and on the other hand, we thus find for these Ideas the expression, by means of which the subjective state of mind brought about by them, as an accompaniment of the concept, can be communicated to others. The latter talent is properly speaking what is called spirit; for to express the ineffable element in the state of mind implied by a certain representation and to make it universally communicable—whether the expression be in speech or painting or statuary—this requires a faculty of seizing the quickly passing play of Imagination and of unifying it in a concept (which is even on that account original and discloses a new rule that could not have been inferred from any preceding principles or examples), that can be communicated without any constraint [of rules].86

    * * * * *

    If after this analysis we look back to the explanation given above of what is called genius, we find: first, that it is a talent for Art, not for Science, in which clearly known rules must go beforehand and determine the procedure. Secondly, as an artistic talent it presupposes a definite concept of the product, as the purpose, and therefore Understanding; but it also presupposes a representation (although an indeterminate one) of the material, i.e. of the intuition, for the presentment of this concept; and, therefore, a relation between the Imagination and the Understanding. Thirdly, it shows itself not so much in the accomplishment of the proposed purpose in a presentment of a definite concept, as in the enunciation or expression of aesthetical Ideas, which contain abundant material for that very design; and consequently it represents the Imagination as free from all guidance of rules and yet as purposive in reference to the presentment of the given concept. Finally, in the fourth place, the unsought undesigned subjective purposiveness in the free accordance of the Imagination with the legality of the Understanding presupposes such a proportion and disposition of these faculties as no following of rules, whether of science or of mechanical imitation, can bring about, but which only the nature of the subject can produce.

    In accordance with these suppositions genius is the exemplary originality of the natural gifts of a subject in the free employment of his cognitive faculties. In this way the product of a genius (as regards what is to be ascribed to genius and not to possible learning or schooling) is an example, not to be imitated (for then that which in it is genius and constitutes the spirit of the work would be lost), but to be followed, by another genius; whom it awakens to a feeling of his own originality and whom it stirs so to exercise his art in freedom from the constraint of rules, that thereby a new rule is gained for art, and thus his talent shows itself to be exemplary. But because a genius is a favourite of nature and must be regarded by us as a rare phenomenon, his example produces for other good heads a school, i.e. a methodical system of teaching according to rules, so far as these can be derived from the peculiarities of the products of his spirit. For such persons beautiful art is so far imitation, to which nature through the medium of a genius supplied the rule.

    But this imitation becomes a mere aping, if the scholar copies everything down to the deformities, which the genius must have let pass only because he could not well remove them without weakening his Idea. This mental characteristic is meritorious only in the case of a genius. A certain audacity in expression—and in general many a departure from common rules—becomes him well, but it is in no way worthy of imitation; it always remains a fault in itself which we must seek to remove, though the genius is as it were privileged to commit it, because the inimitable rush of his spirit would suffer from over-anxious carefulness. Mannerism is another kind of aping, viz. of mere peculiarity (originality) in general; by which a man separates himself as far as possible from imitators, without however possessing the talent to be at the same time exemplary.—There are indeed in general two ways (modi) in which such a man may put together his notions of expressing himself; the one is called a manner (modus aestheticus), the other a method (modus logicus). They differ in this, that the former has no other standard than the feeling of unity in the presentment, but the latter follows definite principles; hence the former alone avails for beautiful art. But an artistic product is said to show mannerism only when the exposition of the artist’s Idea is founded on its very singularity, and is not made appropriate to the Idea itself. The ostentatious (précieux), contorted, and affected [manner, adopted] to differentiate oneself from ordinary persons (though devoid of spirit) is like the behaviour of a man of whom we say, that he hears himself talk, or who stands and moves about as if he were on a stage in order to be stared at; this always betrays a bungler.

    § 50. Of the combination of Taste with Genius in the products of beautiful Art

    To ask whether it is more important for the things of beautiful art that Genius or Taste should be displayed, is the same as to ask whether in it more depends on Imagination or on Judgement. Now, since in respect of the first an art is rather said to be full of spirit, but only deserves to be called a beautiful art on account of the second; this latter is at least, as its indispensable condition (conditio sine qua non), the most important thing to which one has to look in the judging of art as beautiful art. Abundance and originality of Ideas are less necessary to beauty than the accordance of the Imagination in its freedom with the conformity to law of the Understanding. For all the abundance of the former produces in lawless freedom nothing but nonsense; on the other hand, the Judgement is the faculty by which it is adjusted to the Understanding.

    Taste, like the Judgement in general, is the discipline (or training) of Genius; it clips its wings closely, and makes it cultured and polished; but, at the same time, it gives guidance as to where and how far it may extend itself, if it is to remain purposive. And while it brings clearness and order into the multitude of the thoughts, it makes the Ideas susceptible of being permanently and, at the same time, universally assented to, and capable of being followed by others, and of an ever-progressive culture. If, then, in the conflict of these two properties in a product something must be sacrificed, it should be rather on the side of genius; and the Judgement, which in the things of beautiful art gives its decision from its own proper principles, will rather sacrifice the freedom and wealth of the Imagination than permit anything prejudicial to the Understanding.

    For beautiful art, therefore, Imagination, Understanding, Spirit, and Taste are requisite.87

    § 51. Of the division of the beautiful arts

    We may describe beauty in general (whether natural or artificial) as the expression of aesthetical Ideas; only that in beautiful Art this Idea must be occasioned by a concept of the Object; whilst in beautiful Nature the mere reflection upon a given intuition, without any concept of what the object is to be, is sufficient for the awakening and communicating of the Idea of which that Object is regarded as the expression.

    If, then, we wish to make a division of the beautiful arts, we cannot choose a more convenient principle, at least tentatively, than the analogy of art with the mode of expression of which men avail themselves in speech, in order to communicate to one another as perfectly as possible not merely their concepts but also their sensations.88—This is done by word, deportment, and tone (articulation, gesticulation, and modulation). It is only by the combination of these three kinds of expression that communication between the speaker [and his hearers] can be complete. For thus thought, intuition, and sensation are transmitted to others simultaneously and conjointly.

    There are, therefore, only three kinds of beautiful arts; the arts of speech, the formative arts, and the art of the play of sensations (as external sensible impressions). We may also arrange a division by dichotomy; thus beautiful art may be divided into the art of expression of thoughts and of intuitions; and these further subdivided in accordance with their form or their matter (sensation). But this would appear to be too abstract, and not so accordant with ordinary concepts.

    (1) The arts of SPEECH are rhetoric and poetry. Rhetoric is the art of carrying on a serious business of the Understanding as if it were a free play of the Imagination; poetry, the art of conducting a free play of the Imagination as if it were a serious business of the Understanding.

    The orator, then, promises a serious business, and in order to entertain his audience conducts it as if it were a mere play with Ideas. The poet merely promises an entertaining play with Ideas, and yet it has the same effect upon the Understanding as if he had only intended to carry on its business. The combination and harmony of both cognitive faculties, Sensibility and Understanding, which cannot dispense with one another, but which yet cannot well be united without constraint and mutual prejudice, must appear to be undesigned and so to be brought about by themselves: otherwise it is not beautiful art. Hence, all that is studied and anxious must be avoided in it, for beautiful art must be free art in a double sense. It is not a work like that of a tradesman, the magnitude of which can be judged, exacted, or paid for, according to a definite standard; and again, though the mind is occupied, still it feels itself contented and stimulated, without looking to any other purpose (independently of reward.)

    The orator therefore gives something which he does not promise, viz. an entertaining play of the Imagination; but he also fails to supply what he did promise, which is indeed his announced business, viz. the purposive occupation of the Understanding. On the other hand, the poet promises little and announces a mere play with Ideas; but he supplies something which is worth occupying ourselves with, because he provides in this play food for the Understanding, and by the aid of Imagination gives life to his concepts. [Thus the orator on the whole gives less, the poet more, than he promises.]89

    (2) The FORMATIVE arts, or those by which expression is found for Ideas in sensible intuition (not by representations of mere Imagination that are aroused by words), are either arts of sensible truth or of sensible illusion. The former is called Plastic, the latter Painting. Both express Ideas by figures in space; the former makes figures cognisable by two senses, sight and touch (although not by the latter as far as beauty is concerned); the latter only by one, the first of these. The aesthetical Idea (the archetype or original image) is fundamental for both in the Imagination, but the figure which expresses this (the ectype or copy) is either given in its bodily extension (as the object itself exists), or as it paints itself on the eye (according to its appearance when projected on a flat surface). In the first case90 the condition given to reflection may be either the reference to an actual purpose or only the semblance of it.

    To Plastic, the first kind of beautiful formative Art, belong Sculpture and Architecture. The first presents corporeally concepts of things, as they might have existed in nature (though as beautiful art it has regard to aesthetical purposiveness). The second is the art of presenting concepts of things that are possible only through Art, and whose form has for its determining ground not nature but an arbitrary purpose, with the view of presenting them with aesthetical purposiveness. In the latter the chief point is a certain use of the artistic object, by which condition the aesthetical Ideas are limited. In the former the main design is the mere expression of aesthetical Ideas. Thus statues of men, gods, animals, etc., are of the first kind; but temples, splendid buildings for public assemblies, even dwelling-houses, triumphal arches, columns, mausoleums, and the like, erected in honourable remembrance, belong to Architecture. Indeed all house furniture (upholsterer’s work and such like things which are for use) may be reckoned under this art; because the suitability of a product for a certain use is the essential thing in an architectural work. On the other hand, a mere piece of sculpture, which is simply made for show and which is to please in itself, is as a corporeal presentation a mere imitation of nature, though with a reference to aesthetical Ideas; in it sensible truth is not to be carried so far that the product ceases to look like art and looks like a product of the elective will.

    Painting, as the second kind of formative art, which presents a sensible illusion artificially combined with Ideas, I would divide into the art of the beautiful depicting of nature and that of the beautiful arrangement of its products. The first is painting proper, the second is the art of landscape gardening. The first gives only the illusory appearance of corporeal extension; the second gives this in accordance with truth, but only the appearance of utility and availableness for other purposes than the mere play of the Imagination in the contemplation of its forms.91 This latter is nothing else than the ornamentation of the soil with a variety of those things (grasses, flowers, shrubs, trees, even ponds, hillocks, and dells) which nature presents to an observer, only arranged differently and in conformity with certain Ideas. But, again, the beautiful arrangement of corporeal things is only apparent to the eye, like painting; the sense of touch cannot supply any intuitive presentation of such a form. Under painting in the wide sense I would reckon the decoration of rooms by the aid of tapestry, bric-a-brac, and all beautiful furniture which is merely available to be looked at; and the same may be said of the art of tasteful dressing (with rings, snuff-boxes, etc.). For a bed of various flowers, a room filled with various ornaments (including under this head even ladies’ finery), make at a fête a kind of picture; which, like pictures properly so-called (that are not intended to teach either history or natural science), has in view merely the entertainment of the Imagination in free play with Ideas, and the occupation of the aesthetical Judgement without any definite purpose. The detailed work in all this decoration may be quite distinct in the different cases and may require very different artists; but the judgement of taste upon whatever is beautiful in these various arts is always determined in the same way: viz. it only judges the forms (without any reference to a purpose) as they present themselves to the eye either singly or in combination, according to the effect they produce upon the Imagination.—But that formative art may be compared (by analogy) with deportment in speech is justified by the fact that the spirit of the artist supplies by these figures a bodily expression to his thought and its mode, and makes the thing itself as it were speak in mimic language. This is a very common play of our fancy, which attributes to lifeless things a spirit suitable to their form by which they speak to us.

    (3) The art of the BEAUTIFUL PLAY OF SENSATIONS (externally stimulated), which admits at the same time of universal communication, can be concerned with nothing else than the proportion of the different degrees of the disposition (tension) of the sense, to which the sensation belongs, i.e. with its tone. In this far-reaching signification of the word it may be divided into the artistic play of the sensations of hearing and sight, i.e. into Music and the Art of colour.—It is noteworthy that these two senses, besides their susceptibility for impressions so far as these are needed to gain concepts of external objects, are also capable of a peculiar sensation bound up therewith, of which we cannot strictly decide whether it is based on sense or reflection. This susceptibility may sometimes be wanting, although in other respects the sense, as regards its use for the cognition of Objects, is not at all deficient but is peculiarly fine. That is, we cannot say with certainty whether colours or tones (sounds) are merely pleasant sensations or whether they form in themselves a beautiful play of sensations, and as such bring with them in aesthetical judgement a satisfaction in their form. If we think of the velocity of the vibrations of light, or in the second case of the air, which probably far surpasses all our faculty of judging immediately in perception the time interval between them, we must believe that it is only the effect of these vibrations upon the elastic parts of our body that is felt, but that the time interval between them is not remarked or brought into judgement; and thus that only pleasantness and not beauty of composition is bound up with colours and tones. But on the other hand, first, we think of the mathematical [element] which enables us to pronounce on the proportion between these oscillations in music and thus to judge of them; and by analogy with which we easily may judge of the distinctions between colours. Secondly, we recall instances (although they are rare) of men who with the best sight in the world cannot distinguish colours, and with the sharpest hearing cannot distinguish tones; whilst for those who can do this the perception of an altered quality (not merely of the degree of sensation) in the different intensities in the scale of colours and tones is definite; and further, the very number of these is fixed by intelligible differences. Thus we may be compelled to see that both kinds of sensations are to be regarded not as mere sensible impressions, but as the effects of a judgement passed upon the form in the play of divers sensations. The difference in our definition, according as we adopt the one or the other opinion in judging of the grounds of Music, would be just this: either, as we have done, we must explain it as the beautiful play of sensations (of hearing), or else as a play of pleasant sensations. According to the former mode of explanation music is represented altogether as a beautiful art; according to the latter, as a pleasant art (at least in part).

    § 52. Of the combination of beautiful arts in one and the same product

    Rhetoric may be combined with a pictorial presentation of its subjects and objects in a theatrical piece; poetry may be combined with music in a song, and this again with pictorial (theatrical) presentation in an opera; the play of sensations in music may be combined with the play of figures in the dance, and so on. Even the presentation of the sublime, so far as it belongs to beautiful art, may combine with beauty in a tragedy in verse, in a didactic poem, in an oratorio; and in these combinations beautiful art is yet more artistic. Whether it is also more beautiful may in some of these cases be doubted (since so many different kinds of satisfaction cross one another). Yet in all beautiful art the essential thing is the form, which is purposive as regards our observation and judgement, where the pleasure is at the same time cultivation and disposes the spirit to Ideas, and consequently makes it susceptible of still more of such pleasure and entertainment. The essential element is not the matter of sensation (charm or emotion), which has only to do with enjoyment; this leaves behind nothing in the Idea, and it makes the spirit dull, the object gradually distasteful, and the mind, on account of its consciousness of a disposition that conflicts with purpose in the judgement of Reason, discontented with itself and peevish.

    If the beautiful arts are not brought into more or less close combination with moral Ideas, which alone bring with them a self-sufficing satisfaction, this latter fate must ultimately be theirs. They then serve only as a distraction, of which we are the more in need the more we avail ourselves of them to disperse the discontent of the mind with itself; so that we thus render ourselves ever more useless and ever more discontented. The beauties of nature are generally of most benefit in this point of view, if we are early accustomed to observe, appreciate, and admire them.

    § 53. Comparison of the respective aesthetical worth of the beautiful arts

    Of all the arts poetry (which owes its origin almost entirely to genius and will least be guided by precept or example) maintains the first rank. It expands the mind by setting the Imagination at liberty; and by offering within the limits of a given concept amid the unbounded variety of possible forms accordant therewith, that which unites the presentment of this concept with a wealth of thought, to which no verbal expression is completely adequate; and so rising aesthetically to Ideas. It strengthens the mind by making it feel its faculty—free, spontaneous and independent of natural determination—of considering and judging nature as a phenomenon in accordance with aspects which it does not present in experience either for Sense or Understanding, and therefore of using it on behalf of, and as a sort of schema for, the supersensible. It plays with illusion, which it produces at pleasure, but without deceiving by it; for it declares its exercise to be mere play, which however can be purposively used by the Understanding.—Rhetoric, in so far as this means the art of persuasion, i.e. of deceiving by a beautiful show (ars oratoria), and not mere elegance of speech (eloquence and style), is a Dialectic, which borrows from poetry only so much as is needful to win minds to the side of the orator before they have formed a judgement, and to deprive them of their freedom; it cannot therefore be recommended either for the law courts or for the pulpit. For if we are dealing with civil law, with the rights of individual persons, or with lasting instruction and determination of people’s minds to an accurate knowledge and a conscientious observance of their duty, it is unworthy of so important a business to allow a trace of any exuberance of wit and imagination to appear, and still less any trace of the art of talking people over and of captivating them for the advantage of any chance person. For although this art may sometimes be directed to legitimate and praiseworthy designs, it becomes objectionable, when in this way maxims and dispositions are spoiled in a subjective point of view, though the action may objectively be lawful. It is not enough to do what is right; we should practise it solely on the ground that it is right. Again, the mere concept of this species of matters of human concern, when clear and combined with a lively presentation of it in examples, without any offence against the rules of euphony of speech or propriety of expression, has by itself for Ideas of Reason (which collectively constitute eloquence), sufficient influence upon human minds; so that it is not needful to add the machinery of persuasion, which, since it can be used equally well to beautify or to hide vice and error, cannot quite lull the secret suspicion that one is being artfully overreached. In poetry everything proceeds with honesty and candour. It declares itself to be a mere entertaining play of the Imagination, which wishes to proceed as regards form in harmony with the laws of the Understanding; and it does not desire to steal upon and ensnare the Understanding by the aid of sensible presentation.92

    After poetry, if we are to deal with charm and mental movement, I would place that art which comes nearest to the art of speech and can very naturally be united with it, viz. the art of tone. For although it speaks by means of mere sensations without concepts, and so does not, like poetry, leave anything over for reflection, it yet moves the mind in a greater variety of ways and more intensely, although only transitorily. It is, however, rather enjoyment than culture (the play of thought that is incidentally excited by its means is merely the effect of a kind of mechanical association); and in the judgement of Reason it has less worth than any other of the beautiful arts. Hence, like all enjoyment, it desires constant change, and does not bear frequent repetition without producing weariness. Its charm, which admits of universal communication, appears to rest on this, that every expression of speech has in its context a tone appropriate to the sense. This tone indicates more or less an affection of the speaker, and produces it also in the hearer; which affection excites in its turn in the hearer the Idea that is expressed in speech by the tone in question. Thus as modulation is as it were a universal language of sensations intelligible to every man, the art of tone employs it by itself alone in its full force, viz. as a language of the affections, and thus communicates universally according to the laws of association the aesthetical Ideas naturally combined therewith. Now these aesthetical Ideas are not concepts or determinate thoughts. Hence the form of the composition of these sensations (harmony and melody) only serves instead of the form of language, by means of their proportionate accordance, to express the aesthetical Idea of a connected whole of an unspeakable wealth of thought, corresponding to a certain theme which produces the dominating affection in the piece. This can be brought mathematically under certain rules, because it rests in the case of tones on the relation between the number of vibrations of the air in the same time, so far as these tones are combined simultaneously or successively. To this mathematical form, although not represented by determinate concepts, alone attaches the satisfaction that unites the mere reflection upon such a number of concomitant or consecutive sensations with this their play, as a condition of its beauty valid for every man. It is this alone which permits Taste to claim in advance a rightful authority over every one’s judgement.

    But in the charm and mental movement produced by Music, Mathematic has certainly not the slightest share. It is only the indispensable condition (conditio sine qua non) of that proportion of the impressions in their combination and in their alternation by which it becomes possible to gather them together and prevent them from destroying one another, and to harmonise them so as to produce a continual movement and animation of the mind, by means of affections consonant therewith, and thus a delightful personal enjoyment.

    If, on the other hand, we estimate the worth of the Beautiful Arts by the culture they supply to the mind, and take as a standard the expansion of the faculties which must concur in the Judgement for cognition, Music will have the lowest place among them (as it has perhaps the highest among those arts which are valued for their pleasantness), because it merely plays with sensations. The formative arts are far before it in this point of view; for in putting the Imagination in a free play, which is also accordant with the Understanding, they at the same time carry on a serious business. This they do by producing a product that serves for concepts as a permanent self-commendatory vehicle for promoting their union with sensibility and thus, as it were, the urbanity of the higher cognitive powers. These two species of art take quite different courses; the first proceeds from sensations to indeterminate Ideas, the second from determinate Ideas to sensations. The latter produce permanent, the former only transitory impressions. The Imagination can recall the one and entertain itself pleasantly therewith; but the other either vanish entirely, or if they are recalled involuntarily by the Imagination they are rather wearisome than pleasant.93 Besides, there attaches to Music a certain want of urbanity from the fact that, chiefly from the character of its instruments, it extends its influence further than is desired (in the neighbourhood), and so as it were obtrudes itself, and does violence to the freedom of others who are not of the musical company. The Arts which appeal to the eyes do not do this; for we need only turn our eyes away, if we wish to avoid being impressed. The case of music is almost like that of the delight derived from a smell that diffuses itself widely. The man who pulls his perfumed handkerchief out of his pocket attracts the attention of all round him, even against their will, and he forces them, if they are to breathe at all, to enjoy the scent; hence this habit has gone out of fashion.94

    Among the formative arts I would give the palm to painting; partly because as the art of delineation it lies at the root of all the other formative arts, and partly because it can penetrate much further into the region of Ideas, and can extend the field of intuition in conformity with them further than the others can.

    § 54. Remark

    As we have often shown, there is an essential difference between what satisfies simply in the act of judging it, and that which gratifies (pleases in sensation). We cannot ascribe the latter to every one, as we can the former. Gratification (the causes of which may even be situate in Ideas) appears always to consist in a feeling of the furtherance of the whole life of the man, and consequently, also of his bodily well-being, i.e. his health; so that Epicurus, who gave out that all gratification was at bottom bodily sensation, may, perhaps, not have been wrong, but only misunderstood himself when he reckoned intellectual and even practical satisfaction under gratification. If we have this distinction in view we can explain how a gratification may dissatisfy the man who sensibly feels it (e.g. the joy of a needy but well-meaning man at becoming the heir of an affectionate but penurious father); or how a deep grief may satisfy the person experiencing it (the sorrow of a widow at the death of her excellent husband); or how a gratification can in addition satisfy (as in the sciences that we pursue); or how a grief (e.g. hatred, envy, revenge) can moreover dissatisfy. The satisfaction or dissatisfaction here depends on Reason, and is the same as approbation or disapprobation; but gratification and grief can only rest on the feeling or prospect of a possible (on whatever grounds) well-being or its opposite.

    All changing free play of sensations (that have no design at their basis) gratifies, because it promotes the feeling of health. In the judgement of Reason we may or may not have any satisfaction in its object or even in this gratification; and this latter may rise to the height of an affection, although we take no interest in the object, at least none that is proportionate to the degree of the affection. We may subdivide this free play of sensations into the play of fortune [games of chance], the play of tone [music], and the play of thought [wit]. The first requires an interest, whether of vanity or of selfishness; which, however, is not nearly so great as the interest that attaches to the way in which we are striving to procure it. The second requires merely the change of sensations, all of which have a relation to affection, though they have not the degree of affection, and excite aesthetical Ideas. The third springs merely from the change of representations in the Judgement; by it, indeed, no thought that brings an interest with it is produced, but yet the mind is animated thereby.

    How much gratification games must afford, without any necessity of placing at their basis an interested design, all our evening parties show; for hardly any of them can be carried on without a game. But the affections of hope, fear, joy, wrath, scorn, are put in play by them, alternating every moment; and they are so vivid that by them, as by a kind of internal motion, all the vital processes of the body seem to be promoted, as is shown by the mental vivacity excited by them, although nothing is gained or learnt thereby. But as the beautiful does not enter into games of chance, we will here set them aside. On the other hand, music and that which excites laughter are two different kinds of play with aesthetical Ideas, or with representations of the Understanding through which ultimately nothing is thought; and yet they can give lively gratification merely by their changes. Thus we recognise pretty clearly that the animation in both cases is merely bodily, although it is excited by Ideas of the mind; and that the feeling of health produced by a motion of the intestines corresponding to the play in question makes up that whole gratification of a gay party, which is regarded as so refined and so spiritual. It is not the judging the harmony in tones or sallies of wit,—which serves only in combination with their beauty as a necessary vehicle,—but the furtherance of the vital bodily processes, the affection that moves the intestines and the diaphragm, in a word, the feeling of health (which without such inducements one does not feel) that makes up the gratification felt by us; so that we can thus reach the body through the soul and use the latter as the physician of the former.

    In music this play proceeds from bodily sensations to aesthetical Ideas (the Objects of our affections), and then from these back again to the body with redoubled force. In the case of jokes (the art of which, just like music, should rather be reckoned as pleasant than beautiful) the play begins with the thoughts which together occupy the body, so far as they admit of sensible expression; and as the Understanding stops suddenly short at this presentment, in which it does not find what it expected, we feel the effect of this slackening in the body by the oscillation of the organs, which promotes the restoration of equilibrium and has a favourable influence upon health.

    In everything that is to excite a lively convulsive laugh there must be something absurd (in which the Understanding, therefore, can find no satisfaction). Laughter is an affection arising from the sudden transformation of a strained expectation into nothing.95 This transformation, which is certainly not enjoyable by the Understanding, yet indirectly gives it very active enjoyment for a moment. Therefore its cause must consist in the influence of the representation upon the body, and the reflex effect of this upon the mind; not, indeed, through the representation being objectively an object of gratification96 (for how could a delusive expectation gratify?), but simply through it as a mere play of representations bringing about an equilibrium of the vital powers in the body.

    Suppose this story to be told: An Indian at the table of an Englishman in Surat, when he saw a bottle of ale opened and all the beer turned into froth and overflowing, testified his great astonishment with many exclamations. When the Englishman asked him, “What is there in this to astonish you so much?” he answered, “I am not at all astonished that it should flow out, but I do wonder how you ever got it in.” At this story we laugh, and it gives us hearty pleasure; not because we deem ourselves cleverer than this ignorant man, or because of anything else in it that we note as satisfactory to the Understanding, but because our expectation was strained [for a time] and then was suddenly dissipated into nothing. Again: The heir of a rich relative wished to arrange for an imposing funeral, but he lamented that he could not properly succeed; “for” (said he) “the more money I give my mourners to look sad, the more cheerful they look!”97 When we hear this story we laugh loud, and the reason is that an expectation is suddenly transformed into nothing. We must note well that it does not transform itself into the positive opposite of an expected object—for then there would still be something, which might even be a cause of grief—but it must be transformed into nothing. For if a man arouses great expectations in us when telling a story, and at the end we see its falsehood immediately, it displeases us; e.g. the story of the people whose hair in consequence of great grief turned gray in one night. But if a wag, to repair the effect of this story, describes very circumstantially the grief of the merchant returning from India to Europe with all his wealth in merchandise who was forced to throw it overboard in a heavy storm, and who grieved thereat so much that his wig turned gray the same night—we laugh and it gives us gratification. For we treat our own mistake in the case of an object otherwise indifferent to us, or rather the Idea which we are following out, as we treat a ball which we knock to and fro for a time, though our only serious intention is to seize it and hold it fast. It is not the mere rebuff of a liar or a simpleton that arouses our gratification; for the latter story told with assumed seriousness would set a whole company in a roar of laughter, while the former would ordinarily not be regarded as worth attending to.

    It is remarkable that in all such cases the jest must contain something that is capable of deceiving for a moment. Hence, when the illusion is dissipated, the mind turns back to try it once again, and thus through a rapidly alternating tension and relaxation it is jerked back and put into a state of oscillation. This, because the strain on the cord as it were is suddenly (and not gradually) relaxed, must occasion a mental movement, and an inner bodily movement harmonising therewith, which continues involuntarily and fatigues, even while cheering us (the effects of a motion conducive to health).

    For if we admit that with all our thoughts is harmonically combined a movement in the organs of the body, we shall easily comprehend how to this sudden transposition of the mind, now to one now to another standpoint in order to contemplate its object, may correspond an alternating tension and relaxation of the elastic portions of our intestines, which communicates itself to the diaphragm (like that which ticklish people feel). In connexion with this the lungs expel the air at rapidly succeeding intervals, and thus bring about a movement beneficial to health; which alone, and not what precedes it in the mind, is the proper cause of the gratification in a thought that at bottom represents nothing.—Voltaire said that heaven had given us two things to counterbalance the many miseries of life, hope and sleep.98 He could have added laughter, if the means of exciting it in reasonable men were only as easily attainable, and the requisite wit or originality of humour were not so rare, as the talent is common of imagining things which break one’s head, as mystic dreamers do, or which break one’s neck, as your genius does, or which break one’s heart, as sentimental romance-writers (and even moralists of the same kidney) do.

    We may therefore, as it seems to me, readily concede to Epicurus that all gratification, even that which is occasioned through concepts, excited by aesthetical Ideas, is animal, i.e. bodily sensation; without the least prejudice to the spiritual feeling of respect for moral Ideas, which is not gratification at all but an esteem for self (for humanity in us), that raises us above the need of gratification, and even without the slightest prejudice to the less noble [feeling] of taste.

    We find a combination of these two last in naiveté, which is the breaking out of the sincerity originally natural to humanity in opposition to that art of dissimulation which has become a second nature. We laugh at the simplicity that does not understand how to dissemble; and yet we are delighted with the simplicity of the nature which thwarts that art. We look for the commonplace manner of artificial utterance devised with foresight to make a fair show; and behold! it is the unspoiled innocent nature which we do not expect to find, and which he who displays it did not think of disclosing. That the fair but false show which generally has so much influence upon our judgement is here suddenly transformed into nothing, so that, as it were, the rogue in us is laid bare, produces a movement of the mind in two opposite directions, which gives a wholesome shock to the body. But the fact that something infinitely better than all assumed manner, viz. purity of disposition (or at least the tendency thereto), is not quite extinguished yet in human nature, blends seriousness and high esteem with this play of the Judgement. But because it is only a transitory phenomenon and the veil of dissimulation is soon drawn over it again, there is mingled therewith a compassion which is an emotion of tenderness; this, as play, readily admits of combination with a good-hearted laugh, and ordinarily is actually so combined, and withal is wont to compensate him who supplies its material for the embarrassment which results from not yet being wise after the manner of men.—An art that is to be naive is thus a contradiction; but the representation of naiveté in a fictitious personage is quite possible, and is a beautiful though a rare art. Naiveté must not be confounded with open-hearted simplicity, which does not artificially spoil nature solely because it does not understand the art of social intercourse.

    The humorous manner again may be classified as that which, as exhilarating us, is near akin to the gratification that proceeds from laughter; and belongs to the originality of spirit, but not to the talent of beautiful art. Humour in the good sense means the talent of being able voluntarily to put oneself into a certain mental disposition, in which everything is judged quite differently from the ordinary method (reversed, in fact), and yet in accordance with certain rational principles in such a frame of mind. He who is involuntarily subject to such mutations is called a man of humours [launisch]; but he who can assume them voluntarily and purposively (on behalf of a lively presentment brought about by the aid of a contrast that excites a laugh)—he and his manner of speech are called humorous [launigt]. This manner, however, belongs rather to pleasant than to beautiful art, because the object of the latter must always exhibit intrinsic worth, and hence requires a certain seriousness in the presentation, as taste does in the act of judgement.

    SECOND DIVISION

    DIALECTIC OF THE AESTHETICAL JUDGEMENT

    § 55

    A faculty of Judgement that is to be dialectical must in the first place be rationalising, i.e. its judgements must claim universality99 and that a priori; for it is in the opposition of such judgements that Dialectic consists. Hence the incompatibility of aesthetical judgements of Sense (about the pleasant and the unpleasant) is not dialectical. And again, the conflict between judgements of Taste, so far as each man depends merely on his own taste, forms no Dialectic of taste; because no one proposes to make his own judgement a universal rule. There remains therefore no other concept of a Dialectic which has to do with taste than that of a Dialectic of the Critique of taste (not of taste itself) in respect of its principles; for here concepts that contradict one another (as to the ground of the possibility of judgements of taste in general) naturally and unavoidably present themselves. The transcendental Critique of taste will therefore contain a part which can bear the name of a Dialectic of the aesthetical Judgement, only if and so far as there is found an antinomy of the principles of this faculty which renders its conformity to law, and consequently also its internal possibility, doubtful.

    § 56. Representation of the antinomy of Taste

    The first commonplace of taste is contained in the proposition, with which every tasteless person proposes to avoid blame: every one has his own taste. That is as much as to say that the determining ground of this judgement is merely subjective (gratification or grief), and that the judgement has no right to the necessary assent of others.

    The second commonplace invoked even by those who admit for judgements of taste the right to speak with validity for every one is: there is no disputing about taste. That is as much as to say that the determining ground of a judgement of taste may indeed be objective, but that it cannot be reduced to definite concepts, and that consequently about the judgement itself nothing can be decided by proofs, although much may rightly be contested. For contesting [quarrelling] and disputing [controversy] are doubtless the same in this, that by means of the mutual opposition of judgements they seek to produce their accordance; but different in that the latter hopes to bring this about according to definite concepts as determining grounds, and consequently assumes objective concepts as grounds of the judgement. But where this is regarded as impracticable, controversy is regarded as alike impracticable.

    We easily see that between these two commonplaces there is a proposition wanting, which, though it has not passed into a proverb, is yet familiar to every one, viz. there may be a quarrel about taste (although there can be no controversy). But this proposition involves the contradictory of the former one. For wherever quarrelling is permissible, there must be a hope of mutual reconciliation; and consequently we can count on grounds of our judgement that have not merely private validity, and therefore are not merely subjective. And to this the proposition, every one has his own taste, is directly opposed.

    There emerges therefore in respect of the principle of taste the following Antinomy:—

    (1) Thesis. The judgement of taste is not based upon concepts; for otherwise it would admit of controversy (would be determinable by proofs).

    (2) Antithesis. The judgement of taste is based on concepts; for otherwise, despite its diversity, we could not quarrel about it (we could not claim for our judgement the necessary assent of others).

    § 57. Solution of the antinomy of Taste

    There is no possibility of removing the conflict between these principles that underlie every judgement of taste (which are nothing else than the two peculiarities of the judgement of taste exhibited above in the Analytic), except by showing that the concept to which we refer the Object in this kind of judgement is not taken in the same sense in both maxims of the aesthetical Judgement. This twofold sense or twofold point of view is necessary to our transcendental Judgement; but also the illusion which arises from the confusion of one with the other is natural and unavoidable.

    The judgement of taste must refer to some concept; otherwise it could make absolutely no claim to be necessarily valid for every one. But it is not therefore capable of being proved from a concept; because a concept may be either determinable or in itself undetermined and undeterminable. The concepts of the Understanding are of the former kind; they are determinable through predicates of sensible intuition which can correspond to them. But the transcendental rational concept of the supersensible, which lies at the basis of all sensible intuition, is of the latter kind, and therefore cannot be theoretically determined further.

    Now the judgement of taste is applied to objects of Sense, but not with a view of determining a concept of them for the Understanding; for it is not a cognitive judgement. It is thus only a private judgement, in which a singular representation intuitively perceived is referred to the feeling of pleasure; and so far would be limited as regards its validity to the individual judging. The object is for me an object of satisfaction; by others it may be regarded quite differently—every one has his own taste.

    Nevertheless there is undoubtedly contained in the judgement of taste a wider reference of the representation of the Object (as well as of the subject), whereon we base an extension of judgements of this kind as necessary for every one. At the basis of this there must necessarily be a concept somewhere; though a concept which cannot be determined through intuition. But through a concept of this sort we know nothing, and consequently it can supply no proof for the judgement of taste. Such a concept is the mere pure rational concept of the supersensible which underlies the object (and also the subject judging it), regarded as an Object of sense and thus as phenomenon.100 For if we do not admit such a reference, the claim of the judgement of taste to universal validity would not hold good. If the concept on which it is based were only a mere confused concept of the Understanding, like that of perfection, with which we could bring the sensible intuition of the Beautiful into correspondence, it would be at least possible in itself to base the judgement of taste on proofs; which contradicts the thesis.

    But all contradiction disappears if I say: the judgement of taste is based on a concept (viz. the concept of the general ground of the subjective purposiveness of nature for the Judgement); from which, however, nothing can be known and proved in respect of the Object, because it is in itself undeterminable and useless for knowledge. Yet at the same time and on that very account the judgement has validity for every one (though of course for each only as a singular judgement immediately accompanying his intuition); because its determining ground lies perhaps in the concept of that which may be regarded as the supersensible substrate of humanity.

    The solution of an antinomy only depends on the possibility of showing that two apparently contradictory propositions do not contradict one another in fact, but that they may be consistent; although the explanation of the possibility of their concept may transcend our cognitive faculties. That this illusion is natural and unavoidable by human Reason, and also why it is so, and remains so, although it ceases to deceive after the analysis of the apparent contradiction, may be thus explained.

    In the two contradictory judgements we take the concept, on which the universal validity of a judgement must be based, in the same sense; and yet we apply to it two opposite predicates. In the Thesis we mean that the judgement of taste is not based upon determinate concepts; and in the Antithesis that the judgement of taste is based upon a concept, but an indeterminate one (viz. of the supersensible substrate of phenomena). Between these two there is no contradiction.

    We can do nothing more than remove this conflict between the claims and counter-claims of taste. It is absolutely impossible to give a definite objective principle of taste, in accordance with which its judgements could be derived, examined, and established; for then the judgement would not be one of taste at all. The subjective principle, viz. the indefinite Idea of the supersensible in us, can only be put forward as the sole key to the puzzle of this faculty whose sources are hidden from us: it can be made no further intelligible.

    The proper concept of taste, that is of a merely reflective aesthetical Judgement, lies at the basis of the antinomy here exhibited and adjusted. Thus the two apparently contradictory principles are reconciled—both can be true; which is sufficient. If, on the other hand, we assume, as some do, pleasantness as the determining ground of taste (on account of the singularity of the representation which lies at the basis of the judgement of taste), or, as others will have it, the principle of perfection (on account of the universality of the same), and settle the definition of taste accordingly; then there arises an antinomy which it is absolutely impossible to adjust except by showing that both the contrary (though not contradictory) propositions are false. And this would prove that the concept on which they are based is self-contradictory. Hence we see that the removal of the antinomy of the aesthetical Judgement takes a course similar to that pursued by the Critique in the solution of the antinomies of pure theoretical Reason. And thus here, as also in the Critique of practical Reason, the antinomies force us against our will to look beyond the sensible and to seek in the supersensible the point of union for all our a priori faculties; because no other expedient is left to make our Reason harmonious with itself.

    Remark I.

    As we so often find occasion in Transcendental Philosophy for distinguishing Ideas from concepts of the Understanding, it may be of use to introduce technical terms to correspond to this distinction. I believe that no one will object if I propose some.—In the most universal signification of the word, Ideas are representations referred to an object, according to a certain (subjective or objective) principle, but so that they can never become a cognition of it. They are either referred to an intuition, according to a merely subjective principle of the mutual harmony of the cognitive powers (the Imagination and the Understanding), and they are then called aesthetical; or they are referred to a concept according to an objective principle, although they can never furnish a cognition of the object and are called rational Ideas. In the latter case the concept is a transcendent one, which is different from a concept of the Understanding, to which an adequately corresponding experience can always be supplied, and which therefore is called immanent.

    An aesthetical Idea cannot become a cognition, because it is an intuition (of the Imagination) for which an adequate concept can never be found. A rational Idea can never become a cognition, because it involves a concept (of the supersensible), corresponding to which an intuition can never be given.

    Now I believe we might call the aesthetical Idea an inexponible representation of the Imagination, and a rational Idea an indemonstrable concept of Reason. It is assumed of both that they are not generated without grounds, but (according to the above explanation of an Idea in general) in conformity with certain principles of the cognitive faculties to which they belong (subjective principles in the one case, objective in the other).

    Concepts of the Understanding must, as such, always be demonstrable [if by demonstration we understand, as in anatomy, merely presentation];101 i.e. the object corresponding to them must always be capable of being given in intuition (pure or empirical); for thus alone could they become cognitions. The concept of magnitude can be given a priori in the intuition of space, e.g. of a right line, etc.; the concept of cause in impenetrability, in the collision of bodies, etc. Consequently both can be authenticated by means of an empirical intuition, i.e. the thought of them can be proved (demonstrated, verified) by an example; and this must be possible, for otherwise we should not be certain that the concept was not empty, i.e. devoid of any Object.

    In Logic we ordinarily use the expressions demonstrable or indemonstrable only in respect of propositions, but these might be better designated by the titles respectively of mediately and immediately certain propositions; for pure Philosophy has also propositions of both kinds, i.e. true propositions, some of which are susceptible of proof and others not. It can, as philosophy, prove them on a priori grounds, but it cannot demonstrate them; unless we wish to depart entirely from the proper meaning of this word, according to which to demonstrate (ostendere, exhibere) is equivalent to presenting a concept in intuition (whether in proof or merely in definition). If the intuition is a priori this is called construction; but if it is empirical, then the Object is displayed by means of which objective reality is assured to the concept. Thus we say of an anatomist that he demonstrates the human eye, if by a dissection of this organ he makes intuitively evident the concept which he has previously treated discursively.

    It hence follows that the rational concept of the supersensible substrate of all phenomena in general, or even of that which must be placed at the basis of our arbitrary will in respect of the moral law, viz. of transcendental freedom, is already, in kind, an indemonstrable concept and a rational Idea; while virtue is so, in degree. For there can be given in experience, as regards its quality, absolutely nothing corresponding to the former; whereas in the latter case no empirical product attains to the degree of that causality, which the rational Idea prescribes as the rule.

    As in a rational Idea the Imagination with its intuitions does not attain to the given concept, so in an aesthetical Idea the Understanding by its concepts never attains completely to that internal intuition which the Imagination binds up with a given representation. Since, now, to reduce a representation of the Imagination to concepts is the same thing as to expound it, the aesthetical Idea may be called an inexponible representation of the Imagination (in its free play). I shall have occasion in the sequel to say something more of Ideas of this kind; now I only note that both kinds of Ideas, rational and aesthetical, must have their principles; and must have them in Reason—the one in the objective, the other in the subjective principles of its employment.

    We can consequently explain genius as the faculty of aesthetical Ideas; by which at the same time is shown the reason why in the products of genius it is the nature (of the subject) and not a premeditated purpose that gives the rule to the art (of the production of the beautiful). For since the beautiful must not be judged by concepts, but by the purposive attuning of the Imagination to agreement with the faculty of concepts in general, it cannot be rule and precept which can serve as the subjective standard of that aesthetical but unconditioned purposiveness in beautiful art, that can rightly claim to please every one. It can only be that in the subject which is nature and cannot be brought under rules or concepts, i.e. the supersensible substrate of all his faculties (to which no concept of the Understanding extends), and consequently that with respect to which it is the final purpose given by the intelligible [part] of our nature to harmonise all our cognitive faculties. Thus alone is it possible that there should be a priori at the basis of this purposiveness, for which we can prescribe no objective principle, a principle subjective and yet of universal validity.

    Remark II.

    The following important remark occurs here: There are three kinds of Antinomies of pure Reason, which, however, all agree in this, that they compel us to give up the otherwise very natural hypothesis that objects of sense are things in themselves, and force us to regard them merely as phenomena, and to supply to them an intelligible substrate (something supersensible of which the concept is only an Idea, and supplies no proper knowledge). Without such antinomies Reason could never decide upon accepting a principle narrowing so much the field of its speculation, and could never bring itself to sacrifices by which so many otherwise brilliant hopes must disappear. For even now when, by way of compensation for these losses, a greater field in a practical aspect opens out before it, it appears not to be able without grief to part from those hopes, and disengage itself from its old attachment.

    That there are three kinds of antinomies has its ground in this, that there are three cognitive faculties,—Understanding, Judgement, and Reason; of which each (as a superior cognitive faculty) must have its a priori principles. For Reason, in so far as it judges of these principles and their use, inexorably requires, in respect of them all, the unconditioned for the given conditioned; and this can never be found if we consider the sensible as belonging to things in themselves, and do not rather supply to it, as mere phenomenon, something supersensible (the intelligible substrate of nature both external and internal) as the reality in itself [Sache an sich selbst]. There are then: (1) For the cognitive faculty an antinomy of Reason in respect of the theoretical employment of the Understanding extended to the unconditioned; (2) for the feeling of pleasure and pain an antinomy of Reason in respect of the aesthetical employment of the Judgement; and (3) for the faculty of desire an antinomy in respect of the practical employment of the self-legislative Reason; so far as all these faculties have their superior principles a priori, and, in conformity with an inevitable requirement of Reason, must judge and be able to determine their Object, unconditionally according to those principles.

    As for the two antinomies of the theoretical and practical employment of the superior cognitive faculties, we have already shown their unavoidableness, if judgements of this kind are not referred to a supersensible substrate of the given Objects, as phenomena; and also the possibility of their solution, as soon as this is done. And as for the antinomies in the employment of the Judgement, in conformity with the requirements of Reason, and their solution which is here given, there are only two ways of avoiding them. Either: we must deny that any a priori principle lies at the basis of the aesthetical judgement of taste; we must maintain that all claim to necessary universal agreement is a groundless and vain fancy, and that a judgement of taste only deserves to be regarded as correct because it happens that many people agree about it; and this, not because we assume an a priori principle behind this agreement, but because (as in the taste of the palate) of the contingent similar organisation of the different subjects. Or: we must assume that the judgement of taste is really a disguised judgement of Reason upon the perfection discovered in a thing and the reference of the manifold in it to a purpose, and is consequently only called aesthetical on account of the confusion here attaching to our reflection, although it is at bottom teleological. In the latter case we could declare the solution of the antinomies by means of transcendental Ideas to be needless and without point, and thus could harmonise these laws of taste with Objects of sense, not as mere phenomena but as things in themselves. But we have shown in several places in the exposition of judgements of taste how little either of these expedients will satisfy.

    However, if it be granted that our deduction at least proceeds by the right method, although it be not yet plain enough in all its parts, three Ideas manifest themselves. First, there is the Idea of the supersensible in general, without any further determination of it, as the substrate of nature. Secondly, there is the Idea of the same as the principle of the subjective purposiveness of nature for our cognitive faculty. And thirdly, there is the Idea of the same as the principle of the purposes of freedom, and of the agreement of freedom with its purposes in the moral sphere.

    § 58. Of the Idealism of the purposiveness of both Nature and Art as the unique principle of the aesthetical Judgement

    To begin with, we can either place the principle of taste in the fact that it always judges in accordance with grounds which are empirical and therefore are only given a posteriori by sense, or concede that it judges on a priori grounds. The former would be the empiricism of the Critique of Taste; the latter its rationalism. According to the former the Object of our satisfaction would not differ from the pleasant; according to the latter, if the judgement rests on definite concepts, it would not differ from the good. Thus all beauty would be banished from the world, and only a particular name, expressing perhaps a certain mingling of the two above-named kinds of satisfaction, would remain in its place. But we have shown that there are also a priori grounds of satisfaction which can subsist along with the principle of rationalism, although they cannot be comprehended in definite concepts.

    On the other hand, the rationalism of the principle of taste is either that of the realism of the purposiveness, or of its idealism. Because a judgement of taste is not a cognitive judgement, and beauty is not a characteristic of the Object, considered in itself, the rationalism of the principle of taste can never be placed in the fact that the purposiveness in this judgement is thought as objective, i.e. that the judgement theoretically, and therefore also logically (although only in a confused way), refers to the perfection of the Object. It only refers aesthetically to the agreement of the representation of the Object in the Imagination with the essential principles of Judgement in general in the subject. Consequently, even according to the principle of rationalism, the judgement of taste and the distinction between its realism and idealism can only be settled thus. Either in the first case, this subjective purposiveness is assumed as an actual (designed) purpose of nature (or art) harmonising with our Judgement; or, in the second case, as a purposive harmony with the needs of Judgement, in respect of nature and its forms produced according to particular laws, which shows itself, without purpose, spontaneously, and contingently.

    The beautiful formations in the kingdom of organised nature speak loudly for the realism of the aesthetical purposiveness of nature; since we might assume that behind the production of the beautiful there is an Idea of the beautiful in the producing cause, viz. a purpose in respect of our Imagination. Flowers, blossoms, even the shapes of entire plants; the elegance of animal formations of all kinds, unneeded for their proper use, but, as it were, selected for our taste; especially the charming variety so satisfying to the eye and the harmonious arrangement of colours (in the pheasant, in shell-fish, in insects, even in the commonest flowers), which, as it only concerns the surface and not the figure of these creations (though perhaps requisite in regard of their internal purposes), seems to be entirely designed for external inspection; these things give great weight to that mode of explanation which assumes actual purposes of nature for our aesthetical Judgement.

    On the other hand, not only is Reason opposed to this assumption in its maxims, which bid us always avoid as far as possible unnecessary multiplication of principles; but nature everywhere shows in its free formations much mechanical tendency to the productions of forms which seem, as it were, to be made for the aesthetical exercise of our Judgement, without affording the least ground for the supposition that there is need of anything more than its mechanism, merely as nature, according to which, without any Idea lying at their root, they can be purposive for our judgement. But I understand by free formations of nature those whereby from a fluid at rest, through the volatilisation or separation of a portion of its constituents (sometimes merely of caloric), the remainder in becoming solid assumes a definite shape or tissue (figure or texture), which is different according to the specific difference of the material, but in the same material is constant. Here it is always presupposed that we are speaking of a perfect fluid, i.e. that the material in it is completely dissolved, and that it is not a mere medley of solid particles in a state of suspension.

    Formation, then, takes place by a shooting together, i.e. by a sudden solidification, not by a gradual transition from the fluid to the solid state, but all at once by a saltus; which transition is also called crystallisation. The commonest example of this kind of formation is the freezing of water, where first icicles are produced, which combine at angles of 60°, while others attach themselves to each vertex, until it all becomes ice; and so that, while this is going on, the water does not gradually become viscous, but is as perfectly fluid as if its temperature were far higher, although it is absolutely ice-cold. The matter that disengages itself, which is dissipated suddenly at the moment of solidification, is a considerable quantum of caloric, the disappearance of which, as it was only required for preserving fluidity, leaves the new ice not in the least colder than the water which shortly before was fluid.

    Many salts, and also rocks, of a crystalline figure, are produced thus from a species of earth dissolved in water, we do not exactly know how. Thus are formed the glandular configurations of many minerals, the cubical sulphide of lead, the ruby silver ore, etc., in all probability in water and by the shooting together of particles, as they become forced by some cause to dispense with this vehicle and to unite in definite external shapes.

    But also all kinds of matter, which have been kept in a fluid state by heat, and have become solid by cooling, show internally, when fractured, a definite texture. This makes us judge that if their own weight or the disturbance of the air had not prevented it, they would also have exhibited on the outer surface their specifically peculiar shapes. This has been observed in some metals on their inner surface, which have been hardened externally by fusion but are fluid in the interior, by the drawing off the internal fluid and the consequent undisturbed crystallisation of the remainder. Many of these mineral crystallisations, such as spars, hematite, arragonite, etc., often present beautiful shapes, the like of which art can only conceive; and the halo in the cavern of Antiparos102 is merely produced by water trickling down strata of gypsum.

    The fluid state is, to all appearance, older than the solid state, and plants as well as animal bodies are fashioned out of fluid nutritive matter, so far as this forms itself in a state of rest. This last of course primarily combines and forms itself in freedom according to a certain original disposition directed towards purposes (which, as will be shown in Part II., must not be judged aesthetically but teleologically according to the principle of realism), but also perhaps in conformity with the universal law of the affinity of materials. Again, the watery fluids dissolved in an atmosphere that is a mixture of different gases, if they separate from the latter on account of cooling, produce snow figures, which in correspondence with the character of the special mixture of gases, often seem very artistic and are extremely beautiful. So, without detracting from the teleological principle by which we judge of organisation, we may well think that the beauty of flowers, of the plumage of birds, or of shell-fish, both in shape and colour, may be ascribed to nature and its faculty of producing forms in an aesthetically purposive way, in its freedom, without particular purposes adapted thereto, according to chemical laws by the arrangement of the material requisite for the organisation in question.

    But what shows the principle of the Ideality of the purposiveness in the beauty of nature, as that which we always place at the basis of an aesthetical judgement, and which allows us to employ, as a ground of explanation for our representative faculty, no realism of purpose, is the fact that in judging beauty we invariably seek its gauge in ourselves a priori, and that our aesthetical Judgement is itself legislative in respect of the judgement whether anything is beautiful or not. This could not be, on the assumption of the Realism of the purposiveness of nature; because in that case we must have learned from nature what we ought to find beautiful, and the aesthetical judgement would be subjected to empirical principles. For in such an act of judging the important point is not, what nature is, or even, as a purpose, is in relation to us, but how we take it. There would be an objective purposiveness in nature if it had fashioned its forms for our satisfaction; and not a subjective purposiveness which depended upon the play of the Imagination in its freedom, where it is we who receive nature with favour, not nature which shows us favour. The property of nature that gives us occasion to perceive the inner purposiveness in the relation of our mental faculties in judging certain of its products—a purposiveness which is to be explained on supersensible grounds as necessary and universal—cannot be a natural purpose or be judged by us as such; for otherwise the judgement hereby determined would not be free, and would have at its basis heteronomy, and not, as beseems a judgement of taste, autonomy.

    In beautiful Art the principle of the Idealism of purposiveness is still clearer. As in the case of the beautiful in Nature, an aesthetical Realism of this purposiveness cannot be perceived by sensations (for then the art would be only pleasant, not beautiful). But that the satisfaction produced by aesthetical Ideas must not depend on the attainment of definite purposes (as in mechanically designed art), and that consequently, in the very rationalism of the principle, the ideality of the purposes and not their reality must be fundamental, appears from the fact that beautiful Art, as such, must not be considered as a product of Understanding and Science, but of Genius, and therefore must get its rule through aesthetical Ideas, which are essentially different from rational Ideas of definite purposes.

    Just as the ideality of the objects of sense as phenomena is the only way of explaining the possibility of their forms being susceptible of a priori determination, so the idealism of purposiveness, in judging the beautiful in nature and art, is the only hypothesis under which Criticism can explain the possibility of a judgement of taste which demands a priori validity for every one (without grounding on concepts the purposiveness that is represented in the Object).

    § 59. Of Beauty as the symbol of Morality

    Intuitions are always required to establish the reality of our concepts. If the concepts are empirical, the intuitions are called examples. If they are pure concepts of Understanding, the intuitions are called schemata. If we desire to establish the objective reality of rational concepts, i.e. of Ideas, on behalf of theoretical cognition, then we are asking for something impossible, because absolutely no intuition can be given which shall be adequate to them.

    All hypotyposis (presentation, subjectio sub adspectum), or sensible illustration, is twofold. It is either schematical, when to a concept comprehended by the Understanding the corresponding intuition is given a priori; or it is symbolical. In the latter case to a concept only thinkable by the Reason, to which no sensible intuition can be adequate, an intuition is supplied with which accords a procedure of the Judgement analogous to what it observes in schematism: it accords with it, that is, in respect of the rule of this procedure merely, not of the intuition itself; consequently in respect of the form of reflection merely, and not of its content.

    There is a use of the word symbolical that has been adopted by modern logicians, which is misleading and incorrect, i.e. to speak of the symbolical mode of representation as if it were opposed to the intuitive; for the symbolical is only a mode of the intuitive. The latter (the intuitive), that is, may be divided into the schematical and the symbolical modes of representation. Both are hypotyposes, i.e. presentations (exhibitiones); not mere characterisations, or designations of concepts by accompanying sensible signs which contain nothing belonging to the intuition of the Object, and only serve as a means for reproducing the concepts, according to the law of association of the Imagination, and consequently in a subjective point of view. These are either words, or visible (algebraical, even mimetical) signs, as mere expressions for concepts.103

    All intuitions, which we supply to concepts a priori, are therefore either schemata or symbols, of which the former contain direct, the latter indirect, presentations of the concept. The former do this demonstratively; the latter by means of an analogy (for which we avail ourselves even of empirical intuitions) in which the Judgement exercises a double function; first applying the concept to the object of a sensible intuition, and then applying the mere rule of the reflection made upon that intuition to a quite different object of which the first is only the symbol. Thus a monarchical state is represented by a living body, if it is governed by national laws, and by a mere machine (like a hand-mill) if governed by an individual absolute will; but in both cases only symbolically. For between a despotic state and a hand-mill there is, to be sure, no similarity; but there is a similarity in the rules according to which we reflect upon these two things and their causality. This matter has not been sufficiently analysed hitherto, for it deserves a deeper investigation; but this is not the place to linger over it. Our language [i.e. German] is full of indirect presentations of this sort, in which the expression does not contain the proper schema for the concept, but merely a symbol for reflection. Thus the words ground (support, basis), to depend (to be held up from above), to flow from something (instead of, to follow), substance (as Locke expresses it, the support of accidents), and countless others, are not schematical but symbolical hypotyposes and expressions for concepts, not by means of a direct intuition, but only by analogy with it, i.e. by the transference of reflection upon an object of intuition to a quite different concept to which perhaps an intuition can never directly correspond. If we are to give the name of cognition to a mere mode of representation (which is quite permissible if the latter is not a principle of the theoretical determination of what an object is in itself, but of the practical determination of what the Idea of it should be for us and for its purposive use), then all our knowledge of God is merely symbolical; and he who regards it as schematical, along with the properties of Understanding, Will, etc., which only establish their objective reality in beings of this world, falls into Anthropomorphism, just as he who gives up every intuitive element falls into Deism, by which nothing at all is cognised, not even in a practical point of view.

    Now I say the Beautiful is the symbol of the morally Good, and that it is only in this respect (a reference which is natural to every man and which every man postulates in others as a duty) that it gives pleasure with a claim for the agreement of every one else. By this the mind is made conscious of a certain ennoblement and elevation above the mere sensibility to pleasure received through sense, and the worth of others is estimated in accordance with a like maxim of their Judgement. That is the intelligible, to which, as pointed out in the preceding paragraph, Taste looks; with which our higher cognitive faculties are in accord; and without which a downright contradiction would arise between their nature and the claims made by taste. In this faculty the Judgement does not see itself, as in empirical judging, subjected to a heteronomy of empirical laws; it gives the law to itself in respect of the objects of so pure a satisfaction, just as the Reason does in respect of the faculty of desire. Hence, both on account of this inner possibility in the subject and of the external possibility of a nature that agrees with it, it finds itself to be referred to something within the subject as well as without him, something which is neither nature nor freedom, but which yet is connected with the supersensible ground of the latter. In this supersensible ground, therefore, the theoretical faculty is bound together in unity with the practical, in a way which though common is yet unknown. We shall indicate some points of this analogy, while at the same time we shall note the differences.

    (1) The beautiful pleases immediately (but only in reflective intuition, not, like morality, in its concept). (2) It pleases apart from any interest (the morally good is indeed necessarily bound up with an interest, though not with one which precedes the judgement upon the satisfaction, but with one which is first of all produced by it). (3) The freedom of the Imagination (and therefore of the sensibility of our faculty) is represented in judging the beautiful as harmonious with the conformity to law of the Understanding (in the moral judgement the freedom of the will is thought as the harmony of the latter with itself according to universal laws of Reason). (4) The subjective principle in judging the beautiful is represented as universal, i.e. as valid for every man, though not cognisable through any universal concept. (The objective principle of morality is also expounded as universal, i.e. for every subject and for every action of the same subject, and thus as cognisable by means of a universal concept). Hence the moral judgement is not only susceptible of definite constitutive principles, but is possible only by grounding its maxims on these in their universality.

    A reference to this analogy is usual even with the common Understanding [of men], and we often describe beautiful objects of nature or art by names that seem to put a moral appreciation at their basis. We call buildings or trees majestic and magnificent, landscapes laughing and gay; even colours are called innocent, modest, tender, because they excite sensations which have something analogous to the consciousness of the state of mind brought about by moral judgements. Taste makes possible the transition, without any violent leap, from the charm of Sense to habitual moral interest; for it represents the Imagination in its freedom as capable of purposive determination for the Understanding, and so teaches us to find even in objects of sense a free satisfaction apart from any charm of sense.

    APPENDIX

    § 60. Of the method of Taste

    The division of a Critique into Elementology and Methodology, as preparatory to science, is not applicable to the Critique of taste, because there neither is nor can be a science of the Beautiful, and the judgement of taste is not determinable by means of principles. As for the scientific element in every art, which regards truth in the presentation of its Object, this is indeed the indispensable condition (conditio sine qua non) of beautiful art, but not beautiful art itself. There is therefore for beautiful art only a manner (modus), not a method of teaching (methodus). The master must show what the pupil is to do and how he is to do it; and the universal rules, under which at last he brings his procedure, serve rather for bringing the main points back to his remembrance when occasion requires, than for prescribing them to him. Nevertheless regard must be had here to a certain ideal, which art must have before its eyes, although it cannot be completely attained in practice. It is only through exciting the Imagination of the pupil to accordance with a given concept, by making him note the inadequacy of the expression for the Idea, to which the concept itself does not attain because it is an aesthetical Idea, and by severe criticism, that he can be prevented from taking the examples set before him as types and models for imitation, to be subjected to no higher standard or independent judgement. It is thus that genius, and with it the freedom of the Imagination, is stifled by its very conformity to law; and without these no beautiful art, and not even an accurately judging individual taste, is possible.

    The propaedeutic to all beautiful art, regarded in the highest degree of its perfection, seems to lie, not in precepts, but in the culture of the mental powers by means of those elements of knowledge called humaniora, probably because humanity on the one side indicates the universal feeling of sympathy, and on the other the faculty of being able to communicate universally our inmost [feelings]. For these properties taken together constitute the characteristic social spirit104 of humanity by which it is distinguished from the limitations of animal life. The age and peoples, in which the impulse towards a law-abiding social life, by which a people becomes a permanent community, contended with the great difficulties presented by the difficult problem of uniting freedom (and therefore equality also) with compulsion (rather of respect and submission from a sense of duty than of fear)—such an age and such a people naturally first found out the art of reciprocal communication of Ideas between the cultivated and uncultivated classes and thus discovered how to harmonise the large-mindedness and refinement of the former with the natural simplicity and originality of the latter. In this way they first found that mean between the higher culture and simple nature which furnishes that true standard for taste as a sense common to all men which no universal rules can supply.

    With difficulty will a later age dispense with those models, because it will be always farther from nature; and in fine, without having permanent examples before it, a concept will hardly be possible, in one and the same people, of the happy union of the law-abiding constraint of the highest culture with the force and truth of free nature which feels its own proper worth.

    Now taste is at bottom a faculty for judging of the sensible illustration of moral Ideas (by means of a certain analogy involved in our reflection upon both these); and it is from this faculty also and from the greater susceptibility grounded thereon for the feeling arising from the latter (called moral feeling), that the pleasure is derived which taste regards as valid for mankind in general and not merely for the private feeling of each. Hence it appears plain that the true propaedeutic for the foundation of taste is the development of moral Ideas and the culture of the moral feeling; because it is only when sensibility is brought into agreement with this that genuine taste can assume a definite invariable form.

    THE CRITIQUE OF JUDGEMENT

    PART II

    CRITIQUE OF THE TELEOLOGICAL JUDGEMENT

    § 61. Of the objective purposiveness of Nature

    We have on transcendental principles good ground to assume a subjective purposiveness in nature, in its particular laws, in reference to its comprehensibility by human Judgement and to the possibility of the connexion of particular experiences in a system. This may be expected as possible in many products of nature, which, as if they were devised quite specially for our Judgement, contain a specific form conformable thereto; which through their manifoldness and unity serve at once to strengthen and to sustain the mental powers (that come into play in the employment of this faculty); and to which therefore we give the name of beautiful forms.

    But that the things of nature serve one another as means to purposes, and that their possibility is only completely intelligible through this kind of causality—for this we have absolutely no ground in the universal Idea of nature, as the complex of the objects of sense. In the above-mentioned case, the representation of things, because it is something in ourselves, can be quite well thought a priori as suitable and useful for the internally purposive determination of our cognitive faculties; but that purposes, which neither are our own nor belong to nature (for we do not regard nature as an intelligent being), could or should constitute a particular kind of causality, at least a quite special conformity to law,—this we have absolutely no a priori reason for presuming. Yet more, experience itself cannot prove to us the actuality of this; there must then have preceded a rationalising subtlety which only sportively introduces the concept of purpose into the nature of things, but which does not derive it from Objects or from their empirical cognition. To this latter it is of more service to make nature comprehensible according to analogy with the subjective ground of the connexion of our representations, than to cognise it from objective grounds.

    Further, objective purposiveness, as a principle of the possibility of things of nature, is so far removed from necessary connexion with the concept of nature, that it is much oftener precisely that upon which one relies to prove the contingency of nature and of its form. When, e.g. we adduce the structure of a bird, the hollowness of its bones, the disposition of its wings for motion and of its tail for steering, etc., we say that all this is contingent in the highest degree according to the mere nexus effectivus of nature, without calling in the aid of a particular kind of causality, namely that of purpose (nexus finalis). In other words, nature, considered as mere mechanism, could have produced its forms in a thousand other ways without stumbling upon the unity which is in accordance with such a principle. It is not in the concept of nature but quite apart from it that we can hope to find the least ground a priori for this.

    Nevertheless the teleological act of judgement is rightly brought to bear, at least problematically, upon the investigation of nature; but only in order to bring it under principles of observation and inquiry according to the analogy with the causality of purpose, without any pretence to explain it thereby. It belongs therefore to the reflective and not to the determinant judgement. The concept of combinations and forms of nature in accordance with purposes is then at least one principle more for bringing its phenomena under rules where the laws of simply mechanical causality do not suffice. For we bring in a teleological ground, where we attribute causality in respect of an Object to the concept of an Object, as if it were to be found in nature (not in ourselves); or rather when we represent to ourselves the possibility of the Object after the analogy of that causality which we experience in ourselves, and consequently think nature technically as through a special faculty. If we did not ascribe to it such a method of action, its causality would have to be represented as blind mechanism. If, on the contrary, we supply to nature causes acting designedly, and consequently place at its basis teleology, not merely as a regulative principle for the mere judging of phenomena, to which nature can be thought as subject in its particular laws, but as a constitutive principle of the derivation of its products from their causes; then would the concept of a natural purpose no longer belong to the reflective but to the determinant Judgement. Then, in fact, it would not belong specially to the Judgement (like the concept of beauty regarded as formal subjective purposiveness), but as a rational concept it would introduce into natural science a new causality, which we only borrow from ourselves and ascribe to other beings, without meaning to assume them to be of the same kind with ourselves.

    FIRST DIVISION

    ANALYTIC OF THE TELEOLOGICAL JUDGEMENT

    § 62. Of the objective purposiveness which is merely formal as distinguished from that which is material

    All geometrical figures drawn on a principle display a manifold, oft admired, objective purposiveness; i.e. in reference to their usefulness for the solution of several problems by a single principle, or of the same problem in an infinite variety of ways. The purposiveness is here obviously objective and intellectual, not merely subjective and aesthetical. For it expresses the suitability of the figure for the production of many intended figures, and is cognised through Reason. But this purposiveness does not make the concept of the object itself possible, i.e. it is not regarded as possible merely with reference to this use.

    In so simple a figure as the circle lies the key to the solution of a multitude of problems, each of which would demand various appliances; whereas the solution results of itself, as it were, as one of the infinite number of elegant properties of this figure. Are we, for example, asked to construct a triangle, being given the base and vertical angle? The problem is indeterminate, i.e. it can be solved in an infinite number of ways. But the circle embraces them altogether as the geometrical locus of the vertices of triangles satisfying the given conditions. Again, suppose that two lines are to cut one another so that the rectangle under the segments of the one should be equal to the rectangle under the segments of the other; the solution of the problem from this point of view presents much difficulty. But all chords intersecting inside a circle divide one another in this proportion. Other curved lines suggest other purposive solutions of which nothing was thought in the rule that furnished their construction. All conic sections in themselves and when compared with one another are fruitful in principles for the solution of a number of possible problems, however simple is the definition which determines their concept.—It is a true joy to see the zeal with which the old geometers investigated the properties of lines of this class, without allowing themselves to be led astray by the questions of narrow-minded persons, as to what use this knowledge would be. Thus they worked out the properties of the parabola without knowing the law of gravitation, which would have suggested to them its application to the trajectory of heavy bodies (for the motion of a heavy body can be seen to be parallel to the curve of a parabola). Again, they found out the properties of an ellipse without surmising that any of the heavenly bodies had weight, and without knowing the law of force at different distances from the point of attraction, which causes it to describe this curve in free motion. While they thus unconsciously worked for the science of the future, they delighted themselves with a purposiveness in the [essential] being of things which yet they were able to present completely a priori in its necessity. Plato, himself master of this science, hinted at such an original constitution of things in the discovery of which we can dispense with all experience, and at the power of the mind to produce from its supersensible principle the harmony of beings (where the properties of number come in, with which the mind plays in music). This [he touches upon] in the inspiration that raised him above the concepts of experience to Ideas, which seem to him to be explicable only through an intellectual affinity with the origin of all beings. No wonder that he banished from his school the man who was ignorant of geometry, since he thought he could derive from pure intuition, which has its home in the human spirit, that which Anaxagoras drew from empirical objects and their purposive combination. For in the very necessity of that which is purposive, and is constituted just as if it were designedly intended for our use,—but at the same time seems to belong originally to the being of things without any reference to our use—lies the ground of our great admiration of nature, and that not so much external as in our own Reason. It is surely excusable that this admiration should through misunderstanding gradually rise to the height of fanaticism.

    But this intellectual purposiveness, although no doubt objective (not subjective like aesthetical purposiveness), is in reference to its possibility merely formal (not real). It can only be conceived as purposiveness in general without any [definite] purpose being assumed as its basis, and consequently without teleology being needed for it. The figure of a circle is an intuition which is determined by means of the Understanding according to a principle. The unity of this principle which I arbitrarily assume and use as fundamental concept, applied to a form of intuition (space) which is met with in myself as a representation and yet a priori, renders intelligible the unity of many rules resulting from the construction of that concept, which are purposive for many possible designs. But this purposiveness does not imply a purpose or any other ground whatever. It is quite different if I meet with order and regularity in complexes of things, external to myself, enclosed within certain boundaries; as, e.g. in a garden, the order and regularity of the trees, flower-beds, and walks. These I cannot expect to derive a priori from my bounding of space made after a rule of my own; for this order and regularity are existing things which must be given empirically in order to be known, and not a mere representation in myself determined a priori according to a principle. So then the latter (empirical) purposiveness, as real, is dependent on the concept of a purpose.

    But the ground of admiration for a perceived purposiveness, although it be in the being of things (so far as their concepts can be constructed), may very well be seen, and seen to be legitimate. The manifold rules whose unity (derived from a principle) excites admiration, are all synthetical and do not follow from the concept of the Object, e.g. of a circle; but require this Object to be given in intuition. Hence this unity gets the appearance of having empirically an external basis of rules distinct from our representative faculty; as if therefore the correspondence of the Object to that need of rules which is proper to the Understanding were contingent in itself, and therefore only possible by means of a purpose expressly directed thereto. Now because this harmony, notwithstanding all this purposiveness, is not cognised empirically but a priori, it should bring us of itself to this point—that space, through whose determination (by means of the Imagination, in accordance with a concept) the Object is alone possible, is not a characteristic of things external to me, but a mere mode of representation in myself. Hence, in the figure which I draw in conformity with a concept, i.e. in my own mode of representing that which is given to me externally, whatever it may be in itself, it is I that introduce the purposiveness; I get no empirical instruction from the Object about the purposiveness, and so I require in it no particular purpose external to myself. But because this consideration already calls for a critical employment of Reason, and consequently cannot be involved in the judging of the Object according to its properties; so this latter [judging] suggests to me immediately nothing but the unification of heterogeneous rules (even according to their very diversity) in a principle. This principle, without requiring any particular a priori basis external to my concept, or indeed, generally speaking, to my representation, is yet cognised a priori by me as true. Now wonder is a shock of the mind arising from the incompatibility of a representation, and the rule given by its means, with the principles already lying at its basis; which provokes a doubt as to whether we have rightly seen or rightly judged. Admiration, however, is wonder which ever recurs, despite the disappearance of this doubt. Consequently the latter is a quite natural effect of that observed purposiveness in the being of things (as phenomena). It cannot indeed be censured, whilst the unification of the form of sensible intuition (space)—with the faculty of concepts (the Understanding)—is inexplicable to us; and that not only on account of the union being just of the kind that it is, but because it is enlarging for the mind to surmise [the existence of] something lying outside our sensible representations in which, although unknown to us, the ultimate ground of that agreement may be met with. We are, it is true, not necessitated to cognise this if we have only to do a priori with the formal purposiveness of our representations; but the fact that we are compelled to look out beyond it inspires at the same time an admiration for the object that impels us thereto.

    We are accustomed to speak of the above-mentioned properties of geometrical figures or of numbers as beautiful, on account of a certain a priori purposiveness they have for all kinds of cognitive uses, this purposiveness being quite unexpected on account of the simplicity of the construction. We speak, e.g. of this or that beautiful property of the circle, which was discovered in this or that way. But there is no aesthetical act of judgement through which we find it purposive, no act of judgement without a concept which renders noticeable a mere subjective purposiveness in the free play of our cognitive faculties; but an intellectual act according to concepts which enables us clearly to cognise an objective purposiveness, i.e. availableness for all kinds of (infinitely manifold) purposes. We must rather call this relative perfection than a beauty of the mathematical figure. To speak thus of an intellectual beauty cannot in general be permissible; for otherwise the word beauty would lose all determinate significance, or the intellectual satisfaction all superiority over the sensible. We should rather call a demonstration of such properties beautiful, because through it the Understanding as the faculty of concepts, and the Imagination as the faculty of presenting them, feel themselves strengthened a priori. (This, when viewed in connexion with the precision introduced by Reason, is spoken of as elegant.) Here, however, the satisfaction, although it is based on concepts, is subjective; while perfection brings with itself an objective satisfaction.

    § 63. Of the relative, as distinguished from the inner, purposiveness of nature

    Experience leads our Judgement to the concept of an objective and material purposiveness, i.e. to the concept of a purpose of nature, only when105 we have to judge of a relation of cause to effect which we find ourselves able to apprehend as legitimate only by presupposing the Idea of the effect of the causality of the cause as the fundamental condition, in the cause, of the possibility of the effect. This can take place in two ways. We may regard the effect directly as an art product, or only as material for the art of other possible natural beings; in other words, either as a purpose or as a means towards the purposive employment of other causes. This latter purposiveness is called utility (for man) or mere advantage (for other creatures), and is merely relative; while the former is an inner purposiveness of the natural being.

    For example, rivers bring down with them all kinds of earth serviceable for the growth of plants which sometimes is deposited inland, often also at their mouths. The tide brings this mud to many coasts over the land or deposits it on the shore; and so, more especially if men give their aid so that the ebb shall not carry it back again, the fruit-bearing land increases in area, and the vegetable kingdom gains the place which formerly was the habitation of fish and shells. In this way has nature itself brought about most of the extensions of the land, and still continues to do so, although very slowly.—Now the question is whether this is to be judged a purpose of nature, because it contains utility for men. We cannot put it down to the account of the vegetable kingdom, because just as much is subtracted from sea-life as is added to land-life.

    Or, to give an example of the advantageousness of certain natural things as means for other creatures (if we suppose them to be means), no soil is more suitable to pine trees than a sandy soil. Now the deep sea, before it withdrew from the land, left behind large tracts of sand in our northern regions, so that on this soil, so unfavourable for all cultivation, widely extended pine forests were enabled to grow, for the unreasoning destruction of which we frequently blame our ancestors. We may ask if this original deposit of tracts of sand was a purpose of nature for the benefit of the possible pine forests? So much is clear, that if we regard this as a purpose of nature, we must also regard the sand as a relative purpose, in reference to which the ocean strand and its withdrawal were means: for in the series of the mutually subordinated members of a purposive combination, every member must be regarded as a purpose (though not as a final purpose), to which its proximate cause is the means. So too if cattle, sheep, horses, etc., are to exist, there must be grass on the earth, but there must also be saline plants in the desert if camels are to thrive; and again these and other herbivorous animals must be met with in numbers if there are to be wolves, tigers, and lions. Consequently the objective purposiveness, which is based upon advantage, is not an objective purposiveness of things in themselves; as if the sand could not be conceived for itself as an effect of a cause, viz. the sea, without attributing to the latter a purpose, and regarding the effect, namely, the sand, as a work of art. It is a merely relative purposiveness contingent upon the thing to which it is ascribed; and although in the examples we have cited, the different kinds of grass are to be judged as in themselves organised products of nature, and consequently as artificial, yet are they to be regarded, in reference to the beasts which feed upon them, as mere raw material.

    But above all, though man, through the freedom of his causality, finds certain natural things of advantage for his designs—designs often foolish, such as using the variegated plumage of birds to adorn his clothes, or coloured earths and the juices of plants for painting his face; often again reasonable as when the horse is used for riding, the ox or (as in Minorca) the ass or pig for ploughing—yet we cannot even here assume a relative natural purpose. For his Reason knows how to give things a conformity with his own arbitrary fancies for which he was not at all predestined by nature. Only, if we assume that men are to live upon the earth, then the means must be there without which they could not exist as animals, and even as rational animals (in however low a degree of rationality); and thereupon those natural things, which are indispensable in this regard, must be considered as natural purposes.

    We can hence easily see that external purposiveness (advantage of one thing in respect of others) can be regarded as an external natural purpose only under the condition, that the existence of that [being], to which it is immediately or distantly advantageous, is in itself a purpose of nature. Since that can never be completely determined by mere contemplation of nature, it follows that relative purposiveness, although it hypothetically gives indications of natural purposes, yet justifies no absolute teleological judgement.

    Snow in cold countries protects the crops from the frost; it makes human intercourse easier (by means of sleighs). The Laplander finds in his country animals by whose aid this intercourse is brought about, i.e. reindeer, who find sufficient sustenance in a dry moss which they have to scratch out for themselves from under the snow, and who are easily tamed and readily permit themselves to be deprived of that freedom in which they could have remained if they chose. For other people in the same frozen regions marine animals afford rich stores; in addition to the food and clothing which are thus supplied, and the wood which is floated in by the sea to their dwellings, these marine animals provide material for fuel by which their huts are warmed. Here is a wonderful concurrence of many references of nature to one purpose; and all this applies to the cases of the Greenlander, the Lapp, the Samoyede, the inhabitant of Yakutsk, etc. But then we do not see why, generally, men must live there at all. Therefore to say that vapour falls out of the atmosphere in the form of snow, that the sea has its currents which float down wood that has grown in warmer lands, and that there are in it great sea monsters filled with oil, because the idea of advantage for certain poor creatures is fundamental for the cause which collects all these natural products, would be a very venturesome and arbitrary judgement. For even if there were none of this natural utility, we should miss nothing as regards the adequateness of natural causes to nature’s constitution; much more even to desire such a tendency in, and to attribute such a purpose to, nature would be the part of a presumptuous and inconsiderate fancy. For indeed it might be observed that it could only have been the greatest unsociability among men which thus scattered them into such inhospitable regions.

    § 64. Of the peculiar character of things as natural purposes

    In order to see that a thing is only possible as a purpose, that is, to be forced to seek the causality of its origin not in the mechanism of nature but in a cause whose faculty of action is determined through concepts, it is requisite that its form be not possible according to mere natural laws, i.e. laws which can be cognised by us through the Understanding alone when applied to objects of Sense; but that even the empirical knowledge of it as regards its cause and effect presupposes concepts of Reason. This contingency of its form in all empirical natural laws in reference to Reason affords a ground for regarding its causality as possible only through Reason. For Reason, which must cognise the necessity of every form of a natural product in order to comprehend even the conditions of its genesis, cannot assume such [natural] necessity in that particular given form. The causality of its origin is then referred to the faculty of acting in accordance with purposes (a will); and the Object which can only thus be represented as possible is represented as a purpose.

    If in a seemingly uninhabited country a man perceived a geometrical figure, say a regular hexagon, inscribed on the sand, his reflection busied with such a concept would attribute, although obscurely, the unity in the principle of its genesis to Reason, and consequently would not regard as a ground of the possibility of such a shape the sand, or the neighbouring sea, or the winds, or beasts with familiar footprints, or any other irrational cause. For the chance against meeting with such a concept, which is only possible through Reason, would seem so infinitely great, that it would be just as if there were no natural law, no cause in the mere mechanical working of nature capable of producing it; but as if only the concept of such an Object, as a concept which Reason alone can supply and with which it can compare the thing, could contain the causality for such an effect. This then would be regarded as a purpose, but as a product of art, not as a natural purpose (vestigium hominis video).106

    But in order to regard a thing cognised as a natural product as a purpose also—consequently as a natural purpose, if this is not a contradiction—something more is required. I would say provisionally: a thing exists as a natural purpose, if it is [although in a double sense]107 both cause and effect of itself. For herein lies a causality the like of which cannot be combined with the mere concept of a nature without attributing to it a purpose; it can certainly be thought without contradiction, but cannot be comprehended. We shall elucidate the determination of this Idea of a natural purpose by an example, before we analyse it completely.

    In the first place, a tree generates another tree according to a known natural law. But the tree produced is of the same genus; and so it produces itself generically. On the one hand, as effect it is continually self-produced; on the other hand, as cause it continually produces itself, and so perpetuates itself generically.

    Secondly, a tree produces itself as an individual. This kind of effect no doubt we call growth; but it is quite different from any increase according to mechanical laws, and is to be reckoned as generation, though under another name. The matter that the tree incorporates it previously works up into a specifically peculiar quality, which natural mechanism external to it cannot supply; and thus it develops itself by aid of a material which, as compounded, is its own product. No doubt, as regards the constituents got from nature without, it must only be regarded as an educt; but yet in the separation and recombination of this raw material we see such an originality in the separating and formative faculty of this kind of natural being, as is infinitely beyond the reach of art, if the attempt is made to reconstruct such vegetable products out of elements obtained by their dissection or material supplied by nature for their sustenance.

    Thirdly, each part of a tree generates itself in such a way that the maintenance of any one part depends reciprocally on the maintenance of the rest. A bud of one tree engrafted on the twig of another produces in the alien stock a plant of its own kind, and so also a scion engrafted on a foreign stem. Hence we may regard each twig or leaf of the same tree as merely engrafted or inoculated into it, and so as an independent tree attached to another and parasitically nourished by it. At the same time, while the leaves are products of the tree they also in turn give support to it; for the repeated defoliation of a tree kills it, and its growth thus depends on the action of the leaves upon the stem. The self-help of nature in case of injury in the vegetable creation, when the want of a part that is necessary for the maintenance of its neighbours is supplied by the remaining parts; and the abortions or malformations in growth, in which certain parts, on account of casual defects or hindrances, form themselves in a new way to maintain what exists, and so produce an anomalous creature, I shall only mention in passing, though they are among the most wonderful properties of organised creatures.

    § 65. Things regarded as natural purposes are organised beings

    According to the character alleged in the preceding section, a thing, which, though a natural product, is to be cognised as only possible as a natural purpose, must bear itself alternately as cause and as effect. This, however, is a somewhat inexact and indeterminate expression which needs derivation from a determinate concept.

    Causal combination as thought merely by the Understanding is a connexion constituting an ever-progressive series (of causes and effects); and things which as effects presuppose others as causes cannot be reciprocally at the same time causes of these. This sort of causal combination we call that of effective causes (nexus effectivus). But on the other hand, a causal combination according to a concept of Reason (of purposes) can also be thought, which regarded as a series would lead either forwards or backwards; in this the thing that has been called the effect may with equal propriety be termed the cause of that of which it is the effect. In the practical department of human art we easily find connexions such as this; e.g. a house, no doubt, is the cause of the money received for rent, but also conversely the representation of this possible income was the cause of building the house. Such a causal connexion we call that of final causes (nexus finalis). We may perhaps suitably name the first the connexion of real causes, the second of those which are ideal; because from this nomenclature it is at once comprehended that there can be no more than these two kinds of causality.

    For a thing to be a natural purpose in the first place it is requisite that its parts (as regards their being and their form) are only possible through their reference to the whole. For the thing itself is a purpose and so is comprehended under a concept or an Idea which must determine a priori all that is to be contained in it. But so far as a thing is only thought as possible in this way, it is a mere work of art; i.e. a product of one rational cause distinct from the matter (of the parts), whose causality (in the collection and combination of the parts) is determined through its Idea of a whole possible by their means (and consequently not through external nature).

    But if a thing as a natural product is to involve in itself and in its internal possibility a reference to purposes,—i.e. to be possible only as a natural purpose, and without the causality of the concepts of rational beings external to itself,—then it is requisite secondly that its parts should so combine in the unity of a whole that they are reciprocally cause and effect of each other’s form. Only in this way can the Idea of the whole conversely (reciprocally) determine the form and combination of all the parts; not indeed as cause—for then it would be an artificial product—but as the ground of cognition, for him who is judging it, of the systematic unity and combination of all the manifold contained in the given material.

    For a body then which is to be judged in itself and its internal possibility as a natural purpose, it is requisite that its parts mutually depend upon each other both as to their form and their combination, and so produce a whole by their own causality; while conversely the concept of the whole may be regarded as its cause according to a principle (in a being possessing a causality according to concepts adequate to such a product). In this case then the connexion of effective causes may be judged as an effect through final causes.

    In such a product of nature every part not only exists by means of the other parts, but is thought as existing for the sake of the others and the whole, that is as an (organic) instrument. Thus, however, it might be an artificial instrument, and so might be represented only as a purpose that is possible in general; but also its parts are all organs reciprocally producing each other. This can never be the case with artificial instruments, but only with nature which supplies all the material for instruments (even for those of art). Only a product of such a kind can be called a natural purpose, and this because it is an organised and self-organising being.

    In a watch one part is the instrument for moving the other parts, but the wheel is not the effective cause of the production of the others; no doubt one part is for the sake of the others, but it does not exist by their means. In this case the producing cause of the parts and of their form is not contained in the nature (of the material), but is external to it in a being which can produce effects according to Ideas of a whole possible by means of its causality. Hence a watch wheel does not produce other wheels, still less does one watch produce other watches, utilising (organising) foreign material for that purpose; hence it does not replace of itself parts of which it has been deprived, nor does it make good what is lacking in a first formation by the addition of the missing parts, nor if it has gone out of order does it repair itself—all of which, on the contrary, we may expect from organised nature.—An organised being is then not a mere machine, for that has merely moving power, but it possesses in itself formative power of a self-propagating kind which it communicates to its materials though they have it not of themselves; it organises them, in fact, and this cannot be explained by the mere mechanical faculty of motion.

    We say of nature and its faculty in organised products far too little if we describe it as an analogon of art; for this suggests an artificer (a rational being) external to it. Much rather does it organise itself and its organised products in every species, no doubt after one general pattern but yet with suitable deviations, which self-preservation demands according to circumstances. We perhaps approach nearer to this inscrutable property, if we describe it as an analogon of life; but then we must either endow matter, as mere matter, with a property which contradicts its very being (hylozoism), or associate therewith an alien principle standing in communion with it (a soul). But in the latter case we must, if such a product is to be a natural product, either presuppose organised matter as the instrument of that soul, which does not make the soul a whit more comprehensible; or regard the soul as artificer of this structure and so remove the product from (corporeal) nature. To speak strictly, then, the organisation of nature has in it nothing analogous to any causality we know.108 Beauty in nature can be rightly described as an analogon of art, because it is ascribed to objects only in reference to reflection upon their external aspect, and consequently only on account of the form of their external surface. But internal natural perfection, as it belongs to those things which are only possible as natural purposes, and are therefore called organised beings, is not analogous to any physical, i.e. natural, faculty known to us; nay even, regarding ourselves as, in the widest sense, belonging to nature, it is not even thinkable or explicable by means of any exactly fitting analogy to human art.

    The concept of a thing as in itself a natural purpose is therefore no constitutive concept of Understanding or of Reason, but it can serve as a regulative concept for the reflective Judgement, to guide our investigation about objects of this kind by a distant analogy with our own causality according to purposes generally, and in our meditations upon their ultimate ground. This latter use, however, is not in reference to the knowledge of nature or of its original ground, but rather to our own practical faculty of Reason, in analogy with which we considered the cause of that purposiveness.

    Organised beings are then the only beings in nature which, considered in themselves and apart from any relation to other things, can be thought as possible only as purposes of nature. Hence they first afford objective reality to the concept of a purpose of nature, as distinguished from a practical purpose; and so they give to the science of nature the basis for a teleology, i.e. a mode of judgement about natural Objects according to a special principle which otherwise we should in no way be justified in introducing (because we cannot see a priori the possibility of this kind of causality).

    § 66. Of the principle of judging of internal purposiveness in organised beings

    This principle, which is at the same time a definition, is as follows: An organised product of nature is one in which every part is reciprocally purpose, [end] and means. In it nothing is vain, without purpose, or to be ascribed to a blind mechanism of nature.

    This principle, as regards its occasion, is doubtless derived from experience, viz. from that methodised experience called observation; but on account of the universality and necessity which it ascribes to such purposiveness it cannot rest solely on empirical grounds, but must have at its basis an a priori principle, although it be merely regulative and these purposes lie only in the idea of the judging [subject] and not in an effective cause. We may therefore describe the aforesaid principle as a maxim for judging of the internal purposiveness of organised beings.

    It is an acknowledged fact that the dissectors of plants and animals, in order to investigate their structure and to find out the reasons, why and for what end such parts, such a disposition and combination of parts, and just such an internal form have been given them, assume as indisputably necessary the maxim that nothing in such a creature is vain; just as they lay down as the fundamental proposition of the universal science of nature, that nothing happens by chance. In fact, they can as little free themselves from this teleological proposition as from the universal physical proposition; for as without the latter we should have no experience at all, so without the former we should have no guiding thread for the observation of a species of natural things which we have thought teleologically under the concept of natural purposes.

    Now this concept brings the Reason into a quite different order of things from that of a mere mechanism of nature, which is no longer satisfying here. An Idea is to be the ground of the possibility of the natural product. But because this is an absolute unity of representation, instead of the material being a plurality of things that can supply by itself no definite unity of composition,—if that unity of the Idea is to serve at all as the a priori ground of determination of a natural law of the causality of such a form of composition,—the purpose of nature must be extended to everything included in its product. For if we once refer action of this sort on the whole to any supersensible ground of determination beyond the blind mechanism of nature, we must judge of it altogether according to this principle; and we have then no reason to regard the form of such a thing as partly dependent on mechanism—for by such mixing up of disparate principles no certain rule of judging would be left.

    For example, it may be that in an animal body many parts can be conceived as concretions according to mere mechanical laws (as the hide, the bones, the hair). And yet the cause which brings together the required matter, modifies it, forms it, and puts it in its appropriate place, must always be judged of teleologically; so that here everything must be considered as organised, and everything again in a certain relation to the thing itself is an organ.

    § 67. Of the principle of the teleological judging of nature in general as a system of purposes

    We have already said above that the external purposiveness of natural things affords no sufficient warrant for using them as purposes of nature in order to explain their presence, and for regarding their contingently purposive effects as the grounds of their presence according to the principle of final causes. Thus we cannot take for natural purposes, rivers because they promote intercourse among inland peoples, mountains because they contain the sources of the rivers and for their maintenance in rainless seasons have a store of snow, or the slope of the land which carries away the water and leaves the country dry; because although this shape of the earth’s surface be very necessary for the origin and maintenance of the vegetable and animal kingdoms, it has nothing in itself for the possibility of which we are forced to assume a causality according to purposes. The same is true of plants which man uses for his needs or his pleasures; of beasts, the camel, the ox, the horse, dog, etc., which are indispensable to him as well for food as because they are used in his service in many different ways. In the case of things which we have no reason for regarding in themselves as purposes, such external relation can only be hypothetically judged as purposive.

    To judge of a thing as a natural purpose on account of its internal form is something very different from taking the existence of that thing to be a purpose of nature. For the latter assertion we require not merely the concept of a possible purpose, but the knowledge of the final purpose (scopus) of nature. But this requires a reference of such knowledge to something supersensible far transcending all our teleological knowledge of nature, for the purpose of [the existence of]109 nature must itself be sought beyond nature. The internal form of a mere blade of grass is sufficient to show that for our human faculty of judgement its origin is possible only according to the rule of purposes. But if we change our point of view and look to the use which other natural beings make of it, abandon the consideration of its internal organisation and only look to its externally purposive references, we shall arrive at no categorical purpose; all this purposive reference rests on an ever more distant condition, which, as unconditioned (the presence of a thing as final purpose), lies quite outside the physico-teleological view of the world. For example, grass is needful for the ox, which again is needful for man as a means of existence, but then we do not see why it is necessary that men should exist (a question this, which we shall not find so easy to answer if we sometimes cast our thoughts on the New Hollanders or the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego). So conceived, the thing is not even a natural purpose, for neither it (nor its whole genus) is to be regarded as a natural product.

    Hence it is only so far as matter is organised that it necessarily carries with it the concept of a natural purpose, because this its specific form is at the same time a product of nature. But this concept leads necessarily to the Idea of collective nature as a system in accordance with the rule of purposes, to which Idea all the mechanism of nature must be subordinated according to principles of Reason (at least in order to investigate natural phenomena therein). The principle of Reason belongs to it only as a subjective principle or a maxim: viz. everything in the World is some way good for something; nothing is vain in it. By the example that nature gives us in its organic products we are justified, nay called upon, to expect of it and of its laws nothing that is not purposive on the whole.

    It is plain that this is not a principle for the determinant but only for the reflective Judgement; that it is regulative and not constitutive; and that we derive from it a clue by which we consider natural things in reference to an already given ground of determination according to a new law-abiding order; and extend our natural science according to a different principle, viz. that of final causes, but yet without prejudice to the principle of mechanical causality. Furthermore, it is in no wise thus decided, whether anything of which we judge by this principle, is a designed purpose of nature; whether the grass is for the ox or the sheep, or whether these and the other things of nature are here for men. It is well also from this side to consider the things which are unpleasant to us and are contrary to purpose in particular references. Thus, for example, we can say: The vermin that torment men in their clothes, their hair, or their beds, may be, according to a wise appointment of nature, a motive to cleanliness which is in itself an important means for the preservation of health. Or again the mosquitoes and other stinging insects that make the wildernesses of America so oppressive to the savages, may be so many goads to activity for these primitive men, [inducing them] to drain the marshes and bring light into the forests which intercept every breath of air, and in this way, as well as by cultivating the soil, to make their habitations more healthy. The same thing, which appears to men contradictory to nature in its inner organisation, if viewed in this light gives an entertaining, sometimes an instructive, outlook into a teleological order of things, to which, without such a principle, mere physical observation would not lead us by itself. Thus some persons regard the tapeworm as given to the men or animals in whom it resides, as a kind of set-off for some defect in their vital organs; now I would ask if dreams (without which we never sleep, though we seldom remember them) may not be a purposive ordinance of nature? For during the relaxation of all the moving powers of the body, they serve to excite internally the vital organs by the medium of the Imagination and its great activity (which in this state generally rises to the height of affection). During sleep the Imagination commonly is more actively at play when the stomach is overloaded, in which case this excitement is the more necessary. Consequently, then, without this internal power of motion and this fatiguing unrest, on account of which we complain about our dreams (though in fact they are rather remedial), sleep even in a sound state of health would be a complete extinction of life.

    Also the beauty of nature, i.e. its connexion with the free play of our cognitive faculties in apprehending and judging of its appearance, can be regarded as a kind of objective purposiveness of nature in its whole [content] as a system of which man is a member; if once the teleological judging of the same by means of the natural purposes which organised beings suggest to us, has justified for us the Idea of a great system of purposes of nature. We can regard it as a favour110 which nature has felt for us, that in addition to what is useful it has so profusely dispensed beauty and charm; and we can therefore love it, as well as regard it with respect on account of its immensity, and feel ourselves ennobled by such regard; just as if nature had established and adorned its splendid theatre precisely with this view.

    We shall say only one thing more in this paragraph. If we have once discovered in nature a faculty of bringing forth products that can only be thought by us in accordance with the concept of final causes, we go further still. We venture to judge that things belong to a system of purposes, which yet do not (either in themselves or in their purposive relations) necessitate our seeking for any principle of their possibility beyond the mechanism of causes working blindly. For the first Idea, as concerns its ground, already brings us beyond the world of sense; since the unity of the supersensible principle must be regarded as valid in this way not merely for certain species of natural beings, but for the whole of nature as a system.

    § 68. Of the principle of Teleology as internal principle of natural science

    The principles of a science are either internal to it and are then called domestic (principia domestica), or are based on concepts that can only find their place outside it and so are foreign principles (peregrina). Sciences that contain the latter, place at the basis of their doctrines auxiliary propositions (lemmata), i.e. they borrow some concept, and with it a ground of arrangement, from another science.

    Every science is in itself a system, and it is not enough in it to build in accordance with principles and thus to employ a technical procedure, but we must go to work with it architectonically, as a building subsisting for itself; we must not treat it as an additional wing or part of another building, but as a whole in itself, although we may subsequently make a passage from it into that other or conversely.

    If then we introduce into the context of natural science the concept of God in order to explain the purposiveness in nature, and subsequently use this purposiveness to prove that there is a God, there is no internal consistency in either science [i.e. either in natural science or theology]; and a delusive circle brings them both into uncertainty, because they have allowed their boundaries to overlap.

    The expression, a purpose of nature, already sufficiently prevents the confusion of mixing up natural science and the occasion that it gives for judging teleologically of its objects, with the consideration of God, and so of a theological derivation of them. We must not regard it as insignificant, if one interchanges this expression with that of a divine purpose in the ordering of nature, or gives out the latter as more suitable and proper for a pious soul, because it must come in the end to deriving these purposive forms in nature from a wise author of the world. On the contrary, we must carefully and modestly limit ourselves to the expression, a purpose of nature, which asserts exactly as much as we know. Before we ask after the cause of nature itself, we find in nature, and in the course of its development, products of the same kind which are developed in it according to known empirical laws, in accordance with which natural science must judge of its objects, and, consequently, must seek in nature their causality according to the rule of purposes. So then it must not transgress its bounds in order to introduce into itself as a domestic principle that, to whose concept no experience can be commensurate, upon which we are only entitled to venture after the completion of natural science.

    Natural characteristics which demonstrate themselves a priori, and consequently admit of insight into their possibility from universal principles without any admixture of experience, although they carry with them a technical purposiveness, yet cannot, because they are absolutely necessary, be referred to the Teleology of nature, as to a method belonging to Physic for solving its problems. Arithmetical or geometrical analogies, as well as universal mechanical laws,—however strange and admirable may seem to us the union of different rules, quite independent of one another according to all appearance, in a single principle,—possess on that account no claim to be teleological grounds of explanation in Physic. Even if they deserve to be brought into consideration in the universal theory of the purposiveness of things of nature, yet they belong to another [science], i.e. Metaphysic, and constitute no internal principle of natural science; as with the empirical laws of natural purposes in organised beings, it is not only permissible but unavoidable to use the teleological mode of judging as a principle of the doctrine of nature in regard to a particular class of its objects.

    So to the end that Physic may keep within its own bounds, it abstracts itself entirely from the question, whether natural purposes are designed or undesigned; for that would be to meddle in an extraneous business, in Metaphysic. It is enough that there are objects, alone explicable according to natural laws which we can only think by means of the Idea of purposes as principle, and also alone internally cognisable as concerns their internal form, in this way. In order, therefore, to remove the suspicion of the slightest assumption,—as if we wished to mix with our grounds of cognition something not belonging to Physic at all, viz. a supernatural cause,—we speak in Teleology, indeed, of nature as if the purposiveness therein were designed, but in such a way that this design is ascribed to nature, i.e. to matter. Now in this way there can be no misunderstanding, because no design in the proper meaning of the word can possibly be ascribed to inanimate matter; we thus give notice that this word here only expresses a principle of the reflective not of the determinant Judgement, and so is to introduce no particular ground of causality; but only adds for the use of the Reason a different kind of investigation from that according to mechanical laws, in order to supplement the inadequacy of the latter even for empirical research into all particular laws of nature. Hence we speak quite correctly in Teleology, so far as it is referred to Physic, of the wisdom, the economy, the forethought, the beneficence of Nature, without either making an intelligent being of it, for that would be preposterous; or even without presuming to place another intelligent Being above it as its Architect, for that would be presumptuous.111 But there should be only signified thereby a kind of causality of nature after the analogy of our own in the technical use of Reason, in order to have before us the rule according to which certain products of nature must be investigated.

    But now why is it that Teleology usually forms no proper part of theoretical natural science, but is regarded as a propaedeutic or transition to Theology? This is done in order to restrict the study of nature, mechanically considered, to that which we can so subject to observation or experiment that we are able to produce it ourselves as nature does, or at least by similar laws. For we see into a thing completely only so far as we can make it in accordance with our concepts and bring it to completion. But organisation, as an inner purpose of nature, infinitely surpasses all our faculty of presenting the like by means of art. And as concerns the external contrivances of nature regarded as purposive (wind, rain, etc.), Physic, indeed, considers their mechanism, but it cannot at all present their reference to purposes, so far as this is a condition necessarily belonging to cause; for this necessity of connexion has to do altogether with the combination of our concepts and not with the constitution of things.

    SECOND DIVISION

    DIALECTIC OF THE TELEOLOGICAL JUDGEMENT

    § 69. What is an antinomy of the Judgement?

    The determinant Judgement has for itself no principles which are the foundation of concepts of Objects. It has no autonomy, for it subsumes only under given laws or concepts as principles. Hence it is exposed to no danger of an antinomy of its own or to a conflict of its principles. So [we saw that] the transcendental Judgement which contains the conditions of subsuming under categories was for itself not nomothetic, but that it only indicated the conditions of sensuous intuition, under which reality (application) can be supplied to a given concept, as law of the Understanding, whereby the Judgement could never fall into discord with itself (at least as far as its principles are concerned).

    But the reflective Judgement must subsume under a law, which is not yet given, and is therefore in fact only a principle of reflection upon objects, for which we are objectively quite in want of a law or of a concept of an Object that would be adequate as a principle for the cases that occur. Since now no use of the cognitive faculties can be permitted without principles, the reflective Judgement must in such cases serve as a principle for itself. This, because it is not objective and can supply no ground of cognition of the Object adequate for design, must serve as a mere subjective principle, for the purposive employment of our cognitive faculties, i.e. for reflecting upon a class of objects. Therefore in reference to such cases the reflective Judgement has its maxims—necessary maxims—on behalf of the cognition of natural laws in experience, in order to attain by their means to concepts, even concepts of Reason; since it has absolute need of such in order to learn merely to cognise nature according to its empirical laws.—Between these necessary maxims of the reflective Judgement there may be a conflict and consequently an antinomy, upon which a Dialectic bases itself. If each of two conflicting maxims has its ground in the nature of the cognitive faculties, this may be called a natural Dialectic, and an unavoidable illusion which we must expose and resolve in our Critique, to the end that it may not deceive us.

    § 70. Representation of this antinomy

    So far as Reason has to do with nature, as the complex of objects of external sense, it can base itself partly upon laws which the Understanding itself prescribes a priori to nature, partly upon laws which it can extend indefinitely by means of the empirical determinations occurring in experience. To apply the former kind of laws, i.e. the universal laws of material nature in general, the Judgement needs no special principle of reflection, since it is there determinant because an objective principle is given to it through Understanding. But as regards the particular laws that can only be made known to us through experience, there can be under them such great manifoldness and diversity, that the Judgement must serve as its own principle in order to investigate and search into the phenomena of nature in accordance with a law. Such a guiding thread is needed, if we are only to hope for a connected empirical cognition according to a thoroughgoing conformity of nature to law, even its unity according to empirical laws. In this contingent unity of particular laws it may very well happen that the Judgement in its reflection proceeds from two maxims. One of these is suggested to it a priori by the mere Understanding; but the other is prompted by particular experiences, which bring the Reason into play in order to form a judgement upon corporeal nature and its laws in accordance with a particular principle. Hence it comes about that these two kinds of maxims seem to be incapable of existing together, and consequently a Dialectic arises which leads the Judgement into error in the principle of its reflection.

    The first maxim of Judgement is the proposition: all production of material things and their forms must be judged to be possible according to merely mechanical laws.

    The second maxim is the counter-proposition: some products of material nature cannot be judged to be possible according to merely mechanical laws. (To judge them requires quite a different law of causality, namely, that of final causes.)

    If these regulative principles of investigation be converted into constitutive principles of the possibility of Objects, they will run thus:

    Proposition: All production of material things is possible according to merely mechanical laws.

    Counter-proposition: Some production of material things is not possible according to merely mechanical laws.

    In this latter aspect, as objective principles for the determinant Judgement, they would contradict each other; and consequently one of the two propositions must necessarily be false. We shall then, it is true, have an antinomy, but not of Judgement; there will be a conflict in the legislation of Reason. Reason, however, can prove neither the one nor the other of these fundamental propositions, because we can have a priori no determinant principle of the possibility of things according to mere empirical laws of nature.

    On the other hand, as regards the first-mentioned maxims of a reflective Judgement, they involve no contradiction in fact. For if I say, I must judge, according to merely mechanical laws, of the possibility of all events in material nature, and consequently of all forms regarded as its products, I do not therefore say: They are possible in this way alone (apart from any other kind of causality). All that is implied is: I must always reflect upon them according to the principle of the mere mechanism of nature, and consequently investigate this as far as I can; because unless this lies at the basis of investigation, there can be no proper knowledge of nature at all. But this does not prevent us, if occasion offers, from following out the second maxim in the case of certain natural forms (and even by occasion of these in the whole of nature), in order to reflect upon them according to the principle of final causes, which is quite a different thing from explaining them according to the mechanism of nature. Reflection in accordance with the first maxim is thus not abrogated; on the contrary, we are told to follow it as far as we can. Nor is it said that these forms would not be possible in accordance with the mechanism of nature. It is only asserted that human Reason in following up this maxim and in this way could never find the least ground for that which constitutes the specific [character] of a natural purpose, although it would increase its knowledge of natural laws. Thus it is left undecided whether or not in the unknown inner ground of nature, physico-mechanical and purposive combination may be united in the same things in one principle. We only say that our Reason is not in a position so to unite them; and that therefore the Judgement (as reflective—from subjective grounds, not as determinant, in consequence of an objective principle of the possibility of things in themselves) is compelled to think a different principle from that of natural mechanism as the ground of the possibility of certain forms in nature.

    § 71. Preliminary to the solution of the above antinomy

    We can in no way prove the impossibility of the production of organised natural products by the mere mechanism of nature, because we cannot see into the first inner ground of the infinite multiplicity of the particular laws of nature, which are contingent for us since they are only empirically known; and so we cannot arrive at the inner all-sufficient principle of the possibility of a nature (a principle which lies in the supersensible). Whether therefore the productive faculty of nature is sufficient for that which we judge to be formed or combined in accordance with the Idea of purposes, as well as for that which we believe to require merely a mechanical system [Maschinenwesen] of nature; or whether there lies at the basis of things which we must necessarily judge as properly natural purposes, a quite different kind of original causality, which cannot be contained in material nature or in its intelligible substrate, viz. an architectonic Understanding—this is a question to which our Reason, very narrowly limited in respect of the concept of causality if it is to be specified a priori, can give no answer whatever.—But it is just as certain and beyond doubt that, in regard to our cognitive faculties, the mere mechanism of nature can furnish no ground of explanation of the production of organised beings. For the reflective Judgement it is therefore a quite correct fundamental proposition, that for that connexion of things according to final causes which is so plain, there must be thought a causality distinct from that of mechanism, viz. that of an (intelligent) cause of the world acting in accordance with purposes; but for the determinant Judgement this would be a hasty and unprovable proposition. In the first case it is a mere maxim of the Judgement, wherein the concept of that causality is a mere Idea, to which we by no means undertake to concede reality, but which we use as a guide to reflection, which remains thereby always open to all mechanical grounds of explanation and does not withdraw out of the world of Sense. In the second case the proposition would be an objective principle prescribed by Reason, to which the determinant Judgement must subject itself, whereby however it withdraws beyond the world of Sense into the transcendent and perhaps is led into error.

    All appearance of an antinomy between the maxims of the proper physical (mechanical) and the teleological (technical) methods of explanation rests therefore on this; that we confuse a fundamental proposition of the reflective with one of the determinant Judgement, and the autonomy of the first (which has mere subjective validity for our use of Reason in respect of particular empirical laws) with the heteronomy of the second, which must regulate itself according to laws (universal or particular) given to it by the Understanding.

    § 72. Of the different systems which deal with the purposiveness of nature

    No one has ever doubted the correctness of the proposition that judgement must be passed upon certain things of nature (organised beings) and their possibility in accordance with the concept of final causes, even if we only desire a guiding thread to learn how to cognise their constitution through observation, without aspiring to an investigation into their first origin. The question therefore can only be: whether this fundamental proposition is merely subjectively valid, i.e. is a mere maxim of our Judgement; or whether it is an objective principle of nature, in accordance with which, apart from its mechanism (according to the mere laws of motion), quite a different kind of causality attaches to it, viz. that of final causes, under which these laws (of moving forces) stand only as intermediate causes.

    We could leave this question or problem quite undecided and unsolved speculatively; because if we content ourselves with speculation within the bounds of mere natural knowledge, we have enough in these maxims for the study of nature and for the tracking out of its hidden secrets, as far as human powers reach. There is then indeed a certain presentiment of our Reason or a hint as it were given us by nature, that, by means of this concept of final causes, we go beyond nature, and could unite it to the highest point in the series of causes, if we were to abandon or at least to lay aside for a time the investigation of nature (although we may not have advanced far in it), and seek thenceforth to find out whither this stranger in natural science, viz. the concept of natural purposes, would lead us.

    But here these undisputed maxims pass over into problems opening out a wide field for difficulties. Does purposive connexion in nature prove a particular kind of causality? Or is it not rather, considered in itself and in accordance with objective principles, similar to the mechanism of nature, resting on one and the same ground? Only, as this ground in many natural products is often hidden too deep for our investigation, we make trial of a subjective principle, that of art, i.e. of causality according to Ideas, and we ascribe it to nature by analogy. This expedient succeeds in many cases, but seems in some to mislead, and in no case does it justify us in introducing into natural science a particular kind of operation quite distinct from the causality according to the mere mechanical laws of nature. We give the name of Technic to the procedure (the causality) of nature, on account of the appearance of purpose that we find in its products; and we shall divide this into designed (technica intentionalis) and undesigned (technica naturalis). The first is meant to signify that the productive faculty of nature according to final causes must be taken for a particular kind of causality; the second that it is at bottom quite similar to the mechanism of nature, and that its contingent agreement with our artistic concepts and their rules should be explained as a mere subjective condition of judging it, and not, falsely, as a particular kind of natural production.

    If we now speak of systems explanatory of nature in regard of final causes, it must be remarked that they all controvert each other dogmatically, i.e. as to objective principles of the possibility of things, whether there are causes which act designedly or whether they are quite without design. They do not dispute as to the subjective maxims, by which we merely judge of the causes of such purposive products. In this latter case disparate principles could very well be unified; but in the former, contradictorily opposed laws annul each other and cannot subsist together.

    There are two sorts of systems as to the Technic of nature, i.e. its productive power in accordance with the rule of purposes; viz. Idealism or Realism of natural purposes. The first maintains that all purposiveness of nature is undesigned; the second that some (in organised beings) is designed. From this latter the hypothetical consequence can be deduced that the Technic of Nature, as concerns all its other products in reference to the whole of nature, is also designed, i.e. is a purpose.

    (1) The Idealism of purposiveness (I always understand here by this, objective purposiveness) is either that of the casuality or the fatality of the determination of nature in the purposive form of its products. The former principle treats of the reference of matter to the physical basis of its form, viz. the laws of motion; the second, its reference to the hyperphysical basis of itself and of the whole of nature. The system of casuality that is ascribed to Epicurus or Democritus is, taken literally, so plainly absurd that it need not detain us. Opposed to this is the system of fatality, of which Spinoza is taken as the author, although it is much older according to all appearance. This, as it appeals to something supersensible to which our insight does not extend, is not so easy to controvert; but that is because its concept of the original Being is not possible to understand. But so much is clear, that on this theory the purposive combination in the world must be taken as undesigned; for although derived from an original Being, it is not derived from its Understanding or from any design on its part, but rather from the necessity of its nature and of the world-unity which emanates therefrom. Consequently the Fatalism of purposiveness is at the same time an Idealism.

    (2) The Realism of the purposiveness of nature is also either physical or hyperphysical. The former bases the purposes in nature, by the analogy of a faculty acting with design, on the life of matter (either its own or the life of an inner principle in it, a world-soul) and is called Hylozoism. The latter derives them from the original ground of the universe, as from an intelligent Being (originally living), who produces them with design, and is Theism.112

    § 73. None of the above systems give what they pretend

    What do all these systems desire? They desire to explain our teleological judgements about nature, and they go so to work therewith that some deny their truth and, consequently, explain them as an Idealism of Nature (represented as Art); others recognise them as true, and promise to establish the possibility of a nature in accordance with the Idea of final causes.

    (1) The systems which defend the Idealism of final causes in nature grant, it is true, on the one hand to their principle a causality in accordance with the laws of motion (through which [causality] natural things exist purposively); but they deny to it intentionality, i.e. that it designedly determines itself to this its purposive production; in other words, they deny that the cause is a purpose. This is Epicurus’s method of explanation, according to which the distinction between a Technic of nature and mere mechanism is altogether denied. Blind chance is taken as the explanatory ground not only of the agreement of the developed products with our concepts of the purpose, and consequently of [nature’s] Technic; but also of the determination of the causes of this production in accordance with the laws of motion, and consequently of their mechanism. Thus nothing is explained, not even the illusion in our teleological judgements, and consequently, the would-be Idealism of these in no way established.

    On the other hand, Spinoza wishes to dispense with all inquiries into the ground of the possibility of purposes of nature, and to take away all reality from this Idea. He allows their validity in general not as products but as accidents inhering in an original Being; and to this Being, as substrate of those natural things, he ascribes not causality in regard to them but mere subsistence. On account of its unconditioned necessity, and also that of all natural things as accidents inhering in it, he secures, it is true, to the forms of nature that unity of ground which is requisite for all purposiveness; but at the same time he tears away their contingence, without which no unity of purpose can be thought, and with it all design, inasmuch as he takes away all intelligence from the original ground of natural things.

    But Spinozism does not furnish what it desires. It desires to afford an explanatory ground of the purposive connexion (which it does not deny) of the things of nature, and it merely speaks of the unity of the subject in which they all inhere. But even if we concede to it that the beings of the world exist in this way, such ontological unity is not therefore a unity of purpose, and does not make this in any way comprehensible. For this latter is a quite particular kind of unity which does not follow from the connexion of things (the beings of the world) in a subject (the original Being), but implies in itself reference to a cause which has Understanding; and even if we unite all these things in a simple subject, this never exhibits a purposive reference. For we do not think of them, first, as the inner effects of the substance, as if it were a cause; nor, secondly, of this cause as a cause producing effects by means of its Understanding. Without these formal conditions all unity is mere natural necessity; and, if it is ascribed as well to things which we represent as external to one another, blind necessity. But if we wish to give the name of purposiveness of nature to that which the schoolmen call the transcendental perfection of things (in reference to their proper being), according to which everything has in itself that which is requisite to make it one thing and not another, then we are only like children playing with words instead of concepts. For if all things must be thought as purposes, then to be a thing is the same as to be a purpose, and there is at bottom nothing which specially deserves to be represented as a purpose.

    We hence see at once that Spinoza by his reducing our concepts of the purposive in nature to our own consciousness of existing in an all-embracing (though simple) Being, and by his seeking that form merely in the unity of this Being, must have intended to maintain not the realism, but the idealism of its purposiveness. Even this he was not able to accomplish, because the mere representation of the unity of the substrate cannot bring about the Idea of a purposiveness, even that which is only undesigned.

    (2) Those who not only maintain the Realism of natural purposes, but also set about explaining it, believe that they can comprehend, at least as regards its possibility, a practical kind of causality, viz. that of causes working designedly; otherwise they could not undertake to supply this explanation. For to authorise even the most daring of hypotheses, at least the possibility of what we assume as basis must be certain, and we must be able to assure objective reality to its concept.

    But the possibility of living matter cannot even be thought; its concept involves a contradiction because lifelessness, inertia, constitutes the essential character of matter. The possibility of matter endowed with life, and of collective nature regarded as an animal, can only be used in an inadequate way (in the interests of the hypothesis of purposiveness in the whole of nature), so far as it is manifested by experience in the organisation of nature on a small scale; but in no way can we have insight into its possibility a priori. There must then be a circle in the explanation, if we wish to derive the purposiveness of nature in organised beings from the life of matter, and yet only know this life in organised beings, and can form no concept of its possibility without experience of this kind. Hylozoism, therefore, does not furnish what it promises.

    Finally, Theism can just as little establish dogmatically the possibility of natural purposes as a key to Teleology; although it certainly is superior to all other grounds of explanation in that, through the Understanding which it ascribes to the original Being, it rescues in the best way the purposiveness of nature from Idealism, and introduces a causality acting with design for its production.

    But we must first prove satisfactorily to the determinant Judgement the impossibility of the unity of purpose in matter resulting from its mere mechanism, before we are justified in placing the ground of this beyond nature in a determinate way. We can, however, advance no further than this. In accordance with the constitution and limits of our cognitive faculties (whilst we do not comprehend even the first inner ground of this mechanism) we must in no wise seek in matter a principle of determinate purposive references; but no other way of judging of the origination of its products as natural purposes remains to us than that by means of a supreme Understanding as cause of the world. But this is only a ground for the reflective, not for the determinant Judgement, and can justify absolutely no objective assertion.

    § 74. The reason that we cannot treat the concept of a Technic of nature dogmatically is the fact that a natural purpose is inexplicable

    We deal with a concept dogmatically (even though it should be empirically conditioned) if we consider it as contained under another concept of the Object which constitutes a principle113 of Reason, and determine it in conformity with this. But we deal with it merely critically, if we consider it only in reference to our cognitive faculties and consequently to the subjective conditions of thinking it, without undertaking to decide anything about its Object. Dogmatic procedure with a concept is then that which is conformable to law for the determinant Judgement, critical procedure for the reflective Judgement.

    Now the concept of a thing as a natural purpose is a concept which subsumes nature under a causality only thinkable through Reason, in order to judge in accordance with this principle about that which is given of the Object in experience. But in order to use it dogmatically for the determinant Judgement, we must be assured first of the objective reality of this concept, because otherwise we could subsume no natural thing under it. Again, the concept of a thing as a natural purpose is, no doubt, empirically conditioned, i.e. only possible under certain conditions given in experience, though not to be abstracted therefrom; but it is a concept only possible in accordance with a rational principle in the judgement about the object. Its objective reality, therefore (i.e. that an object in conformity with it is possible), cannot be comprehended and dogmatically established as such a principle; and we do not know whether it is merely a sophistical and objectively empty concept (conceptus ratiocinans), or a rational concept, establishing a cognition and confirmed by Reason (conceptus ratiocinatus).114 Therefore it cannot be dogmatically treated for the determinant Judgement, i.e. it is not only impossible to decide whether or not things of nature considered as natural purposes require for their production a causality of a quite peculiar kind (that acting on design); but the question cannot even be put, because the concept of a natural purpose is simply not susceptible of proof through Reason as regards its objective reality. That is, it is not constitutive for the determinant Judgement, but merely regulative for the reflective.

    That it is not susceptible of proof is clear because (as concept of a natural product) it embraces in itself natural necessity, and at the same time (as purpose) a contingency of the form of the Object (in reference to the mere laws of nature) in the very same thing. Hence, if there is to be no contradiction here it must contain a ground for the possibility of the thing in nature, and also a ground of the possibility of this nature itself and of its reference to something which, not being empirically cognisable nature (supersensible), is therefore for us not cognisable at all. [This is requisite] if it is to be judged according to a different kind of causality from that of natural mechanism when we wish to establish its possibility. The concept of a thing, then, as a natural purpose, is transcendent for the determinant Judgement, if we consider the Object through Reason (although for the reflective Judgement it certainly may be immanent in respect of the objects of experience). Hence for determinant judgements objective reality cannot be supplied to it; and so it is intelligible how all systems that one may project for the dogmatic treatment of the concept of natural purposes and of nature itself [considered] as a whole connected together by means of final causes, can decide nothing either by objective affirmation or by objective denial. For if things be subsumed under a concept that is merely problematical, its synthetical predicates (e.g. in the question whether the purpose of nature which we conceive for the production of things is designed or undesigned) can furnish only problematical judgements of the Object, whether affirmative or negative; and we do not know whether we are judging about something or about nothing. The concept of a causality through purposes (of art) has at all events objective reality, and also the concept of a causality according to the mechanism of nature. But the concept of a causality of nature according to the rule of purposes,—still more of a Being such as cannot be given us in experience, a Being who is the original cause of nature,—though it can be thought without contradiction, yet is of no avail for dogmatic determinations. For, since it cannot be derived from experience, and also is not requisite for the possibility thereof, its objective reality can in no way be assured. But even if this could be done, how can I number among the products of nature things which are definitely accounted products of divine art, when it is just the incapacity of nature to produce such things according to its own laws that made it necessary to invoke a cause different from it?

    § 75. The concept of an objective purposiveness of nature is a critical principle of Reason for the reflective Judgement

    It is then one thing to say, “the production of certain things of nature or that of collective nature is only possible through a cause which determines itself to action according to design”; and quite another to say, “I can according to the peculiar constitution of my cognitive faculties judge concerning the possibility of these things and their production, in no other fashion than by conceiving for this a cause working according to design, i.e. a Being which is productive in a way analogous to the causality of an intelligence.” In the former case I wish to establish something concerning the Object, and am bound to establish the objective reality of an assumed concept; in the latter, Reason only determines the use of my cognitive faculties, conformably to their peculiarities and to the essential conditions of their range and their limits. Thus the former principle is an objective proposition for the determinant Judgement, the latter merely a subjective proposition for the reflective Judgement, i.e. a maxim which Reason prescribes to it.

    We are in fact indispensably obliged to ascribe the concept of design to nature if we wish to investigate it, though only in its organised products, by continuous observation; and this concept is therefore an absolutely necessary maxim for the empirical use of our Reason. It is plain that once such a guiding thread for the study of nature is admitted and verified, we must at least try the said maxim of Judgement in nature as a whole; because thereby many of nature’s laws might discover themselves, which otherwise, on account of the limitation of our insight into its inner mechanism, would remain hidden. But though in regard to this latter employment that maxim of Judgement is certainly useful, it is not indispensable, for nature as a whole is not given as organised (in the narrow sense of the word above indicated). On the other hand, in regard to those natural products, which must be judged of as designed and not formed otherwise (if we are to have empirical knowledge of their inner constitution), this maxim of the reflective Judgement is essentially necessary; because the very thought of them as organised beings is impossible without combining therewith the thought of their designed production.

    Now the concept of a thing whose existence or form we represent to ourselves as possible under the condition of a purpose is inseparably bound up with the concept of its contingency (according to natural laws). Hence the natural things that we find possible only as purposes supply the best proof of the contingency of the world-whole; to the common Understanding and to the philosopher alike they are the only valid ground of proof for its dependence on and origin from a Being existing outside the world—a Being who must also be intelligent on account of that purposive form. Teleology then finds the consummation of its investigations only in Theology.

    But what now in the end does the most complete Teleology prove? Does it prove that there is such an intelligent Being? No. It only proves that according to the constitution of our cognitive faculties and in the consequent combination of experience with the highest principles of Reason, we can form absolutely no concept of the possibility of such a world [as this] save by thinking a designedly-working supreme cause thereof. Objectively we cannot therefore lay down the proposition, there is an intelligent original Being; but only subjectively, for the use of our Judgement in its reflection upon the purposes in nature, which can be thought according to no other principle than that of a designing causality of a highest cause.

    If we wished to establish on teleological grounds the above proposition dogmatically we should be beset with difficulties from which we could not extricate ourselves. For then the proposition must at bottom be reduced to the conclusion, that the organised beings in the world are no otherwise possible than by a designedly-working cause. And we should unavoidably have to assert that, because we can follow up these things in their causal combination only under the Idea of purposes, and cognise them only according to their conformity to law, we are thereby justified in assuming this as a condition necessary for every thinking and cognising being—a condition consequently attaching to the Object and not merely to our subject. But such an assertion we do not succeed in sustaining. For, since we do not, properly speaking, observe the purposes in nature as designed, but only in our reflection upon its products think this concept as a guiding thread for our Judgement, they are not given to us through the Object. It is quite impossible for us a priori to vindicate, as capable of assumption, such a concept according to its objective reality. It remains therefore a proposition absolutely resting upon subjective conditions alone, viz. of the Judgement reflecting in conformity with our cognitive faculties. If we expressed this proposition dogmatically as objectively valid, it would be: “There is a God.” But for us men there is only permissible the limited formula: “We cannot otherwise think and make comprehensible the purposiveness which must lie at the bottom of our cognition of the internal possibility of many natural things, than by representing it and the world in general as a product of an intelligent cause, [a God].”115

    Now if this proposition, based on an inevitably necessary maxim of our Judgement, is completely satisfactory from every human point of view for both the speculative and practical use of our Reason, I should like to know what we lose by not being able to prove it as also valid for higher beings, from objective grounds (which unfortunately are beyond our faculties). It is indeed quite certain that we cannot adequately cognise, much less explain, organised beings and their internal possibility, according to mere mechanical principles of nature; and we can say boldly it is alike certain that it is absurd for men to make any such attempt or to hope that another Newton will arise in the future, who shall make comprehensible by us the production of a blade of grass according to natural laws which no design has ordered.116 We must absolutely deny this insight to men. But then how do we know that in nature, if we could penetrate to the principle by which it specifies the universal laws known to us, there cannot lie hidden (in its mere mechanism) a sufficient ground of the possibility of organised beings without supposing any design in their production? would it not be judged by us presumptuous to say this? Probabilities here are of no account when we have to do with judgements of pure Reason.—We cannot therefore judge objectively, either affirmatively or negatively, concerning the proposition: “Does a Being acting according to design lie at the basis of what we rightly call natural purposes, as the cause of the world (and consequently as its author)?” So much only is sure, that if we are to judge according to what is permitted us to see by our own proper nature (the conditions and limitations of our Reason), we can place at the basis of the possibility of these natural purposes nothing else than an intelligent Being. This alone is in conformity with the maxim of our reflective Judgement and therefore with a ground which, though subjective, is inseparably attached to the human race.

    § 76. Remark

    This consideration, which very well deserves to be worked out in detail in Transcendental Philosophy, can come in here only in passing, by way of elucidation (not as a proof of what is here proposed).

    Reason is a faculty of principles and proceeds in its extremest advance to the unconditioned; on the other hand, the Understanding stands at its service always only under a certain condition which must be given. But without concepts of Understanding, to which objective reality must be given, the Reason cannot form any objective (synthetical) judgement; and contains in itself, as theoretical Reason, absolutely no constitutive but merely regulative principles. We soon see that where the Understanding cannot follow, the Reason is transcendent, and shows itself in Ideas formerly established (as regulative principles), but not in objectively valid concepts. But the Understanding which cannot keep pace with Reason but yet is requisite for the validity of Objects, limits the validity of these Ideas to the subject, although [extending it] generally to all [subjects] of this kind. That is, the Understanding limits their validity to the condition, that according to the nature of our (human) cognitive faculties, or, generally, according to the concept which we ourselves can make of the faculty of a finite intelligent being, nothing else can or must be thought; though this is not to assert that the ground of such a judgement lies in the Object. We shall adduce some examples which, though they are too important and difficult to impose them on the reader as proved propositions, yet will give him material for thought and may serve to elucidate what we are here specially concerned with.

    It is indispensably necessary for the human Understanding to distinguish between the possibility and the actuality of things. The ground for this lies in the subject and in the nature of our cognitive faculties. Such a distinction (between the possible and the actual) would not be given were there not requisite for knowledge two quite different elements, Understanding for concepts and sensible intuition for Objects corresponding to them. If our Understanding were intuitive it would have no objects but those which are actual. Concepts (which merely extend to the possibility of an object) and sensible intuitions (which give us something without allowing us to cognise it thus as an object) would both disappear. But now the whole of our distinction between the merely possible and the actual rests on this, that the former only signifies the positing of the representation of a thing in respect of our concept, and, in general, in respect of the faculty of thought; while the latter signifies the positing of the thing in itself [outside this concept].117 The distinction, then, of possible things from actual is one which has merely subjective validity for the human Understanding, because we can always have a thing in our thoughts although it is [really] nothing, or we can represent a thing as given although we have no concept of it. The propositions therefore—that things can be possible without being actual, and that consequently no conclusion can be drawn as to actuality from mere possibility—are quite valid for human Reason, without thereby proving that this distinction lies in things themselves. That this does not follow, and that consequently these propositions, though valid of Objects (in so far as our cognitive faculty, as sensuously conditioned, busies itself with Objects of sense), do not hold for things in general, appears from the irrepressible demand of Reason to assume something (the original ground) necessarily existing as unconditioned, in which possibility and actuality should no longer be distinguished, and for which Idea our Understanding has absolutely no concept; i.e. it can find no way of representing such a thing and its manner of existence. For if the Understanding thinks such a thing (which it may do at pleasure), the thing is merely represented as possible. If it is conscious of it as given in intuition, then is it actual; but nothing as to its possibility is thus thought. Hence the concept of an absolutely necessary Being is no doubt an indispensable Idea of Reason, but yet it is a problematical concept unattainable by the human Understanding. It is indeed valid for the employment of our cognitive faculties in accordance with their peculiar constitution, but not valid of the Object. Nor is it valid for every knowing being, because I cannot presuppose in every such being thought and intuition as two distinct conditions of the exercise of its cognitive faculties, and consequently as conditions of the possibility and actuality of things. An Understanding into which this distinction did not enter, might say: All Objects that I know are, i.e. exist; and the possibility of some, which yet do not exist (i.e. the contingency or the contrasted necessity of those which do exist), might never come into the representation of such a being at all. But what makes it difficult for our Understanding to treat its concepts here as Reason does, is merely that for it, as human Understanding, that is transcendent (i.e. impossible for the subjective conditions of its cognition) which Reason makes into a principle appertaining to the Object.—Here the maxim always holds, that all Objects whose cognition surpasses the faculty of the Understanding are thought by us according to the subjective conditions of the exercise of that faculty which necessarily attach to our (human) nature. If judgements laid down in this way (and there is no other alternative in regard to transcendent concepts) cannot be constitutive principles determining the Object as it is, they will remain regulative principles adapted to the human point of view, immanent in their exercise and sure.

    Just as Reason in the theoretical consideration of nature must assume the Idea of an unconditioned necessity of its original ground, so also it presupposes in the practical [sphere] its own (in respect of nature) unconditioned causality, or freedom, in that it is conscious of its own moral command. Here the objective necessity of the act, as a duty, is opposed to that necessity which it would have as an event, if its ground lay in nature and not in freedom (i.e. in the causality of Reason). The morally absolutely necessary act is regarded as physically quite contingent, since that which ought necessarily to happen often does not happen. It is clear then that it is owing to the subjective constitution of our practical faculty that the moral laws must be represented as commands, and the actions conforming to them as duties; and that Reason expresses this necessity not by an “is” (happens), but by an “ought to be.” This would not be the case were Reason considered as in its causality independent of sensibility (as the subjective condition of its application to objects of nature), and so as cause in an intelligible world entirely in agreement with the moral law. For in such a world there would be no distinction between “ought to do” and “does,” between a practical law of that which is possible through us, and the theoretical law of that which is actual through us. Though, therefore, an intelligible world in which everything would be actual merely because (as something good) it is possible, together with freedom as its formal condition, is for us a transcendent concept, not available as a constitutive principle to determine an Object and its objective reality; yet, because of the constitution of our (in part sensuous) nature and faculty it is, so far as we can represent it in accordance with the constitution of our Reason, for us and for all rational beings that have a connexion with the world of sense, a universal regulative principle. This principle does not objectively determine the constitution of freedom, as a form of causality, but it makes the rule of actions according to that Idea a command for every one, with no less validity than if it did so determine it.

    In the same way we may concede thus much as regards the case in hand. Between natural mechanism and the Technic of nature, i.e. its purposive connexion, we should find no distinction, were it not that our Understanding is of the kind that must proceed from the universal to the particular. The Judgement then in respect of the particular can cognise no purposiveness and, consequently, can form no determinant judgements, without having a universal law under which to subsume that particular. Now the particular, as such, contains something contingent in respect of the universal, while yet Reason requires unity and conformity to law in the combination of particular laws of nature. This conformity of the contingent to law is called purposiveness; and the derivation of particular laws from the universal, as regards their contingent element, is impossible a priori through a determination of the concept of the Object. Hence, the concept of the purposiveness of nature in its products is necessary for human Judgement in respect of nature, but has not to do with the determination of Objects. It is, therefore, a subjective principle of Reason for the Judgement, which as regulative (not constitutive) is just as necessarily valid for our human Judgement as if it were an objective principle.

    § 77. Of the peculiarity of the human Understanding, by means of which the concept of a natural purpose is possible

    We have brought forward in the Remark peculiarities of our cognitive faculties (even the higher ones) which we are easily led to transfer as objective predicates to the things themselves. But they concern Ideas, no object adequate to which can be given in experience, and they could only serve as regulative principles in the pursuit of experience. This is the case with the concept of a natural purpose, which concerns the cause of the possibility of such a predicate, which cause can only lie in the Idea. But the result corresponding to it (i.e. the product) is given in nature; and the concept of a causality of nature as of a being acting according to purposes seems to make the Idea of a natural purpose into a constitutive principle, which Idea has thus something different from all other Ideas.

    This difference consists, however, in the fact that the Idea in question is not a rational principle for the Understanding but for the Judgement. It is, therefore, merely the application of an Understanding in general to possible objects of experience, in cases where the judgement can only be reflective, not determinant, and where, consequently, the object, although given in experience, cannot be determinately judged in conformity with the Idea (not to say with complete adequacy), but can only be reflected on.

    There emerges, therefore, a peculiarity of our (human) Understanding in respect of the Judgement in its reflection upon things of nature. But if this be so, the Idea of a possible Understanding different from the human must be fundamental here. (Just so in the Critique of Pure Reason we must have in our thoughts another possible [kind of] intuition, if ours is to be regarded as a particular species for which objects are only valid as phenomena.) And so we are able to say: Certain natural products, from the special constitution of our Understanding, must be considered by us, in regard to their possibility, as if produced designedly and as purposes. But we do not, therefore, demand that there should be actually given a particular cause which has the representation of a purpose as its determining ground; and we do not deny that an Understanding, different from (i.e. higher than) the human, might find the ground of the possibility of such products of nature in the mechanism of nature, i.e. in a causal combination for which an Understanding is not explicitly assumed as cause.

    We have now to do with the relation of our Understanding to the Judgement; viz. we seek for a certain contingency in the constitution of our Understanding, to which we may point as a peculiarity distinguishing it from other possible Understandings.

    This contingency is found, naturally enough, in the particular, which the Judgement is to bring under the universal of the concepts of Understanding. For the universal of our (human) Understanding does not determine the particular, and it is contingent in how many ways different things which agree in a common characteristic may come before our perception. Our Understanding is a faculty of concepts, i.e. a discursive Understanding, for which it obviously must be contingent of what kind and how very different the particular may be that can be given to it in nature and brought under its concepts. But now intuition also belongs to knowledge, and a faculty of a complete spontaneity of intuition would be a cognitive faculty distinct from sensibility, and quite independent of it, in other words, an Understanding in the most general sense. Thus we can think an intuitive Understanding [negatively, merely as not discursive118], which does not proceed from the universal to the particular, and so to the individual (through concepts). For it that contingency of the accordance of nature in its products according to particular laws with the Understanding would not be met with; and it is this contingency that makes it so hard for our Understanding to reduce the manifold of nature to the unity of knowledge. This reduction our Understanding can only accomplish by bringing natural characteristics into a very contingent correspondence with our faculty of concepts, of which an intuitive Understanding would have no need.

    Our Understanding has then this peculiarity as concerns the Judgement, that in cognition by it the particular is not determined by the universal and cannot therefore be derived from it; but at the same time this particular in the manifold of nature must accord with the universal (by means of concepts and laws) so that it may be capable of being subsumed under it. This accordance under such circumstances must be very contingent and without definite principle as concerns the Judgement.

    In order now to be able at least to think the possibility of such an accordance of things of nature with our Judgement (which accordance we represent as contingent and consequently as only possible by means of a purpose directed thereto), we must at the same time think of another Understanding, by reference to which and apart from any purpose ascribed to it, we may represent as necessary that accordance of natural laws with our Judgement, which for our Understanding is only thinkable through the medium of purposes.

    In fact our Understanding has the property of proceeding in its cognition, e.g. of the cause of a product, from the analytical-universal (concepts) to the particular (the given empirical intuition). Thus as regards the manifold of the latter it determines nothing, but must await this determination by the Judgement, which subsumes the empirical intuition (if the object is a natural product) under the concept. We can however think an Understanding which, being, not like ours, discursive, but intuitive, proceeds from the synthetical-universal (the intuition of a whole as such) to the particular, i.e. from the whole to the parts. The contingency of the combination of the parts, in order that a definite form of the whole shall be possible, is not implied by such an Understanding and its representation of the whole. Our Understanding requires this because it must proceed from the parts as universally conceived grounds to different forms possible to be subsumed under them, as consequences. According to the constitution of our Understanding a real whole of nature is regarded only as the effect of the concurrent motive powers of the parts. Suppose then that we wish not to represent the possibility of the whole as dependent on that of the parts (after the manner of our discursive Understanding), but according to the standard of the intuitive (original) Understanding to represent the possibility of the parts (according to their constitution and combination) as dependent on that of the whole. In accordance with the above peculiarity of our Understanding it cannot happen that the whole shall contain the ground of the possibility of the connexion of the parts (which would be a contradiction in discursive cognition), but only that the representation of a whole may contain the ground of the possibility of its form and the connexion of the parts belonging to it. Now such a whole would be an effect (product) the representation of which is regarded as the cause of its possibility; but the product of a cause whose determining ground is merely the representation of its effect is called a purpose. Hence it is merely a consequence of the particular constitution of our Understanding, that it represents products of nature as possible, according to a different kind of causality from that of the natural laws of matter, namely, that of purposes and final causes. Hence also this principle has not to do with the possibility of such things themselves (even when considered as phenomena) according to the manner of their production, but merely with the judgement upon them which is possible to our Understanding. Here we see at once why it is that in natural science we are not long contented with an explanation of the products of nature by a causality according to purposes. For there we desire to judge of natural production merely in a manner conformable to our faculty of judging, i.e. to the reflective Judgement, and not in reference to things themselves on behalf of the determinant Judgement. It is here not at all requisite to prove that such an intellectus archetypus is possible, but only that we are led to the Idea of it,—which contains no contradiction,—in contrast to our discursive Understanding which has need of images (intellectus ectypus) and to the contingency of its constitution.

    If we consider a material whole, according to its form, as a product of the parts with their powers and faculties of combining with one another (as well as of bringing in foreign materials), we represent to ourselves a mechanical mode of producing it. But in this way no concept emerges of a whole as purpose, whose internal possibility presupposes throughout the Idea of a whole on which depend the constitution and mode of action of the parts, as we must represent to ourselves an organised body. It does not follow indeed, as has been shown, that the mechanical production of such a body is impossible; for to say so would be to say that it would be impossible (contradictory) for any Understanding to represent to itself such a unity in the connexion of the manifold, without the Idea of the unity being at the same time its producing cause, i.e. without designed production. This, however, would follow in fact if we were justified in regarding material beings as things in themselves. For then the unity that constitutes the ground of the possibility of natural formations would be simply the unity of space. But space is no real ground of the products, but only their formal condition, although it has this similarity to the real ground which we seek that in it no part can be determined except in relation to the whole (the representation of which therefore lies at the ground of the possibility of the parts). But now it is at least possible to consider the material world as mere phenomenon, and to think as its substrate something like a thing in itself (which is not phenomenon), and to attach to this a corresponding intellectual intuition (even though it is not ours). Thus there would be, although incognisable by us, a supersensible real ground for nature, to which we ourselves belong. In this we consider according to mechanical laws what is necessary in nature regarded as an object of Sense; but we consider according to teleological laws the agreement and unity of its particular laws and its forms—which in regard to mechanism we must judge contingent—regarded as objects of Reason (in fact the whole of nature as a system). Thus we should judge nature according to two different kinds of principles without the mechanical way of explanation being shut out by the teleological, as if they contradicted one another.

    From this we are enabled to see what otherwise, though we could easily surmise it, could with difficulty be maintained with certainty and proved, viz. that the principle of a mechanical derivation of purposive natural products is consistent with the teleological, but in no way enables us to dispense with it. In a thing that we must judge as a natural purpose (an organised being) we can no doubt try all the known and yet to be discovered laws of mechanical production, and even hope to make good progress therewith; but we can never get rid of the call for a quite different ground of production for the possibility of such a product, viz. causality by means of purposes. Absolutely no human Reason (in fact no finite Reason like ours in quality, however much it may surpass it in degree) can hope to understand the production of even a blade of grass by mere mechanical causes. As regards the possibility of such an object, the teleological connexion of causes and effects is quite indispensable for the Judgement, even for studying it by the clue of experience. For external objects as phenomena an adequate ground related to purposes cannot be met with; this, although it lies in nature, must only be sought in the supersensible substrate of nature, from all possible insight into which we are cut off. Hence it is absolutely impossible for us to produce from nature itself grounds of explanation for purposive combinations; and it is necessary by the constitution of the human cognitive faculties to seek the supreme ground of these purposive combinations in an original Understanding as the cause of the world.

    § 78. Of the union of the principle of the universal mechanism of matter with the teleological principle in the Technic of nature

    It is infinitely important for Reason not to let slip the mechanism of nature in its products, and in their explanation not to pass it by, because without it no insight into the nature of things can be attained. Suppose it admitted that a supreme Architect immediately created the forms of nature as they have been from the beginning, or that He predetermined those which in the course of nature continually form themselves on the same model. Our knowledge of nature is not thus in the least furthered, because we cannot know the mode of action of that Being and the Ideas which are to contain the principles of the possibility of natural beings, and we cannot by them explain nature as from above downwards (a priori). And if, starting from the forms of the objects of experience, from below upwards (a posteriori), we wish to explain the purposiveness, which we believe is met with in experience, by appealing to a cause working in accordance with purposes, then is our explanation quite tautological and we are only mocking Reason with words. Indeed when we lose ourselves with this way of explanation in the transcendent, whither natural knowledge cannot follow, Reason is seduced into poetical extravagance, which it is its peculiar destination to avoid.

    On the other hand, it is just as necessary a maxim of Reason not to pass by the principle of purposes in the products of nature. For, although it does not make their mode of origination any more comprehensible, yet it is a heuristic principle for investigating the particular laws of nature; supposing even that we wish to make no use of it for explaining nature itself,—in which we still always speak only of natural purposes, although it apparently exhibits a designed unity of purpose,—i.e. without seeking beyond nature the ground of the possibility of these particular laws. But since we must come in the end to this latter question, it is just as necessary to think for nature a particular kind of causality which does not present itself in it, as the mechanism of natural causes which does. To the receptivity of several forms, different from those of which matter is susceptible by mechanism, must be added a spontaneity of a cause (which therefore cannot be matter), without which no ground can be assigned for those forms. No doubt Reason, before it takes this step, must proceed with caution, and not try to explain teleologically every Technic of nature, i.e. every productive faculty of nature which displays in itself (as in regular bodies) purposiveness of figure to our mere apprehension; but must always regard such as so far mechanically possible. But on that account to wish entirely to exclude the teleological principle, and to follow simple mechanism only—in cases where, in the rational investigation of the possibility of natural forms through their causes, purposiveness shows itself quite undeniably as the reference to a different kind of causality—to do this must make Reason fantastic, and send it wandering among chimeras of unthinkable natural faculties; just as a mere teleological mode of explanation which takes no account of natural mechanism makes it visionary.

    In the same natural thing both principles cannot be connected as fundamental propositions of explanation (deduction) of one by the other, i.e. they do not unite for the determinant Judgement as dogmatical and constitutive principles of insight into nature. If I choose, e.g. to regard a maggot as the product of the mere mechanism of nature (of the new formation that it produces of itself, when its elements are set free by corruption), I cannot derive the same product from the same matter as from a causality that acts according to purposes. Conversely, if I regard the same product as a natural purpose, I cannot count on any mechanical mode of its production and regard this as the constitutive principle of my judgement upon its possibility, and so unite both principles. One method of explanation excludes the other; even supposing that objectively both grounds of the possibility of such a product rested on a single ground, to which we did not pay attention. The principle which should render possible the compatibility of both in judging of nature must be placed in that which lies outside both (and consequently outside the possible empirical representation of nature), but yet contains their ground, i.e. in the supersensible; and each of the two methods of explanation must be referred thereto. Now of this we can have no concept but the indeterminate concept of a ground, which makes the judging of nature by empirical laws possible, but which we cannot determine more nearly by any predicate. Hence the union of both principles cannot rest upon a ground of explanation of the possibility of a product according to given laws, for the determinant Judgement, but only upon a ground of its exposition for the reflective Judgement.—To explain is to derive from a principle, which therefore we must clearly know and of which we can give an account. No doubt the principle of the mechanism of nature and that of its causality in one and the same natural product must coalesce in a single higher principle, which is their common source, because otherwise they could not subsist side by side in the observation of nature. But if this principle, objectively common to the two, which therefore warrants the association of the maxims of natural investigation depending on both, be such that, though it can be pointed to, it cannot be determinately known nor clearly put forward for use in cases which arise, then from such a principle we can draw no explanation, i.e. no clear and determinate derivation of the possibility of a natural product in accordance with those two heterogeneous principles. But now the principle common to the mechanical and teleological derivations is the supersensible, which we must place at the basis of nature, regarded as phenomenon. And of this, in a theoretical point of view, we cannot form the smallest positive determinate concept. It cannot, therefore, in any way be explained how, according to it as principle, nature (in its particular laws) constitutes for us one system, which can be cognised as possible either by the principle of physical development or by that of final causes. If it happens that objects of nature present themselves which cannot be thought by us, as regards their possibility, according to the principle of mechanism (which always has a claim on a natural being), without relying on teleological propositions, we can only make an hypothesis. Namely, we suppose that we may hopefully investigate natural laws with reference to both (according as the possibility of its product is cognisable by our Understanding by one or the other principle), without stumbling at the apparent contradiction which comes into view between the principles by which they are judged. For at least the possibility is assured that both may be united objectively in one principle, since they concern phenomena that presuppose a supersensible ground.

    Mechanism, then, and the teleological (designed) Technic of nature, in respect of the same product and its possibility, may stand under a common supreme principle of nature in particular laws. But since this principle is transcendent we cannot, because of the limitation of our Understanding, unite both principles in the explanation of the same production of nature even if the inner possibility of this product is only intelligible [verständlich] through a causality according to purposes (as is the case with organised matter). We revert then to the above fundamental proposition of Teleology. According to the constitution of the human Understanding, no other than designedly-working causes can be assumed for the possibility of organised beings in nature; and the mere mechanism of nature cannot be adequate to the explanation of these its products. But we do not attempt to decide anything by this fundamental proposition as to the possibility of such things themselves.

    This is only a maxim of the reflective, not of the determinant Judgement; consequently only subjectively valid for us, not objectively for the possibility of things themselves of this kind (in which both kinds of production may well cohere in one and the same ground). Further, without any concept,—besides the teleologically conceived method of production,—of a simultaneously presented mechanism of nature, no judgement can be passed on this kind of production as a natural product. Hence the above maxim leads to the necessity of an unification of both principles in judging of things as natural purposes in themselves, but does not lead us to substitute one for the other either altogether or in certain parts. For in the place of what is thought (at least by us) as possible only by design we cannot set mechanism, and in the place of what is cognised as mechanically necessary we cannot set contingency, which would need a purpose as its determining ground; but we can only subordinate the one (Mechanism) to the other (designed Technic), which may quite well be the case according to the transcendental principle of the purposiveness of nature.

    For where purposes are thought as grounds of the possibility of certain things, we must assume also means, whose law of working requires for itself nothing presupposing a purpose,—a mechanical law—and yet can be a subordinate cause of designed effects. Thus—in the organic products of nature, and specially when prompted by their infinite number, we assume (at least as a permissible hypothesis) design in the combination of natural causes by particular laws as a universal principle of the reflective Judgement for the whole of nature (the world),—we can think a great and indeed universal combination of mechanical with teleological laws in the productions of nature, without interchanging the principles by which they are judged or putting one in the place of the other. For, in a teleological judgement, the matter, even if the form that it assumes be judged possible only by design, can also, conformably to the mechanical laws of its nature, be subordinated as a means to the represented purpose. But, since the ground of this compatibility lies in that which is neither one nor the other (neither mechanism nor purposive combination), but is the supersensible substrate of nature of which we know nothing, the two ways of representing the possibility of such Objects are not to be blended together by our (human) Reason. However, we cannot judge of their possibility otherwise than by judging them as ultimately resting on a supreme Understanding by the connexion of final causes; and thus the teleological method of explanation is not eliminated.

    Now it is quite indeterminate, and for our Understanding always indeterminable, how much the mechanism of nature does as a means towards each final design in nature. However, on account of the above-mentioned intelligible principle of the possibility of a nature in general, it may be assumed that it is possible throughout according to the two kinds of universally accordant laws (the physical and those of final causes), although we cannot see into the way how this takes place. Hence we do not know how far the mechanical method of explanation which is possible for us may extend. So much only is certain that, so far as we can go in this direction, it must always be inadequate for things that we once recognise as natural purposes; and therefore we must, by the constitution of our Understanding, subordinate these grounds collectively to a teleological principle.

    Hereon is based a privilege, and on account of the importance which the study of nature by the principle of mechanism has for the theoretical use of our Reason, also an appeal. We should explain all products and occurrences in nature, even the most purposive, by mechanism as far as is in our power (the limits of which we cannot specify in this kind of investigation). But at the same time we are not to lose sight of the fact that those things which we cannot even state for investigation except under the concept of a purpose of Reason, must, in conformity with the essential constitution of our Reason, mechanical causes notwithstanding, be subordinated by us finally to causality in accordance with purposes.

    METHODOLOGY OF THE TELEOLOGICAL JUDGEMENT.119

    § 79. Whether teleology must be treated as if it belonged to the doctrine of nature

    Every science must have its definite position in the encyclopaedia of all the sciences. If it is a philosophical science its position must be either in the theoretical or practical part. If again it has its place in the former of these, it must be either in the doctrine of nature, so far as it concerns that which can be an object of experience (in the doctrine of bodies, the doctrine of the soul, or the universal science of the world), or in the doctrine of God (the original ground of the world as the complex of all objects of experience).

    Now the question is, what place is due to Teleology? Does it belong to Natural Science (properly so called) or to Theology? One of the two it must be; for no science belongs to the transition from one to the other, because this transition only marks the articulation or organisation of the system, and not a place in it.

    That it does not belong to Theology as a part thereof, although it may be made of the most important use therein, is self-evident. For it has as its objects, natural productions, and their cause, and although it refers at the same time to the latter as to a ground lying outside of and beyond nature (a Divine Author), yet it does not do this for the determinant but only for the reflective Judgement in the consideration of nature (in order to guide our judgement on things in the world by means of such an Idea as a regulative principle, in conformity with the human Understanding).

    But it appears to belong just as little to Natural Science, which needs determinant and not merely reflective principles in order to supply objective grounds for natural effects. In fact, nothing is gained for the theory of nature or the mechanical explanation of its phenomena by means of its effective causes, by considering them as connected according to the relation of purposes. The exhibition of the purposes of nature in its products, so far as they constitute a system according to teleological concepts, properly belongs only to a description of nature which is drawn up in accordance with a particular guiding thread. Here Reason, no doubt, accomplishes a noble work, instructive and practically purposive in many points of view; but it gives no information as to the origin and the inner possibility of these forms, which is the special business of theoretical Natural Science. Teleology, therefore, as science, belongs to no Doctrine, but only to Criticism; and to the criticism of a special cognitive faculty, viz. Judgement. But so far as it contains principles a priori, it can and must furnish the method by which nature must be judged according to the principle of final causes. Hence its Methodology has at least negative influence upon the procedure in theoretical Natural Science, and also upon the relation which this can have in Metaphysic to Theology as its propaedeutic.

    § 80. Of the necessary subordination of the mechanical to the teleological principle in the explanation of a thing as a natural purpose

    The privilege of aiming at a merely mechanical method of explanation of all natural products is in itself quite unlimited; but the faculty of attaining thereto is by the constitution of our Understanding, so far as it has to do with things as natural purposes, not only very much limited but also clearly bounded. For, according to a principle of the Judgement, by this process alone nothing can be accomplished towards an explanation of these things; and consequently the judgement upon such products must always be at the same time subordinated by us to a teleological principle.

    It is therefore rational, even meritorious, to pursue natural mechanism, in respect of the explanation of natural products, so far as can be done with probability; and if we give up the attempt it is not because it is impossible in itself to meet in this path with the purposiveness of nature, but only because it is impossible for us as men. For there would be required for that an intuition other than sensuous, and a determinate knowledge of the intelligible substrate of nature from which a ground could be assigned for the mechanism of phenomena according to particular laws, which quite surpasses our faculties.

    Hence if the naturalist would not waste his labour he must in judging of things, the concept of any of which is indubitably established as a natural purpose (organised beings), always lay down as basis an original organisation, which uses that very mechanism in order to produce fresh organised forms or to develop the existing ones into new shapes (which, however, always result from that purpose and conformably to it).

    It is praiseworthy by the aid of comparative anatomy to go through the great creation of organised natures, in order to see whether there may not be in it something similar to a system and also in accordance with the principle of production. For otherwise we should have to be content with the mere principle of judgement (which gives no insight into their production) and, discouraged, to give up all claim to natural insight in this field. The agreement of so many genera of animals in a certain common schema, which appears to be fundamental not only in the structure of their bones but also in the disposition of their remaining parts,—so that with an admirable simplicity of original outline, a great variety of species has been produced by the shortening of one member and the lengthening of another, the involution of this part and the evolution of that,—allows a ray of hope, however faint, to penetrate into our minds, that here something may be accomplished by the aid of the principle of the mechanism of nature (without which there can be no natural science in general). This analogy of forms, which with all their differences seem to have been produced according to a common original type, strengthens our suspicions of an actual relationship between them in their production from a common parent, through the gradual approximation of one animal-genus to another—from those in which the principle of purposes seems to be best authenticated, i.e. from man, down to the polype, and again from this down to mosses and lichens, and finally to the lowest stage of nature noticeable by us, viz. to crude matter. And so the whole Technic of nature, which is so incomprehensible to us in organised beings that we believe ourselves compelled to think a different principle for it, seems to be derived from matter and its powers according to mechanical laws (like those by which it works in the formation of crystals).

    Here it is permissible for the archaeologist of nature to derive from the surviving traces of its oldest revolutions, according to all its mechanism known or supposed by him, that great family of creatures (for so we must represent them if the said thoroughgoing relationship is to have any ground). He can suppose the bosom of mother earth, as she passed out of her chaotic state (like a great animal), to have given birth in the beginning to creatures of less purposive form, that these again gave birth to others which formed themselves with greater adaptation to their place of birth and their relations to each other; until this womb becoming torpid and ossified, limited its births to definite species not further modifiable, and the manifoldness remained as it was at the end of the operation of that fruitful formative power.—Only he must still in the end ascribe to this universal mother an organisation purposive in respect of all these creatures; otherwise it would not be possible to think the possibility of the purposive form of the products of the animal and vegetable kingdoms.120 He has then only pushed further back the ground of explanation and cannot pretend to have made the development of those two kingdoms independent of the condition of final causes.

    Even as concerns the variation to which certain individuals of organised genera are accidentally subjected, if we find that the character so changed is hereditary and is taken up into the generative power, then we cannot pertinently judge the variation to be anything else than an occasional development of purposive capacities originally present in the species with a view to the preservation of the race. For in the complete inner purposiveness of an organised being, the generation of its like is closely bound up with the condition of taking nothing up into the generative power which does not belong, in such a system of purposes, to one of its undeveloped original capacities. Indeed, if we depart from this principle, we cannot know with certainty whether several parts of the form which is now apparent in a species have not a contingent and unpurposive origin; and the principle of Teleology, to judge nothing in an organised being as unpurposive which maintains it in its propagation, would be very unreliable in its application and would be valid solely for the original stock (of which we have no further knowledge).

    Hume121 takes exception to those who find it requisite to assume for all such natural purposes a teleological principle of judgement, i.e. an architectonic Understanding. He says that it may fairly be asked: how is such an Understanding possible? How can the manifold faculties and properties that constitute the possibility of an Understanding, which has at the same time executive force, be found so purposively together in one Being? But this objection is without weight. For the whole difficulty which surrounds the question concerning the first production of a thing containing in itself purposes and only comprehensible by means of them, rests on the further question as to the unity of the ground of the combination in this product of the various elements [des Mannichfaltigen] which are external to one another. For if this ground be placed in the Understanding of a producing cause as simple substance, the question, so far as it is teleological, is sufficiently answered; but if the cause be sought merely in matter as an aggregate of many substances external to one another, the unity of the principle is quite wanting for the internally purposive form of its formation, and the autocracy of matter in productions which can only be conceived by our Understanding as purposes is a word without meaning.

    Hence it comes to pass that those who seek a supreme ground of possibility for the objectively-purposive forms of matter, without attributing to it Understanding, either make the world-whole into a single all-embracing substance (Pantheism), or (which is only a more determinate explanation of the former) into a complex of many determinations inhering in a single simple substance (Spinozism); merely in order to satisfy that condition of all purposiveness—the unity of ground. Thus they do justice indeed to one condition of the problem, viz. the unity in the purposive combination, by means of the mere ontological concept of a simple substance; but they adduce nothing for the other condition, viz. the relation of this substance to its result as purpose, through which relation that ontological ground is to be more closely determined in respect of the question at issue. Hence they answer the whole question in no way. It remains absolutely unanswerable (for our Reason) if we do not represent that original ground of things, as simple substance; its property which has reference to the specific constitution of the forms of nature grounded thereon, viz. its purposive unity, as the property of an intelligent substance; and the relation of these forms to this intelligence (on account of the contingency which we ascribe to everything that we think possible only as a purpose) as that of causality.

    § 81. Of the association of mechanism with the teleological principle in the explanation of a natural purpose as a natural product

    According to the preceding paragraphs the mechanism of nature alone does not enable us to think the possibility of an organised being; but (at least according to the constitution of our cognitive faculty) it must be originally subordinated to a cause working designedly. But, just as little is the mere teleological ground of such a being sufficient for considering it and judging it as a product of nature, if the mechanism of the latter be not associated with the former, like the instrument of a cause working designedly, to whose purposes nature is subordinated in its mechanical laws. The possibility of such a unification of two quite different kinds of causality,—of nature in its universal conformity to law with an Idea which limits it to a particular form, for which it contains no ground in itself—is not comprehended by our Reason. It lies in the supersensible substrate of nature, of which we can determine nothing positively, except that it is the being in itself of which we merely know the phenomenon. But the principle, “all that we assume as belonging to this nature (phenomenon) and as its product, must be thought as connected therewith according to mechanical laws,” has none the less force, because without this kind of causality organised beings (as purposes of nature) would not be natural products.

    Now if the teleological principle of the production of these beings be assumed (as is inevitable), we can place at the basis of the cause of their internally purposive form either Occasionalism or Pre-established Harmony. According to the former the Supreme Cause of the world would, conformably to its Idea, furnish immediately the organic formation on the occasion of every union of intermingling materials. According to the latter it would, in the original products of its wisdom, only have supplied the capacity by means of which an organic being produces another of like kind, and the species perpetually maintains itself; whilst the loss of individuals is continually replaced by that nature which at the same time works towards their destruction. If we assume the Occasionalism of the production of organised beings, all nature is quite lost, and with it all employment of Reason in judging of the possibility of such products; hence we may suppose that no one will adopt this system, who has anything to do with philosophy.

    [The theory of] Pre-established Harmony may proceed in two different ways. It regards every organised being as generated by one of like kind, either as an educt or a product. The system which regards generations as mere educts is called the theory of individual preformation or the theory of evolution: that which regards them as products is entitled the system of epigenesis. This latter may also be entitled the system of generic preformation, because the productive faculty of the generator and consequently the specific form would be virtually performed according to the inner purposive capacities which are part of its stock. In correspondence with this the opposite theory of individual preformations would be better entitled the theory of involution.

    The advocates of the theory of evolution, who remove every individual from the formative power of nature, in order to make it come immediately from the hand of the Creator, would, however, not venture to regard this as happening according to the hypothesis of Occasionalism. For according to this the copulation is a mere formality, à propos of which a supreme intelligent Cause of the world has concluded to form a fruit immediately by his hand, and only to leave to the mother its development and nourishment. They declare themselves for preformation; as if it were not all the same, whether a supernatural origin is assigned to these forms in the beginning or in the course of the world. On the contrary, a great number of supernatural arrangements would be spared by occasional creation, which would be requisite, in order that the embryo formed in the beginning of the world might not be injured throughout the long period of its development by the destructive powers of nature, and might keep itself unharmed; and there would also be requisite an incalculably greater number of such preformed beings than would ever be developed, and with them many creations would be made without need and without purpose. They would, however, be willing to leave at least something to nature, so as not to fall into a complete Hyperphysic which can dispense with all natural explanations. It is true, they hold so fast by their Hyperphysic that they find even in abortions (which it is quite impossible to take for purposes of nature) an admirable purposiveness; though it be only directed to the fact that an anatomist would take exception to it as a purposeless purposiveness, and would feel a disheartened wonder thereat. But the production of hybrids could absolutely not be accommodated with the system of preformation; and to the seeds of the male creature, to which they had attributed nothing but the mechanical property of serving as the first means of nourishment for the embryo, they must attribute in addition a purposive formative power, which in the case of the product of two creatures of the same genus they would concede to neither parent.

    On the other hand, even if we do not recognise the great superiority which the theory of Epigenesis has over the former as regards the empirical grounds of its proof, still prior to proof Reason views this way of explanation with peculiar favour. For in respect of the things which we can only represent as possible originally according to the causality of purposes, at least as concerns their propagation, this theory regards nature as self-producing, not merely as self-evolving: and so with the least expenditure of the supernatural leaves to nature all that follows after the first beginning (though without determining anything about this first beginning by which Physic generally is thwarted, however it may essay its explanation by a chain of causes).

    As regards this theory of Epigenesis, no one has contributed more either to its proof or to the establishment of the legitimate principles of its application,—partly by the limitation of a too presumptuous employment of it,—than Herr Hofr. Blumenbach.122 In all physical explanations of these formations he starts from organised matter. That crude matter should have originally formed itself according to mechanical laws, that life should have sprung from the nature of what is lifeless, that matter should have been able to dispose itself into the form of a self-maintaining purposiveness—this he rightly declares to be contradictory to Reason. But at the same time he leaves to natural mechanism under this to us indispensable principle of an original organisation, an undeterminable but yet unmistakeable element, in reference to which the faculty of matter in an organised body is called by him a formative impulse (in contrast to, and yet standing under the higher guidance and direction of, that merely mechanical formative power universally resident in matter).

    § 82. Of the teleological system in the external relations of organised beings

    By external purposiveness I mean that by which one thing of nature serves another as means to a purpose. Now things which have no internal purposiveness and which presuppose none for their possibility, e.g. earth, air, water, etc., may at the same time be very purposive externally, i.e. in relation to other beings. But these latter must be organised beings, i.e. natural purposes, for otherwise the former could not be judged as means to them. Thus water, air, and earth cannot be regarded as means to the raising of mountains, because mountains contain nothing in themselves that requires a ground of their possibility according to purposes, in reference to which therefore their cause can never be represented under the predicate of a means (as useful therefor).

    External purposiveness is a quite different concept from that of internal purposiveness, which is bound up with the possibility of an object irrespective of its actuality being itself a purpose. We can ask about an organised being the question: What is it for? But we cannot easily ask this about things in which we recognise merely the working of nature’s mechanism. For in the former, as regards their internal possibility, we represent a causality according to purposes, a creative Understanding, and we refer this active faculty to its determining ground, viz. design. There is only one external purposiveness which is connected with the internal purposiveness of organisation, and yet serves in the external relation of a means to a purpose, without the question necessarily arising, as to what end this being so organised must have existed for. This is the organisation of both sexes in their mutual relation for the propagation of their kind; since here we can always ask, as in the case of an individual, why must such a pair exist? The answer is: This pair first constitutes an organising whole, though not an organised whole in a single body.

    If we now ask, wherefore anything is, the answer is either: Its presence and its production have no reference at all to a cause working according to design, and so we always refer its origin to the mechanism of nature, or: There is somewhere a designed ground of its presence (as a contingent natural being). This thought we can hardly separate from the concept of an organised thing; for, since we must place at the basis of its internal possibility a causality of final causes and an Idea lying at the ground of this, we cannot think the existence of this product except as a purpose. For the represented effect, the representation of which is at the same time the determining ground of the intelligent cause working towards its production, is called a purpose. In this case therefore we can either say: The purpose of the existence of such a natural being is in itself; i.e. it is not merely a purpose but a final purpose, or: This is external to it in another natural being, i.e. it exists purposively not as a final purpose, but necessarily as a means.

    But if we go through the whole of nature we find in it, as nature, no being which could make claim to the eminence of being the final purpose of creation; and we can even prove a priori that what might be for nature an ultimate purpose, according to all the thinkable determinations and properties wherewith one could endow it, could yet as a natural thing never be a final purpose.

    If we consider the vegetable kingdom we might at first sight, on account of the immeasurable fertility with which it spreads itself almost on every soil, be led to take it for a mere product of that mechanism which nature displays in the formations of the mineral kingdom. But a more intimate knowledge of its indescribably wise organisation does not permit us to hold to this thought, but prompts the question: What are these things created for? If it is answered: For the animal kingdom, which is thereby nourished and has thus been able to spread over the earth in genera so various, then the further question comes: What are these plant-devouring animals for? The answer would be something like this: For beasts of prey, which can only be nourished by that which has life. Finally we have the question: What are these last, as well as the first-mentioned natural kingdoms, good for? For man, in reference to the manifold use which his Understanding teaches him to make of all these creatures. He is the ultimate purpose of creation here on earth, because he is the only being upon it who can form a concept of purposes, and who can by his Reason make out of an aggregate of purposively formed things a system of purposes.

    We might also with the chevalier Linnaeus123 go the apparently opposite way and say: The herbivorous animals are there to moderate the luxurious growth of the vegetable kingdom, by which many of its species are choked. The carnivora are to set bounds to the voracity of the herbivora. Finally man, by his pursuit of these and his diminution of their numbers, preserves a certain equilibrium between the producing and the destructive powers of nature. And so man, although in a certain reference he might be esteemed a purpose, yet in another has only the rank of a means.

    If an objective purposiveness in the variety of the genera of creatures and their external relations to one another, as purposively constructed beings, be made a principle, then it is conformable to Reason to conceive in these relations a certain organisation and a system of all natural kingdoms according to final causes. Only here experience seems flatly to contradict the maxims of Reason, especially as concerns an ultimate purpose of nature, which is indispensable for the possibility of such a system and which we can put nowhere else but in man. For regarding him as one of the many animal genera, nature has not in the least excepted him from its destructive or its productive powers, but has subjected everything to a mechanism thereof without any purpose.

    The first thing that must be designedly prepared in an arrangement for a purposive complex of natural beings on the earth would be their place of habitation, the soil and the element on and in which they are to thrive. But a more exact knowledge of the constitution of this basis of all organic production indicates no other causes than those working quite undesignedly, causes which rather destroy than favour production, order, and purposes. Land and sea not only contain in themselves memorials of ancient mighty desolations which have confounded them and all creatures that are in them; but their whole structure, the strata of the one and the boundaries of the other, have quite the appearance of being the product of the wild and violent forces of a nature working in a state of chaos. Although the figure, the structure, and the slope of the land might seem to be purposively ordered for the reception of water from the air, for the welling up of streams between strata of different kinds (for many kinds of products), and for the course of rivers—yet a closer investigation shows that they are merely the effects of volcanic eruptions or of inundations of the ocean, as regards not only the first production of this figure, but, above all, its subsequent transformation, as well as the disappearance of its first organic productions.124 Now if the place of habitation of all these creatures, the soil (of the land) or the bosom (of the sea), indicates nothing but a quite undesigned mechanism of its production, how and with what right can we demand and maintain a different origin for these latter products? The closest examination, indeed (in Camper’s125 judgement), of the remains of the aforesaid devastations of nature seems to show that man was not comprehended in these revolutions; but yet he is so dependent on the remaining creatures that, if a universally directing mechanism of nature be admitted in the case of the others, he must also be regarded as comprehended under it; even though his Understanding (for the most part at least) has been able to deliver him from these devastations.

    But this argument seems to prove more than was intended by it. It seems to prove not merely that man cannot be the ultimate purpose of nature, and that on the same grounds the aggregate of the organised things of nature on the earth cannot be a system of purposes; but also that the natural products formerly held to be natural purposes have no other origin than the mechanism of nature.

    But in the solution given above of the Antinomy of the principles of the mechanical and teleological methods of production of organic beings of nature, we have seen that they are merely principles of the reflective Judgement in respect of nature as it produces forms in accordance with particular laws (for the systematic connexion of which we have no key). They do not determine the origin of these beings in themselves; but only say that we, by the constitution of our Understanding and our Reason, cannot conceive it in this kind of being except according to final causes. The greatest possible effort, even audacity, in the attempt to explain them mechanically is not only permitted, but we are invited to it by Reason; notwithstanding that we know from the subjective grounds of the particular species and limitations of our Understanding (not e.g. because the mechanism of production would contradict in itself an origin according to purposes) that we can never attain thereto. Finally, the compatibility of both ways of representing the possibility of nature may lie in the supersensible principle of nature (external to us, as well as in us); whilst the method of representation according to final causes may be only a subjective condition of the use of our Reason, when it not merely wishes to form a judgement upon objects as phenomena, but desires to refer these phenomena together with their principles to their supersensible substrate, in order to find certain laws of their unity possible, which it cannot represent to itself except through purposes (of which the Reason also has such as are supersensible).

    § 83. Of the ultimate purpose of nature as a teleological system

    We have shown in the preceding that, though not for the determinant but for the reflective Judgement, we have sufficient cause for judging man to be, not merely like all organised beings a natural purpose, but also the ultimate purpose of nature here on earth; in reference to whom all other natural things constitute a system of purposes according to fundamental propositions of Reason. If now that must be found in man himself, which is to be furthered as a purpose by means of his connexion with nature, this purpose must either be of a kind that can be satisfied by nature in its beneficence; or it is the aptitude and skill for all kinds of purposes for which nature (external and internal) can be used by him. The first purpose of nature would be man’s happiness, the second his culture.

    The concept of happiness is not one that man derives by abstraction from his instincts and so deduces from his animal nature; but it is a mere Idea of a state, that he wishes to make adequate to the Idea under merely empirical conditions (which is impossible). This Idea he projects in such different ways on account of the complication of his Understanding with Imagination and Sense, and changes so often, that nature, even if it were entirely subjected to his elective will, could receive absolutely no determinate, universal and fixed law, so as to harmonise with this vacillating concept and thus with the purpose which each man arbitrarily sets before himself. And even if we reduce this to the true natural wants as to which our race is thoroughly agreed, or on the other hand, raise ever so high man’s skill to accomplish his imagined purposes; yet, even thus, what man understands by happiness, and what is in fact his proper, ultimate, natural purpose (not purpose of freedom), would never be attained by him. For it is not his nature to rest and be contented with the possession and enjoyment of anything whatever. On the other side, too, there is something wanting. Nature has not taken him for her special darling and favoured him with benefit above all animals. Rather, in her destructive operations,—plague, hunger, perils of waters, frost, assaults of other animals great and small, etc.,—in these things has she spared him as little as any other animal. Further, the inconsistency of his own natural dispositions drives him into self-devised torments, and also reduces others of his own race to misery, by the oppression of lordship, the barbarism of war, and so forth; he, himself, as far as in him lies, works for the destruction of his own race; so that even with the most beneficent external nature, its purpose, if it were directed to the happiness of our species, would not be attained in an earthly system, because our nature is not susceptible of it. Man is then always only a link in the chain of natural purposes; a principle certainly in respect of many purposes, for which nature seems to have destined him in her disposition, and towards which he sets himself, but also a means for the maintenance of purposiveness in the mechanism of the remaining links. As the only being on earth which has an Understanding and, consequently, a faculty of setting arbitrary purposes before itself, he is certainly entitled to be the lord of nature; and if it be regarded as a teleological system he is, by his destination, the ultimate purpose of nature. But this is subject to the condition of his having an Understanding and the Will to give to it and to himself such a reference to purposes, as can be self-sufficient independently of nature, and, consequently, can be a final purpose; which, however, must not be sought in nature itself.

    But in order to find out where in man we have to place that ultimate purpose of nature, we must seek out what nature can supply to prepare him for what he must do himself in order to be a final purpose, and we must separate it from all those purposes whose possibility depends upon things that one can expect only from nature. Of the latter kind is earthly happiness, by which is understood the complex of all man’s purposes possible through nature, whether external nature or man’s nature; i.e. the matter of all his earthly purposes, which, if he makes it his whole purpose, renders him incapable of positing his own existence as a final purpose, and being in harmony therewith. There remains therefore of all his purposes in nature only the formal subjective condition; viz. the aptitude of setting purposes in general before himself, and (independent of nature in his purposive determination) of using nature, conformably to the maxims of his free purposes in general, as a means. This nature can do in regard to the final purpose that lies outside it, and it therefore may be regarded as its ultimate purpose. The production of the aptitude of a rational being for arbitrary purposes in general (consequently in his freedom) is culture. Therefore, culture alone can be the ultimate purpose which we have cause for ascribing to nature in respect to the human race (not man’s earthly happiness or the fact that he is the chief instrument of instituting order and harmony in irrational nature external to himself).

    But all culture is not adequate to this ultimate purpose of nature. The culture of skill is indeed the chief subjective condition of aptitude for furthering one’s purposes in general; but it is not adequate to furthering the will126 in the determination and choice of purposes, which yet essentially belongs to the whole extent of an aptitude for purposes. The latter condition of aptitude, which we might call the culture of training (discipline), is negative, and consists in the freeing of the will from the despotism of desires. By these, tied as we are to certain natural things, we are rendered incapable even of choosing, while we allow those impulses to serve as fetters, which Nature has given us as guiding threads that we should not neglect or violate the destination of our animal nature—we being all the time free enough to strain or relax, to extend or diminish them, according as the purposes of Reason require.

    Skill cannot be developed in the human race except by means of inequality among men; for the great majority provide the necessities of life, as it were, mechanically, without requiring any art in particular, for the convenience and leisure of others who work at the less necessary elements of culture, science and art. In an oppressed condition they have hard work and little enjoyment, although much of the culture of the higher classes gradually spreads to them. Yet with the progress of this culture (the height of which is called luxury, reached when the propensity to what can be done without begins to be injurious to what is indispensable), their calamities increase equally in two directions, on the one hand through violence from without, on the other hand through internal discontent; but still this splendid misery is bound up with the development of the natural capacities of the human race, and the purpose of nature itself, although not our purpose, is thus attained. The formal condition under which nature can alone attain this its final design, is that arrangement of men’s relations to one another, by which lawful authority in a whole, which we call a civil community, is opposed to the abuse of their conflicting freedoms; only in this can the greatest development of natural capacities take place. For this also there would be requisite,—if men were clever enough to find it out and wise enough to submit themselves voluntarily to its constraint,—a cosmopolitan whole, i.e. a system of all states that are in danger of acting injuriously upon each other.127 Failing this, and with the obstacles which ambition, lust of dominion, and avarice, especially in those who have the authority in their hands, oppose even to the possibility of such a scheme, there is, inevitably, war (by which sometimes states subdivide and resolve themselves into smaller states, sometimes a state annexes other smaller states and strives to form a greater whole). Though war is an undesigned enterprise of men (stirred up by their unbridled passions), yet is it [perhaps]128 a deep-hidden and designed enterprise of supreme wisdom for preparing, if not for establishing, conformity to law amid the freedom of states, and with this a unity of a morally grounded system of those states. In spite of the dreadful afflictions with which it visits the human race, and the perhaps greater afflictions with which the constant preparation for it in time of peace oppresses them, yet is it (although the hope for a restful state of popular happiness is ever further off) a motive for developing all talents serviceable for culture, to the highest possible pitch.129

    As concerns the discipline of the inclinations,—for which our natural capacity in regard of our destination as an animal race is quite purposive, but which render the development of humanity very difficult,—there is manifest in respect of this second requirement for culture a purposive striving of nature to a cultivation which makes us receptive of higher purposes than nature itself can supply. We cannot strive against the preponderance of evil, which is poured out upon us by the refinement of taste pushed to idealisation, and even by the luxury of science as affording food for pride, through the insatiable number of inclinations thus aroused. But yet we cannot mistake the purpose of nature—ever aiming to win us away from the rudeness and violence of those inclinations (inclinations to enjoyment) which belong rather to our animality, and for the most part are opposed to the cultivation of our higher destiny, and to make way for the development of our humanity. The beautiful arts and the sciences which, by their universally-communicable pleasure, and by the polish and refinement of society, make man more civilised, if not morally better, win us in large measure from the tyranny of sense-propensions, and thus prepare men for a lordship, in which Reason alone shall have authority; whilst the evils with which we are visited, partly by nature, partly by the intolerant selfishness of men, summon, strengthen, and harden the powers of the soul not to submit to them, and so make us feel an aptitude for higher purposes, which lies hidden in us.130

    § 84. Of the final purpose of the existence of a world, i.e. of creation itself

    A final purpose is that purpose which needs no other as condition of its possibility.

    If the mere mechanism of nature be assumed as the ground of explanation of its purposiveness, we cannot ask: what are things in the world there for? For according to such an idealistic system it is only the physical possibility of things (to think which as purposes would be mere subtlety without any Object) that is under discussion; whether we refer this form of things to chance or to blind necessity, in either case the question would be vain. If, however, we assume the purposive combination in the world to be real and to be [brought about] by a particular kind of causality, viz. that of a designedly-working cause, we cannot stop at the question: why have things of the world (organised beings) this or that form? why are they placed by nature in this or that relation to one another? But once an Understanding is thought that must be regarded as the cause of the possibility of such forms as are actually found in things, it must be also asked on objective grounds: Who could have determined this productive Understanding to an operation of this kind? This being is then the final purpose in reference to which such things are there.

    I have said above that the final purpose is not a purpose which nature would be competent to bring about and to produce in conformity with its Idea, because it is unconditioned. For there is nothing in nature (regarded as a sensible being) for which the determining ground present in itself would not be always conditioned; and this holds not merely of external (material) nature, but also of internal (thinking) nature—it being of course understood that I only am considering that in myself which is nature. But a thing that is to exist necessarily, on account of its objective constitution, as the final purpose of an intelligent cause, must be of the kind that in the order of purposes it is dependent on no further condition than merely its Idea.

    Now we have in the world only one kind of beings whose causality is teleological, i.e. is directed to purposes and is at the same time so constituted that the law according to which they have to determine purposes for themselves is represented as unconditioned and independent of natural conditions, and yet as in itself necessary. The being of this kind is man, but man considered as noumenon; the only natural being in which we can recognise, on the side of its peculiar constitution, a supersensible faculty (freedom) and also the law of causality, together with its Object, which this faculty may propose to itself as highest purpose (the highest good in the world).

    Now of man (and so of every rational creature in the World) as a moral being it can no longer be asked: why (quem in finem) he exists? His existence involves the highest purpose to which, as far as is in his power, he can subject the whole of nature; contrary to which at least he cannot regard himself as subject to any influence of nature.—If now things of the world, as beings dependent in their existence, need a supreme cause acting according to purposes, man is the final purpose of creation; since without him the chain of mutually subordinated purposes would not be complete as regards its ground. Only in man, and only in him as subject of morality, do we meet with unconditioned legislation in respect of purposes, which therefore alone renders him capable of being a final purpose, to which the whole of nature is teleologically subordinated.131

    § 85. Of Physico-theology

    Physico-theology is the endeavour of Reason to infer the Supreme Cause of nature and its properties from the purposes of nature (which can only be empirically known). Moral theology (ethico-theology) would be the endeavour to infer that Cause and its properties from the moral purpose of rational beings in nature (which can be known a priori).

    The former naturally precedes the latter. For if we wish to infer a World Cause teleologically from the things in the world, purposes of nature must first be given, for which we afterwards have to seek a final purpose, and for this the principle of the causality of this Supreme Cause.

    Many investigations of nature can and must be conducted according to the teleological principle, without our having cause to inquire into the ground of the possibility of purposive working with which we meet in various products of nature. But if we wish to have a concept of this we have absolutely no further insight into it than the maxim of the reflective Judgement affords: viz. if only a single organic product of nature were given to us, by the constitution of our cognitive faculty we could think no other ground for it than that of a cause of nature itself (whether the whole of nature or only this bit of it) which contains the causality for it through Understanding. This principle of judging, though it does not bring us any further in the explanation of natural things and their origin, yet discloses to us an outlook over nature, by which perhaps we may be able to determine more closely the concept, otherwise so unfruitful, of an Original Being.

    Now I say that Physico-theology, however far it may be pursued, can disclose to us nothing of a final purpose of creation; for it does not even extend to the question as to this. It can, it is true, justify the concept of an intelligent World Cause, as a subjective concept (only available for the constitution of our cognitive faculty) of the possibility of things that we can make intelligible to ourselves according to purposes; but it cannot determine this concept further, either in a theoretical or a practical point of view. Its endeavour does not come up to its design of being the basis of a Theology, but it always remains only a physical Teleology; because the purposive reference therein is and must be always considered only as conditioned in nature, and it consequently cannot inquire into the purpose for which nature itself exists (for which the ground must be sought outside nature),—notwithstanding that it is upon the determinate Idea of this that the determinate concept of that Supreme Intelligent World Cause, and the consequent possibility of a Theology, depend.

    What the things in the world are mutually useful for; what good the manifold in a thing does for the thing; how we have ground to assume that nothing in the world is in vain, but that everything in nature is good for something,—the condition being granted that certain things are to exist (as purposes), whence our Reason has in its power for the Judgement no other principle of the possibility of the Object, which it inevitably judges teleologically, than that of subordinating the mechanism of nature to the Architectonic of an intelligent Author of the world—all this the teleological consideration of the world supplies us with excellently and to our extreme admiration. But because the data, and so the principles, for determining that concept of an intelligent World Cause (as highest artist) are merely empirical, they do not enable us to infer any of its properties beyond those which experience reveals in its effects. Now experience, since it can never embrace collective nature as a system, must often (apparently) happen upon this concept (and by mutually conflicting grounds of proof); but it can never, even if we had the power of surveying empirically the whole system as far as it concerns mere nature, raise us above nature to the purpose of its existence, and so to the determinate concept of that supreme Intelligence.

    If we lessen the problem with the solution of which Physico-theology has to do, its solution appears easy. If we reduce the concept of a Deity to that of an intelligent being thought by us, of which there may be one or more, which possesses many and very great properties, but not all the properties which are requisite for the foundation of a nature in harmony with the greatest possible purpose; or if we do not scruple in a theory to supply by arbitrary additions what is deficient in the grounds of proof, and so, where we have only ground for assuming much perfection (and what is “much” for us?), consider ourselves entitled to presuppose all possible perfection; thus indeed physical Teleology may make weighty claims to the distinction of being the basis of a Theology. But if we are desired to point out what impels and moreover authorises us to add these supplements, then we shall seek in vain for a ground of justification in the principles of the theoretical use of Reason, which is ever desirous in the explanation of an Object of experience to ascribe to it no more properties than those for which empirical data of possibility are to be found. On closer examination we should see that properly speaking an Idea of a Supreme Being, which rests on a quite different use of Reason (the practical use), lies in us fundamentally a priori, impelling us to supplement, by the concept of a Deity, the defective representation, supplied by a physical Teleology, of the original ground of the purposes in nature; and we should not falsely imagine that we had worked out this Idea, and with it a Theology by means of the theoretical use of Reason in the physical cognition of the world—much less that we had proved its reality.

    One cannot blame the ancients much, if they thought of their gods as differing much from each other both as regards their faculties and as regards their designs and volitions, but yet thought of all of them, the Supreme One not excepted, as always limited after human fashion. For if they considered the arrangement and the course of things in nature, they certainly found ground enough for assuming something more than mechanism as its cause, and for conjecturing behind the machinery of this world designs of certain higher causes, which they could not think otherwise than superhuman. But because they met with good and evil, the purposive and the unpurposive, mingled together (at least as far as our insight goes), and could not permit themselves to assume nevertheless that wise and benevolent purposes of which they saw no proof lay hidden at bottom, on behalf of the arbitrary Idea of a supremely perfect original Author, their judgement upon the supreme World Cause could hardly have been other than it was, so long as they proceeded consistently according to maxims of the mere theoretical use of Reason. Others, who wished to be theologians as well as physicists, thought to find contentment for the Reason by providing for the absolute unity of the principle of natural things which Reason demands, the Idea of a Being of which as sole Substance the things would be all only inherent determinations. This Substance would not be Cause of the World by means of intelligence, but in it all the intelligences of the beings in the world would be comprised. This Being consequently would produce nothing according to purposes; but in it all things, on account of the unity of the subject of which they are mere determinations, must necessarily relate themselves purposively to one another, though without purpose and design. Thus they introduced the Idealism of final causes, by changing the unity (so difficult to explain) of a number of purposively combined substances, from being the unity of causal dependence on one Substance to be the unity of inherence in one. This system—which in the sequel, considered on the side of the inherent world beings, becomes Pantheism, and (later) on the side of the Subject subsisting by itself as Original Being, becomes Spinozism,—does not so much resolve as explain away into nothing the question of the first ground of the purposiveness of nature; because this latter concept, bereft of all reality, must be taken for a mere misinterpretation of a universal ontological concept of a thing in general.

    Hence the concept of a Deity, which would be adequate for our teleological judging of nature, can never be derived from mere theoretical principles of the use of Reason (on which Physico-theology alone is based). For as one alternative we may explain all Teleology as a mere deception of the Judgement in its judging of the causal combination of things, and fly to the sole principle of a mere mechanism of nature, which merely seems to us, on account of the unity of the Substance of whose determinations nature is but the manifold, to contain a universal reference to purposes. Or if, instead of this Idealism of final causes, we wish to remain attached to the principle of the Realism of this particular kind of causality, we may set beneath natural purposes many intelligent original beings or only a single one. But so far as we have for the basis of this concept [of Realism] only empirical principles derived from the actual purposive combination in the world, we cannot on the one hand find any remedy for the discordance that nature presents in many examples in respect of unity of purpose; and on the other hand, as to the concept of a single intelligent Cause, so far as we are authorised by mere experience, we can never draw it therefrom in a manner sufficiently determined for any serviceable Theology whatever (whether theoretical or practical).

    Physical Teleology impels us, it is true, to seek a Theology; but it cannot produce one, however far we may investigate nature by means of experience and, in reference to the purposive combination apparent in it, call in Ideas of Reason (which must be theoretical for physical problems). What is the use, one might well complain, of placing at the basis of all these arrangements a great Understanding incommensurable by us, and supposing it to govern the world according to design, if nature does not and cannot tell us anything of the final design? For without this we cannot refer all these natural purposes to any common point, nor can we form any teleological principle, sufficient either for cognising the purposes collected in a system, or for forming a concept of the Supreme Understanding, as Cause of such a nature, that could serve as a standard for our Judgement reflecting teleologically thereon. I should thus have an artistic Understanding for scattered purposes, but no Wisdom for a final purpose, in which final purpose nevertheless must be contained the determining ground of the said Understanding. But in the absence of a final purpose which pure Reason alone can supply (because all purposes in the world are empirically conditioned, and can contain nothing absolutely good but only what is good for this or that regarded as a contingent design), and which alone would teach me what properties, what degree, and what relation of the Supreme Cause to nature I have to think in order to judge of nature as a teleological system; how and with what right do I dare to extend at pleasure my very limited concept of that original Understanding (which I can base on my limited knowledge of the world), of the Might of that original Being in actualising its Ideas, and of its Will to do so, and complete this into the Idea of an Allwise, Infinite Being? If this is to be done theoretically, it would presuppose omniscience in me, in order to see into the purposes of nature in their whole connexion, and in addition the power of conceiving all possible plans, in comparison with which the present plan would be judged on [sufficient] grounds as the best. For without this complete knowledge of the effect I can arrive at no determinate concept of the Supreme Cause, which can only be found in the concept of an Intelligence infinite in every respect, i.e. the concept of a Deity, and so I can supply no foundation for Theology.

    Hence, with every possible extension of physical Teleology, according to the propositions above laid down we may say: By the constitution and the principles of our cognitive faculty we can think of nature, in its purposive arrangements which have become known to us, in no other way than as the product of an Understanding to which it is subject. But the theoretical investigation of nature can never reveal to us whether this Understanding may not also, with the whole of nature and its production, have had a final design (which would not lie in the nature of the sensible world). On the contrary, with all our knowledge of nature it remains undecided whether that Supreme Cause is its original ground according to a final purpose, or not rather by means of an Understanding determined by the mere necessity of its nature to produce certain forms (according to the analogy of what we call the art-instinct in animals); without it being necessary to ascribe to it even wisdom, much less the highest wisdom combined with all other properties requisite for the perfection of its product.

    Hence Physico-theology is a misunderstood physical Teleology, only serviceable as a preparation (propaedeutic) for Theology; and it is only adequate to this design by the aid of a foreign principle on which it can rely, and not in itself, as its name would intimate.

    § 86. Of Ethico-theology

    The commonest Understanding, if it thinks over the presence of things in the world, and the existence of the world itself, cannot forbear from the judgement that all the various creatures, no matter how great the art displayed in their arrangement, and how various their purposive mutual connexion,—even the complex of their numerous systems (which we incorrectly call worlds),—would be for nothing, if there were not also men (rational beings in general). Without men the whole creation would be a mere waste, in vain, and without final purpose. But it is not in reference to man’s cognitive faculty (theoretical Reason) that the being of everything else in the world gets its worth; he is not there merely that there may be some one to contemplate the world. For if the contemplation of the world only afforded a representation of things without any final purpose, no worth could accrue to its being from the mere fact that it is known; we must presuppose for it a final purpose, in reference to which its contemplation itself has worth. Again it is not in reference to the feeling of pleasure, or to the sum of pleasures, that we think a final purpose of creation as given; i.e. we do not estimate that absolute worth by well-being or by enjoyment (whether bodily or mental), or in a word, by happiness. For the fact that man, if he exists, takes this for his final design, gives us no concept as to why in general he should exist, and as to what worth he has in himself to make his existence pleasant. He must, therefore, be supposed to be the final purpose of creation, in order to have a rational ground for holding that nature must harmonise with his happiness, if it is considered as an absolute whole according to principles of purposes.—Hence there remains only the faculty of desire; not, however, that which makes man dependent (through sensuous impulses) upon nature, nor that in respect of which the worth of his being depends upon what he receives and enjoys. But the worth which he alone can give to himself, and which consists in what he does, how and according to what principles he acts, and that not as a link in nature’s chain but in the freedom of his faculty of desire—i.e. a good will—is that whereby alone his being can have an absolute worth, and in reference to which the being of the world can have a final purpose.

    The commonest judgement of healthy human Reason completely accords with this, that it is only as a moral being that man can be a final purpose of creation; if we but direct men’s attention to the question and incite them to investigate it. What does it avail, one will say, that this man has so much talent, that he is so active therewith, and that he exerts thereby a useful influence over the community, thus having a great worth both in relation to his own happy condition and to the benefit of others, if he does not possess a good will? He is a contemptible Object considered in respect of his inner self; and if the creation is not to be without any final purpose at all, he, who as man belongs to it, must, in a world under moral laws, inasmuch as he is a bad man, forfeit his subjective purpose (happiness). This is the only condition under which his existence can accord with the final purpose.

    If now we meet with purposive arrangements in the world and, as Reason inevitably requires, subordinate the purposes that are only conditioned to an unconditioned, supreme, i.e. final, purpose; then we easily see in the first place that we are thus concerned not with a purpose of nature (internal to itself), so far as it exists, but with the purpose of its existence along with all its ordinances, and, consequently, with the ultimate purpose of creation, and specially with the supreme condition under which can be posited a final purpose (i.e. the ground which determines a supreme Understanding to produce the beings of the world).

    Since now it is only as a moral being that we recognise man as the purpose of creation, we have in the first place a ground (at least, the chief condition) for regarding the world as a whole connected according to purposes, and as a system of final causes. And, more especially, as regards the reference (necessary for us by the constitution of our Reason) of natural purposes to an intelligent World Cause, we have one principle enabling us to think the nature and properties of this First Cause as supreme ground in the kingdom of purposes, and to determine its concept. This physical Teleology could not do; it could only lead to indeterminate concepts thereof, unserviceable alike in theoretical and in practical use.

    From the principle, thus determined, of the causality of the Original Being we must not think Him merely as Intelligence and as legislative for nature, but also as legislating supremely in a moral kingdom of purposes. In reference to the highest good, alone possible under His sovereignty, viz. the existence of rational beings under moral laws, we shall think this Original Being as all-knowing: thus our inmost dispositions (which constitute the proper moral worth of the actions of rational beings of the world) will not be hid from Him. We shall think Him as all-mighty: thus He will be able to make the whole of nature accord with this highest purpose. We shall think Him as all-good, and at the same time as just: because these two properties (which when united constitute Wisdom) are the conditions of the causality of a supreme Cause of the world, as highest good, under moral laws. So also all the other transcendental properties, such as Eternity, Omnipresence, etc. [for goodness and justice are moral properties132], which are presupposed in reference to such a final purpose, must be thought in Him.—In this way moral Teleology supplies the deficiency in physical Teleology, and first establishes a Theology; because the latter, if it did not borrow from the former without being observed, but were to proceed consistently, could only found a Demonology, which is incapable of any definite concept.

    But the principle of the reference of the world to a supreme Cause, as Deity, on account of the moral purposive destination of certain beings in it, does not accomplish this by completing the physico-teleological ground of proof and so taking this necessarily as its basis. It is sufficient in itself and directs attention to the purposes of nature and the investigation of that incomprehensible great art lying hidden behind its forms, in order to confirm incidentally by means of natural purposes the Ideas that pure practical Reason furnishes. For the concept of beings of the world under moral laws is a principle (a priori) according to which man must of necessity judge himself. Further, if there is in general a World Cause acting designedly and directed towards a purpose, this moral relation must be just as necessarily the condition of the possibility of a creation, as that in accordance with physical laws (if, that is, this intelligent Cause has also a final purpose). This is regarded a priori by Reason as a necessary fundamental proposition for it in its teleological judging of the existence of things. It now only comes to this, whether we have sufficient ground for Reason (either speculative or practical) to ascribe to the supreme Cause, acting in accordance with purposes, a final purpose. For it may a priori be taken by us as certain that this, by the subjective constitution of our Reason and even of the Reason of other beings as far as we can think it, can be nothing else than man under moral laws: since otherwise the purposes of nature in the physical order could not be known a priori, especially as it can in no way be seen that nature could not exist without such purposes.

    Remark

    Suppose the case of a man at the moment when his mind is disposed to a moral sensation. If surrounded by the beauties of nature, he is in a state of restful, serene enjoyment of his being, he feels a want, viz. to be grateful for this to some being or other. Or if another time he finds himself in the same state of mind when pressed by duties that he can and will only adequately discharge by a voluntary sacrifice, he again feels in himself a want, viz. to have thus executed a command and obeyed a Supreme Lord. Or, again; if he has in some heedless way transgressed his duty, but without becoming answerable to men, his severe self-reproach will speak to him with the voice of a judge to whom he has to give account. In a word, he needs a moral Intelligence, in order to have a Being for the purpose of his existence, which may be, conformably to this purpose, the cause of himself and of the world. It is vain to assign motives behind these feelings, for they are immediately connected with the purest moral sentiment, because gratitude, obedience, and humiliation (submission to deserved chastisement) are mental dispositions that make for duty; and the mind which is inclined towards a widening of its moral sentiment here only voluntarily conceives an object that is not in the world in order where possible to render its duty before such an one. It is therefore at least possible and grounded too in our moral disposition to represent a pure moral need of the existence of a Being, by which our morality gains strength or even (at least according to our representation) more scope, viz. a new object for its exercise. That is, [there is a need] to assume a morally-legislating Being outside the world, without any reference to theoretical proofs, still less to self-interest, from pure moral grounds free from all foreign influence (and consequently only subjective), on the mere recommendation of a pure practical Reason legislating by itself alone. And although such a mental disposition might seldom occur or might not last long, but be transient and without permanent effect, or might even pass away without any meditation on the object represented in such shadowy outline, or without care to bring it under clear concepts—there is yet here unmistakably the ground why our moral capacity, as a subjective principle, should not be contented in its contemplation of the world with its purposiveness by means of natural causes, but should ascribe to it a supreme Cause governing nature according to moral principles.—In addition, we feel ourselves constrained by the moral law to strive for a universal highest purpose which yet we, in common with the rest of nature, are incapable of attaining; and it is only so far as we strive for it that we can judge ourselves to be in harmony with the final purpose of an intelligent World Cause (if such there be). Thus is found a pure moral ground of practical Reason for assuming this Cause (since it can be done without contradiction), in order that we may no more regard that effort of Reason as quite idle, and so run the risk of abandoning it from weariness.

    With all this, so much only is to be said, that though fear first produces gods (demons), it is Reason by means of its moral principles that can first produce the concept of God (even when, as commonly is the case, one is unskilled in the Teleology of nature, or is very doubtful on account of the difficulty of adjusting by a sufficiently established principle its mutually contradictory phenomena). Also, the inner moral purposive destination of man’s being supplies that in which natural knowledge is deficient, by directing us to think, for the final purpose of the being of all things (for which no other principle than an ethical one is satisfactory to Reason), the supreme Cause [as endowed] with properties, whereby it is able to subject the whole of nature to that single design (for which nature is merely the instrument),—i.e. to think it as a Deity.

    § 87. Of the moral proof of the Being of God

    There is a physical Teleology, which gives sufficient ground of proof to our theoretical reflective Judgement to assume the being of an intelligent World-Cause. But we find also in ourselves and still more in the concept of a rational being in general endowed with freedom (of his causality) a moral Teleology. However, as the purposive reference, together with its law, is determined a priori in ourselves and therefore can be cognised as necessary, this internal conformity to law requires no intelligent cause external to us; any more than we need look to a highest Understanding as the source of the purposiveness (for every possible exercise of art) that we find in the geometrical properties of figures. But this moral Teleology concerns us as beings of the world, and therefore as beings bound up with other things in the world; upon which latter, whether as purposes or as objects in respect of which we ourselves are final purpose, the same moral laws require us to pass judgement. This moral Teleology, then, has to do with the reference of our own causality to purposes and even to a final purpose that we must aim at in the world, as well as with the reciprocal reference of the world to that moral purpose, and the external possibility of its accomplishment (to which no physical Teleology can lead us). Hence the question necessarily arises, whether it compels our rational judgement to go beyond the world and seek an intelligent supreme principle for that reference of nature to the moral in us; in order to represent nature as purposive even in reference to our inner moral legislation and its possible accomplishment. There is therefore certainly a moral Teleology, which is connected on the one hand with the nomothetic of freedom and on the other with that of nature; just as necessarily as civil legislation is connected with the question where the executive authority is to be sought, and in general in every case [with the question] wherein Reason is to furnish a principle of the actuality of a certain regular order of things only possible according to Ideas.— We shall first set forth the progress of Reason from that moral Teleology and its reference to physical, to Theology; and then make some observations upon the possibility and the validity of this way of reasoning.

    If we assume the being of certain things (or even only certain forms of things) to be contingent and so to be possible only through something else which is their cause, we may seek for the unconditioned ground of this causality of the supreme (and so of the conditioned) either in the physical or the teleological order (either according to the nexus effectivus or the nexus finalis). That is, we may either ask, what is the supreme productive cause of these things; or what is their supreme (absolutely unconditioned) purpose, i.e. the final purpose of that cause in its production of this or all its products generally? In the second case it is plainly presupposed that this cause is capable of representing purposes to itself, and consequently is an intelligent Being; at least it must be thought as acting in accordance with the laws of such a being.

    If we follow the latter order, it is a Fundamental Proposition to which even the commonest human Reason is compelled to give immediate assent, that if there is to be in general a final purpose furnished a priori by Reason, this can be no other than man (every rational being of the world) under moral laws.133 For (and so every one judges) if the world consisted of mere lifeless, or even in part of living but irrational, beings, its existence would have no worth because in it there would be no being who would have the least concept of what worth is. Again, if there were intelligent beings, whose Reason were only able to place the worth of the existence of things in the relation of nature to themselves (their well-being), but not to furnish of itself an original worth (in freedom), then there would certainly be (relative) purposes in the world, but no (absolute) final purpose, because the existence of such rational beings would be always purposeless. But the moral laws have this peculiar characteristic that they prescribe to Reason something as a purpose without any condition, and consequently exactly as the concept of a final purpose requires. The existence of a Reason that can be for itself the supreme law in the purposive reference, in other words the existence of rational beings under moral laws, can therefore alone be thought as the final purpose of the being of a world. If on the contrary this be not so, there would be either no purpose at all in the cause of its being, or there would be purposes, but no final purpose.

    The moral law as the formal rational condition of the use of our freedom obliges us by itself alone, without depending on any purpose as material condition; but it nevertheless determines for us, and indeed a priori, a final purpose towards which it obliges us to strive; and this purpose is the highest good in the world possible through freedom.

    The subjective condition under which man (and, according to all our concepts, every rational finite being) can set a final purpose before himself under the above law is happiness. Consequently, the highest physical good possible in the world, to be furthered as a final purpose as far as in us lies, is happiness, under the objective condition of the harmony of man with the law of morality as worthiness to be happy.

    But it is impossible for us in accordance with all our rational faculties to represent these two requirements of the final purpose proposed to us by the moral law, as connected by merely natural causes, and yet as conformable to the Idea of that final purpose. Hence the concept of the practical necessity of such a purpose through the application of our powers does not harmonise with the theoretical concept of the physical possibility of working it out, if we connect with our freedom no other causality (as a means) than that of nature.

    Consequently, we must assume a moral World-Cause (an Author of the world), in order to set before ourselves a final purpose consistently with the moral law; and in so far as the latter is necessary, so far (i.e. in the same degree and on the same ground) the former also must be necessarily assumed; i.e. we must admit that there is a God.134

    This proof, to which we can easily give the form of logical precision, does not say: it is as necessary to assume the Being of God as to recognise the validity of the moral law; and consequently he who cannot convince himself of the first, can judge himself free from the obligations of the second. No! there must in such case only be given up the aiming at the final purpose in the world, to be brought about by the pursuit of the second (viz. a happiness of rational beings in harmony with the pursuit of moral laws, regarded as the highest good). Every rational being would yet have to cognise himself as straitly bound by the precepts of morality, for its laws are formal and command unconditionally without respect to purposes (as the matter of volition). But the one requisite of the final purpose, as practical Reason prescribes it to beings of the world, is an irresistible purpose imposed on them by their nature (as finite beings), which Reason wishes to know as subject only to the moral law as inviolable condition, or even as universally set up in accordance with it. Thus Reason takes for final purpose the furthering of happiness in harmony with morality. To further this so far as is in our power (i.e. in respect of happiness) is commanded us by the moral law; be the issue of this endeavour what it may. The fulfilling of duty consists in the form of the earnest will, not in the intermediate causes of success.

    Suppose then that partly through the weakness of all the speculative arguments so highly extolled, and partly through many irregularities in nature and the world of sense which come before him, a man is persuaded of the proposition, There is no God; he would nevertheless be contemptible in his own eyes if on that account he were to imagine the laws of duty as empty, invalid and inobligatory, and wished to resolve to transgress them boldly. Such an one, even if he could be convinced in the sequel of that which he had doubted at the first, would always be contemptible while having such a disposition, although he should fulfil his duty as regards its [external] effect as punctiliously as could be desired, for [he would be acting] from fear or from the aim at recompense, without the sentiment of reverence for duty. If, conversely, as a believer [in God] he performs his duty according to his conscience, uprightly and disinterestedly, and nevertheless believes that he is free from all moral obligation so soon as he is convinced that there is no God, this could accord but badly with an inner moral disposition.

    We may then suppose the case of a righteous man [e.g. Spinoza],135 who holds himself firmly persuaded that there is no God, and also (because in respect of the Object of morality a similar consequence results) no future life; how is he to judge of his own inner purposive destination, by means of the moral law, which he reveres in practice? He desires no advantage to himself from following it, either in this or another world; he wishes, rather, disinterestedly to establish the good to which that holy law directs all his powers. But his effort is bounded; and from nature, although he may expect here and there a contingent accordance, he can never expect a regular harmony agreeing according to constant rules (such as his maxims are and must be, internally), with the purpose that he yet feels himself obliged and impelled to accomplish. Deceit, violence, and envy will always surround him, although he himself be honest, peaceable, and kindly; and the righteous men with whom he meets will, notwithstanding all their worthiness of happiness, be yet subjected by nature which regards not this, to all the evils of want, disease, and untimely death, just like the beasts of the earth. So it will be until one wide grave engulfs them together (honest or not, it makes no difference), and throws them back—who were able to believe themselves the final purpose of creation—into the abyss of the purposeless chaos of matter from which they were drawn.— The purpose, then, which this well-intentioned person had and ought to have before him in his pursuit of moral laws, he must certainly give up as impossible. Or else, if he wishes to remain dependent upon the call of his moral internal destination, and not to weaken the respect with which the moral law immediately inspires him, by assuming the nothingness of the single, ideal, final purpose adequate to its high demand (which cannot be brought about without a violation of moral sentiment), he must, as he well can—since there is at least no contradiction from a practical point of view in forming a concept of the possibility of a morally prescribed final purpose—assume the being of a moral author of the world, that is, a God.

    § 88. Limitation of the validity of the moral proof

    Pure Reason, as a practical faculty, i.e. as the faculty of determining the free use of our causality by Ideas (pure rational concepts), not only comprises in the moral law a regulative principle of our actions, but supplies us at the same time with a subjective constitutive principle in the concept of an Object which Reason alone can think, and which is to be actualised by our actions in the world according to that law. The Idea of a final purpose in the employment of freedom according to moral laws has therefore subjective practical reality. We are a priori determined by Reason to promote with all our powers the summum bonum [Weltbeste] which consists in the combination of the greatest welfare of rational beings with the highest condition of the good in itself, i.e. in universal happiness conjoined with morality most accordant to law. In this final purpose the possibility of one part, happiness, is empirically conditioned, i.e. dependent on the constitution of nature (which may or may not agree with this purpose) and is in a theoretical aspect problematical; whilst the other part, morality, in respect of which we are free from the effects of nature, stands fast a priori as to its possibility, and is dogmatically certain. It is then requisite for the objective theoretical reality of the concept of the final purpose of rational beings, that we should not only have a priori presupposed a final purpose for ourselves, but also that the creation, i.e. the world itself, should have as regards its existence a final purpose, which if it could be proved a priori would add objectivity to the subjective reality of the final purpose [of rational beings]. For if the creation has on the whole a final purpose, we cannot think it otherwise than as harmonising with the moral purpose (which alone makes the concept of a purpose possible). Now we find without doubt purposes in the world, and physical Teleology exhibits them in such abundance, that if we judge in accordance with Reason, we have ground for assuming as a principle in the investigation of nature that nothing in nature is without a purpose; but the final purpose of nature we seek there in vain. This can and must therefore, as its Idea only lies in Reason, be sought as regards its objective possibility only in rational beings. And the practical Reason of these latter not only supplies this final purpose; it also determines this concept in respect of the conditions under which alone a final purpose of creation can be thought by us.

    The question is now, whether the objective reality of the concept of a final purpose of creation cannot be exhibited adequately to the theoretical requirements of pure Reason—if not apodictically for the determinant Judgement yet adequately for the maxims of the theoretical reflective Judgement? This is the least one could expect from theoretical philosophy, which undertakes to combine the moral purpose with natural purposes by means of the Idea of one single purpose; but yet this little is far more than it can accomplish.

    According to the principle of the theoretical reflective Judgement we should say: if we have ground for assuming for the purposive products of nature a supreme Cause of nature—whose causality in respect of the actuality of creation is of a different kind from that required for the mechanism of nature, i.e. must be thought as the causality of an Understanding—we have also sufficient ground for thinking in this original Being not merely the purposes everywhere in nature but also a final purpose. This is not indeed a final purpose by which we can explain the presence of such a Being, but one of which we may at least convince ourselves (as was the case in physical Teleology) that we can make the possibility of such a world conceivable, not merely according to purposes, but only through the fact that we ascribe to its existence a final purpose.

    But a final purpose is merely a concept of our practical Reason, and can be inferred from no data of experience for the theoretical judging of nature, nor can it be applied to the cognition of nature. No use of this concept is possible except its use for practical Reason according to moral laws; and the final purpose of creation is that constitution of the world which harmonises with that which alone we can put forward definitely according to laws, viz. the final purpose of our pure practical Reason, in so far as it is to be practical.— Now we have in the moral law, which enjoins on us in a practical point of view the application of our powers to the accomplishment of this final purpose, a ground for assuming its possibility and practicability, and consequently too (because without the concurrence of nature with a condition not in our power, its accomplishment would be impossible) a nature of things harmonious with it. Hence we have a moral ground for thinking in a world also a final purpose of creation.

    We have not yet advanced from moral Teleology to a Theology, i.e. to the being of a moral Author of the world, but only to a final purpose of creation which is determined in this way. But in order to account for this creation, i.e. the existence of things, in accordance with a final purpose, we must assume not only first an intelligent Being (for the possibility of things of nature which we are compelled to judge of as purposes), but also a moral Being, as author of the world, i.e. a God. This second conclusion is of such a character that we see it holds merely for the Judgement according to concepts of practical Reason, and as such for the reflective and not the determinant Judgement. It is true that in us morally practical Reason is essentially different in its principles from technically practical Reason. But we cannot assume that it must be so likewise in the supreme World-Cause, regarded as Intelligence, and that a peculiar mode of its causality is requisite for the final purpose, different from that which is requisite merely for purposes of nature. We cannot therefore assume that in our final purpose we have not merely a moral ground for admitting a final purpose of creation (as an effect), but also for admitting a moral Being as the original ground of creation. But we may well say, that, according to the constitution of our rational faculty, we cannot comprehend the possibility of such a purposiveness in respect of the moral law, and its Object, as there is in this final purpose, apart from an Author and Governor of the world, who is at the same time its moral Lawgiver.

    The actuality of a highest morally-legislating Author is therefore sufficiently established merely for the practical use of our Reason, without determining anything theoretically as regards its being. For Reason requires, in respect of the possibility of its purpose, which is given to us independently by its own legislation, an Idea through which the inability to follow up this purpose, according to the mere natural concepts of the world, is removed (sufficiently for the reflective Judgement). Thus this Idea gains practical reality, although all means of creating such for it in a theoretical point of view, for the explanation of nature and determination of the supreme Cause, are entirely wanting for speculative cognition. For the theoretical reflective Judgement physical Teleology sufficiently proves from the purposes of nature an intelligent World-Cause; for the practical Judgement moral Teleology establishes it by the concept of a final purpose, which it is forced to ascribe to creation in a practical point of view. The objective reality of the Idea of God, as moral Author of the world, cannot, it is true, be established by physical purposes alone. But nevertheless, if the cognition of these purposes is combined with that of the moral purpose, they are, by virtue of the maxim of pure Reason which bids us seek unity of principles so far as is possible, of great importance for the practical reality of that Idea, by bringing in the reality which it has for the Judgement in a theoretical point of view.

    To prevent a misunderstanding which may easily arise, it is in the highest degree needful to remark that, in the first place, we can think these properties of the highest Being only according to analogy. How indeed could we explore the nature of that, to which experience can show us nothing similar? Secondly, in this way we only think the supreme Being; we cannot thereby cognise Him and ascribe anything theoretically to Him. It would be needful for the determinant Judgement in the speculative aspect of our Reason, to consider what the supreme World-Cause is in Himself. But here we are only concerned with the question what concept we can form of Him, according to the constitution of our cognitive faculties; and whether we have to assume His existence in order merely to furnish practical reality to a purpose, which pure Reason without any such presupposition enjoins upon us a priori to bring about with all our powers, i.e. in order to be able to think as possible a designed effect. Although that concept may be transcendent for the speculative Reason, and the properties which we ascribe to the Being thereby thought may, objectively used, conceal an anthropomorphism in themselves; yet the design of its use is not to determine the nature of that Being which is unattainable by us, but to determine ourselves and our will accordingly. We may call a cause after the concept which we have of its effect (though only in reference to this relation), without thereby meaning to determine internally its inner constitution, by means of the properties which can be made known to us solely by similar causes and must be given in experience. For example, amongst other properties we ascribe to the soul a vis locomotiva because bodily movements actually arise whose cause lies in the representation of them; without therefore meaning to ascribe to it the only mode [of action] that we know in moving forces (viz. by attraction, pressure, impulse, and consequently motion, which always presuppose an extended being). Just so we must assume something, which contains the ground of the possibility and practical reality, i.e. the practicability, of a necessary moral final purpose; but we can think of this, in accordance with the character of the effect expected of it, as a wise Being governing the world according to moral laws, and, conformably to the constitution of our cognitive faculties, as a cause of things distinct from nature, only in order to express the relation of this Being (which transcends all our cognitive faculties) to the Objects of our practical Reason. We do not pretend thus to ascribe to it theoretically the only causality of this kind known to us, viz. an Understanding and a Will: we do not even pretend to distinguish objectively the causality thought in this Being, as regards what is for us final purpose, from the causality thought in it as regards nature (and its purposive determinations in general). We can only assume this distinction as subjectively necessary by the constitution of our cognitive faculties, and as valid for the reflective, not for the objectively determinant Judgement. But if we come to practice, then such a regulative principle (of prudence or wisdom) [commanding us] to act conformably to that as purpose, which by the constitution of our cognitive faculties can only be thought as possible in a certain way, is at the same constitutive, i.e. practically determinant. Nevertheless, as a principle for judging of the objective possibility of things, it is no way theoretically determinant (i.e. it does not say that the only kind of possibility which belongs to the Object is that which belongs to our thinking faculty), but is a mere regulative principle for the reflective Judgement.

    Remark

    This moral proof is not one newly discovered, although perhaps its basis is newly set forth; since it has lain in man’s rational faculty from its earliest germ, and is only continually developed with its advancing cultivation. So soon as men begin to reflect upon right and wrong—at a time when, quite indifferent as to the purposiveness of nature, they avail themselves of it without thinking anything more of it than that it is the accustomed course of nature—this judgement is inevitable, viz. that the issue cannot be the same, whether a man has behaved candidly or falsely, fairly or violently, even though up to his life’s end, as far as can be seen, he has met with no happiness for his virtues, no punishment for his vices. It is as if they perceived a voice within [saying] that the issue must be different. And so there must lie hidden in them a representation, however obscure, of something after which they feel themselves bound to strive; with which such a result would not agree,—with which, if they looked upon the course of the world as the only order of things, they could not harmonise that inner purposive determination of their minds. Now they might represent in various rude fashions the way in which such an irregularity could be adjusted (an irregularity which must be far more revolting to the human mind than the blind chance that we are sometimes willing to use as a principle for judging of nature). But they could never think any other principle of the possibility of the unification of nature with its inner ethical laws, than a supreme Cause governing the world according to moral laws; because a final purpose in them proposed as duty, and a nature without any final purpose beyond them in which that purpose might be actualised, would involve a contradiction. As to the [inner]136 constitution of that World-Cause they could contrive much nonsense. But that moral relation in the government of the world would remain always the same, which by the uncultivated Reason, considered as practical, is universally comprehensible, but with which the speculative Reason can make far from the like advance.—And in all probability attention would be directed first by this moral interest to the beauty and the purposes in nature, which would serve excellently to strengthen this Idea though they could not be the foundation of it. Still less could that moral interest be dispensed with, because it is only in reference to the final purpose that the investigation of the purposes of nature acquires that immediate interest which displays itself in such a great degree in the admiration of them without any reference to the advantage to be derived from them.

    § 89. Of the use of the moral argument

    The limitation of Reason in respect of all our Ideas of the supersensible to the conditions of its practical employment has, as far as the Idea of God is concerned, undeniable uses. For it prevents Theology from rising into Theosophy (into transcendent concepts which confound Reason), or from sinking into Demonology (an anthropomorphic way of representing the highest Being). And it also prevents Religion from turning into Theurgy (a fanatical belief that we can have a feeling of other supersensible beings and can reciprocally influence them), or into Idolatry (a superstitious belief that we can please the Supreme Being by other means than by a moral sentiment).137

    For if we permit the vanity or the presumption of sophistry to determine the least thing theoretically (in a way that extends our knowledge) in respect of what lies beyond the world of sense, or if we allow any pretence to be made of insight into the being and constitution of the nature of God, of His Understanding and Will, of the laws of both and of His properties which thus affect the world, I should like to know where and at what point we will bound these assumptions of Reason. For wherever such insight can be derived, there may yet more be expected (if we only strain our reflection, as we have a mind to do). Bounds must then be put to such claims according to a certain principle, and not merely because we find that all attempts of the sort have hitherto failed, for that proves nothing against the possibility of a better result. But here no principle is possible, except either to assume that in respect of the supersensible absolutely nothing can be theoretically determined (except mere negations); or else that our Reason contains in itself a yet unused mine of cognitions, reaching no one knows how far, stored up for ourselves and our posterity.—But as concerns Religion, i.e. morals in reference to God as legislator, if the theoretical cognition of Him is to come first, morals must be adjusted in accordance with Theology; and not only is an external arbitrary legislation of a Supreme Being introduced in place of an internal necessary legislation of Reason, but also whatever is defective in our insight into the nature of this Being must extend to ethical precepts, and thus make Religion immoral and perverted.

    As regards the hope of a future life, if instead of the final purpose we have to accomplish in conformity with the precept of the moral law, we ask of our theoretical faculty of cognition a clue for the judgement of Reason upon our destination (which clue is only considered as necessary or worthy of acceptance in a practical reference), then in this aspect Psychology, like Theology, gives no more than a negative concept of our thinking being. That is, none of its actions or of the phenomena of the internal sense can be explained materialistically; and hence of its separate nature and of the continuance or non-continuance of its personality after death absolutely no ampliative determinant judgement is possible on speculative grounds by means of our whole theoretical cognitive faculty. Here then everything is handed over to the teleological judging of our existence in a practically necessary aspect, and to the assumption of our continuance as a condition requisite for the final purpose absolutely furnished by Reason. And so this advantage (which indeed at first glance seems to be a loss) is apparent; that, as Theology for us can never be Theosophy, or rational Psychology become Pneumatology—an ampliative science—so on the other hand this latter is assured of never falling into Materialism. Psychology, rather, is a mere anthropology of the internal sense, i.e. is the knowledge of our thinking self in life; and, as theoretical cognition, remains merely empirical. On the other hand, rational Psychology, as far as it is concerned with questions as to our eternal existence, is not a theoretical science at all, but rests on a single conclusion of moral Teleology; as also its whole use is necessary merely on account of the latter, i.e. on account of our practical destination.

    § 90. Of the kind of belief in a teleological proof of the Being of God

    The first requisite for every proof, whether it be derived from the immediate empirical presentation (as in the proof from observation of the object or from experiment) of that which is to be proved, or by Reason a priori from principles, is this. It should not persuade, but convince,138 or at least should tend to conviction. I.e. the ground of proof or the conclusion should not be merely a subjective (aesthetical) determining ground of assent (mere illusion), but objectively valid and a logical ground of cognition; for otherwise the Understanding is ensnared, but not convinced. Such an illusory proof is that which, perhaps with good intent but yet with wilful concealment of its weaknesses, is adduced in Natural Theology. In this we bring in the great number of indications of the origin of natural things according to the principle of purposes, and take advantage of the merely subjective basis of human Reason, viz. its special propensity to think only one principle instead of several, whenever this can be done without contradiction; and, when in this principle only one or more requisites for determining a concept are furnished, to add in our thought these additional [features] so as to complete the concept of the thing by arbitrarily supplementing it. For, in truth, when we meet with so many products in nature which are to us marks of an intelligent cause, why should we not think One cause rather than many; and in this One, not merely great intelligence, power, etc., but rather Omniscience, and Omnipotence—in a word, think it as a Cause that contains the sufficient ground of such properties in all possible things? Further, why should we not ascribe to this unique, all-powerful, original Being not only intelligence for natural laws and products, but also, as to a moral Cause of the world, supreme, ethical, practical Reason? For by this completion of the concept a sufficient principle is furnished both for insight into nature and for moral wisdom; and no objection grounded in any way can be made against the possibility of such an Idea. If now at the same time the moral motives of the mind are aroused, and a lively interest in the latter is added by the force of eloquence (of which they are indeed very worthy), then there arises therefrom a persuasion of the objective adequacy of the proof; and also (in most cases of its use) a wholesome illusion which quite dispenses with all examination of its logical strictness, and even on the contrary regards this with abhorrence and dislike as if an impious doubt lay at its basis.—Now against this there is indeed nothing to say, so long as we only have regard to its popular usefulness. But then the division of the proof into the two dissimilar parts involved in the argument—belonging to physical and moral Teleology respectively—cannot and must not be prevented. For the blending of these makes it impossible to discern where the proper force of the proof lies, and in what part and how it must be elaborated in order that its validity may be able to stand the strictest examination (even if we should be compelled to admit in one part the weakness of our rational insight). Thus it is the duty of the philosopher (supposing even that he counts as nothing the claims of sincerity) to expose the above illusion, however wholesome it is, which such a confusion can produce; and to distinguish what merely belongs to persuasion from that which leads to conviction (for these are determinations of assent which differ not merely in degree but in kind), in order to present plainly the state of the mind in this proof in its whole clearness, and to be able to subject it frankly to the closest examination.

    But a proof which is intended to convince, can again be of two kinds; either deciding what the object is in itself, or what it is for us (for men in general) according to our necessary rational principles of judgement (proof κατ’ ἀλήθειαν or κατ’ ἄνθρωπον, the last word being taken in its universal signification of man in general). In the first case it is based on adequate principles for the determinant Judgement, in the second for the reflective Judgement. In the latter case it can never, when resting on merely theoretical principles, tend to conviction; but if a practical principle of Reason (which is therefore universally and necessarily valid) lies at its basis, it may certainly lay claim to conviction adequate in a pure practical point of view, i.e. to moral conviction. But a proof tends to conviction, though without convincing, if it is [merely]139 brought on the way thereto; i.e. if it contains in itself only objective grounds, which although not attaining to certainty are yet of such a kind that they do not serve merely for persuasion as subjective grounds of the judgement.140

    All theoretical grounds of proof resolve themselves either into: (1) Proofs by logically strict Syllogisms of Reason; or where this is not the case, (2) Conclusions according to analogy; or where this also has no place, (3) Probable opinion; or finally, which has the least weight, (4) Assumption of a merely possible ground of explanation, i.e. Hypothesis.—Now I say that all grounds of proof in general, which aim at theoretical conviction, can bring about no belief of this kind from the highest to the lowest degree, if there is to be proved the proposition of the existence of an original Being, as a God, in the signification adequate to the whole content of this concept; viz. a moral Author of the world, by whom the final purpose of creation is at the same time supplied.

    (1.) As to the logically accurate proof proceeding from universal to particular, we have sufficiently established in the Critique the following: Since no intuition possible for us corresponds to the concept of a Being that is to be sought beyond nature—whose concept therefore, so far as it is to be theoretically determined by synthetical predicates, remains always problematical for us—there is absolutely no cognition of it to be had (by which the extent of our theoretical knowledge is in the least enlarged). The particular concept of a supersensible Being cannot be subsumed under the universal principles of the nature of things, in order to conclude from them to it, because those principles are valid simply for nature, as an object of sense.

    (2.) We can indeed think one of two dissimilar things, even in the very point of their dissimilarity, in accordance with the analogy141 of the other; but we cannot, from that wherein they are dissimilar, conclude from the one to the other by analogy, i.e. transfer from the one to the other this sign of specific distinction. Thus I can, according to the analogy of the law of the equality of action and reaction in the mutual attraction and repulsion of bodies, also conceive of the association of the members of a commonwealth according to rules of right; but I cannot transfer to it those specific determinations (material attraction or repulsion), and ascribe them to the citizens in order to constitute a system called a state.—Just so we can indeed conceive of the causality of the original Being in respect of the things of the world, as natural purposes, according to the analogy of an Understanding, as ground of the forms of certain products which we call works of art (for this only takes place on behalf of the theoretical or practical use that we have to make by our cognitive faculty of this concept in respect of the natural things in the world according to a certain principle). But we can in no way conclude according to analogy, because in the case of beings of the world Understanding must be ascribed to the cause of an effect which is judged artificial, that in respect of nature the same causality which we perceive in men attaches also to the Being which is quite distinct from nature. For this concerns the very point of dissimilarity which is thought between a cause sensibly conditioned in respect of its effects and the supersensible original Being itself in our concept of it, and which therefore cannot be transferred from one to the other.— In the very fact that I must conceive the divine causality only according to the analogy of an Understanding (which faculty we know in no other being than in sensibly-conditioned man) lies the prohibition to ascribe to it this Understanding in its peculiar signification.142

    (3.) Opinion finds in a priori judgements no place whatever, for by them we either cognise something as quite certain or else cognise nothing at all. But if the given grounds of proof from which we start (as here from the purposes in the world) are empirical, then we cannot even with their aid form any opinion as to anything beyond the world of sense, nor can we concede to such venturesome judgements the smallest claim to probability. For probability is part of a certainty possible in a certain series of grounds (its grounds compare with the sufficient ground as parts with a whole), the insufficient ground of which must be susceptible of completion. But since, as determining grounds of one and the same judgement, they must be of the same kind, for otherwise they would not together constitute a whole (such as certainty is), one part of them cannot lie within the bounds of possible experience and another outside all possible experience. Consequently, since merely empirical grounds of proof lead to nothing supersensible, and since what is lacking in the series of them cannot in any way be completed, we do not approach in the least nearer in our attempt to attain by their means to the supersensible and to a cognition thereof. Thus in any judgement about the latter by means of arguments derived from experience, probability has no place.

    (4.) If an hypothesis is to serve for the explanation of the possibility of a given phenomenon, at least its possibility must be completely certain.143 It is sufficient that in an hypothesis I disclaim any cognition of actuality (which is claimed in an opinion given out as probable); more than this I cannot give up. The possibility of that which I place at the basis of my explanation, must at least be exposed to no doubt; otherwise there would be no end of empty chimeras. But to assume the possibility of a supersensible Being determined according to certain concepts would be a completely groundless supposition. For here none of the conditions requisite for cognition, as regards that in it which rests upon intuition, is given, and so the sole criterion of possibility remaining is the mere principle of Contradiction (which can only prove the possibility of the thought, not of the object thought).

    The result then is this. For the existence [Dasein] of the original Being, as a Godhead, or of the soul as an immortal spirit, absolutely no proof in a theoretical point of view is possible for the human Reason, which can bring about even the least degree of belief. The ground of this is quite easy to comprehend. For determining our Ideas of the supersensible we have no material whatever, and we must derive this latter from things in the world of sense, which is absolutely inadequate for such an Object. Thus, in the absence of all determination of it, nothing remains but the concept of a non-sensible something which contains the ultimate ground of the world of sense, but which does not furnish any knowledge (any amplification of the concept) of its inner constitution.

    § 91. Of the kind of belief produced by a practical faith

    If we look merely to the way in which anything can be for us (according to the subjective constitution of our representative powers) an Object of knowledge (res cognoscibilis), then our concepts will not cohere with Objects, but merely with our cognitive faculties and the use which they can make of a given representation (in a theoretical or practical point of view). Thus the question whether anything is or is not a cognisable being is not a question concerning the possibility of things but of our knowledge of them.

    Cognisable things are of three kinds: things of opinion (opinabile); things of fact (scibile); and things of faith (mere credibile).

    (1.) Objects of mere rational Ideas, which for theoretical knowledge cannot be presented in any possible experience, are so far not cognisable things, and consequently in respect of them we can form no opinion; for to form an opinion a priori is absurd in itself and the straight road to mere chimeras. Either then our proposition is certain a priori or it contains nothing for belief. Therefore things of opinion are always Objects of an empirical cognition at least possible in itself (objects of the world of sense); but, which, on account merely of the [low] degree of this faculty that we possess, is for us impossible. Thus the ether of the new physicists,144 an elastic fluid pervading all other matter (mingled intimately with it) is a mere thing of opinion, yet is such that, if our external senses were sharpened to the highest degree, it could be perceived; though it can never be presented in any observation or experiment. To assume [the existence of] rational inhabitants of other planets is a thing of opinion; for if we could come closer to them, which is in itself possible, we should decide by experience whether they did or did not exist; but as we shall never come so near, it remains in the region of opinion. But to hold the opinion that there are in the material universe pure thinking spirits without bodies (viz. if we dismiss as unworthy of our notice certain phenomena which have been published as actual145) is to be called poetic fiction. This is no thing of opinion, but a mere Idea which remains over, when we remove from a thinking being everything material, and only leave thought to it. Whether then the latter (which we know only in man, that is, in combination with a body) does survive, we cannot decide. Such a thing is a sophistical being (ens rationis ratiocinantis), not a rational being (ens rationis ratiocinatae)146; of which latter it is possible to show conclusively, the objective reality of its concept; at least for the practical use of Reason, because this which has its peculiar and apodictically certain principles a priori, demands (postulates) it.

    (2.) Objects for concepts, whose objective reality can be proved (whether through pure Reason or through experience, and, in the first case, from its theoretical or practical data, in all cases by means of a corresponding intuition) are things of fact (res facti).147 Of this kind are the mathematical properties of magnitudes (in geometry), because they are susceptible of a presentation a priori for the theoretical use of Reason. Further, things or their characteristics, which can be exhibited in experience (either our own or that of others through the medium of testimony) are likewise things of fact.—And, what is very remarkable, there is one rational Idea (susceptible in itself of no presentation in intuition, and consequently, of no theoretical proof of its possibility) which also comes under things of fact. This is the Idea of freedom, whose reality, regarded as that of a particular kind of causality (of which the concept, theoretically considered, would be transcendent), may be exhibited by means of practical laws of pure Reason, and conformably to this, in actual actions, and, consequently, in experience.—This is the only one of all the Ideas of pure Reason, whose object is a thing of fact, and to be reckoned under the scibilia.

    (3.) Objects, which in reference to the use of pure practical Reason that is in conformity with duty must be thought a priori (whether as consequences or as grounds), but which are transcendent for its theoretical use, are mere things of faith. Of this kind is the highest good in the world, to be brought about by freedom.148 The concept of this cannot be established as regards its objective reality in any experience possible for us and thus adequately for the theoretical use of Reason; but its use is commanded by practical pure Reason [in reference to the best possible working out of that purpose],149 and it consequently must be assumed possible. This commanded effect, together with the only conditions of its possibility thinkable by us, viz. the Being of God and the immortality of the soul, are things of faith (res fidei), and of all objects are the only ones which can be so called.150 For though what we learn by testimony from the experience of others must be believed by us, yet it is not therefore a thing of faith; for it was the proper experience of some one witness and so a thing of fact, or is presupposed as such. Again it must be possible by this path (that of historical faith) to arrive at knowledge; and the Objects of history and geography, like everything in general which it is at least possible to know by the constitution of our cognitive faculties, belong not to things of faith but to things of fact. It is only objects of pure Reason which can be things of faith at all, though not as objects of the mere pure speculative Reason: for then they could not be reckoned with certainty among things, i.e. Objects of that cognition which is possible for us. They are Ideas, i.e. concepts of the objective reality of which we cannot theoretically be certain. On the other hand, the highest final purpose to be worked out by us, by which alone we can become worthy of being ourselves the final purpose of creation, is an Idea which has in a practical reference objective reality for us, and is also a thing. But because we cannot furnish such reality to this concept in a theoretical point of view, it is a mere thing of faith of the pure Reason, along with God and Immortality, as the conditions under which alone we, in accordance with the constitution of our (human) Reason, can conceive the possibility of that effect of the use of our freedom in conformity with law. But belief in things of faith is a belief in a pure practical point of view, i.e. a moral faith, which proves nothing for theoretical pure rational cognition, but only for that which is practical and directed to the fulfilment of its duties; it in no way extends speculation or the practical rules of prudence in accordance with the principle of self-love. If the supreme principle of all moral laws is a postulate, so is also the possibility of its highest Object; and consequently, too, the condition under which we can think this possibility is postulated along with it and by it. Thus the cognition of the latter is neither knowledge nor opinion of the being and character of these conditions, regarded as theoretical cognition; but is a mere assumption in a reference which is practical and commanded for the moral use of our Reason.

    If we were able also plausibly to base upon the purposes of nature, which physical Teleology presents to us in such rich abundance, a determinate concept of an intelligent World-Cause, then the existence [Dasein] of this Being would not be a thing of faith. For since this would not be assumed on behalf of the performance of my duty, but only in reference to the explanation of nature, it would be merely the opinion and hypothesis most conformable to our Reason. Now such Teleology leads in no way to a determinate concept of God; on the contrary, this can only be found in the concept of a moral Author of the World, because this alone furnishes the final purpose to which we can only reckon ourselves [as attached] if we behave conformably to what the moral law prescribes as final purpose and consequently obliges us [to do]. Hence it is only by its reference to the Object of our duty, as the condition of the possibility of attaining the final purpose of the same, that the concept of God attains the privilege of counting as a thing of faith, in our belief; but on the other hand, this same concept cannot make its Object valid as a thing of fact. For, although the necessity of duty is very plain for practical Reason, yet the attainment of its final purpose, so far as it is not altogether in our own power, is only assumed on behalf of the practical use of Reason, and therefore is not so practically necessary as duty itself.151

    Faith (as habitus, not as actus) is the moral attitude of Reason as to belief in that which is unattainable by theoretical cognition. It is therefore the constant principle of the mind, to assume as true, on account of the obligation in reference to it, that which it is necessary to presuppose as condition of the possibility of the highest moral final purpose152; although its possibility or impossibility be alike impossible for us to see into. Faith (absolutely so called) is trust in the attainment of a design, the promotion of which is a duty, but the possibility of the fulfilment of which (and consequently also that of the only conditions of it thinkable by us) is not to be comprehended by us. Faith, then, that refers to particular objects, which are not objects of possible knowledge or opinion (in which latter case it ought to be called, especially in historical matters, credulity and not faith), is quite moral. It is a free belief, not in that for which dogmatical proofs for the theoretically determinant Judgement are to be found, or in that to which we hold ourselves bound, but in that which we assume on behalf of a design in accordance with laws of freedom. This, however, is not, like opinion, without any adequate ground; but, is grounded as in Reason (although only in respect of its practical employment), and adequately for its design. For without this, the moral attitude of thought in its repudiation of the claim of the theoretical Reason for proofs (of the possibility of the Objects of morality) has no permanence; but wavers between practical commands and theoretical doubts. To be incredulous means to cling to maxims, and not to believe testimony in general; but he is unbelieving, who denies all validity to rational Ideas, because there is wanting a theoretical ground of their reality.154 He judges therefore dogmatically. A dogmatical unbelief cannot subsist together with a moral maxim dominant in the mental attitude (for Reason cannot command one to follow a purpose, which is cognised as nothing more than a chimera); but a doubtful faith can. To this the absence of conviction by grounds of speculative Reason is only a hindrance, the influence of which upon conduct a critical insight into the limits of this faculty can remove, while it substitutes by way of compensation a paramount practical belief.

    * * * * *

    If, in place of certain mistaken attempts, we wish to introduce a different principle into philosophy and to promote its influence, it makes us highly contented to see how and why those attempts must have disappointed us.

    God, freedom, and immortality, are the problems at the solution of which all the equipments of Metaphysic aim, as their ultimate and unique purpose. Now it was believed that the doctrine of freedom is needed for practical philosophy only as its negative condition; but that on the other hand the doctrine of God and of the constitution of the soul, as belonging to theoretical philosophy, must be established for themselves and separately, in order afterwards to unite both with that which the moral law (possible only under the condition of freedom) commands, and so to constitute a religion. But we can easily see that these attempts must fail. For from mere ontological concepts of things in general, or of the existence of a necessary Being, it is possible to form absolutely no determinate concept of an original Being by means of predicates which can be given in experience and can therefore serve for cognition. Again a concept based on experience of the physical purposiveness of nature could furnish no adequate proof for morality, or consequently for cognition of a Deity. Just as little could the cognition of the soul by means of experience (which we only apply in this life) supply us with a concept of its spiritual immortal nature, a concept which would be adequate for morality. Theology and Pneumatology, regarded as problems of the sciences of a speculative Reason, can be established by no empirical data and predicates, because the concept of them is transcendent for our whole cognitive faculty.—The determination of both concepts, God and the soul (in respect of its immortality) alike, can only take place by means of predicates, which, although they are only possible from a supersensible ground, must yet prove their reality in experience; for thus alone can they make possible a cognition of a quite supersensible Being.—The only concept of this kind to be met with in human Reason is that of the freedom of men under moral laws, along with the final purpose which Reason prescribes by these laws. Of these two [the moral laws and the final purpose] the first are useful for ascribing to the Author of Nature, the second for ascribing to man, those properties which contain the necessary condition of the possibility of both [God and the soul]; so that from this Idea a conclusion can be drawn as to the existence and constitution of these beings which are otherwise quite hidden from us.

    Thus the ground of the failure of the attempt to prove God and immortality by the merely theoretical path lies in this, that no cognition whatever is possible of the supersensible in this way (of natural concepts). The ground of its success by the moral way (of the concept of freedom) is as follows. Here the supersensible (freedom), which in this case is fundamental, by a determinate law of causality that springs from it, not only supplies material for cognition of other supersensibles (the moral final purpose and the conditions of its attainability), but also establishes its reality in actions as a fact; though at the same time it can furnish a valid ground of proof in no other than a practical point of view (the only one, however, of which Religion has need).

    It is thus very remarkable that of the three pure rational Ideas, God, freedom, and immortality, that of freedom is the only concept of the supersensible which (by means of the causality that is thought in it) proves its objective reality in nature by means of the effects it can produce there; and thus renders possible the connexion of both the others with nature, and of all three together with Religion. We have therefore in us a principle capable of determining the Idea of the supersensible within us, and thus also that of the supersensible without us, for knowledge, although only in a practical point of view; a principle this of which mere speculative philosophy (which could give a merely negative concept of freedom) must despair. Consequently the concept of freedom (as fundamental concept of all unconditioned practical laws) can extend Reason beyond those bounds, within which every natural (theoretical) concept must remain hopelessly limited.

    General remark on Teleology

    If the question is, what rank the moral argument, which proves the Being of God only as a thing of faith for the practical pure Reason, maintains among the other arguments in philosophy, it is easy to set aside the whole achievement of this last; by which it appears that there is no choice, but that our theoretical faculty must give up all its pretensions before an impartial criticism.

    All belief must in the first place be grounded upon facts, if it is not to be completely groundless; and therefore the only distinction in proofs that there can be is that belief in the consequence derived therefrom can either be grounded on this fact as knowledge for theoretical cognition, or merely as faith for practical. All facts belong either to the natural concept which proves its reality in the objects of sense, given (or which may possibly be given) before all natural concepts; or to the concept of freedom, which sufficiently establishes its reality through the causality of Reason in regard of certain effects in the world of sense, possible through it, which it incontrovertibly postulates in the moral law. The natural concept (merely belonging to theoretical cognition) is now either metaphysical and thinkable completely a priori, or physical, i.e. thinkable a posteriori and as necessary only through determinate experience. The metaphysical natural concept (which presupposes no determinate experience) is therefore ontological.

    The ontological proof of the being of God from the concept of an original Being is either that which from ontological predicates, by which alone it can be thought as completely determined, infers absolutely necessary being; or that which, from the absolute necessity of the being somewhere of some thing, whatever it be, infers the predicates of the original Being. For there belongs to the concept of an original Being, inasmuch as it is not derived from anything, the unconditioned necessity of its presence, and (in order to represent this) its complete determination by its [mere]155 concept. It was believed that both requirements were found in the concept of the ontological Idea of a Being the most real of all; and thus two metaphysical proofs originated.

    The proof (properly called ontological) resting upon a merely metaphysical natural concept concludes from the concept of the Being the most real of all, its absolutely necessary existence; for (it is said), if it did not exist, a reality would be wanting to it, viz. existence.—The other (which is also called the metaphysico-cosmological proof) concludes from the necessity of the existence somewhere of a thing (which must be conceded, for a being is given to us in self-consciousness), its complete determination as that of a Being the most real of all; for everything existing must be completely determined, but the absolutely necessary (i.e. that which we ought to cognise as such and consequently a priori) must be completely determined by means of its own concept. But this is only the case with the concept of a thing the most real of all. It is not needful to expose here the sophistry in both arguments, which has been already done elsewhere;156 it is only needful to remark that neither proof, even if they could be defended by all manner of dialectical subtlety, could ever pass from the schools into the world, or have the slightest influence on the mere sound Understanding.

    The proof, which rests on a natural concept that can only be empirical and yet is to lead us beyond the bounds of nature regarded as the complex of the objects of sense, can be no other than that derived from the purposes of nature. The concept of these cannot, it is true, be given a priori but only through experience; but yet it promises such a concept of the original ground of nature as alone, among all those which we can conceive, is suited to the supersensible, viz. that of a highest Understanding as Cause of the world. This, in fact, it completely performs in accordance with principles of the reflective Judgement, i.e. in accordance with the constitution of our (human) faculty of cognition.—But whether or not it is in a position to supply from the same data this concept of a supreme, i.e. independent intelligent Being, in short of a God or Author of a world under moral laws, and consequently as sufficiently determined for the Idea of a final purpose of the being of the world—this is the question upon which everything depends, whether we desire a theoretically adequate concept of the Original Being on behalf of our whole knowledge of nature, or a practical concept for religion.

    This argument derived from physical Teleology is worthy of respect. It produces a similar effect in the way of conviction upon the common Understanding as upon the subtlest thinker; and a Reimarus157 has acquired immortal honour in his work (not yet superseded), in which he abundantly develops this ground of proof with his peculiar thoroughness and lucidity.—But how does this proof acquire such mighty influence upon the mind? How does a judgement by cold reason (for we might refer to persuasion the emotion and elevation of reason produced by the wonders of nature) issue thus in a calm and unreserved assent? It is not the physical purposes, which all indicate in the World Cause an unfathomable intelligence; these are inadequate thereto, because they do not satisfy the need of the inquiring Reason. For, wherefore (it asks) are all those natural things that exhibit art? Wherefore is man himself, whom we must regard as the ultimate purpose of nature thinkable by us? Wherefore is this collective Nature here, and what is the final purpose of such great and manifold art? Reason cannot be contented with enjoyment or with contemplation, observation, and admiration (which, if it stops there, is only enjoyment of a particular kind) as the ultimate final purpose for the creation of the world and of man himself; for this presupposes a personal worth, which man alone can give himself, as the condition under which alone he and his being can be the final purpose. Failing this (which alone is susceptible of a definite concept), the purposes of nature do not satisfactorily answer our questions; especially because they cannot furnish any determinate concept of the highest Being as an all-sufficient (and therefore unique and so properly called highest) being, and of the laws according to which an Understanding is Cause of the world.

    Hence that the physico-teleological proof convinces, just as if it were a theological proof, does not arise from our availing ourselves of the Ideas of purposes of nature as so many empirical grounds of proof of a highest Understanding. But it mingles itself unnoticed with that moral ground of proof, which dwells in every man and influences him secretly, in the conclusion by which we ascribe to the Being, which manifests itself with such incomprehensible art in the purposes of nature, a final purpose and consequently wisdom (without however being justified in doing so by the perception of the former); and by which therefore we arbitrarily fill up the lacunas of the [design] argument. In fact it is only the moral ground of proof which produces conviction, and that only in a moral reference with which every man feels inwardly his agreement. But the physico-teleological proof has only the merit of leading the mind, in its consideration of the world, by the way of purposes and through them to an intelligent Author of the world. The moral reference to purposes and the Idea of a moral legislator and Author of the world, as a theological concept, seem to be developed of themselves out of that ground of proof, although they are in truth pure additions.

    Henceforward we may allow the customary statement to stand. For it is generally difficult (if the distinction requires much reflection) for ordinary sound Understanding to distinguish from one another as heterogeneous the different principles which it confuses, and from one of which alone it actually draws conclusions with correctness. The moral ground of proof of the Being of God, properly speaking, does not merely complete and render perfect the physico-teleological proof; but it is a special proof that supplies the conviction which is wanting in the latter. This latter in fact can do nothing more than guide Reason, in its judgements upon the ground of nature and that contingent but admirable order of nature only known to us by experience, to the causality of a Cause containing the ground of the same in accordance with purposes (which we by the constitution of our cognitive faculties must think as an intelligent cause); and thus by arresting the attention of Reason it makes it more susceptible of the moral proof. For what is requisite to the latter concept is so essentially different from everything which natural concepts contain and can teach, that there is need of a particular ground of proof quite independent of the former, in order to supply the concept of the original Being adequately for Theology and to infer its existence.—The moral proof (which it is true only proves the Being of God in a practical though indispensable aspect of Reason) would preserve all its force, if we found in the world no material, or only that which is doubtful, for physical Teleology. It is possible to conceive rational beings surrounded by a nature which displayed no clear trace of organisation but only the effects of a mere mechanism of crude matter; on behalf of which and amid the changeability of some merely contingent purposive forms and relations there would appear to be no ground for inferring an intelligent Author. In such case there would be no occasion for a physical Teleology; and yet Reason, which here gets no guidance from natural concepts, would find in the concept of freedom and in the moral Ideas founded thereon a practically sufficient ground for postulating the concept of the original Being in conformity with these, i.e. as a Deity, and for postulating nature (even the nature of our own being) as a final purpose in accordance with freedom and its laws—and all this in reference to the indispensable command of practical Reason.—However the fact that there is in the actual world for the rational beings in it abundant material for physical Teleology (even though this is not necessary) serves as a desirable confirmation of the moral argument, as far as nature can exhibit anything analogous to the (moral) rational Ideas. For the concept of a supreme Cause possessing intelligence (though not reaching far enough for a Theology) thus acquires sufficient reality for the reflective Judgement, but it is not required as the basis of the moral proof; nor does this latter serve to complete as a proof the former, which does not by itself point to morality at all, by means of an argument developed according to a single principle. Two such heterogeneous principles as nature and freedom can only furnish two different kinds of proof; and the attempt to derive one from the other is found unavailing as regards that which is to be proved.

    If the physico-teleological ground of proof sufficed for the proof which is sought, it would be very satisfactory for the speculative Reason; for it would furnish the hope of founding a Theosophy (for so we must call the theoretical cognition of the divine nature and its existence which would suffice at once for the explanation of the constitution of the world and for the determination of moral laws). In the same way if Psychology enabled us to arrive at a cognition of the immortality of the soul it would make Pneumatology possible, which would be just as welcome to the speculative Reason. But neither, agreeable as they would be to the arrogance of our curiosity, would satisfy the wish of Reason in respect of a theory which must be based on a cognition of the nature of things. Whether the first, as Theology, and the second, as Anthropology, when founded on the moral principle, i.e. the principle of freedom, and consequently in accordance with the practical use [of Reason] do not better fulfil their objective final design, is another question which we need not here pursue.

    The physico-teleological ground of proof does not reach to Theology, because it does not and cannot give any determinate concept, sufficient for this design, of the original Being; but we must derive this from quite another quarter, or must supply its lacuna by an arbitrary addition. You infer, from the great purposiveness of natural forms and their relations, a world-cause endowed with Understanding; but what is the degree of this Understanding? Without doubt you cannot assume that it is the highest possible Understanding; because for that it would be requisite that you should see that a greater Understanding than that of which you perceive proofs in the world, is not thinkable; and this would be to ascribe Omniscience to yourself.158 In the same way, if you infer from the magnitude of the world the very great might of its Author, you must be content with this having only a comparative significance for your faculty of comprehension; for since you do not know all that is possible, so as to compare it with the magnitude of the world as far as you know it, you cannot infer the Almightiness of its Author from so small a standard, and so on. Now you arrive in this way at no definite concept of an original Being available for a Theology; for this can only be found in the concept of the totality of perfections compatible with intelligence, and you cannot help yourself to this by merely empirical data. But without such a definite concept you cannot infer a unique intelligent original Being; you can only assume it (with whatever motive).—Now it may certainly be conceded that you should arbitrarily add (for Reason has nothing fundamental to say to the contrary): Where so much perfection is found, we may well assume that all perfection is united in a unique Cause of the world, because Reason succeeds better both theoretically and practically with a principle thus definite. But then you cannot regard this concept of the original Being as proved by you, for you have only assumed it on behalf of a better employment of Reason. Hence all lamentation or impotent anger on account of the alleged mischief of rendering doubtful the coherency of your chain of reasoning, is vain pretentiousness, which would fain have us believe that the doubt here freely expressed as to your argument is a doubting of sacred truth, in order that under this cover the shallowness of your argument may pass unnoticed.

    Moral Teleology, on the other hand, which is not less firmly based than physical,—which, indeed, rather deserves the preference because it rests a priori on principles inseparable from our Reason—leads to that which is requisite for the possibility of a Theology, viz. to a determinate concept of the supreme Cause, as Cause of the world according to moral laws, and, consequently, to the concept of such a cause as satisfies our moral final purpose. For this are required, as natural properties belonging to it, nothing less than Omniscience, Omnipotence, Omnipresence, and the like, which must be thought as bound up with the moral final purpose which is infinite and thus as adequate to it. Hence moral Teleology alone can furnish the concept of a unique Author of the world, which is available for a Theology.

    In this way Theology leads immediately to Religion, i.e. the recognition of our duties as divine commands159; because it is only the recognition of our duty and of the final purpose enjoined upon us by Reason which brings out with definiteness the concept of God. This concept, therefore, is inseparable in its origin from obligation to that Being. On the other hand, even if the concept of the original Being could be also found determinately by the merely theoretical path (viz. the concept of it as mere Cause of nature), it would afterwards be very difficult—perhaps impossible without arbitrary interpolation [of elements]—to ascribe to this Being by well-grounded proofs a causality in accordance with moral laws; and yet without this that quasi-theological concept could furnish no foundation for religion. Even if a religion could be established by this theoretical path, it would actually, as regards sentiment (wherein its essence lies) be different from that in which the concept of God and the (practical) conviction of His Being originate from the fundamental Ideas of morality. For if we must suppose the Omnipotence, Omniscience, etc., of an Author of the world as concepts given to us from another quarter, in order afterwards only to apply our concepts of duties to our relation to Him, then these latter concepts must bear very markedly the appearance of compulsion and forced submission. If, instead of this, the respect for the moral law, quite freely, in virtue of the precept of our own Reason, represents to us the final purpose of our destination, we admit among our moral views a Cause harmonising with this and with its accomplishment, with the sincerest reverence, which is quite distinct from pathological fear; and we willingly submit ourselves thereto.160

    If it be asked why it is incumbent upon us to have any Theology at all, it appears clear that it is not needed for the extension or correction of our cognition of nature or in general for any theory, but simply in a subjective point of view for Religion, i.e. the practical or moral use of our Reason. If it is found that the only argument which leads to a definite concept of the object of Theology is itself moral, it is not only not strange, but we miss nothing in respect of its final purpose as regards the sufficiency of belief from this ground of proof, provided that it be admitted that such an argument only establishes the Being of God sufficiently for our moral destination, i.e. in a practical point of view, and that here speculation neither shows its strength in any way, nor extends by means of it the sphere of its domain. Our surprise and the alleged contradiction between the possibility of a Theology asserted here and that which the Critique of speculative Reason said of the Categories—viz. that they can only produce knowledge when applied to objects of sense, but in no way when applied to the supersensible—vanish, if we see that they are here used for a cognition of God not in a theoretical point of view (in accordance with what His own nature, inscrutable to us, may be) but simply in a practical.—In order then at this opportunity to make an end of the misinterpretation of that very necessary doctrine of the Critique, which, to the chagrin of the blind dogmatist, refers Reason to its bounds, I add here the following elucidation.

    If I ascribe to a body motive force and thus think it by means of the category of causality, then I at the same time cognise it by that [category]; i.e. I determine the concept of it, as of an Object in general, by means of what belongs to it by itself (as the condition of the possibility of that relation) as an object of sense. If the motive force ascribed to it is repulsive, then there belongs to it (although I do not place near it any other body upon which it may exert force) a place in space, and moreover extension, i.e. space in itself, besides the filling up of this by means of the repulsive forces of its parts. In addition there is the law of this filling up (that the ground of the repulsion of the parts must decrease in the same proportion as the extension of the body increases, and as the space, which it fills with the same parts by means of this force, is augmented).—On the contrary, if I think a supersensible Being as the first mover, and thus by the category of causality as regards its determination of the world (motion of matter), I must not think it as existing in any place in space nor as extended; I must not even think it as existing in time or simultaneously with other beings. Hence I have no determinations whatever, which could make intelligible to me the condition of the possibility of motion by means of this Being as its ground. Consequently, I do not in the very least cognise it by means of the predicate of Cause (as first mover), for itself; but I have only the representation of a something containing the ground of the motions in the world; and the relation of the latter to it as their cause, since it does not besides furnish me with anything belonging to the constitution of the thing which is cause, leaves its concept quite empty. The reason of this is, that by predicates which only find their Object in the world of sense I can indeed proceed to the being of something which must contain their ground, but not to the determination of its concept as a supersensible being, which excludes all these predicates. By the category of causality, then, if I determine it by the concept of a first mover, I do not in the very least cognise what God is. Perhaps, however, I shall have better success if I start from the order of the world, not merely to think its causality as that of a supreme Understanding, but to cognise it by means of this determination of the said concept; because here the troublesome condition of space and of extension disappears.—At all events the great purposiveness in the world compels us to think a supreme cause of it, and to think its causality as that of an Understanding; but we are not therefore entitled to ascribe this to it. (E.g. we think of the eternity of God as presence in all time, because we can form no other concept of mere being as a quantum, i.e. as duration; or we think of the divine Omnipresence as presence in all places in order to make comprehensible to ourselves His immediate presence in things which are external to one another; without daring to ascribe to God any of these determinations, as something cognised in Him.) If I determine the causality of a man, in respect of certain products which are only explicable by designed purposiveness, by thinking it as that of Understanding, I need not stop here, but I can ascribe to him this predicate as a well-known property and cognise him accordingly. For I know that intuitions are given to the senses of men and are brought by the Understanding under a concept and thus under a rule; that this concept only contains the common characteristic (with omission of the particular ones) and is thus discursive; and that the rules for bringing given representations under a consciousness in general are given by Understanding before those intuitions, etc. I therefore ascribe this property to man as a property by means of which I cognise him. However, if I wish to think a supersensible Being (God) as an intelligence, this is not only permissible in a certain aspect of my employment of Reason—it is unavoidable; but to ascribe to Him Understanding and to flatter ourselves that we can cognise Him by means of it as a property of His, is in no way permissible. For I must omit all those conditions under which alone I know an Understanding, and thus the predicate which only serves for determining man cannot be applied at all to a supersensible Object; and therefore by a causality thus determined, I cannot cognise what God is. And so it is with all Categories, which can have no significance for cognition in a theoretical aspect, if they are not applied to objects of possible experience.—However, according to the analogy of an Understanding I can in a certain other aspect think a supersensible being, without at the same time meaning thereby to cognise it theoretically; viz. if this determination of its causality concerns an effect in the world, which contains a design morally necessary but unattainable by a sensible being. For then a cognition of God and of His Being (Theology) is possible by means of properties and determinations of His causality merely thought in Him according to analogy, which has all requisite reality in a practical reference though only in respect of this (as moral).—An Ethical Theology is therefore possible; for though morality can subsist without theology as regards its rule, it cannot do so as regards the final design which this proposes, unless Reason in respect of it is to be renounced. But a Theological Ethic (of pure Reason) is impossible; for laws which Reason itself does not give and whose observance it does not bring about as a pure practical faculty, can not be moral. In the same way a Theological Physic would be a nonentity, for it would propose no laws of nature but ordinances of a Highest Will; while on the other hand a physical (properly speaking a physico-teleological) Theology can serve at least as a propaedeutic to Theology proper, by giving occasion for the Idea of a final purpose which nature cannot present by the observation of natural purposes of which it offers abundant material. It thus makes felt the need of a Theology which shall determine the concept of God adequately for the highest practical use of Reason, but it cannot develop this and base it satisfactorily on its proofs.

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    FOOTNOTES:

    1 Dr. Caird (Critical Philosophy of Kant, vol. ii. p. 406) has given an instructive account of the gradual development in Kant’s mind of the main idea of the Critique of Judgement.

    2 Natural Theology and Modern Thought, p. 158.

    3 I reproduce here in part a paper read before the Victoria Institute in April 1892.

    4 Critique of Pure Reason. Dialectic, Bk. ii. chap. i. near the end.

    5 Cf. Kuno Fischer, A Critique of Kant, p. 142.

    6 Quoted by Caird, Critical Philosophy of Kant, vol. ii. p. 507, who reiterates this criticism all through his account of Kant’s teaching.

    7 Natural Theology and Modern Thought, p. 241.

    8 [Reading, with Windelband, in sicheren alleinigen Besitz.]

    9 If we have cause for supposing that concepts which we use as empirical principles stand in relationship with the pure cognitive faculty a priori, it is profitable, because of this reference, to seek for them a transcendental definition; i.e. a definition through pure categories, so far as these by themselves adequately furnish the distinction of the concept in question from others. We here follow the example of the mathematician who leaves undetermined the empirical data of his problem, and only brings their relation in their pure synthesis under the concepts of pure Arithmetic, and thus generalises the solution. Objection has been brought against a similar procedure of mine (cf. the Preface to the Critique of Practical Reason, Abbott’s Translation, p. 94), and my definition of the faculty of desire has been found fault with, viz. that it is [the being’s] faculty of becoming by means of its representations the cause of the actuality of the objects of these representations; for the desires might be mere cravings, and by means of these alone every one is convinced the Object cannot be produced.—But this proves nothing more than that there are desires in man, by which he is in contradiction with himself. For here he strives for the production of the Object by means of the representation alone, from which he can expect no result, because he is conscious that his mechanical powers (if I may so call those which are not psychological) which must be determined by that representation to bring about the Object (mediately) are either not competent, or even tend towards what is impossible; e.g. to reverse the past (O mihi praeteritos … etc.), or to annihilate in the impatience of expectation the interval before the wished for moment.—Although in such fantastic desires we are conscious of the inadequacy (or even the unsuitability) of our representations for being causes of their objects, yet their reference as causes, and consequently the representation of their causality, is contained in every wish; and this is specially evident if the wish is an affection or longing. For these [longings] by their dilatation and contraction of the heart and consequent exhaustion of its powers, prove that these powers are continually kept on the stretch by representations, but that they perpetually let the mind, having regard to the impossibility [of the desire], fall back in exhaustion. Even prayers for the aversion of great and (as far as one can see) unavoidable evils, and many superstitious means for attaining in a natural way impossible purposes, point to the causal reference of representations to their Objects; a reference which cannot at all be checked by the consciousness of the inadequacy of the effort to produce the effect.—As to why there should be in our nature this propensity to desires which are consciously vain, that is an anthropologico-teleological problem. It seems that if we were not determined to the application of our powers before we were assured of the adequacy of our faculties to produce an Object, these powers would remain in great part unused. For we commonly learn to know our powers only by first making trial of them. This deception in the case of vain wishes is then only the consequence of a benevolent ordinance in our nature. [This note was added by Kant in the Second Edition.]

    10 One of the various pretended contradictions in this whole distinction of the causality of nature from that of freedom is this. It is objected that if I speak of obstacles which nature opposes to causality according to (moral) laws of freedom or of the assistance it affords, I am admitting an influence of the former upon the latter. But if we try to understand what has been said, this misinterpretation is very easy to avoid. The opposition or assistance is not between nature and freedom, but between the former as phenomenon and the effects of the latter as phenomena in the world of sense. The causality of freedom itself (of pure and practical Reason) is the causality of a natural cause subordinated to freedom (i.e. of the subject considered as man and therefore as phenomenon). The intelligible, which is thought under freedom, contains the ground of the determination of this [natural cause] in a way not explicable any further (just as that intelligible does which constitutes the supersensible substrate of nature).

    11 It has been thought a doubtful point that my divisions in pure Philosophy should always be threefold. But that lies in the nature of the thing. If there is to be an a priori division it must be either analytical, according to the law of contradiction, which is always twofold (quodlibet ens est aut A aut non A); or it is synthetical. And if in this latter case it is to be derived from a priori concepts (not as in Mathematic from the intuition corresponding to the concept), the division must necessarily be trichotomy. For according to what is requisite for synthetical unity in general there must be (1) a condition, (2) a conditioned, and (3) the concept which arises from the union of the conditioned with its condition.

    12 The definition of taste which is laid down here is that it is the faculty of judging of the beautiful. But the analysis of judgements of taste must show what is required in order to call an object beautiful. The moments, to which this Judgement has regard in its reflection, I have sought in accordance with the guidance of the logical functions of judgement (for in a judgement of taste a reference to the Understanding is always involved). I have considered the moment of quality first, because the aesthetical judgement upon the beautiful first pays attention to it.

    13 A judgement upon an object of satisfaction may be quite disinterested, but yet very interesting, i.e. not based upon an interest, but bringing an interest with it; of this kind are all pure moral judgements. Judgements of taste, however, do not in themselves establish any interest. Only in society is it interesting to have taste: the reason of this will be shown in the sequel.

    14 [Second Edition.]

    15 An obligation to enjoyment is a manifest absurdity. Thus the obligation to all actions which have merely enjoyment for their aim can only be a pretended one; however spiritually it may be conceived (or decked out), even if it is a mystical, or so-called heavenly, enjoyment.

    16 [Second Edition.]

    17 [Second Edition.]

    18 [Ueberweg points out (Hist. of Phil., ii. 528, Eng. Trans.) that Mendelssohn had already called attention to the disinterestedness of our satisfaction in the Beautiful. “It appears,” says Mendelssohn, “to be a particular mark of the beautiful, that it is contemplated with quiet satisfaction, that it pleases, even though it be not in our possession, and even though we be never so far removed from the desire to put it to our use.” But, of course, as Ueberweg remarks, Kant’s conception of disinterestedness extends far beyond the absence of a desire to possess the object.]

    19 [Reading besondere with Windelband; Hartenstein reads bestimmte.]

    20 [I.e. The Critique of Pure Reason, Analytic, bk. ii. c. i.]

    21 [Second Edition. Spencer expresses much more concisely what Kant has in his mind here. “Pleasure … is a feeling which we seek to bring into consciousness and retain there; pain is … a feeling which we seek to get out of consciousness and to keep out.” Principles of Psychology, § 125.]

    22 [The editions of Hartenstein and Kirchmann omit ohne before zweck, which makes havoc of the sentence. It is correctly printed by Rosenkranz and Windelband.]

    23 [First Edition.]

    24 [Cf. Metaphysic of Morals, Introd. I. “The pleasure which is necessarily bound up with the desire (of the object whose representation affects feeling) may be called practical pleasure, whether it be cause or effect of the desire. On the contrary, the pleasure which is not necessarily bound up with the desire of the object, and which, therefore, is at bottom not a pleasure in the existence of the Object of the representation, but clings to the representation only, may be called mere contemplative pleasure or passive satisfaction. The feeling of the latter kind of pleasure we call taste.”]

    25 [Second Edition.]

    26 [First Edition has gleiche; Second Edition has solche.]

    27 [First and Second Editions have sehr zweifle; but this was corrected to nicht zweifle in the Third Edition of 1799.]

    28 [Belebt machen; First Edition had beliebt.]

    29 [Second Edition.]

    30 [Kant probably alludes here to Baumgarten (1714–1762), who was the first writer to give the name of Aesthetics to the Philosophy of Taste. He defined beauty as “perfection apprehended through the senses.” Kant is said to have used as a text-book at lectures a work by Meier, a pupil of Baumgarten’s, on this subject.]

    31 [Cf. Preface to the Metaphysical Elements of Ethics, v.: “The word perfection is liable to many misconceptions. It is sometimes understood as a concept belonging to Transcendental Philosophy; viz. the concept of the totality of the manifold, which, taken together, constitutes a Thing; sometimes, again, it is understood as belonging to Teleology, so that it signifies the agreement of the characteristics of a thing with a purpose. Perfection in the former sense might be called quantitative (material), in the latter qualitative (formal) perfection.”]

    32 [The words even if … general were added in the Second Edition.]

    33 [Second Edition.]

    34 Models of taste as regards the arts of speech must be composed in a dead and learned language. The first, in order that they may not suffer that change which inevitably comes over living languages, in which noble expressions become flat, common ones antiquated, and newly created ones have only a short currency. The second, because learned languages have a grammar which is subject to no wanton change of fashion, but the rules of which are preserved unchanged.

    35 [This distinction between an Idea and an Ideal, as also the further contrast between Ideals of the Reason and Ideals of the Imagination, had already been given by Kant in the Critique of Pure Reason, Dialectic, bk. ii. c. iii. § 1.]

    36 [Polycletus of Argos flourished about 430 B.C. His statue of the Spearbearer (Doryphorus), afterwards became known as the Canon; because in it the artist was supposed to have embodied a perfect representation of the ideal of the human figure.]

    37 [This was a celebrated statue executed by Myron, a Greek sculptor, contemporary with Polycletus. It is frequently mentioned in the Greek Anthology.]

    38 It will be found that a perfectly regular countenance, such as a painter might wish to have for a model, ordinarily tells us nothing; because it contains nothing characteristic, and therefore rather expresses the Idea of the race than the specific [traits] of a person. The exaggeration of a characteristic of this kind, i.e. such as does violence to the normal Idea (the purposiveness of the race) is called caricature. Experience also shows that these quite regular countenances commonly indicate internally only a mediocre man; presumably (if it may be assumed that external nature expresses the proportions of internal) because, if no mental disposition exceeds that proportion which is requisite in order to constitute a man free from faults, nothing can be expected of what is called genius, in which nature seems to depart from the ordinary relations of the mental powers on behalf of some special one.

    39 It might be objected to this explanation that there are things, in which we see a purposive form without cognising any [definite] purpose in them, like the stone implements often got from old sepulchral tumuli with a hole in them as if for a handle. These, although they plainly indicate by their shape a purposiveness of which we do not know the purpose, are nevertheless not described as beautiful. But if we regard a thing as a work of art, that is enough to make us admit that its shape has reference to some design and definite purpose. And hence there is no immediate satisfaction in the contemplation of it. On the other hand a flower, e.g. a tulip, is regarded as beautiful; because in perceiving it we find a certain purposiveness which, in our judgement, is referred to no purpose at all.

    40 [Cp. p. 170, infra.]

    41 [See The History of Sumatra, by W. Marsden (London, 1783), p. 113.]

    42 [Cf. § 42, infra.]

    43 [Second Edition.]

    44 [Second Edition.]

    45 [Lettres sur l’Égypte, par M. Savary, Amsterdam, 1787.]

    46 [Second Edition.]

    47 [With this should be compared the similar discussion in the Critique of Pure Reason, Dialectic, bk. ii. c. ii. § 1, On the System of Cosmological Ideas.]

    48 [Second Edition.]

    49 [Cf. § 83, infra.]

    50 [In the Philosophical Theory of Religion, pt. i. sub fin. (Abbott’s Translation, p. 360), Kant, as here, divides “all religions into two classes—favour-seeking religion (mere worship) and moral religion, that is, the religion of a good life;” and he concludes that “amongst all the public religions that have ever existed the Christian alone is moral.”]

    51 [Voyages dans les Alpes, par H. B. de Saussure; vol. i. was published at Neuchatel in 1779; vol. ii. at Geneva in 1786.]

    52 [Second Edition.]

    53 [Als Vermögen der Independenz der absoluten Totalität, a curious phrase.]

    54 [Second Edition.]

    55 Affections are specifically different from passions. The former are related merely to feeling; the latter belong to the faculty of desire, and are inclinations which render difficult or impossible all determination of the [elective] will by principles. The former are stormy and unpremeditated; the latter are steady and deliberate; thus indignation in the form of wrath is an affection, but in the form of hatred (revenge) is a passion. The latter can never and in no reference be called sublime; because while in an affection the freedom of the mind is hindered, in a passion it is abolished. [Cf. Preface to the Metaphysical Elements of Ethics, § xvi., where this distinction is more fully drawn out. Affection is described as hasty; and passion is defined as the sensible appetite grown into a permanent inclination.]

    56 [In the Preface to the Metaphysical Elements of Ethics, § xvii., Kant gives the term moral apathy to that freedom from the sway of the affections, which is distinguished from indifference to them.]

    57 [Reading weiche with Rosenkranz and Windelband; Hartenstein and Kirchmann have weise, which yields no sense.]

    58 [Cf. p. 129, supra.]

    59 [Kirchmann has positiv; but this is probably a mere misprint.]

    60 [L.c. vol. ii. p. 181.]

    61 [See Burke, On the Sublime and Beautiful, Part IV., Sect. vii. “If the pain and terror are so modified as not to be actually noxious; if the pain is not carried to violence, and the terror is not conversant about the present destruction of the person, as these emotions clear the parts, whether fine or gross, of a dangerous and troublesome incumbrance, they are capable of producing delight; not pleasure, but a sort of delightful horror, a sort of tranquillity tinged with terror; which, as it belongs to self-preservation, is one of the strongest of all the passions.” Kant quotes from the German version published at Riga in 1773. This was a free translation made from Burke’s fifth edition.]

    62 [See Burke, l.c., Part IV., Sect. xix. “Beauty acts by relaxing the solids of the whole system. There are all the appearances of such a relaxation; and a relaxation somewhat below the natural tone seems to me to be the cause of all positive pleasure. Who is a stranger to that manner of expression so common in all times and in all countries, of being softened, relaxed, enervated, dissolved, melted away by pleasure?”]

    63 [Reading Gebot; Kirchmann has Gesetz.]

    64 [Second Edition.]

    65 [Second Edition.]

    66 [Cf. Critique of Pure Reason, Methodology, c. 1, § 1. “The construction of a concept is the a priori presentation of the corresponding intuition.”]

    67 [Charles Batteux (1713–1780), author of Les Beaux Arts reduits à un même principe.]

    68 [Essay XVIII, The Sceptic. “Critics can reason and dispute more plausibly than cooks or perfumers. We may observe, however, that this uniformity among human kind, hinders not, but that there is a considerable diversity in the sentiments of beauty and worth, and that education, custom, prejudice, caprice, and humour, frequently vary our taste of this kind…. Beauty and worth are merely of a relative nature, and consist in an agreeable sentiment, produced by an object in a particular mind, according to the peculiar structure and constitution of that mind.”]

    69 [For the distinction, an important one in Kant, between judgements of experience and judgements of perception, see his Prolegomena, § 18. Cf. Kant’s Critical Philosophy for English Readers, vol. i. p. 116.]

    70 [First Edition has “limited.”]

    71 In order to be justified in claiming universal assent for an aesthetical judgement that rests merely on subjective grounds, it is sufficient to assume, (1) that the subjective conditions of the Judgement, as regards the relation of the cognitive powers thus put into activity to a cognition in general, are the same in all men. This must be true, because otherwise men would not be able to communicate their representations or even their knowledge. (2) The judgement must merely have reference to this relation (consequently to the formal condition of the Judgement) and be pure, i.e. not mingled either with concepts of the Object or with sensations, as determining grounds. If there has been any mistake as regards this latter condition, then there is only an inaccurate application of the privilege, which a law gives us, to a particular case; but that does not destroy the privilege itself in general.

    72 [Kant lays down these three maxims in his Introduction to Logic, § vii., as “general rules and conditions of the avoidance of error.”]

    73 We soon see that although enlightenment is easy in thesi, yet in hypothesi it is difficult and slow of accomplishment. For not to be passive as regards Reason, but to be always self-legislative, is indeed quite easy for the man who wishes only to be in accordance with his essential purpose, and does not desire to know what is beyond his Understanding. But since we can hardly avoid seeking this, and there are never wanting others who promise with much confidence that they are able to satisfy our curiosity, it must be very hard to maintain in or restore to the mind (especially the mind of the public) that bare negative which properly constitutes enlightenment.

    74 We may designate Taste as sensus communis aestheticus, common Understanding as sensus communis logicus.

    75 [Peter Camper (1722–1789), a celebrated naturalist and comparative anatomist; for some years professor at Groningen.]

    76 In my country a common man, if you propose to him such a problem as that of Columbus with his egg, says, that is not art, it is only science. I.e. if we know how, we can do it; and he says the same of all the pretended arts of jugglers. On the other hand, he will not refuse to apply the term art to the performance of a rope-dancer.

    77 [Kant was accustomed to say that the talk at a dinner table should always pass through these three stages—narrative, discussion, and jest; and punctilious in this, as in all else, he is said to have directed the conversation at his own table accordingly (Wallace’s Kant, p. 39).]

    78 [Second Edition.]

    79 [Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics, c. iv. p. 1448 b: ἃ γὰρ αὐτὰ λυπηρῶς ὁρῶμεν, τούτων τὰς εἰκόνας τὰς μάλιστα ἠκριβωμένας χαίρομεν θεωροῦντες οἷον θηρίων τε μορφὰς τῶν ἀτιμοτάτων καὶ νεκρῶν. Cf. also Rhetoric, I. 11, p. 1371 b; and Burke on the Sublime and Beautiful, Part I. § 16. Boileau (L’art poétique, chant 3), makes a similar observation:

    “Il n’est point de serpent ni de monstre odieux

    Qui, par l’art imité, ne puisse plaire aux yeux.

    D’un pinceau délicat l’artifice agréable

    Du plus affreux objet fait un objet aimable.”]

    80 [Second Edition.]

    81 [Cf. p. 199, infra.]

    82 [In English we would rather say “without soul”; but I prefer to translate Geist consistently by spirit, to avoid the confusion of it with Seele.]

    83 [These lines occur in one of Frederick the Great’s French poems: Épître au maréchal Keith XVIII., “sur les vaines terreurs de la mort et les frayeurs d’une autre vie.” Kant here translates them into German.]

    84 [Withof, whose “Moral Poems” appeared in 1755. This reference was supplied by H. Krebs in Notes and Queries 5th January 1895.]

    85 Perhaps nothing more sublime was ever said and no sublimer thought ever expressed than the famous inscription on the Temple of Isis (Mother Nature): “I am all that is and that was and that shall be, and no mortal hath lifted my veil.” Segner availed himself of this Idea in a suggestive vignette prefixed to his Natural Philosophy, in order to inspire beforehand the pupil whom he was about to lead into that temple with a holy awe, which should dispose his mind to serious attention. [J. A. de Segner (1704–1777) was Professor of Natural Philosophy at Göttingen, and the author of several scientific works of repute.]

    86 [Second Edition.]

    87 The three former faculties are united in the first instance by means of the fourth. Hume gives us to understand in his History of England that although the English are inferior in their productions to no people in the world as regards the evidences they display of the three former properties, separately considered, yet they must be put after their neighbours the French as regards that which unites these properties. [In his Observations on the Beautiful and Sublime, § iv. sub init., Kant remarks that the English have the keener sense of the sublime, the French of the beautiful.]

    88 The reader is not to judge this scheme for a possible division of the beautiful arts as a deliberate theory. It is only one of various attempts which we may and ought to devise.

    89 [Second Edition.]

    90 [I.e. the case of Plastic art, with its subdivisions of Architecture and Sculpture, as is explained in the next paragraph.]

    91 That landscape gardening may be regarded as a species of the art of painting, although it presents its forms corporeally, seems strange. But since it actually takes its forms from nature (trees, shrubs, grasses, and flowers from forest and field—at least in the first instance), and so far is not an art like Plastic; and since it also has no concept of the object and its purpose (as in Architecture) conditioning its arrangements, but involves merely the free play of the Imagination in contemplation, it so far agrees with mere aesthetical painting which has no definite theme (which arranges sky, land, and water, so as to entertain us by means of light and shade only).—In general the reader is only to judge of this as an attempt to combine the beautiful arts under one principle, viz. that of the expression of aesthetical Ideas (according to the analogy of speech), and not to regard it as a definitive analysis of them.

    92 I must admit that a beautiful poem has always given me a pure gratification; whilst the reading of the best discourse, whether of a Roman orator or of a modern parliamentary speaker or of a preacher, has always been mingled with an unpleasant feeling of disapprobation of a treacherous art, which means to move men in important matters like machines to a judgement that must lose all weight for them on quiet reflection. Readiness and accuracy in speaking (which taken together constitute Rhetoric) belong to beautiful art; but the art of the orator (ars oratoria), the art of availing oneself of the weaknesses of men for one’s own designs (whether these be well meant or even actually good does not matter) is worthy of no respect. Again, this art only reached its highest point, both at Athens and at Rome, at a time when the state was hastening to its ruin and true patriotic sentiment had disappeared. The man who along with a clear insight into things has in his power a wealth of pure speech, and who with a fruitful Imagination capable of presenting his Ideas unites a lively sympathy with what is truly good, is the vir bonus discendi peritus, the orator without art but of great impressiveness, as Cicero has it; though he may not always remain true to this ideal.

    93 [From this to the end of the paragraph, and the next note, were added in the Second Edition.]

    94 Those who recommend the singing of spiritual songs at family prayers do not consider that they inflict a great hardship upon the public by such noisy (and therefore in general pharisaical) devotions; for they force the neighbours either to sing with them or to abandon their meditations. [Kant suffered himself from such annoyances, which may account for the asperity of this note. At one period he was disturbed by the devotional exercises of the prisoners in the adjoining jail. In a letter to the burgomaster “he suggested the advantage of closing the windows during these hymn-singings, and added that the warders of the prison might probably be directed to accept less sonorous and neighbour-annoying chants as evidence of the penitent spirit of their captives” (Wallace’s Kant, p. 42).]

    95 [Cf. “Parturiunt montes, nascitur ridiculus mus.”]

    96 [The First Edition adds “as in the case of a man who gets the news of a great commercial success.”]

    97 [The jest may have been taken from Steele’s play, “The Funeral or Grief à la mode,” where it occurs verbatim. This play was published in 1702.]

    98 [Henriade, Chant 7, sub init.

    “Du Dieu qui nous créa la clémence infinie,

    Pour adoucir les maux de cette courte vie,

    A placé parmi nous deux êtres bienfaisants,

    De la terre à jamais aimables habitants,

    Soutiens dans les travaux, trésors dans l’indigence:

    L’un est le doux sommeil, et l’autre est l’espérance.”]

    99 We may describe as a rationalising judgement (judicium ratiocinans) one which proclaims itself as universal, for as such it can serve as the major premise of a syllogism. On the other hand, we can only speak of a judgement as rational (judicium ratiocinatum) which is thought as the conclusion of a syllogism, and consequently as grounded a priori.

    100 [Cf. p. 241, infra.]

    101 [Second Edition.]

    102 [Antiparos is a small island in the Cyclades, remarkable for a splendid stalactite cavern near the southern coast.]

    103 The intuitive in cognition must be opposed to the discursive (not to the symbolical). The former is either schematical, by demonstration; or symbolical as a representation in accordance with a mere analogy.

    104 [I read Geselligkeit with Rosenkranz and Windelband; Hartenstein and Kirchmann have Glückseligkeit.]

    105 As in pure mathematics we can never talk of the existence, but only of the possibility of things, viz. of an intuition corresponding to a concept, and so never of cause and effect, it follows that all purposiveness observed there must be considered merely as formal and never as a natural purpose.

    106 [The allusion is to Vitruvius de Architectura, Bk. vi. Praef. “Aristippus philosophus Socraticus, naufragio cum eiectus ad Rhodiensium litus animadvertisset geometrica schemata descripta, exclamavisse ad comites ita dicitur, Bene speremus, hominum enim vestigia video.”]

    107 [Second Edition.]

    108 We can conversely throw light upon a certain combination, much more often met with in Idea than in actuality, by means of an analogy to the so-called immediate natural purposes. In a recent complete transformation of a great people into a state the word organisation for the regulation of magistracies, etc., and even of the whole body politic, has often been fitly used. For in such a whole every member should surely be purpose as well as means, and, whilst all work together towards the possibility of the whole, each should be determined as regards place and function by means of the Idea of the whole. [Kant probably alludes here to the organisation of the United States of America.]

    109 [These words are inserted by Rosenkranz and Windelband, but omitted by Hartenstein and Kirchmann.]

    110 In the aesthetical part [§ 58, p. 247] it was said: We view beautiful nature with favour, whilst we have a quite free (disinterested) satisfaction in its form. For in this mere judgement of taste no consideration is given to the purpose for which these natural beauties exist; whether to excite pleasure in us, or as purposes without any reference to us at all. But in a teleological judgement we pay attention to this reference, and here we can regard it as a favour of nature that it has been willing to minister to our culture by the exhibition of so many beautiful figures.

    111 The German word vermessen is a good word and full of meaning. A judgement in which we forget to consider the extent of our powers (our Understanding) may sometimes sound very humble, and yet make great pretensions, and so be very presumptuous. Of this kind are most of those by which we pretend to extol the divine wisdom by ascribing to it designs in the works of creation and preservation which are really meant to do honour to the private wisdom of the reasoner.

    112 We thus see that in most speculative things of pure Reason, as regards dogmatic assertions, the philosophical schools have commonly tried all possible solutions of a given question. To explain the purposiveness of nature men have tried either lifeless matter or a lifeless God, or again, living matter or a living God. It only remains for us, if the need should arise, to abandon all these objective assertions and to examine critically our judgement merely in reference to our cognitive faculties, in order to supply to their principle a validity which, if not dogmatic, shall at least be that of a maxim sufficient for the sure employment of Reason.

    113 [That is, the wider concept serves as a universal, under which the particular may be brought; cognition from principles, in Kant’s phrase, is the process of knowing the particular in the universal by means of concepts.]

    114 [This distinction will be familiar to the student of the Critique of Pure Reason. See Dialectic, bk. i., Of the Concepts of Pure Reason.]

    115 [Second Edition.]

    116 [This principle, that for our intellect, the conception of an organised body is impossible except by the aid of the Idea of design, is frequently insisted on by Kant. Professor Wallace points out (Kant, p. 110) that as far back as 1755, in his General Physiogony and Theory of the Heavens, Kant classed the origin of animals and plants with the secrets of Providence and the mystical number 666 “as one of the topics on which ingenuity and thought are occasionally wasted.”]

    117 [Second Edition.]

    118 [Second Edition.]

    119 [This is marked as an Appendix in the Second Edition.]

    120 We may call a hypothesis of this kind a daring venture of reason, and there may be few even of the most acute naturalists through whose head it has not sometimes passed. For it is not absurd, like that generatio aequivoca by which is understood the production of an organised being through the mechanics of crude unorganised matter. It would always remain generatio univoca in the most universal sense of the word, for it only considers one organic being as derived from another organic being, although from one which is specifically different; e.g. certain water-animals transform themselves gradually into marsh-animals and from these, after some generations, into land-animals. A priori, in the judgement of Reason alone, there is no contradiction here. Only experience gives no example of it; according to experience all generation that we know is generatio homonyma. This is not merely univoca in contrast to the generation out of unorganised material, but in the organisation the product is of like kind to that which produced it; and generation heteronyma, so far as our empirical knowledge of nature extends, is nowhere found.

    121 [It is probable that Kant alludes here to Hume’s Essay On a Providence and a Future State, § xi of the Inquiry. Hume argues that though the inference from an effect to an intelligent cause may be valid in the case of human contrivance, it is not legitimate to rise by a like argument to Supreme Intelligence. “In human nature there is a certain experienced coherence of designs and inclinations; so that when from any fact we have discovered one intention of any man, it may often be reasonable from experience to infer another, and draw a long chain of conclusions concerning his past or future conduct. But this method of reasoning can never have place with regard to a being so remote and incomprehensible, who bears much less analogy to any other being in the universe than the sun to a waxen taper, and who discovers himself only by some faint traces or outlines, beyond which we have no authority to ascribe to him any attribute or perfection.”]

    122 [J. F. Blumenbach (1752–1840), a German naturalist and professor at Göttingen; the author of Institutiones Physiologicae (1787) and other works. An interesting account of him is given in Lever’s novel Adventures of Arthur O’Leary, ch. xix.]

    123 [Carl von Linné (1707–1778), Knight of the Polar Star, the celebrated Swedish botanist.]

    124 If the once adopted name Natural history is to continue for the description of nature, we may in contrast with art, give the title of Archaeology of nature to that which the former literally indicates, viz. a representation of the old condition of the earth, about which, although we cannot hope for certainty, we have good ground for conjecture. As sculptured stones, etc., belong to the province of art, so petrefactions belong to the archaeology of nature. And since work is actually being done in this [science] (under the name of the Theory of the Earth), constantly, although of course slowly, this name is not given to a merely imaginary investigation of nature, but to one to which nature itself leads and invites us.

    125 [See p. 184 above.]

    126 [First Edition has freedom.]

    127 [These views are set forth by Kant more fully in the essay Zum ewigen Frieden (1795).]

    128 [Second Edition.]

    129 [Cf. The Philosophical Theory of Religion, Part i., On the bad principle in Human Nature, III., where Kant remarks that although war “is not so incurably bad as the deadness of a universal monarchy … yet, as an ancient observed, it makes more bad men than it takes away.”]

    130 The value of life for us, if it is estimated by that which we enjoy (by the natural purpose of the sum of all inclinations, i.e. happiness), is easy to decide. It sinks below zero; for who would be willing to enter upon life anew under the same conditions? who would do so even according to a new, self-chosen plan (yet in conformity with the course of nature), if it were merely directed to enjoyment? We have shown above what value life has in virtue of what it contains in itself, when lived in accordance with the purpose that nature has along with us, and which consists in what we do (not merely what we enjoy), in which, however, we are always but means towards an undetermined final purpose. There remains then nothing but the value which we ourselves give our life, through what we can not only do, but do purposively in such independence of nature that the existence of nature itself can only be a purpose under this condition.

    131 It would be possible that the happiness of rational beings in the world should be a purpose of nature, and then also this would be its ultimate purpose. At least we cannot see a priori why nature should not be so ordered, because by means of its mechanism this effect would be certainly possible, at least so far as we see. But morality, with a causality according to purposes subordinated thereto, is absolutely impossible by means of natural causes; for the principle by which it determines to action is supersensible, and is therefore the only possible principle in the order of purposes that in respect of nature is absolutely unconditioned. Its subject consequently alone is qualified to be the final purpose of creation to which the whole of nature is subordinated.—Happiness, on the contrary, as has been shown in the preceding paragraphs by the testimony of experience, is not even a purpose of nature in respect of man in preference to other creatures; much less a final purpose of creation. Men may of course make it their ultimate subjective purpose. But if I ask, in reference to the final purpose of creation, why must men exist? then we are speaking of an objective supreme purpose, such as the highest Reason would require for creation. If we answer: These beings exist to afford objects for the benevolence of that Supreme Cause; then we contradict the condition to which the Reason of man subjects even his inmost wish for happiness (viz. the harmony with his own internal moral legislation). This proves that happiness can only be a conditioned purpose, and that it is only as a moral being that man can be the final purpose of creation; but that as concerns his state happiness is only connected with it as a consequence, according to the measure of his harmony with that purpose regarded as the purpose of his being.

    132 [Second Edition.]

    133 I say deliberately under moral laws. It is not man in accordance with moral laws, i.e. a being who behaves himself in conformity with them, who is the final purpose of creation. For by using the latter expression we should be asserting more than we know; viz. that it is in the power of an Author of the world to cause man always to behave himself in accordance with moral laws. But this presupposes a concept of freedom and of nature (of which latter we can only think an external author), which would imply an insight into the supersensible substrate of nature and its identity with that which causality through freedom makes possible in the world. And this far surpasses the insight of our Reason. Only of man under moral laws can we say, without transgressing the limits of our insight: his being constitutes the final purpose of the world. This harmonises completely with the judgement of human Reason reflecting morally upon the course of the world. We believe that we perceive in the case of the wicked the traces of a wise purposive reference, if we only see that the wanton criminal does not die before he has undergone the deserved punishment of his misdeeds. According to our concepts of free causality, our good or bad behaviour depends on ourselves; we regard it the highest wisdom in the government of the world to ordain for the first, opportunity, and for both, their consequence, in accordance with moral laws. In the latter properly consists the glory of God, which is hence not unsuitably described by theologians as the ultimate purpose of creation.— It is further to be remarked that when we use the word creation, we understand nothing more than we have said here, viz. the cause of the being of the world or of the things in it (substances). This is what the concept properly belonging to this word involves (actuatio substantiae est creatio); and consequently there is not implied in it the supposition of a freely working, and therefore intelligent, cause (whose being we first of all want to prove).

    134 [Note added in Second Edition.] This moral argument does not supply any objectively-valid proof of the Being of God; it does not prove to the sceptic that there is a God, but proves that if he wishes to think in a way consonant with morality, he must admit the assumption of this proposition under the maxims of his practical Reason.— We should therefore not say: it is necessary for morals [Sittlichkeit], to assume the happiness of all rational beings of the world in proportion to their morality [Moralität]; but rather, this is necessitated by morality. Accordingly, this is a subjective argument sufficient for moral beings.

    135 [Second Edition.]

    136 [Second Edition.]

    137 In a practical sense that religion is always idolatry which conceives the Supreme Being with properties, according to which something else besides morality can be a fit condition for that which man can do being in accordance with His Will. For however pure and free from sensible images the concept that we have formed may be in a theoretical point of view, yet it will be in a practical point of view still represented as an idol, i.e. in regard to the character of His Will, anthropomorphically.

    138 [Cf. Introd. to Logic, ix. p. 63, “Conviction is opposed to Persuasion, which is a belief from inadequate reasons, of which we do not know whether they are only subjective or are also objective.”]

    139 [Second Edition.]

    140 [I.e. Urtheils. First Edition had Urtheilens, the judging subject.]

    141 Analogy (in a qualitative signification) is the identity of the relation between reasons and consequences (causes and effects), so far as it is to be found, notwithstanding the specific difference of the things or those properties in them which contain the reason for like consequences (i.e. considered apart from this relation). Thus we conceive of the artificial constructions of beasts by comparing them with those of men; by comparing the ground of those effects brought about by the former, which we do not know, with the ground of similar effects brought about by men (reason), which we do know; i.e. we regard the ground of the former as an analogon of reason. We then try at the same time to show that the ground of the artisan faculty of beasts, which we call instinct, specifically different as it is in fact from reason, has yet a similar relation to its effect (the buildings of the beaver as compared with those of men).—But then I cannot therefore conclude that because man uses reason for his building, the beaver must have the like, and call this a conclusion according to analogy. But from the similarity of the mode of operation of beasts (of which we cannot immediately perceive the ground) to that of men (of which we are immediately conscious), we can quite rightly conclude according to analogy, that beasts too act in accordance with representations (not as Descartes has it, that they are machines), and that despite their specific distinction they are yet (as living beings) of the same genus as man. The principle of our right so to conclude consists in the sameness of the ground for reckoning beasts in respect of the said determination in the same genus with men, regarded as men, so far as we can externally compare them with one another in accordance with their actions. There is par ratio. Just so I can conceive, according to the analogy of an Understanding, the causality of the supreme World-Cause, by comparing its purposive products in the world with the artificial works of men; but I cannot conclude according to analogy to those properties in it [which are in man], because here the principle of the possibility of such a method of reasoning entirely fails, viz. the paritas rationis for counting the Supreme Being in one and the same genus with man (in respect of the causality of both). The causality of the beings of the world, which is always sensibly conditioned (as is causality through Understanding) cannot be transferred to a Being which has in common with them no generic concept save that of Thing in general.

    142 We thus miss nothing in the representation of the relations of this Being to the world, as far as the consequences, theoretical or practical, of this concept are concerned. To wish to investigate what it is in itself, is a curiosity as purposeless as it is vain.

    143 [Cf. Introd. to Logic, p. 76, where the conditions of a legitimate hypothesis are laid down. See also Critique of Pure Reason, Methodology, c. i. § 3.]

    144 [This illustration is also given in the Logic (p. 57); where the three modi of belief, Opinion, Faith, and Knowledge, are distinguished from each other. Cf. Critique of Pure Reason, Methodology, c. ii. § 3.]

    145 [The speculations of Swedenborg seem to have always had a strange fascination for Kant. He says of two reported cases of Swedenborg’s clairvoyance that he knows not how to disprove them (Rosenkranz vii. 5); but in his Anthropology §§ 35, 37, he attacks Swedenborgianism as folly. So in an early essay, Dreams of a Visionary explained by Dreams of Metaphysics, he avows his scepticism as to the value of the information which “psychical research” can supply about the spirit-world, though he is careful not to commit himself to any dogmatic statement on the subject of ghosts. In the Critique of Pure Reason (when discussing the Postulates of Empirical Thought) he gives, as an instance of a concept inconsistent with the canons of possibility, “a power of being in a community of thought with other men, however distant from us.”]

    146 [Cf. supra, p. 229.]

    147 I here extend, correctly as it seems to me, the concept of a thing of fact beyond the usual signification of this word. For it is not needful, not even feasible, to limit this expression merely to actual experience, if we are talking of the relation of things to our cognitive faculties; for an experience merely possible is quite sufficient in order that we may speak of them merely as objects of a definite kind of cognition.

    148 [Cf. introduction to Logic, p. 59 note.]

    149 [Second Edition.]

    150 Things of faith are not therefore articles of faith; if we understand by the latter things of faith to the confession of which (internal or external) we can be bound. Natural theology contains nothing like this. For since they, as things of faith (like things of fact) cannot be based on theoretical proofs, [they are accepted by] a belief which is free and which only as such is compatible with the morality of the subject.

    151 The final purpose which the moral law enjoins upon us to further, is not the ground of duty; since this lies in the moral law, which, as formal practical principle, leads categorically, independently of the Objects of the faculty of desire (the material of the will) and consequently of any purpose whatever. This formal characteristic of my actions (their subordination under the principle of universal validity), wherein alone consists their inner moral worth, is quite in our power; and I can quite well abstract from the possibility or the unattainableness of purposes which I am obliged to promote in conformity with that law (because in them consists only the external worth of my actions) as something which is never completely in my power, in order only to look to that which is of my doing. But then the design of promoting the final purpose of all rational beings (happiness so far as it is possible for it to be accordant with duty) is even yet prescribed by the law of duty. The speculative Reason, however, does not see at all the attainableness of this (neither on the side of our own physical faculty nor on that of the co-operation of nature). It must rather, so far as we can judge in a rational way, hold the derivation, by the aid of such causes, of such a consequence of our good conduct from mere nature (internal and external) without God and immortality, to be an ungrounded and vain, though well-meant, expectation; and if it could have complete certainty of this judgement, it would regard the moral law itself as the mere deception of our Reason in a practical aspect. But since the speculative Reason fully convinces itself that the latter can never take place, but that on the other hand those Ideas whose object lies outside nature can be thought without contradiction, it must for its own practical law and the problem prescribed thereby, and therefore in a moral aspect, recognise those Ideas as real in order not to come into contradiction with itself.

    152 It is a trust in the promise of the moral law; [not however such as is contained in it, but such as I put into it and that on morally adequate grounds.153 For a final purpose cannot be commanded by any law of Reason without this latter at the same time promising, however uncertainly, its attainableness; and thus justifying our belief in the special conditions under which alone our Reason can think it as attainable. The word fides expresses this; and it can only appear doubtful, how this expression and this particular Idea came into moral philosophy, since it first was introduced with Christianity, and the adoption of it perhaps might seem to be only a flattering imitation of Christian terminology. But this is not the only case in which this wonderful religion with its great simplicity of statement has enriched philosophy with far more definite and purer concepts of morality, than it had been able to furnish before; but which, once they are there, are freely assented to by Reason and are assumed as concepts to which it could well have come of itself and which it could and should have introduced.]

    153 [Second Edition.]

    154 [Cf. Introd. to Logic, ix. p. 60, “That man is morally unbelieving who does not accept that which though impossible to know is morally necessary to suppose.”]

    155 [First Edition.]

    156 [In the Critique of Pure Reason, Dialectic, bk. II. c. iii. §§ 4, 5.]

    157 [H. S. Reimarus (1694–1768), the author of the famous Wolfenbüttel Fragments, published after the death of Reimarus by Lessing. The book alluded to by Kant is probably the Abhandlungen von den vornehmsten Wahrheiten der natürlichen Religion (1754), which had great popularity in its day.]

    158 [These arguments are advanced by Hume, Inquiry, § vii. Cf. also Pure Reason, Dialectic, bk. II. c. iii. § 6, and Practical Reason, Dialectic, c. ii. § vii.]

    159 [Cf. Practical Reason, Dialectic, c. ii. § v.]

    160 The admiration for beauty, and also the emotion aroused by the manifold purposes of nature, which a reflective mind is able to feel even prior to a clear representation of a rational Author of the world, have something in themselves like religious feeling. They seem in the first place by a method of judging analogous to moral to produce an effect upon the moral feeling (gratitude to, and veneration for, the unknown cause); and thus by exciting moral Ideas to produce an effect upon the mind, when they inspire that admiration which is bound up with far more interest than mere theoretical observation can bring about.

    Transcriber’s Notes
    Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.
    Simple typographical errors were corrected.
    Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.
    Text has three occcurrences of “casuality”, which have been retained, but which may be misprints for “causality”.
    These are transliterations of the Greek text for use on devices that cannot display such text:
    Page xvii: kosmos.
    Page xxii: kalo.
    Page xxiv: sôphrosynê.
    Page xxxiii: nous.
    Page 397: kat’ alêtheian (or) kat’ anthrôpon.
    Footnote 79 (originally on page 195): ha gar auta lypêrôs horômen, toutôn tas eikonas tas malista êkribômenas chairomen theôrountes hoion thêriôn te morphas tôn atimotatôn kai nekrôn.

  • William Shakespeare《THE TRAGEDY  OF   HAMLET, PRINCE   OF   DENMARK》

    Contents
    ACT I
    Scene     I. Elsinore.      A     platform before    the  Castle.
    Scene     II. Elsinore.     A     room      of    state       in    the  Castle
    Scene     III. A room      in    Polonius’s      house.
    Scene     IV.   The platform.
    Scene     V.   A     more      remote   part of    the  Castle.
    ACT II

    Scene     I. A  room      in    Polonius’s      house.

    Scene     II. A room      in    the  Castle.

    ACT III

    Scene     I. A  room      in    the  Castle.

    Scene     II. A hall  in    the  Castle.

    Scene     III. A room      in    the  Castle.

    Scene     IV.   Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    ACT IV

    Scene     I. A  room      in    the  Castle.

    Scene     II. Another     room      in    the  Castle.

    Scene     III. Another    room      in    the  Castle.

    Scene     IV.   A     plain       in    Denmark.

    Scene     V.   Elsinore. A     room      in    the  Castle.

    Scene     VI.   Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    Scene     VII. Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    ACT V

    Scene     I. A  churchyard.

    Scene     II. A hall  in    the  Castle.

    Dramatis Personæ

    HAMLET, Prince     of    Denmark.

    CLAUDIUS,     King of    Denmark,      Hamlet’s uncle.

    The GHOST   of    the  late king,       Hamlet’s father.

    GERTRUDE,    the  Queen,   Hamlet’s mother,  now wife of    Claudius.

    POLONIUS,    Lord Chamberlain.

    LAERTES, Son to    Polonius.

    OPHELIA,       Daughter       to    Polonius.

    HORATIO,      Friend     to    Hamlet.

    FORTINBRAS, Prince     of    Norway.

    VOLTEMAND,       Courtier.

    CORNELIUS,  Courtier.

    ROSENCRANTZ,    Courtier.

    GUILDENSTERN,   Courtier.

    MARCELLUS,  Officer.

    BARNARDO,  Officer.

    FRANCISCO,  a     Soldier

    OSRIC,    Courtier.

    REYNALDO,   Servant   to    Polonius.

    Players.

    A     Gentleman,   Courtier.

    A     Priest.

    Two Clowns,  Grave-diggers.

    A     Captain.

    English   Ambassadors.

    Lords,     Ladies,    Officers,  Soldiers, Sailors,   Messengers,  and       Attendants.

    SCENE.   Elsinore.

    ACT I

    SCENE    I.     Elsinore. A     platform before    the  Castle.

    Enter      FRANCISCO       and BARNARDO ,      two sentinels.

    BARNARDO.

    Who’s     there?

    FRANCISCO.

    Nay, answer   me. Stand     and unfold    yourself.

    BARNARDO.

    Long      live  the  King!

    FRANCISCO.

    Barnardo?

    BARNARDO.

    He.

    FRANCISCO.

    You come      most      carefully upon      your hour.

    BARNARDO.

    ’Tis  now struck     twelve.   Get  thee to    bed, Francisco.

    FRANCISCO.

    For  this  relief       much     thanks.   ’Tis  bitter      cold,

    And I      am  sick at    heart.

    BARNARDO.

    Have      you had quiet      guard?

    FRANCISCO.

    Not a     mouse    stirring.

    BARNARDO.

    Well,       good      night.

    If     you do   meet      Horatio   and Marcellus,

    The rivals      of    my  watch,    bid  them      make      haste.

    Enter      HORATIO    and MARCELLUS .

    FRANCISCO.

    I      think      I      hear them.     Stand,    ho!  Who       is     there?

    HORATIO.

    Friends   to    this  ground.

    MARCELLUS.

    And liegemen to    the  Dane.

    FRANCISCO.

    Give you good      night.

    MARCELLUS.

    O,    farewell, honest    soldier,   who hath reliev’d   you?

    FRANCISCO.

    Barnardo has  my  place.     Give you good-night.

    [ Exit. ]

    MARCELLUS.

    Holla,     Barnardo!

    BARNARDO.

    Say, what,      is     Horatio   there?

    HORATIO.

    A     piece      of    him.

    BARNARDO.

    Welcome,      Horatio.  Welcome,      good      Marcellus.

    MARCELLUS.

    What,     has  this  thing      appear’d again      tonight?

    BARNARDO.

    I      have       seen nothing.

    MARCELLUS.

    Horatio   says ’tis   but  our  fantasy,

    And will  not  let   belief      take hold of    him

    Touching       this  dreaded sight,      twice      seen of    us.

    Therefore      I      have       entreated      him along

    With       us    to    watch     the  minutes  of    this  night,

    That if     again      this  apparition     come

    He   may approve  our  eyes and speak     to    it.

    HORATIO.

    Tush,      tush,       ’twill not  appear.

    BARNARDO.

    Sit   down      awhile,

    And let   us    once       again      assail      your ears,

    That are  so    fortified  against   our  story,

    What      we   two nights     have       seen.

    HORATIO.

    Well,       sit    we   down,

    And let   us    hear Barnardo speak     of    this.

    BARNARDO.

    Last night      of    all,

    When     yond      same      star that’s      westward       from       the  pole,

    Had made     his   course    t’illume   that part of    heaven

    Where    now it     burns,     Marcellus      and myself,

    The bell  then beating  one—

    MARCELLUS.

    Peace,    break      thee off.  Look       where     it     comes    again.

    Enter      GHOST .

    BARNARDO.

    In    the  same      figure,    like  the  King that’s      dead.

    MARCELLUS.

    Thou      art   a     scholar;  speak     to    it,    Horatio.

    BARNARDO.

    Looks     it     not  like  the  King?      Mark      it,    Horatio.

    HORATIO.

    Most      like. It     harrows  me  with fear and wonder.

    BARNARDO

    It     would     be   spoke     to.

    MARCELLUS.

    Question it,    Horatio.

    HORATIO.

    What      art   thou that usurp’st  this  time of    night, Together     with that       fair  and warlike   form

    In    which     the  majesty  of    buried    Denmark

    Did  sometimes    march?   By   heaven   I      charge    thee speak.

    MARCELLUS.

    It     is     offended.

    BARNARDO.

    See, it     stalks      away.

    HORATIO.

    Stay!       speak,    speak!    I      charge    thee speak!

    [ Exit       GHOST . ]

    MARCELLUS.

    ’Tis  gone,     and will  not  answer.

    BARNARDO.

    How now,       Horatio!  You tremble  and look pale.

    Is     not  this  something     more      than fantasy?

    What      think      you on’t?

    HORATIO.

    Before    my  God,       I      might     not  this  believe

    Without  the  sensible  and true avouch

    Of   mine      own eyes.

    MARCELLUS.

    Is     it     not  like  the  King?

    HORATIO.

    As   thou art   to    thyself:

    Such       was the  very armour   he   had on

    When     he   th’ambitious  Norway  combated;

    So   frown’d   he   once,      when      in    an   angry     parle

    He   smote     the  sledded  Polacks   on   the  ice.

    ’Tis  strange.

    MARCELLUS.

    Thus       twice      before,   and jump      at    this  dead      hour,

    With       martial   stalk hath he   gone      by   our  watch.

    HORATIO.

    In    what       particular       thought  to    work       I      know      not; But       in    the  gross      and scope     of    my  opinion,

    This bodes     some      strange   eruption to    our  state.

    MARCELLUS.

    Good      now,       sit    down,     and tell  me, he   that knows,

    Why this  same      strict       and most      observant      watch

    So   nightly    toils the  subject   of    the  land,

    And why such daily cast of    brazen    cannon

    And foreign   mart       for   implements   of    war;

    Why such impress  of    shipwrights,   whose    sore task

    Does      not  divide     the  Sunday   from       the  week.

    What      might     be   toward,   that this  sweaty    haste

    Doth       make      the  night      joint-labourer       with the  day:

    Who       is’t   that can  inform    me?

    HORATIO.

    That can  I;

    At    least,      the  whisper  goes       so.   Our last  King,

    Whose    image     even       but  now appear’d to    us,

    Was,       as    you know,     by   Fortinbras      of    Norway,

    Thereto  prick’d    on   by   a     most      emulate  pride,

    Dar’d      to    the  combat;  in    which     our  valiant    Hamlet,

    For  so    this  side of    our  known    world      esteem’d him,

    Did  slay this  Fortinbras;     who by   a     seal’d     compact,

    Well ratified   by   law  and heraldry,

    Did  forfeit,    with his   life,  all    those      his   lands

    Which    he   stood     seiz’d     of,   to    the  conqueror;

    Against   the  which,    a     moiety    competent

    Was gaged    by   our  King;      which     had return’d

    To   the  inheritance    of    Fortinbras,

    Had he   been      vanquisher;   as    by   the  same      cov’nant

    And carriage  of    the  article     design’d,

    His  fell   to    Hamlet.  Now,      sir,   young    Fortinbras,

    Of   unimproved   mettle,   hot  and full,

    Hath       in    the  skirts      of    Norway,  here and there,

    Shark’d   up   a     list   of    lawless   resolutes,

    For  food       and diet, to    some      enterprise

    That hath a     stomach in’t; which     is     no   other,

    As   it     doth       well appear   unto our  state,

    But  to    recover   of    us    by   strong    hand

    And terms     compulsatory,      those      foresaid  lands

    So   by   his   father     lost. And this, I      take it,

    Is     the  main      motive    of    our  preparations,

    The source    of    this  our  watch,    and the  chief       head

    Of   this  post-haste    and rummage      in    the  land.

    BARNARDO.

    I      think      it     be   no   other      but  e’en so:

    Well may it     sort that this  portentous    figure

    Comes    armed    through  our  watch     so    like  the  King

    That was and is     the  question of    these      wars.

    HORATIO.

    A     mote      it     is     to    trouble   the  mind’s    eye.

    In    the  most      high and palmy     state       of    Rome,

    A     little ere  the  mightiest Julius      fell,

    The graves    stood     tenantless      and the  sheeted  dead

    Did  squeak   and gibber    in    the  Roman   streets;

    As   stars with trains      of    fire  and dews      of    blood,

    Disasters in    the  sun; and the  moist      star,

    Upon      whose    influence Neptune’s     empire   stands,

    Was sick almost    to    doomsday     with eclipse.

    And even       the  like  precurse of    fierce      events,

    As   harbingers     preceding      still  the  fates

    And prologue to    the  omen     coming   on,

    Have      heaven   and earth      together demonstrated

    Unto       our  climatures     and countrymen.

    Re-enter GHOST .

    But, soft, behold!  Lo,   where     it     comes    again!

    I’ll    cross      it,    though   it     blast       me. Stay,       illusion!

    If     thou hast any  sound,    or    use  of    voice,

    Speak     to    me.

    If     there      be   any  good      thing      to    be   done,

    That may to    thee do   ease,      and grace      to    me,

    Speak     to    me.

    If     thou art   privy       to    thy  country’s fate,

    Which,    happily,  foreknowing  may avoid,

    O    speak!

    Or   if     thou hast uphoarded    in    thy  life

    Extorted treasure  in    the  womb     of    earth,

    For  which,    they say, you spirits     oft   walk in    death,

    Speak     of    it.    Stay,       and speak!

    [ The      cock crows. ]

    Stop it,    Marcellus!

    MARCELLUS.

    Shall       I      strike      at    it     with my  partisan?

    HORATIO.

    Do,  if     it     will  not  stand.

    BARNARDO.

    ’Tis  here!

    HORATIO.

    ’Tis  here!

    [ Exit       GHOST . ]

    MARCELLUS.

    ’Tis  gone!

    We  do   it     wrong,    being     so    majestical,

    To   offer       it     the  show      of    violence,

    For  it     is     as    the  air,  invulnerable,

    And our  vain blows     malicious mockery.

    BARNARDO.

    It     was about     to    speak,    when      the  cock crew.

    HORATIO.

    And then it     started,   like  a     guilty      thing

    Upon      a     fearful    summons.     I      have       heard

    The cock,      that is     the  trumpet  to    the  morn,

    Doth       with his   lofty and shrill-sounding     throat

    Awake    the  god of    day; and at    his   warning,

    Whether in    sea  or    fire, in    earth      or    air,

    Th’extravagant     and erring     spirit       hies

    To   his   confine.  And of    the  truth       herein

    This present   object     made     probation.

    MARCELLUS.

    It     faded     on   the  crowing  of    the  cock.

    Some     say  that ever ’gainst    that season   comes

    Wherein our  Saviour’s birth       is     celebrated,

    The bird of    dawning singeth   all    night      long;

    And then,      they say, no   spirit       dare stir  abroad,

    The nights     are  wholesome,   then no   planets   strike,

    No   fairy takes,     nor  witch      hath power     to    charm;

    So   hallow’d and so    gracious is     the  time.

    HORATIO.

    So   have       I      heard,    and do   in    part believe   it.

    But  look,       the  morn      in    russet     mantle   clad,

    Walks     o’er the  dew of    yon high eastward hill.

    Break      we   our  watch     up,  and by   my  advice,

    Let  us    impart    what       we   have       seen tonight

    Unto       young    Hamlet;  for   upon      my  life,

    This spirit,      dumb     to    us,   will  speak     to    him.

    Do   you consent  we   shall acquaint him with it,

    As   needful   in    our  loves,     fitting     our  duty?

    MARCELLUS.

    Let’s do’t, I      pray,       and I      this  morning know

    Where    we   shall find him most      conveniently.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     Elsinore. A     room      of    state       in    the  Castle.

    Enter      Claudius KING    of    Denmark,      Gertrude the  QUEEN,       HAMLET, POLONIUS, LAERTES,   VOLTEMAND,

    CORNELIUS,  LORDS   and ATTENDANT .

    KING.

    Though  yet  of    Hamlet   our  dear brother’s death

    The memory be   green,    and that it     us    befitted

    To   bear our  hearts     in    grief,      and our  whole     kingdom

    To   be   contracted     in    one brow      of    woe;

    Yet  so    far   hath discretion      fought    with nature

    That we   with wisest     sorrow    think      on   him,

    Together with remembrance of    ourselves.

    Therefore      our  sometime      sister,     now our  queen,

    Th’imperial    jointress to    this  warlike   state, Have    we,  as    ’twere       with a     defeated joy,

    With       one auspicious     and one dropping eye,

    With       mirth      in    funeral,   and with dirge      in    marriage,

    In    equal      scale      weighing delight   and dole,

    Taken     to    wife; nor  have       we   herein    barr’d

    Your       better     wisdoms, which     have       freely      gone

    With       this  affair      along.     For  all,   our  thanks.

    Now       follows,   that you know      young    Fortinbras,

    Holding  a     weak      supposal of    our  worth,

    Or   thinking  by   our  late dear brother’s death

    Our state       to    be   disjoint   and out  of    frame,

    Colleagued    with this  dream    of    his   advantage,

    He   hath not  fail’d       to    pester     us    with message,

    Importing      the  surrender      of    those      lands

    Lost by   his   father,    with all    bonds     of    law,

    To   our  most      valiant    brother.  So   much     for   him.

    Now       for   ourself    and for   this  time of    meeting:

    Thus       much     the  business is:    we   have       here writ

    To   Norway,  uncle      of    young    Fortinbras,

    Who,      impotent and bed-rid,  scarcely  hears

    Of   this  his   nephew’s       purpose, to    suppress

    His  further    gait herein;    in    that the  levies,

    The lists, and full  proportions   are  all    made

    Out of    his   subject:  and we   here dispatch

    You, good      Cornelius,      and you, Voltemand,

    For  bearers   of    this  greeting to    old  Norway,

    Giving    to    you no   further    personal power

    To   business with the  King,      more      than the  scope

    Of   these      dilated    articles   allow.

    Farewell; and let   your haste      commend      your duty.

    CORNELIUS   and VOLTEMAND.

    In    that, and all    things,    will  we   show      our  duty.

    KING.

    We  doubt     it     nothing: heartily   farewell.

    [ Exeunt  VOLTEMAND     and CORNELIUS . ]

    And now,       Laertes,  what’s    the  news      with you?

    You told us    of    some      suit. What      is’t,  Laertes?

    You cannot   speak     of    reason    to    the  Dane,

    And lose your voice.     What      wouldst  thou beg, Laertes,

    That shall not  be   my  offer,      not  thy  asking?

    The head      is     not  more      native     to    the  heart,

    The hand      more      instrumental  to    the  mouth,

    Than      is     the  throne    of    Denmark to    thy  father.

    What      wouldst  thou have,      Laertes?

    LAERTES.

    Dread     my  lord,

    Your       leave      and favour    to    return     to    France,

    From      whence  though   willingly  I      came      to    Denmark

    To   show      my  duty in    your coronation;

    Yet  now I      must      confess,  that duty done,

    My  thoughts and wishes    bend      again      toward   France,

    And bow them      to    your gracious leave      and pardon.

    KING.

    Have      you your father’s   leave?     What      says Polonius?

    POLONIUS.

    He   hath,      my  lord, wrung    from       me  my  slow leave

    By   laboursome   petition; and at    last

    Upon      his   will  I      seal’d     my  hard consent.

    I      do   beseech you give him leave      to    go.

    KING.

    Take       thy  fair  hour,      Laertes;  time be   thine,

    And thy  best graces    spend     it     at    thy  will!

    But  now,       my  cousin    Hamlet,  and my  son—

    HAMLET.

    [ Aside. ] A     little more      than kin,  and less than kind.

    KING.

    How is     it     that the  clouds    still  hang      on   you?

    HAMLET.

    Not so,   my  lord, I      am  too  much     i’     the  sun.

    QUEEN.

    Good      Hamlet,  cast thy  nighted  colour    off,

    And let   thine      eye  look like  a     friend     on   Denmark.

    Do   not  for   ever with thy  vailed     lids

    Seek       for   thy  noble     father     in    the  dust.

    Thou      know’st  ’tis   common,       all    that lives must      die,

    Passing  through  nature    to    eternity.

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  madam,  it     is     common.

    QUEEN.

    If     it     be,

    Why seems    it     so    particular       with thee?

    HAMLET.

    Seems,   madam! Nay, it     is;    I      know      not  seems.

    ’Tis  not  alone      my  inky cloak,     good      mother,

    Nor customary     suits of    solemn   black,

    Nor windy     suspiration    of    forc’d     breath,

    No,  nor  the  fruitful    river in    the  eye,

    Nor the  dejected haviour   of    the  visage,

    Together with all    forms,     moods,   shows     of    grief,

    That can  denote   me  truly.      These     indeed    seem,

    For  they are  actions   that a     man might     play;

    But  I      have       that within     which     passeth  show;

    These     but  the  trappings       and the  suits of    woe.

    KING.

    ’Tis  sweet     and commendable      in    your nature,   Hamlet,

    To   give these      mourning      duties     to    your father;

    But  you must      know,     your father     lost  a     father,

    That father     lost, lost  his,  and the  survivor  bound

    In    filial obligation,     for   some      term

    To   do   obsequious   sorrow.   But  to    persevere

    In    obstinate condolement is     a     course

    Of   impious  stubbornness. ’Tis  unmanly grief,

    It     shows     a     will  most      incorrect to    heaven,

    A     heart      unfortified,    a     mind      impatient,

    An   understanding      simple    and unschool’d;

    For  what       we   know      must      be,  and is     as    common

    As   any  the  most      vulgar     thing      to    sense,

    Why should    we   in    our  peevish  opposition

    Take       it     to    heart?     Fie,  ’tis   a     fault to    heaven, A      fault       against   the  dead,      a     fault to    nature,

    To   reason    most      absurd,   whose    common theme

    Is     death     of    fathers,   and who still  hath cried,

    From      the  first corse      till   he   that died today,

    ‘This must      be   so.’  We  pray you throw     to    earth

    This unprevailing  woe,       and think      of    us

    As   of    a     father;    for   let   the  world      take note

    You are  the  most      immediate     to    our  throne,

    And with no   less nobility   of    love

    Than      that which     dearest   father     bears      his   son

    Do   I      impart    toward   you. For  your intent

    In    going     back       to    school    in    Wittenberg,

    It     is     most      retrograde     to    our  desire:

    And we   beseech you bend      you to    remain

    Here       in    the  cheer      and comfort  of    our  eye,

    Our chiefest  courtier, cousin,   and our  son.

    QUEEN.

    Let  not  thy  mother   lose her  prayers,  Hamlet.

    I      pray thee stay with us;   go   not  to    Wittenberg.

    HAMLET.

    I      shall in    all    my  best obey       you, madam.

    KING.

    Why,      ’tis   a     loving     and a     fair  reply.

    Be   as    ourself    in    Denmark.      Madam,  come;

    This gentle    and unforc’d accord    of    Hamlet

    Sits  smiling   to    my  heart;     in    grace      whereof,

    No   jocund    health    that Denmark drinks     today

    But  the  great      cannon   to    the  clouds    shall tell,

    And the  King’s     rouse      the  heaven   shall bruit       again,

    Re-speaking  earthly    thunder. Come     away.

    [ Exeunt  all    but  HAMLET . ]

    HAMLET.

    O    that this  too  too  solid       flesh would     melt,

    Thaw,     and resolve   itself into a     dew!

    Or   that the  Everlasting    had not  fix’d

    His  canon     ’gainst    self-slaughter.      O    God!       O    God!

    How weary,    stale,      flat, and unprofitable

    Seem      to    me  all    the  uses of    this  world!

    Fie   on’t! Oh  fie!  ’tis   an   unweeded     garden

    That grows     to    seed;      things     rank and gross      in    nature

    Possess  it     merely.   That it     should    come      to    this!

    But  two months  dead—nay,    not  so    much,     not  two:

    So   excellent a     king;       that was to    this

    Hyperion to    a     satyr;      so    loving     to    my  mother,

    That he   might     not  beteem  the  winds     of    heaven

    Visit her  face too  roughly.  Heaven  and earth!

    Must      I      remember?    Why,      she  would     hang      on   him

    As   if     increase of    appetite had grown

    By   what       it     fed  on;  and yet,  within     a     month—

    Let  me  not  think      on’t—Frailty,  thy  name     is     woman!

    A     little month,   or    ere  those      shoes     were       old

    With       which     she  followed my  poor       father’s   body

    Like Niobe,    all    tears.—Why  she, even       she—

    O    God!       A     beast      that wants     discourse       of    reason

    Would    have       mourn’d longer,—married  with mine      uncle,

    My  father’s   brother;  but  no   more      like  my  father

    Than      I      to    Hercules. Within    a     month?

    Ere  yet  the  salt  of    most      unrighteous   tears

    Had left  the  flushing  in    her  galled     eyes,

    She married. O    most      wicked    speed,    to    post

    With       such dexterity to    incestuous     sheets!

    It     is     not, nor  it     cannot   come      to    good.

    But  break      my  heart,     for   I      must      hold my  tongue.

    Enter      HORATIO,    MARCELLUS and BARNARDO .

    HORATIO.

    Hail to    your lordship!

    HAMLET.

    I      am  glad to    see  you well:

    Horatio,  or    I      do   forget     myself.

    HORATIO.

    The same,     my  lord,

    And your poor       servant   ever.

    HAMLET.

    Sir,  my  good      friend;

    I’ll    change   that name     with you:

    And what       make      you from       Wittenberg,   Horatio?—

    Marcellus?

    MARCELLUS.

    My  good      lord.

    HAMLET.

    I      am  very glad to    see  you.—Good   even,      sir.—

    But  what,      in    faith,      make      you from       Wittenberg?

    HORATIO.

    A     truant     disposition,    good      my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    I      would     not  hear your enemy    say  so;

    Nor shall you do   my  ear  that violence,

    To   make      it     truster    of    your own report

    Against   yourself. I      know      you are  no   truant.

    But  what       is     your affair      in    Elsinore?

    We’ll       teach      you to    drink      deep      ere  you depart.

    HORATIO.

    My  lord, I      came      to    see  your father’s   funeral.

    HAMLET.

    I      prithee   do   not  mock      me, fellow-student.

    I      think      it     was to    see  my  mother’s wedding.

    HORATIO.

    Indeed,   my  lord, it     follow’d  hard upon.

    HAMLET.

    Thrift,     thrift,      Horatio!  The funeral   bak’d      meats

    Did  coldly     furnish    forth       the  marriage tables.

    Would    I      had met my  dearest   foe  in    heaven

    Or   ever I      had seen that day, Horatio.

    My  father,—methinks I      see  my  father.

    HORATIO.

    Where,   my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    In    my  mind’s    eye, Horatio.

    HORATIO.

    I      saw him once;      he   was a     goodly    king.

    HAMLET.

    He   was a     man,      take him for   all    in    all,

    I      shall not  look upon      his   like  again.

    HORATIO.

    My  lord, I      think      I      saw him yesternight.

    HAMLET.

    Saw?      Who?

    HORATIO.

    My  lord, the  King your father.

    HAMLET.

    The King my  father!

    HORATIO.

    Season   your admiration    for   a     while

    With       an   attent     ear, till   I      may deliver

    Upon      the  witness   of    these      gentlemen

    This marvel    to    you.

    HAMLET.

    For  God’s     love let   me  hear.

    HORATIO.

    Two nights     together had these      gentlemen,

    Marcellus      and Barnardo,      on   their watch

    In    the  dead      waste     and middle    of    the  night,

    Been      thus encounter’d.  A     figure     like  your father,

    Armed    at    point      exactly,   cap-à-pie,

    Appears  before    them,     and with solemn   march

    Goes      slow and stately    by   them:     thrice     he   walk’d

    By   their oppress’d      and fear-surprised      eyes,

    Within    his   truncheon’s   length;   whilst     they,       distill’d

    Almost   to    jelly with the  act  of    fear,

    Stand     dumb,    and speak     not  to    him. This to    me

    In    dreadful secrecy   impart    they did,

    And I      with them      the  third       night      kept the  watch, Where,       as    they had deliver’d, both       in    time,

    Form      of    the  thing,     each       word      made     true and good,

    The apparition     comes.   I      knew      your father;

    These     hands     are  not  more      like.

    HAMLET.

    But  where     was this?

    MARCELLUS.

    My  lord, upon      the  platform where     we   watch.

    HAMLET.

    Did  you not  speak     to    it?

    HORATIO.

    My  lord, I      did;

    But  answer   made     it     none:     yet  once       methought

    It     lifted      up   it     head,      and did  address

    Itself       to    motion,  like  as    it     would     speak.

    But  even       then the  morning cock crew       loud,

    And at    the  sound     it     shrunk    in    haste      away,

    And vanish’d from       our  sight.

    HAMLET.

    ’Tis  very strange.

    HORATIO.

    As   I      do   live, my  honour’d lord, ’tis   true;

    And we   did  think      it     writ down      in    our  duty

    To   let   you know      of    it.

    HAMLET.

    Indeed,   indeed,   sirs, but  this  troubles  me.

    Hold       you the  watch     tonight?

    Mar. and BARNARDO.

    We  do,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Arm’d,    say  you?

    Both.

    Arm’d,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    From      top  to    toe?

    BOTH.

    My  lord, from       head      to    foot.

    HAMLET.

    Then      saw you not  his   face?

    HORATIO.

    O    yes, my  lord, he   wore       his   beaver    up.

    HAMLET.

    What,     look’d     he   frowningly?

    HORATIO.

    A     countenance more      in    sorrow    than in    anger.

    HAMLET.

    Pale,       or    red?

    HORATIO.

    Nay, very pale.

    HAMLET.

    And fix’d his   eyes upon      you?

    HORATIO.

    Most      constantly.

    HAMLET.

    I      would     I      had been      there.

    HORATIO.

    It     would     have       much     amaz’d   you.

    HAMLET.

    Very like, very like. Stay’d     it     long?

    HORATIO.

    While     one with moderate      haste      might     tell  a     hundred.

    MARCELLUS  and BARNARDO.

    Longer,   longer.

    HORATIO.

    Not when      I      saw’t.

    HAMLET.

    His  beard     was grizzled, no?

    HORATIO.

    It     was, as    I      have       seen it     in    his   life,

    A     sable      silver’d.

    HAMLET.

    I      will  watch     tonight;

    Perchance     ’twill walk again.

    HORATIO.

    I      warrant  you it     will.

    HAMLET.

    If     it     assume  my  noble     father’s   person,

    I’ll    speak     to    it,    though   hell  itself should    gape

    And bid  me  hold my  peace.    I      pray you all,

    If     you have       hitherto  conceal’d      this  sight,

    Let  it     be   tenable   in    your silence    still;

    And whatsoever    else shall hap tonight,

    Give it     an   understanding,     but  no   tongue.

    I      will  requite   your loves.     So,  fare ye    well.

    Upon      the  platform ’twixt      eleven    and twelve,

    I’ll    visit you.

    ALL.

    Our duty to    your honour.

    HAMLET.

    Your       loves,     as    mine      to    you: farewell.

    [ Exeunt  HORATIO,    MARCELLUS and BARNARDO . ]

    My  father’s   spirit       in    arms!      All   is     not  well;

    I      doubt     some      foul play: would     the  night      were       come!

    Till   then sit    still, my  soul: foul deeds     will  rise,

    Though  all    the  earth      o’erwhelm     them,     to    men’s     eyes.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    III.    A     room      in    Polonius’s      house.

    Enter      LAERTES      and OPHELIA .

    LAERTES.

    My  necessaries    are  embark’d.      Farewell.

    And, sister,     as    the  winds     give benefit

    And convoy   is     assistant, do   not  sleep,

    But  let   me  hear from       you.

    OPHELIA.

    Do   you doubt     that?

    LAERTES.

    For  Hamlet,  and the  trifling    of    his   favour,

    Hold       it     a     fashion   and a     toy  in    blood;

    A     violet      in    the  youth     of    primy     nature,

    Forward, not  permanent,   sweet,    not  lasting;

    The perfume and suppliance     of    a     minute;

    No   more.

    OPHELIA.

    No   more      but  so?

    LAERTES.

    Think      it     no   more.

    For  nature    crescent does       not  grow      alone

    In    thews     and bulk;       but  as    this  temple   waxes,

    The inward    service    of    the  mind      and soul

    Grows     wide       withal.    Perhaps  he   loves      you now,

    And now no   soil  nor  cautel     doth       besmirch

    The virtue     of    his   will; but  you must      fear,

    His  greatness      weigh’d, his   will  is     not  his   own;

    For  he   himself   is     subject   to    his   birth:

    He   may not, as    unvalu’d persons  do,

    Carve     for   himself;  for   on   his   choice    depends

    The sanctity  and health    of    this  whole     state;

    And therefore must      his   choice    be   circumscrib’d

    Unto       the  voice      and yielding  of    that body

    Whereof he   is     the  head.      Then      if     he   says he   loves      you,

    It     fits   your wisdom  so    far   to    believe   it

    As   he   in    his   particular       act  and place

    May give his   saying    deed;      which     is     no   further

    Than      the  main      voice      of    Denmark goes       withal.

    Then      weigh     what       loss your honour   may sustain

    If     with too  credent  ear  you list   his   songs, Or       lose your heart,       or    your chaste    treasure  open

    To   his   unmaster’d    importunity.

    Fear it,    Ophelia, fear it,    my  dear sister;

    And keep       you in    the  rear of    your affection,

    Out of    the  shot and danger   of    desire.

    The chariest  maid      is     prodigal enough

    If     she  unmask  her  beauty    to    the  moon.

    Virtue     itself scopes    not  calumnious    strokes:

    The canker    galls the  infants    of    the  spring

    Too oft   before    their buttons  be   disclos’d,

    And in    the  morn      and liquid      dew of    youth

    Contagious    blastments    are  most      imminent.

    Be   wary       then,      best safety     lies  in    fear.

    Youth     to    itself rebels,    though   none      else near.

    OPHELIA.

    I      shall th’effect  of    this  good      lesson    keep

    As   watchman     to    my  heart.     But  good      my  brother,

    Do   not  as    some      ungracious    pastors   do,

    Show      me  the  steep      and thorny    way to    heaven;

    Whilst     like  a     puff’d     and reckless  libertine

    Himself   the  primrose path of    dalliance treads,

    And recks      not  his   own rede.

    LAERTES.

    O,    fear me  not.

    I      stay too  long.      But  here my  father     comes.

    Enter      POLONIUS .

    A     double   blessing  is     a     double   grace;

    Occasion smiles     upon      a     second   leave.

    POLONIUS.

    Yet  here,      Laertes?  Aboard,  aboard,  for   shame.

    The wind       sits  in    the  shoulder of    your sail,

    And you are  stay’d     for.  There,     my  blessing  with you.

    [ Laying  his   hand      on   LAERTES’S   head. ]

    And these      few  precepts in    thy  memory

    Look       thou character.      Give thy  thoughts no   tongue,

    Nor any  unproportion’d     thought  his   act.

    Be   thou familiar,  but  by   no   means    vulgar.

    Those     friends    thou hast, and their adoption tried,

    Grapple  them      unto thy  soul with hoops     of    steel;

    But  do   not  dull thy  palm      with entertainment

    Of   each       new-hatch’d, unfledg’d       comrade.       Beware

    Of   entrance to    a     quarrel;  but  being     in,

    Bear’t     that th’opposed    may beware   of    thee.

    Give every      man thine      ear, but  few  thy  voice:

    Take       each       man’s     censure, but  reserve   thy  judgment.

    Costly     thy  habit      as    thy  purse      can  buy,

    But  not  express’d in    fancy;     rich, not  gaudy:

    For  the  apparel   oft   proclaims      the  man;

    And they in    France    of    the  best rank and station

    Are  of    a     most      select     and generous       chief       in    that.

    Neither   a     borrower nor  a     lender    be:

    For  loan oft   loses      both       itself and friend;

    And borrowing     dulls the  edge      of    husbandry.

    This above     all:   to    thine      own self  be   true;

    And it     must      follow,    as    the  night      the  day,

    Thou      canst      not  then be   false to    any  man.

    Farewell: my  blessing  season   this  in    thee.

    LAERTES.

    Most      humbly   do   I      take my  leave,     my  lord.

    POLONIUS.

    The time invites    you; go,  your servants tend.

    LAERTES.

    Farewell, Ophelia, and remember     well

    What      I      have       said to    you.

    OPHELIA.

    ’Tis  in    my  memory lock’d,

    And you yourself  shall keep       the  key  of    it.

    LAERTES.

    Farewell.

    [ Exit. ]

    POLONIUS.

    What      is’t,  Ophelia, he   hath said to    you?

    OPHELIA.

    So   please    you, something     touching the  Lord Hamlet.

    POLONIUS.

    Marry,    well bethought:

    ’Tis  told me  he   hath very oft   of    late

    Given     private    time to    you; and you yourself

    Have      of    your audience been      most      free and bounteous.

    If     it     be   so,—as   so    ’tis   put  on   me,

    And that in    way of    caution,—I    must      tell  you

    You do   not  understand    yourself  so    clearly

    As   it     behoves my  daughter and your honour.

    What      is     between you?       Give me  up   the  truth.

    OPHELIA.

    He   hath,      my  lord, of    late made     many      tenders

    Of   his   affection to    me.

    POLONIUS.

    Affection!      Pooh!     You speak     like  a     green     girl,

    Unsifted in    such perilous  circumstance.

    Do   you believe   his   tenders,  as    you call  them?

    OPHELIA.

    I      do   not  know,     my  lord, what       I      should    think.

    POLONIUS.

    Marry,    I’ll    teach      you; think      yourself  a     baby;

    That you have       ta’en      these      tenders   for   true pay,

    Which    are  not  sterling.  Tender   yourself  more      dearly;

    Or,—not to    crack      the  wind       of    the  poor       phrase,

    Roaming it     thus,—you’ll  tender    me  a     fool.

    OPHELIA.

    My  lord, he   hath importun’d    me  with love

    In    honourable   fashion.

    POLONIUS.

    Ay,  fashion   you may call  it;    go   to,   go   to.

    OPHELIA.

    And hath given      countenance to    his   speech,  my  lord,

    With       almost    all    the  holy vows      of    heaven.

    POLONIUS.

    Ay,  springes to    catch      woodcocks.   I      do   know,

    When     the  blood     burns,     how prodigal the  soul

    Lends     the  tongue   vows:      these      blazes,    daughter,

    Giving    more      light than heat,      extinct    in    both,

    Even       in    their promise, as    it     is     a-making,

    You must      not  take for   fire. From      this  time

    Be   something     scanter   of    your maiden   presence;

    Set  your entreatments at    a     higher    rate

    Than      a     command      to    parley.    For  Lord Hamlet,

    Believe   so    much     in    him that he   is     young;

    And with a     larger     tether     may he   walk

    Than      may be   given      you. In    few, Ophelia,

    Do   not  believe   his   vows;      for   they are  brokers,

    Not of    that dye  which     their investments   show,

    But  mere      implorators    of    unholy    suits,

    Breathing      like  sanctified      and pious      bawds,

    The better     to    beguile.  This is     for   all.

    I      would     not, in    plain       terms,     from       this  time forth

    Have      you so    slander   any  moment leisure

    As   to    give words     or    talk  with the  Lord Hamlet.

    Look       to’t, I      charge    you; come      your ways.

    OPHELIA.

    I      shall obey,      my  lord.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    IV.   The platform.

    Enter      HAMLET,      HORATIO      and MARCELLUS .

    HAMLET.

    The air   bites       shrewdly; it     is     very cold.

    HORATIO.

    It     is     a     nipping  and an   eager     air.

    HAMLET.

    What      hour       now?

    HORATIO.

    I      think      it     lacks       of    twelve.

    MARCELLUS.

    No,  it     is     struck.

    HORATIO.

    Indeed?  I      heard     it     not. It     then draws     near the  season

    Wherein the  spirit       held his   wont      to    walk.

    [ A   flourish   of    trumpets,      and ordnance       shot off   within. ]

    What      does       this  mean,     my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    The King doth       wake      tonight   and takes      his   rouse,

    Keeps     wassail,  and the  swaggering   upspring reels;

    And as    he   drains     his   draughts of    Rhenish  down,

    The kettle-drum   and trumpet  thus bray out

    The triumph  of    his   pledge.

    HORATIO.

    Is     it     a     custom?

    HAMLET.

    Ay   marry     is’t;

    And to    my  mind,     though   I      am  native     here,

    And to    the  manner  born,      it     is     a     custom

    More      honour’d in    the  breach    than the  observance.

    This heavy-headed      revel       east and west

    Makes    us    traduc’d and tax’d       of    other      nations:

    They       clepe      us    drunkards,     and with swinish   phrase

    Soil  our  addition; and indeed    it     takes

    From      our  achievements,      though   perform’d      at    height,

    The pith and marrow  of    our  attribute.

    So   oft   it     chances  in    particular       men

    That for   some      vicious    mole      of    nature    in    them,

    As   in    their birth,      wherein  they are  not  guilty,

    Since      nature    cannot   choose   his   origin,

    By   their o’ergrowth    of    some      complexion,

    Oft  breaking down      the  pales      and forts of    reason;

    Or   by   some      habit,     that too  much     o’erleavens

    The form       of    plausive  manners;—that    these      men,

    Carrying, I      say, the  stamp     of    one defect,

    Being     Nature’s livery      or    Fortune’s star,—

    His  virtues    else,—be they as    pure as    grace,

    As   infinite    as    man may undergo,

    Shall       in    the  general   censure  take corruption

    From      that particular       fault.      The dram      of    evil

    Doth       all    the  noble     substance      often      doubt

    To   his   own scandal.

    HORATIO.

    Look,      my  lord, it     comes!

    Enter      GHOST .

    HAMLET.

    Angels    and ministers of    grace      defend   us!

    Be   thou a     spirit       of    health    or    goblin    damn’d,

    Bring      with thee airs  from       heaven   or    blasts     from       hell,

    Be   thy  intents    wicked    or    charitable,

    Thou      com’st    in    such a     questionable shape

    That I      will  speak     to    thee.      I’ll    call  thee Hamlet,

    King,      father,    royal       Dane.     O,    answer   me!

    Let  me  not  burst      in    ignorance;     but  tell

    Why thy  canoniz’d      bones,    hearsed  in    death,

    Have      burst      their cerements;    why the  sepulchre,

    Wherein we   saw thee quietly    inurn’d,

    Hath       op’d his   ponderous     and marble   jaws

    To   cast thee up   again!     What      may this  mean,

    That thou,      dead      corse,     again      in    complete       steel,

    Revisit’st thus the  glimpses of    the  moon,

    Making   night      hideous, and we   fools       of    nature

    So   horridly  to    shake     our  disposition

    With       thoughts beyond   the  reaches  of    our  souls?

    Say, why is     this? Wherefore?    What      should    we   do?

    [GHOST beckons HAMLET . ]

    HORATIO.

    It     beckons you to    go   away      with it,

    As   if     it     some      impartment   did  desire

    To   you alone.

    MARCELLUS.

    Look       with what       courteous      action

    It     waves     you to    a     more      removed ground.

    But  do   not  go   with it.

    HORATIO.

    No,  by   no   means.

    HAMLET.

    It     will  not  speak;    then will  I      follow     it.

    HORATIO.

    Do   not, my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      what       should    be   the  fear?

    I      do   not  set   my  life   at    a     pin’s fee;

    And for   my  soul, what       can  it     do   to    that,

    Being     a     thing      immortal as    itself?

    It     waves     me  forth       again.     I’ll    follow     it.

    HORATIO.

    What      if     it     tempt     you toward   the  flood,     my  lord,

    Or   to    the  dreadful summit   of    the  cliff

    That beetles   o’er his   base into the  sea,

    And there      assume  some      other      horrible  form

    Which    might     deprive   your sovereignty   of    reason,

    And draw       you into madness?      Think      of    it.

    The very place      puts toys of    desperation,

    Without  more      motive,   into every      brain

    That looks      so    many      fadoms   to    the  sea

    And hears      it     roar beneath.

    HAMLET.

    It     waves     me  still.

    Go   on,  I’ll    follow     thee.

    MARCELLUS.

    You shall not  go,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Hold       off   your hands.

    HORATIO.

    Be   rul’d;      you shall not  go.

    HAMLET.

    My  fate cries out,

    And makes    each       petty      artery     in    this  body

    As   hardy     as    the  Nemean lion’s      nerve.

    [GHOST beckons. ]

    Still  am  I      call’d.     Unhand  me, gentlemen.

    [ Breaking      free from       them. ]

    By   heaven,  I’ll    make      a     ghost     of    him that lets  me.

    I      say, away!—Go    on,  I’ll    follow     thee.

    [ Exeunt  GHOST        and HAMLET . ]

    HORATIO.

    He   waxes     desperate      with imagination.

    MARCELLUS.

    Let’s follow;    ’tis   not  fit    thus to    obey       him.

    HORATIO.

    Have      after.      To   what       issue      will  this  come?

    MARCELLUS.

    Something    is     rotten     in    the  state       of    Denmark.

    HORATIO.

    Heaven  will  direct     it.

    MARCELLUS.

    Nay, let’s follow     him.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    V.    A     more      remote   part of    the  Castle.

    Enter      GHOST        and HAMLET .

    HAMLET.

    Whither  wilt  thou lead me? Speak,    I’ll    go   no   further.

    GHOST.

    Mark      me.

    HAMLET.

    I      will.

    GHOST.

    My  hour       is     almost    come,

    When     I      to    sulph’rous     and tormenting    flames

    Must      render    up   myself.

    HAMLET.

    Alas, poor       ghost!

    GHOST.

    Pity me  not, but  lend thy  serious   hearing

    To   what       I      shall unfold.

    HAMLET.

    Speak,    I      am  bound    to    hear.

    GHOST.

    So   art   thou to    revenge, when      thou shalt       hear.

    HAMLET.

    What?

    GHOST.

    I      am  thy  father’s   spirit,

    Doom’d  for   a     certain    term       to    walk the  night,

    And for   the  day  confin’d  to    fast  in    fires,

    Till   the  foul crimes    done      in    my  days of    nature

    Are  burnt      and purg’d    away.     But  that I      am  forbid

    To   tell  the  secrets   of    my  prison-house,

    I      could      a     tale unfold    whose    lightest   word

    Would    harrow   up   thy  soul; freeze     thy  young    blood,

    Make      thy  two eyes like  stars start from       their spheres,

    Thy  knotted  and combined      locks      to    part,

    And each       particular       hair to    stand      on   end

    Like quills      upon      the  fretful     porcupine.

    But  this  eternal   blazon    must      not  be

    To   ears of    flesh and blood.    List, list,  O,    list!

    If     thou didst       ever thy  dear father     love—

    HAMLET.

    O    God!

    GHOST.

    Revenge his   foul and most      unnatural      murder.

    HAMLET.

    Murder!

    GHOST.

    Murder   most      foul, as    in    the  best it     is;

    But  this  most      foul, strange,  and unnatural.

    HAMLET.

    Haste     me  to    know’t,   that I,     with wings     as    swift

    As   meditation    or    the  thoughts of    love

    May sweep    to    my  revenge.

    GHOST.

    I      find thee apt;

    And duller     shouldst thou be   than the  fat   weed

    That rots itself in    ease on   Lethe      wharf,

    Wouldst thou not  stir  in    this. Now,      Hamlet,  hear.

    ’Tis  given      out  that, sleeping in    my  orchard,

    A     serpent   stung     me; so    the  whole     ear  of    Denmark

    Is     by   a     forged    process  of    my  death

    Rankly    abus’d;   but  know,     thou noble     youth,

    The serpent   that did  sting       thy  father’s   life

    Now       wears     his   crown.

    HAMLET.

    O    my  prophetic      soul!

    Mine      uncle!

    GHOST.

    Ay,  that incestuous,    that adulterate     beast,

    With       witchcraft      of    his   wit,  with traitorous      gifts,—

    O    wicked    wit,  and gifts,       that have       the  power

    So   to    seduce!—won      to    his   shameful lust

    The will  of    my  most      seeming-virtuous queen.

    O    Hamlet,  what       a     falling     off   was there,

    From      me, whose    love was of    that dignity

    That it     went       hand      in    hand      even       with the  vow

    I      made     to    her  in    marriage;       and to    decline

    Upon      a     wretch    whose    natural   gifts were       poor

    To   those      of    mine.      But  virtue,     as    it     never      will  be       mov’d, Though     lewdness court      it     in    a     shape     of       heaven;

    So   lust, though   to    a     radiant   angel      link’d,

    Will sate itself in    a     celestial  bed

    And prey on   garbage.

    But  soft! methinks I      scent      the  morning air;

    Brief let   me  be.  Sleeping within     my  orchard,

    My  custom   always    of    the  afternoon,

    Upon      my  secure    hour       thy  uncle      stole

    With       juice of    cursed    hebenon in    a     vial,

    And in    the  porches  of    my  ears did  pour

    The leperous distilment,     whose    effect

    Holds     such an   enmity    with blood     of    man

    That swift as    quicksilver     it     courses  through

    The natural   gates      and alleys      of    the  body;

    And with a     sudden   vigour    it     doth       posset

    And curd,      like  eager     droppings      into milk,

    The thin and wholesome    blood.    So   did  it     mine;

    And a     most      instant    tetter      bark’d     about,

    Most      lazar-like,      with vile  and loathsome     crust

    All   my  smooth  body.

    Thus       was I,     sleeping, by   a     brother’s hand,

    Of   life,  of    crown,    of    queen    at    once       dispatch’d:

    Cut  off   even       in    the  blossoms       of    my  sin,

    Unhous’led,   disappointed, unanel’d;

    No   reckoning      made,     but  sent to    my  account

    With       all    my  imperfections on   my  head.

    O    horrible! O    horrible! most      horrible!

    If     thou hast nature    in    thee,      bear it     not;

    Let  not  the  royal       bed of    Denmark be

    A     couch     for   luxury     and damned incest.

    But  howsoever     thou pursu’st  this  act,

    Taint      not  thy  mind,     nor  let   thy  soul contrive

    Against   thy  mother   aught;    leave      her  to    heaven,

    And to    those      thorns    that in    her  bosom    lodge,

    To   prick       and sting       her. Fare thee well at    once!

    The glow-worm   shows     the  matin     to    be   near,

    And ’gins to    pale his   uneffectual    fire.

    Adieu,    adieu,     adieu.     Hamlet,  remember     me.

    [ Exit. ]

    HAMLET.

    O    all    you host of    heaven!  O    earth!     What      else?

    And shall I      couple    hell? O,    fie!  Hold,      my  heart;

    And you, my  sinews,   grow      not  instant    old,

    But  bear me  stiffly      up.  Remember    thee?

    Ay,  thou poor       ghost,     while      memory holds      a     seat

    In    this  distracted      globe.     Remember    thee?

    Yea, from       the  table      of    my  memory

    I’ll    wipe       away      all    trivial      fond records,

    All   saws       of    books,    all    forms,     all    pressures       past,

    That youth     and observation   copied    there;

    And thy  commandment     all    alone      shall live

    Within    the  book      and volume   of    my  brain,

    Unmix’d  with baser      matter.   Yes, by   heaven!

    O    most      pernicious     woman!

    O    villain,    villain,    smiling   damned villain!

    My  tables.    Meet      it     is     I      set   it     down,

    That one may smile,     and smile,     and be   a     villain!

    At    least I      am  sure it     may be   so    in    Denmark.

    [ Writing. ]

    So,  uncle,     there      you are. Now       to    my  word;

    It     is     ‘Adieu,    adieu,     remember     me.’

    I      have       sworn’t.

    HORATIO      and MARCELLUS.

    [ Within. ]       My  lord, my  lord.

    MARCELLUS.

    [ Within. ]       Lord Hamlet.

    HORATIO.

    [ Within. ]       Heaven  secure    him.

    HAMLET.

    So   be   it!

    MARCELLUS.

    [ Within. ]       Illo,  ho,  ho,  my  lord!

    HAMLET.

    Hillo,      ho,  ho,  boy! Come,    bird, come.

    Enter      HORATIO    and MARCELLUS .

    MARCELLUS.

    How is’t,  my  noble     lord?

    HORATIO.

    What      news,     my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    O,    wonderful!

    HORATIO.

    Good      my  lord, tell  it.

    HAMLET.

    No,  you’ll      reveal     it.

    HORATIO.

    Not I,     my  lord, by   heaven.

    MARCELLUS.

    Nor I,     my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    How say  you then,      would     heart      of    man once       think      it?—

    But  you’ll      be   secret?

    HORATIO      and MARCELLUS.

    Ay,  by   heaven,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    There’s   ne’er      a     villain     dwelling in    all    Denmark

    But  he’s an   arrant     knave.

    HORATIO.

    There     needs     no   ghost,     my  lord, come      from       the  grave

    To   tell  us    this.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      right;      you are  i’     the  right;

    And so,   without  more      circumstance at    all,

    I      hold it     fit    that we   shake     hands     and part:

    You, as    your business and desires   shall point      you,—

    For  every      man hath business and desire,

    Such       as    it     is;—and  for   my  own poor       part,

    Look       you, I’ll    go   pray.

    HORATIO.

    These     are  but  wild and whirling  words,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    I’m  sorry       they offend    you, heartily;

    Yes  faith,      heartily.

    HORATIO.

    There’s   no   offence,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Yes, by   Saint      Patrick,   but  there      is,    Horatio,

    And much     offence   too. Touching       this  vision     here,

    It     is     an   honest    ghost,     that let   me  tell  you.

    For  your desire     to    know      what       is     between us,

    O’ermaster’t  as    you may.       And now,       good      friends,

    As   you are  friends,   scholars, and soldiers,

    Give me  one poor       request.

    HORATIO.

    What      is’t,  my  lord?       We  will.

    HAMLET.

    Never     make      known    what       you have       seen tonight.

    HORATIO      and MARCELLUS.

    My  lord, we   will  not.

    HAMLET.

    Nay, but  swear’t.

    HORATIO.

    In    faith,      my  lord, not  I.

    MARCELLUS.

    Nor I,     my  lord, in    faith.

    HAMLET.

    Upon      my  sword.

    MARCELLUS.

    We  have       sworn,    my  lord, already.

    HAMLET.

    Indeed,   upon      my  sword,    indeed.

    GHOST.

    [ Cries     under     the  stage. ]   Swear.

    HAMLET.

    Ha,  ha   boy, say’st      thou so?  Art   thou there,     truepenny?

    Come     on,  you hear this  fellow     in    the  cellarage.

    Consent to    swear.

    HORATIO.

    Propose  the  oath,      my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Never     to    speak     of    this  that you have       seen.

    Swear     by   my  sword.

    GHOST.

    [ Beneath. ]    Swear.

    HAMLET.

    Hic  et    ubique? Then      we’ll shift our  ground.

    Come     hither,    gentlemen,

    And lay   your hands     again      upon      my  sword.

    Never     to    speak     of    this  that you have       heard.

    Swear     by   my  sword.

    GHOST.

    [ Beneath. ]    Swear.

    HAMLET.

    Well said, old  mole!     Canst     work       i’     th’earth  so    fast?

    A     worthy    pioner!   Once      more      remove,  good      friends.

    HORATIO.

    O    day  and night,     but  this  is     wondrous      strange.

    HAMLET.

    And therefore as    a     stranger give it     welcome.

    There     are  more      things     in    heaven   and earth,     Horatio,

    Than      are  dreamt   of    in    your philosophy.   But  come,

    Here,      as    before,   never,     so    help you mercy,

    How strange   or    odd soe’er     I      bear myself,—

    As   I      perchance     hereafter shall think      meet

    To   put  an   antic       disposition    on—

    That you, at    such times      seeing    me, never      shall,

    With       arms       encumber’d   thus,       or    this  head-shake,

    Or   by   pronouncing of    some      doubtful phrase,

    As   ‘Well,      we   know’,    or    ‘We could      and if     we   would’,

    Or   ‘If    we   list   to    speak’;    or    ‘There     be   and if     they might’,

    Or   such ambiguous    giving     out, to    note

    That you know      aught     of    me:—this      not  to    do.

    So   grace      and mercy     at    your most      need      help you,

    Swear.

    GHOST.

    [ Beneath. ]    Swear.

    HAMLET.

    Rest,       rest, perturbed      spirit.      So,  gentlemen,

    With       all    my  love I      do   commend      me  to    you;

    And what       so    poor       a     man as    Hamlet   is

    May do   t’express his   love and friending to    you,

    God willing,   shall not  lack. Let  us    go   in    together,

    And still  your fingers    on   your lips, I      pray.

    The time is     out  of    joint.      O    cursed    spite,

    That ever I      was born       to    set   it     right.

    Nay, come,     let’s go   together.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    ACT II

    SCENE    I.     A     room      in    Polonius’s      house.

    Enter      POLONIUS and REYNALDO .

    POLONIUS.

    Give him this  money    and these      notes,     Reynaldo.

    REYNALDO.

    I      will, my  lord.

    POLONIUS.

    You shall do   marvellous    wisely,    good      Reynaldo,

    Before    you visit him, to    make      inquiry

    Of   his   behaviour.

    REYNALDO.

    My  lord, I      did  intend    it.

    POLONIUS.

    Marry,    well said; very well said. Look       you, sir,

    Enquire  me  first what       Danskers are  in    Paris;

    And how,       and who,       what       means,   and where     they keep,

    What      company,      at    what       expense; and finding

    By   this  encompassment   and drift of    question,

    That they do   know      my  son, come      you more      nearer

    Than      your particular       demands will  touch     it.

    Take       you as    ’twere     some      distant    knowledge    of    him,

    As   thus,       ‘I     know      his   father     and his   friends,

    And in    part him’—do you mark      this, Reynaldo?

    REYNALDO.

    Ay,  very well, my  lord.

    POLONIUS.

    ‘And in    part him, but,’ you may say, ‘not well;

    But  if’t   be   he   I      mean,     he’s very wild;

    Addicted so    and so;’  and there      put  on   him

    What      forgeries you please;   marry,    none      so    rank As   may       dishonour      him; take heed      of    that;

    But, sir,   such wanton,  wild, and usual      slips

    As   are  companions  noted     and most      known

    To   youth     and liberty.

    REYNALDO.

    As   gaming,  my  lord?

    POLONIUS.

    Ay,  or    drinking, fencing,  swearing,

    Quarrelling,   drabbing.      You may go   so    far.

    REYNALDO.

    My  lord, that would     dishonour      him.

    POLONIUS.

    Faith       no,  as    you may season   it     in    the  charge.

    You must      not  put  another  scandal  on   him,

    That he   is     open      to    incontinency;

    That’s     not  my  meaning: but  breathe  his   faults      so    quaintly

    That they may seem      the  taints      of    liberty;

    The flash and outbreak of    a     fiery mind,

    A     savageness    in    unreclaimed  blood,

    Of   general   assault.

    REYNALDO.

    But  my  good      lord—

    POLONIUS.

    Wherefore     should    you do   this?

    REYNALDO.

    Ay,  my  lord, I      would     know      that.

    POLONIUS.

    Marry,    sir,   here’s     my  drift,

    And I      believe   it     is     a     fetch      of    warrant.

    You laying     these      slight      sullies     on   my  son,

    As   ’twere     a     thing      a     little soil’d      i’     th’   working,

    Mark      you,

    Your       party      in    converse,       him you would     sound,

    Having   ever seen in    the  prenominate crimes

    The youth     you breathe  of    guilty,     be   assur’d He     closes     with       you in    this  consequence;

    ‘Good     sir,’  or    so;   or    ‘friend,’   or    ‘gentleman’—

    According      to    the  phrase    or    the  addition

    Of   man and country.

    REYNALDO.

    Very good,     my  lord.

    POLONIUS.

    And then,      sir,   does       he   this,—

    He   does—What  was I      about     to    say?

    By   the  mass,     I      was about     to    say  something.    Where    did  I       leave?

    REYNALDO.

    At    ‘closes    in    the  consequence.’

    At    ‘friend    or    so,’  and ‘gentleman.’

    POLONIUS.

    At    ‘closes    in    the  consequence’ ay,   marry!

    He   closes     with you thus:       ‘I     know      the  gentleman,

    I      saw him yesterday,      or    t’other    day,

    Or   then,      or    then,      with such and such;      and, as    you say,

    There     was he   gaming,  there      o’ertook in’s  rouse,

    There     falling     out  at    tennis’:   or    perchance,

    ‘I     saw him enter      such a     house     of    sale’—

    Videlicet, a     brothel,  or    so    forth.      See  you now;

    Your       bait of    falsehood      takes      this  carp of    truth;

    And thus do   we   of    wisdom  and of    reach,

    With       windlasses,    and with assays    of    bias,

    By   indirections   find directions      out.

    So   by   my  former    lecture    and advice

    Shall       you my  son. You have       me, have       you not?

    REYNALDO.

    My  lord, I      have.

    POLONIUS.

    God b’    wi’   you, fare you well.

    REYNALDO.

    Good      my  lord.

    POLONIUS.

    Observe his   inclination     in    yourself.

    REYNALDO.

    I      shall,      my  lord.

    POLONIUS.

    And let   him ply   his   music.

    REYNALDO.

    Well,       my  lord.

    POLONIUS.

    Farewell.

    [ Exit       REYNALDO . ]

    Enter      OPHELIA .

    How now,       Ophelia, what’s    the  matter?

    OPHELIA.

    Alas, my  lord, I      have       been      so    affrighted.

    POLONIUS.

    With       what,      in    the  name     of    God?

    OPHELIA.

    My  lord, as    I      was sewing   in    my  chamber,

    Lord Hamlet,  with his   doublet  all    unbrac’d,

    No   hat  upon      his   head,      his   stockings foul’d,

    Ungart’red,    and down-gyved  to    his   ankle,

    Pale as    his   shirt,       his   knees     knocking each       other,

    And with a     look so    piteous   in    purport

    As   if     he   had been      loosed    out  of    hell

    To   speak     of    horrors,  he   comes    before    me.

    POLONIUS.

    Mad for   thy  love?

    OPHELIA.

    My  lord, I      do   not  know,     but  truly I      do   fear it.

    POLONIUS.

    What      said he?

    OPHELIA.

    He   took me  by   the  wrist and held me  hard;

    Then      goes       he   to    the  length    of    all    his   arm;

    And with his   other      hand      thus o’er his   brow,

    He   falls to    such perusal   of    my  face

    As   he   would     draw       it.    Long      stay’d     he   so,

    At    last,—a   little shaking  of    mine      arm,

    And thrice     his   head      thus waving   up   and down,

    He   rais’d      a     sigh so    piteous   and profound

    As   it     did  seem      to    shatter   all    his   bulk

    And end his   being.     That done,     he   lets  me  go,

    And with his   head      over his   shoulder turn’d

    He   seem’d   to    find his   way without  his   eyes,

    For  out  o’    doors     he   went       without  their help,

    And to    the  last  bended  their light on   me.

    POLONIUS.

    Come,    go   with me. I      will  go   seek the  King.

    This is     the  very ecstasy   of    love,

    Whose    violent    property fordoes   itself,

    And leads      the  will  to    desperate      undertakings,

    As   oft   as    any  passion  under     heaven

    That does       afflict      our  natures.  I      am  sorry,—

    What,     have       you given      him any  hard words     of    late?

    OPHELIA.

    No,  my  good      lord; but  as    you did  command,

    I      did  repel      his   letters     and denied

    His  access    to    me.

    POLONIUS.

    That hath made     him mad.

    I      am  sorry       that with better     heed      and judgment

    I      had not  quoted   him. I      fear’d     he   did  but  trifle,

    And meant    to    wreck     thee.      But  beshrew my  jealousy!

    It     seems    it     is     as    proper    to    our  age

    To   cast beyond   ourselves in    our  opinions

    As   it     is     common for   the  younger sort

    To   lack discretion.     Come,    go   we   to    the  King.

    This must      be   known,   which,    being     kept close,     might       move

    More      grief to    hide than hate to    utter       love.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     A     room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      KING,    QUEEN,  ROSENCRANTZ,    GUILDENSTERN   and ATTENDANTS .

    KING.

    Welcome,      dear Rosencrantz  and Guildenstern.

    Moreover      that we   much     did  long to    see  you,

    The need      we   have       to    use  you did  provoke

    Our hasty      sending. Something    have       you heard

    Of   Hamlet’s transformation;     so    I      call  it,

    Since      nor  th’exterior      nor  the  inward    man

    Resembles     that it     was. What      it     should    be,

    More      than his   father’s   death,    that thus hath put  him

    So   much     from       th’understanding  of    himself,

    I      cannot   dream    of.   I      entreat   you both

    That,      being     of    so    young    days brought  up   with him,

    And since      so    neighbour’d  to    his   youth     and humour,

    That you vouchsafe      your rest here in    our  court

    Some     little time,      so    by   your companies

    To   draw       him on   to    pleasures       and to    gather,

    So   much     as    from       occasion you may glean,

    Whether aught     to    us    unknown afflicts    him thus

    That,      open’d,   lies  within     our  remedy.

    QUEEN.

    Good      gentlemen,    he   hath much     talk’d      of    you,

    And sure I      am, two men there      are  not  living

    To   whom     he   more      adheres. If     it     will  please    you

    To   show      us    so    much     gentry    and good      will

    As   to    expend   your time with us    awhile,

    For  the  supply    and profit      of    our  hope,

    Your       visitation shall receive   such thanks

    As   fits   a     king’s     remembrance.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Both       your majesties

    Might,    by   the  sovereign      power     you have       of    us,

    Put  your dread     pleasures       more      into command

    Than      to    entreaty.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    We  both       obey,

    And here give up   ourselves,      in    the  full  bent,

    To   lay   our  service    freely      at    your feet

    To   be   commanded.

    KING.

    Thanks,  Rosencrantz  and gentle    Guildenstern.

    QUEEN.

    Thanks,  Guildenstern  and gentle    Rosencrantz.

    And I      beseech you instantly to    visit

    My  too  much     changed son. Go,  some      of    you,

    And bring      these      gentlemen     where     Hamlet   is.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Heavens make      our  presence and our  practices

    Pleasant and helpful    to    him.

    QUEEN.

    Ay,  amen.

    [ Exeunt  ROSENCRANTZ,  GUILDENSTERN   and some      ATTENDANTS . ]

    Enter      POLONIUS .

    POLONIUS.

    Th’ambassadors   from       Norway,  my  good      lord,

    Are  joyfully   return’d.

    KING.

    Thou      still  hast been      the  father     of    good      news.

    POLONIUS.

    Have      I,     my  lord?       Assure    you, my  good      liege,

    I      hold my  duty,      as    I      hold my  soul,

    Both       to    my  God and to    my  gracious King:

    And I      do   think,—or      else this  brain      of    mine

    Hunts     not  the  trail of    policy     so    sure

    As   it     hath us’d to    do—that I      have       found

    The very cause     of    Hamlet’s lunacy.

    KING.

    O    speak     of    that, that do   I      long to    hear.

    POLONIUS.

    Give first admittance    to    th’ambassadors;

    My  news      shall be   the  fruit to    that great      feast.

    KING.

    Thyself   do   grace      to    them,     and bring      them      in.

    [ Exit       POLONIUS . ]

    He   tells me, my  sweet     queen,    that he   hath found

    The head      and source    of    all    your son’s      distemper.

    QUEEN.

    I      doubt     it     is     no   other      but  the  main,

    His  father’s   death     and our  o’erhasty marriage.

    KING.

    Well,       we   shall sift   him.

    Enter      POLONIUS with VOLTEMAND     and CORNELIUS .

    Welcome,      my  good      friends!

    Say, Voltemand,   what       from       our  brother   Norway?

    VOLTEMAND.

    Most      fair  return     of    greetings       and desires.

    Upon      our  first, he   sent out  to    suppress

    His  nephew’s       levies,     which     to    him appear’d

    To   be   a     preparation   ’gainst    the  Polack;

    But  better     look’d     into, he   truly found

    It     was against   your Highness;      whereat  griev’d,

    That so    his   sickness, age, and impotence

    Was falsely     borne     in    hand,     sends     out  arrests

    On  Fortinbras;     which     he,  in    brief,      obeys,

    Receives rebuke    from       Norway;  and in    fine,

    Makes    vow before    his   uncle      never      more

    To   give th’assay  of    arms       against   your Majesty.

    Whereon old  Norway,  overcome      with joy,

    Gives      him three      thousand       crowns   in    annual    fee,

    And his   commission   to    employ   those      soldiers

    So   levied     as    before,   against   the  Polack:

    With       an   entreaty, herein    further    shown,

    [ Gives    a     paper. ]

    That it     might     please    you to    give quiet      pass Through your       dominions     for   this  enterprise,

    On  such regards   of    safety     and allowance

    As   therein   are  set   down.

    KING.

    It     likes us    well;

    And at    our  more      consider’d     time we’ll read,

    Answer,  and think      upon      this  business.

    Meantime      we   thank     you for   your well-took      labour.

    Go   to    your rest, at    night      we’ll feast       together:.

    Most      welcome home.

    [ Exeunt  VOLTEMAND     and CORNELIUS . ]

    POLONIUS.

    This business is     well ended.

    My  liege       and madam,  to    expostulate

    What      majesty  should    be,  what       duty is,

    Why day  is     day, night      night,     and time is     time.

    Were      nothing  but  to    waste     night,     day  and time.

    Therefore,      since      brevity    is     the  soul of    wit,

    And tediousness   the  limbs      and outward flourishes,

    I      will  be   brief.      Your       noble     son  is     mad.

    Mad call  I      it;    for   to    define     true madness,

    What      is’t   but  to    be   nothing  else but  mad?

    But  let   that go.

    QUEEN.

    More      matter,   with less art.

    POLONIUS.

    Madam,  I      swear     I      use  no   art   at    all.

    That he   is     mad,      ’tis   true: ’tis   true ’tis   pity;

    And pity ’tis   ’tis   true. A     foolish    figure,

    But  farewell  it,    for   I      will  use  no   art.

    Mad let   us    grant      him then.      And now remains

    That we   find out  the  cause     of    this  effect,

    Or   rather     say, the  cause     of    this  defect,

    For  this  effect      defective comes    by   cause.

    Thus       it     remains, and the  remainder     thus.       Perpend,

    I      have       a     daughter—have   whilst     she  is     mine—

    Who       in    her  duty and obedience,    mark,

    Hath       given      me  this. Now       gather,   and surmise.

    [ Reads. ]

    To   the  celestial, and my  soul’s     idol, the  most      beautified       Ophelia—

    That’s     an   ill     phrase,   a     vile  phrase;   ‘beautified’    is     a     vile phrase:   but  you shall hear.

    [ Reads. ]

    these;     in    her  excellent white      bosom,   these,     &c.

    QUEEN.

    Came     this  from       Hamlet   to    her?

    POLONIUS.

    Good      madam,  stay awhile;   I      will  be   faithful.

    [ Reads. ]

    Doubt     thou the  stars are  fire,

                                       Doubt     that the  sun  doth       move,

                         Doubt     truth       to    be   a     liar,

                                       But  never      doubt     I      love.

    O    dear Ophelia, I      am  ill     at    these      numbers.       I      have       not  art   to    reckon    my  groans.

    But  that I      love thee best,       O    most      best,       believe   it.       Adieu.

                  Thine      evermore,      most      dear lady, whilst     this  machine       is     to    him,                                   HAMLET.

    This in    obedience     hath my  daughter show’d   me;

    And more      above,    hath his   solicitings,

    As   they fell   out  by   time,      by   means,   and place,

    All   given      to    mine      ear.

    KING.

    But  how hath she  receiv’d  his   love?

    POLONIUS.

    What      do   you think      of    me?

    KING.

    As   of    a     man faithful   and honourable.

    POLONIUS.

    I      would     fain prove     so.   But  what       might     you think,

    When     I      had seen this  hot  love on   the  wing,

    As   I      perceiv’d it,    I      must      tell  you that,

    Before    my  daughter told me, what       might     you, Or   my  dear       Majesty  your queen    here,      think,

    If     I      had play’d     the  desk or    table-book,

    Or   given      my  heart      a     winking, mute      and dumb,

    Or   look’d     upon      this  love with idle  sight,

    What      might     you think?     No,  I      went       round     to    work,

    And my  young    mistress  thus I      did  bespeak:

    ‘Lord      Hamlet   is     a     prince,    out  of    thy  star.

    This must      not  be.’  And then I      precepts gave       her,

    That she  should    lock herself    from       his   resort,

    Admit     no   messengers,  receive   no   tokens.

    Which    done,     she  took the  fruits      of    my  advice,

    And he,  repulsed,—a  short      tale to    make—

    Fell  into a     sadness, then into a     fast,

    Thence   to    a     watch,    thence    into a     weakness,

    Thence   to    a     lightness, and, by   this  declension,

    Into the  madness wherein  now he   raves,

    And all    we   wail for.

    KING.

    Do   you think      ’tis   this?

    QUEEN.

    It     may be,  very likely.

    POLONIUS.

    Hath       there      been      such a     time,      I’d   fain know      that,

    That I      have       positively said ‘’Tis so,’

    When     it     prov’d    otherwise?

    KING.

    Not that I      know.

    POLONIUS.

    Take       this  from       this, if     this  be   otherwise.

    [ Points   to    his   head      and shoulder. ]

    If     circumstances       lead me, I      will  find

    Where    truth       is     hid, though   it     were       hid  indeed

    Within    the  centre.

    KING.

    How may we   try   it     further?

    POLONIUS.

    You know      sometimes    he   walks      four hours     together

    Here       in    the  lobby.

    QUEEN.

    So   he   does       indeed.

    POLONIUS.

    At    such a     time I’ll    loose      my  daughter to    him.

    Be   you and I      behind   an   arras       then,

    Mark      the  encounter.     If     he   love her  not,

    And be   not  from       his   reason    fall’n       thereon,

    Let  me  be   no   assistant for   a     state,

    But  keep       a     farm and carters.

    KING.

    We  will  try   it.

    Enter      HAMLET,     reading.

    QUEEN.

    But  look where     sadly      the  poor       wretch    comes    reading.

    POLONIUS.

    Away,     I      do   beseech you, both       away

    I’ll    board     him presently.      O,    give me  leave.

    [ Exeunt  KING,    QUEEN and ATTENDANTS . ]

    How does       my  good      Lord Hamlet?

    HAMLET.

    Well,       God-a-mercy.

    POLONIUS.

    Do   you know      me, my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Excellent well. You’re    a     fishmonger.

    POLONIUS.

    Not I,     my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Then      I      would     you were       so    honest    a     man.

    POLONIUS.

    Honest,  my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Ay   sir, to  be  honest, as  this       world    goes,    is   to  be  one man      picked  out of  ten thousand.

    POLONIUS.

    That’s     very true, my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    For  if     the  sun  breed     maggots in    a     dead      dog, being     a       good      kissing    carrion,—

    Have      you a     daughter?

    POLONIUS.

    I      have,      my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Let  her not walk      i’    th’ sun.      Conception  is   a    blessing,       but not as  your      daughter may     conceive. Friend,    look to’t.

    POLONIUS.

    How say  you by   that?      [ Aside. ] Still  harping  on   my  daughter.       Yet  he   knew      me  not at     first;      he  said      I     was       a     fishmonger. He is   far gone,    far gone.    And      truly      in    my youth     I      suffered  much     extremity for   love; very near this.       I’ll    speak     to    him again.

    —What  do   you read,      my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Words,   words,    words.

    POLONIUS.

    What      is     the  matter,   my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Between who?

    POLONIUS.

    I      mean     the  matter    that you read,      my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Slanders, sir.   For  the  satirical  slave      says here that old  men have       grey beards;   that their faces      are  wrinkled; their eyes purging  thick       amber    and plum-tree     gum;      and that they have       a       plentiful  lack of    wit,  together with most      weak      hams.     All       which, sir,      though I     most     powerfully    and       potently       believe, yet I     hold      it   not honesty to have it     thus set       down.     For  you yourself, sir,   should    be   old  as    I      am, if       like  a     crab you could      go   backward.

    POLONIUS.

    [ Aside. ] Though  this  be   madness,       yet  there      is     a     method       in’t.—

    Will you walk out  of    the  air,  my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Into my  grave?

    POLONIUS.

    Indeed,   that is     out  o’    the  air.  [ Aside. ] How pregnant sometimes       his   replies    are! A happiness  that      often    madness      hits       on, which   reason  and       sanity   could    not so prosperously be   delivered of.   I      will  leave      him and suddenly       contrive  the  means of meeting between him and my  daughter.

    My  honourable   lord, I      will  most      humbly   take my  leave      of       you.

    HAMLET.

    You cannot, sir, take      from     me anything      that      I     will more      willingly part      withal, except      my  life,  except    my  life,       except    my  life.

    POLONIUS.

    Fare you well, my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    These     tedious   old  fools.

    Enter      ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN .

    POLONIUS.

    You go   to    seek the  Lord Hamlet;  there      he   is.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    [ To Polonius. ]     God save you, sir.

    [ Exit       POLONIUS . ]

    GUILDENSTERN.

    My  honoured      lord!

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    My  most      dear lord!

    HAMLET.

    My  excellent      good    friends! How     dost      thou,    Guildenstern? Ah, Rosencrantz.

    Good      lads, how do   ye    both?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    As   the  indifferent     children  of    the  earth.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Happy    in    that we   are  not  over-happy;

    On  Fortune’s cap  we   are  not  the  very button.

    HAMLET.

    Nor the  soles      of    her  shoe?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Neither,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Then      you live  about     her  waist,     or    in    the  middle    of    her       favours?

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Faith,      her  privates  we.

    HAMLET.

    In    the  secret     parts      of    Fortune? O,    most      true; she  is     a       strumpet.      What’s    the  news?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    None,     my  lord, but  that the  world’s   grown    honest.

    HAMLET.

    Then      is   doomsday   near.     But your      news     is   not true.       Let me question      more    in particular. What    have    you,       my good    friends, deserved      at  the hands   of  Fortune, that she  sends     you to    prison     hither?

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Prison,    my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Denmark’s     a     prison.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Then      is     the  world      one.

    HAMLET.

    A     goodly    one; in    which     there      are  many      confines, wards,       and dungeons,     Denmark being     one o’    th’   worst.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    We  think      not  so,   my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      then ’tis   none      to    you; for   there      is     nothing  either       good      or    bad but  thinking makes     it     so.   To   me  it     is       a     prison.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Why,      then your ambition makes    it     one; ’tis   too  narrow   for   your       mind.

    HAMLET.

    O    God,     I     could    be  bounded      in   a    nutshell,      and       count    myself   a    king      of  infinite space,      were       it       not  that I      have       bad dreams.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Which    dreams,  indeed,   are  ambition;       for   the  very substance       of    the  ambitious      is merely the  shadow  of    a     dream.

    HAMLET.

    A     dream    itself is     but  a     shadow.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Truly,      and I      hold ambition of    so    airy  and light a     quality    that       it     is     but  a     shadow’s shadow.

    HAMLET.

    Then      are our beggars bodies, and       our monarchs    and       outstretch’d   heroes  the beggars’ shadows. Shall       we   to    th’  court?       For, by   my  fay,  I      cannot   reason.

    ROSENCRANTZ     and GUILDENSTERN.

    We’ll       wait upon      you.

    HAMLET.

    No   such matter.   I      will  not  sort you with the  rest of    my  servants;       for,  to    speak     to you    like  an   honest    man,      I      am  most       dreadfully      attended.      But, in    the  beaten   way of friendship,       what       make      you at    Elsinore?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    To   visit you, my  lord, no   other      occasion.

    HAMLET.

    Beggar   that      I     am,       I     am even     poor     in   thanks; but  I     thank    you.      And      sure,     dear friends, my thanks  are  too dear      a    halfpenny.   Were    you       not sent      for?       Is   it   your own     inclining?     Is   it   a    free       visitation?      Come,   deal      justly    with      me.       Come,   come; nay,     speak.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    What      should    we   say, my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Why,      anything.     But to  the purpose.      You      were     sent for; and       there    is   a    kind      of confession      in    your       looks,     which     your modesties     have       not  craft enough  to       colour.

    I      know      the  good      King and Queen    have       sent for   you.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    To   what       end, my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    That you must      teach      me. But  let   me  conjure   you, by   the       rights     of    our  fellowship, by the consonancy of  our youth,   by   the obligation    of  our ever-preserved   love, and      by   what       more      dear a     better     proposer could      charge    you withal,       be   even       and direct      with me, whether  you were       sent for       or    no.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    [ To Guildenstern. ]      What      say  you?

    HAMLET.

    [ Aside. ] Nay, then I      have       an   eye  of    you. If     you love me, hold       not  off.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    My  lord, we   were       sent for.

    HAMLET.

    I      will tell you       why;     so  shall     my anticipation prevent your discovery,    and       your secrecy to    the  King and Queen       moult     no   feather.  I      have       of    late, but  wherefore      I know      not, lost  all    my  mirth,     forgone  all    custom   of    exercises;       and indeed,   it     goes so  heavily  with      my disposition   that       this       goodly  frame    the earth,    seems   to  me a sterile promontory;  this       most     excellent      canopy the air, look      you, this       brave o’erhanging     firmament,   this       majestical    roof fretted  with      golden  fire,       why,     it appears    no       other      thing      to    me  than a     foul and pestilent congregation       of    vapours.

    What      a     piece      of    work       is     man!      How noble     in       reason?  How infinite    in    faculties, in form   and moving,  how       express   and admirable?    In    action     how like  an   angel?    In apprehension,      how like  a     god?       The beauty    of    the  world,       the  paragon of    animals.

    And yet,  to    me, what       is     this  quintessence of    dust?      Man       delights  not  me; no,  nor woman    neither,  though   by   your       smiling   you seem      to    say  so.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    My  lord, there      was no   such stuff in    my  thoughts.

    HAMLET.

    Why did  you laugh     then,      when      I      said ‘Man      delights  not       me’?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    To   think,    my lord,      if    you       delight  not in   man,     what       Lenten  entertainment     the players   shall     receive  from       you.      We coted    them    on the way,      and       hither     are they coming to    offer       you service.

    HAMLET.

    He   that plays      the  king shall be   welcome,—his      Majesty  shall have       tribute    of    me; the   adventurous  knight    shall use  his   foil  and       target;    the  lover       shall not  sigh gratis, the      humorous     man       shall end his   part in    peace;    the  clown     shall make      those       laugh whose  lungs      are  tickle      a’    th’   sere; and the  lady shall       say  her  mind      freely,     or    the blank verse      shall halt for’t. What       players   are  they?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Even       those      you were       wont      to    take such delight   in—the       tragedians     of    the  city.

    HAMLET.

    How chances it   they      travel?  Their     residence,    both     in   reputation     and       profit,   was better    both       ways.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    I      think      their inhibition       comes    by   the  means    of    the  late       innovation.

    HAMLET.

    Do   they hold the  same      estimation     they did  when      I      was in       the  city? Are  they so followed?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    No,  indeed,   they are  not.

    HAMLET.

    How comes    it?    Do   they grow      rusty?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Nay, their     endeavour   keeps    in   the wonted pace;    but there      is,  sir, an  ayry      of children,  little      eyases, that      cry   out on the top of  question,     and       are most tyrannically clapped  for’t.     These   are now      the fashion, and       so  berattle  the common stages—so   they      call them—that  many    wearing  rapiers  are afraid    of goose-quills   and dare scarce       come      thither.

    HAMLET.

    What,     are  they children? Who       maintains      ’em?       How are  they       escoted? Will they pursue   the  quality    no   longer    than they can       sing?      Will they not  say  afterwards,    if they     should  grow     themselves    to  common      players—as  it   is   most     like,      if     their means are  no   better—their writers    do   them      wrong       to    make      them      exclaim   against their  own succession?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Faith,      there      has  been      much     to    do   on   both       sides;       and the  nation    holds      it     no   sin   to tarre   them    to  controversy.  There    was       for a    while,    no money  bid for argument

    unless    the  poet and the  player     went       to    cuffs       in    the       question.

    HAMLET.

    Is’t   possible?

    GUILDENSTERN.

    O,    there      has  been      much     throwing about     of    brains.

    HAMLET.

    Do   the  boys       carry       it     away?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Ay,  that they do,  my  lord. Hercules and his   load too.

    HAMLET.

    It     is   not very      strange; for my uncle    is   King      of  Denmark,      and       those    that      would make mouths at  him       while    my father   lived,    give      twenty, forty,     fifty,      a     hundred ducats  apiece  for his picture  in   little.     ’Sblood, there      is   something   in   this       more than   natural,  if       philosophy    could      find it     out.

    [ Flourish of    trumpets within. ]

    GUILDENSTERN.

    There     are  the  players.

    HAMLET.

    Gentlemen,   you are  welcome to    Elsinore. Your       hands,    come.       The appurtenance of   welcome is     fashion   and ceremony.     Let       me  comply   with you in    this  garb,      lest my   extent     to    the       players,  which     I      tell  you must      show      fairly       outward,       should    more appear  like  entertainment      than yours.     You are       welcome.       But  my  uncle-father  and aunt-mother are  deceived.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    In    what,      my  dear lord?

    HAMLET.

    I      am  but  mad north-north-west. When     the  wind       is     southerly,       I      know      a     hawk      from a    handsaw.

    Enter      POLONIUS .

    POLONIUS.

    Well be   with you, gentlemen.

    HAMLET.

    Hark       you, Guildenstern, and you too, at    each       ear  a     hearer.       That great      baby       you

    see  there      is     not  yet  out  of    his   swaddling      clouts.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Happily  he’s the  second   time come      to    them;     for   they say  an       old  man is     twice      a child.

    HAMLET.

    I      will  prophesy       he   comes    to    tell  me  of    the  players.  Mark       it.—You  say  right,      sir: for     a     Monday  morning ’twas      so       indeed.

    POLONIUS.

    My  lord, I      have       news      to    tell  you.

    HAMLET.

    My  lord, I      have       news      to    tell  you. When     Roscius   was an       actor      in    Rome—

    POLONIUS.

    The actors     are  come      hither,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Buzz,      buzz.

    POLONIUS.

    Upon      my  honour.

    HAMLET.

    Then      came      each       actor      on   his   ass—

    POLONIUS.

    The best      actors   in   the world,   either    for tragedy,       comedy, history, pastoral, pastoral-comical,

    historical-pastoral,

    tragical-historical,

    tragical-comical-

    historical-pastoral, scene    individable,  or  poem    unlimited.    Seneca   cannot  be  too heavy,   nor Plautus too light,     for the law  of  writ       and       the liberty.  These   are the only men.

    HAMLET.

    O    Jephthah,      judge     of    Israel,     what       a     treasure  hadst       thou!

    POLONIUS.

    What      treasure  had he,  my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Why—

    ’One       fair  daughter,      and no   more,

    The which     he   loved      passing  well.’

    POLONIUS.

    [ Aside. ] Still  on   my  daughter.

    HAMLET.

    Am  I      not  i’     th’   right,      old  Jephthah?

    POLONIUS.

    If     you call  me  Jephthah,      my  lord, I      have       a     daughter that I       love passing  well.

    HAMLET.

    Nay, that follows   not.

    POLONIUS.

    What      follows   then,      my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Why,

    As   by   lot,  God wot,

    and then,      you know,

    It     came      to    pass,      as    most      like  it     was.

    The first       row       of  the pious    chanson      will show    you       more.    For look      where   my abridgement comes.

    Enter      four or    five  PLAYERS .

    You are welcome,     masters,       welcome      all. I     am glad      to    see thee      well.      Welcome, good  friends. O,  my old friend!    Thy       face      is   valanc’d since     I     saw       thee      last.

    Com’st   thou to    beard     me  in    Denmark?      What,     my  young       lady and mistress! By’r lady, your ladyship is     nearer    to    heaven       than when      I      saw you last, by   the  altitude of      a     chopine.       Pray God your voice,     like  a     piece      of    uncurrent      gold,       be   not  cracked within      the ring.      Masters,       you       are all    welcome.     We’ll     e’en      to’t like French falconers, fly    at       anything we   see. We’ll       have       a     speech   straight.  Come,       give us    a taste    of    your quality.   Come,    a     passionate       speech.

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    What      speech,  my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    I      heard    thee      speak    me a    speech  once,    but it   was       never    acted,   or  if    it   was,      not above    once,    for the  play,     I     remember,   pleased not the million, ’twas     caviare   to the   general. But it   was—as       I     received       it,   and others,  whose   judgments   in   such matters cried       in    the       top  of    mine—an      excellent play, well digested in    the  scenes, set   down      with as    much     modesty as    cunning. I      remember       one said there      were       no sallets in    the  lines to    make      the       matter    savoury, nor  no   matter    in    the  phrase    that

    might     indite    the author  of  affectation,  but called   it   an  honest    method,       as wholesome     as    sweet,    and by   very       much     more      handsome     than fine. One speech   in it, I     chiefly    loved.   ’Twas    Aeneas’ tale       to  Dido,    and       thereabout    of  it   especially where  he  speaks  of  Priam’s slaughter.      If    it   live in   your      memory,      begin    at  this line, let   me  see, let   me  see:

    The rugged   Pyrrhus,  like  th’   Hyrcanian      beast,—

    It     is     not  so:   it     begins    with Pyrrhus—

    The rugged   Pyrrhus,  he   whose    sable      arms,

                         Black      as    his   purpose, did  the  night      resemble

                         When     he   lay   couched in    the  ominous horse,

                         Hath       now this  dread     and black      complexion       smear’d

                         With       heraldry  more      dismal.   Head      to    foot

                         Now       is     he   total gules,     horridly  trick’d

                         With       blood     of    fathers,   mothers, daughters,     sons,

                         Bak’d      and impasted with the  parching streets,

                         That lend a     tyrannous      and a     damned light

                         To   their vile  murders. Roasted  in    wrath     and fire,

                         And thus o’ersized with coagulate      gore,

                         With       eyes like  carbuncles,    the  hellish    Pyrrhus

                         Old  grandsire       Priam     seeks.

    So,  proceed  you.

    POLONIUS.

    ’Fore       God,       my  lord, well spoken,  with good      accent    and       good      discretion.

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    Anon      he   finds       him,

                         Striking   too  short      at    Greeks.   His  antique  sword,

                         Rebellious     to    his   arm, lies  where     it     falls,

                         Repugnant    to    command.     Unequal match’d,

                         Pyrrhus   at    Priam     drives,    in    rage strikes    wide;

                         But  with the  whiff       and wind       of    his   fell   sword

                         Th’unnerved  father     falls. Then      senseless Ilium,

                         Seeming to    feel  this  blow,      with flaming   top

                         Stoops    to    his   base,      and with a     hideous  crash

                         Takes     prisoner  Pyrrhus’  ear. For  lo,   his   sword,

                         Which    was declining on   the  milky      head

                         Of   reverend Priam,    seem’d   i’     th’air      to    stick.

                         So,  as    a     painted  tyrant,    Pyrrhus   stood,

                         And like  a     neutral   to    his   will  and matter,

                         Did  nothing.

                         But  as    we   often      see  against   some      storm,

                         A     silence    in    the  heavens, the  rack stand      still,

                         The bold winds     speechless,    and the  orb  below

                         As   hush       as    death,    anon      the  dreadful thunder

                         Doth       rend the  region;   so    after Pyrrhus’  pause,

                         Aroused vengeance    sets him new a-work,

                         And never      did  the  Cyclops’ hammers fall

                         On  Mars’s    armour,  forg’d     for   proof      eterne,

                         With       less remorse  than Pyrrhus’  bleeding sword

                         Now       falls on   Priam.

                         Out, out, thou strumpet Fortune! All   you gods,

                         In    general   synod,    take away      her  power;

                         Break      all    the  spokes    and fellies     from       her       wheel,

                         And bowl       the  round     nave       down      the  hill   of       heaven,

                         As   low  as    to    the  fiends.

    POLONIUS.

    This is     too  long.

    HAMLET.

    It     shall to    the  barber’s, with your beard.—Prythee   say  on.

    He’s for   a     jig   or    a     tale of    bawdry,  or    he   sleeps.

    Say  on;  come      to    Hecuba.

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    But  who,       O    who,       had seen the  mobled  queen,—

    HAMLET.

    ‘The mobled  queen’?

    POLONIUS.

    That’s     good!     ‘Mobled  queen’    is     good.

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    Run barefoot up   and down,     threat’ning    the  flames

                         With       bisson    rheum.   A     clout      upon      that head

                         Where    late the  diadem   stood,     and for   a     robe,

                         About     her  lank and all    o’erteemed    loins,

                         A     blanket,  in    th’alarm of    fear caught   up—

                         Who       this  had seen,      with tongue   in    venom       steep’d,

                         ’Gainst    Fortune’s state       would     treason   have       pronounc’d.

                         But  if     the  gods       themselves    did  see  her  then,                    When     she  saw Pyrrhus   make      malicious sport

                         In    mincing  with his   sword     her  husband’s     limbs,

                         The instant    burst      of    clamour  that she  made,—

                         Unless    things     mortal    move      them      not  at    all,—

                         Would    have       made     milch      the  burning  eyes of       heaven,

                         And passion  in    the  gods.

    POLONIUS.

    Look,      where     he   has  not  turn’d     his   colour,    and has  tears       in’s  eyes.      Pray you, no more.

    HAMLET.

    ’Tis  well. I’ll    have       thee speak     out  the  rest of    this  soon.—Good       my  lord, will  you see  the  players   well bestowed?     Do   you hear,       let   them      be   well used;      for   they are the   abstracts and brief       chronicles      of    the  time.      After       your death     you were       better have    a     bad epitaph  than their ill     report     while      you       live.

    POLONIUS.

    My  lord, I      will  use  them      according      to    their desert.

    HAMLET.

    God’s     bodikin, man,     better.  Use       every    man      after     his   desert,  and       who      should scape      whipping?    Use       them      after     your      own      honour and       dignity. The       less they deserve,      the  more      merit      is     in    your bounty.  Take       them      in.

    POLONIUS.

    Come,    sirs.

    HAMLET.

    Follow    him, friends.   We’ll       hear a     play tomorrow.

    [ Exeunt  POLONIUS with all    the  PLAYERS     but  the  First. ]

    Dost thou hear me, old  friend?    Can you play The       Murder   of       Gonzago?

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    Ay,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    We’ll       ha’t tomorrow      night.     You could      for   a     need       study      a     speech   of    some      dozen or sixteen   lines,       which     I      would     set   down      and insert      in’t, could      you       not?

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    Ay,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Very well. Follow    that lord, and look you mock      him not.

    [ Exit       FIRST    PLAYER . ]

    [ To Rosencrantz and       Guildenstern]      My good    friends, I’ll  leave      you       till  night.

    You are  welcome to    Elsinore.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Good      my  lord.

    [ Exeunt  ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN . ]

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  so,   God b’    wi’   ye.   Now       I      am  alone.

    O    what       a     rogue     and peasant  slave      am  I!

    Is     it     not  monstrous     that this  player     here,

    But  in    a     fiction,    in    a     dream    of    passion,

    Could     force      his   soul so    to    his   own conceit

    That from       her  working  all    his   visage    wan’d;

    Tears      in    his   eyes,      distraction     in’s  aspect,

    A     broken   voice,     and his   whole     function suiting

    With       forms     to    his   conceit? And all    for   nothing!

    For  Hecuba?

    What’s    Hecuba  to    him, or    he   to    Hecuba,

    That he   should    weep      for   her? What      would     he   do,

    Had he   the  motive    and the  cue  for   passion

    That I      have?     He   would     drown    the  stage      with tears

    And cleave    the  general   ear  with horrid     speech;

    Make      mad the  guilty,     and appal      the  free,

    Confound      the  ignorant, and amaze    indeed,

    The very faculties of    eyes and ears. Yet  I,

    A     dull and muddy-mettled    rascal,    peak

    Like John-a-dreams,   unpregnant   of    my  cause,

    And can  say  nothing. No,  not  for   a     king

    Upon      whose    property and most      dear life

    A     damn’d  defeat    was made.     Am  I      a     coward?

    Who       calls me  villain,    breaks    my  pate across?

    Plucks    off   my  beard     and blows     it     in    my  face?

    Tweaks   me  by   the  nose,      gives      me  the  lie    i’     th’   throat

    As   deep      as    to    the  lungs?    Who       does       me  this?

    Ha!  ’Swounds,      I      should    take it:    for   it     cannot   be But    I       am  pigeon-liver’d,      and lack gall

    To   make      oppression    bitter,     or    ere  this

    I      should    have       fatted     all    the  region    kites

    With       this  slave’s    offal.       Bloody,   bawdy    villain!

    Remorseless, treacherous,  lecherous,     kindless  villain!

    Oh  vengeance!

    Why,      what       an   ass  am  I!     This is     most      brave,

    That I,     the  son  of    a     dear father     murder’d,

    Prompted      to    my  revenge  by   heaven   and hell,

    Must,      like  a     whore,    unpack   my  heart      with words

    And fall   a-cursing      like  a     very drab,

    A     scullion! Fie   upon’t!   Foh!

    About,    my  brain!     I      have       heard

    That guilty      creatures sitting     at    a     play,

    Have      by   the  very cunning  of    the  scene,

    Been      struck     so    to    the  soul that presently

    They       have       proclaim’d     their malefactions.

    For  murder,  though   it     have       no   tongue,  will  speak

    With       most      miraculous    organ.    I’ll    have       these      players

    Play something     like  the  murder   of    my  father

    Before    mine      uncle.     I’ll    observe  his   looks;

    I’ll    tent him to    the  quick.     If     he   but  blench,

    I      know      my  course.   The spirit       that I      have       seen

    May be   the  devil,      and the  devil       hath power

    T’assume a     pleasing shape,    yea, and perhaps

    Out of    my  weakness      and my  melancholy,

    As   he   is     very potent    with such spirits,

    Abuses   me  to    damn     me. I’ll    have       grounds

    More      relative   than this. The play’s     the  thing

    Wherein I’ll    catch      the  conscience    of    the  King.

    [ Exit. ]

    ACT III

    SCENE    I.     A     room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      KING,    QUEEN,  POLONIUS,    OPHELIA,       ROSENCRANTZ        and GUILDENSTERN .

    KING.

    And can  you by   no   drift of    circumstance

    Get  from       him why he   puts on   this  confusion,

    Grating   so    harshly   all    his   days of    quiet

    With       turbulent and dangerous     lunacy?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    He   does       confess   he   feels himself   distracted,

    But  from       what       cause     he   will  by   no   means    speak.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Nor do   we   find him forward  to    be   sounded,

    But  with a     crafty      madness keeps     aloof

    When     we   would     bring      him on   to    some      confession

    Of   his   true state.

    QUEEN.

    Did  he   receive   you well?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Most      like  a     gentleman.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    But  with much     forcing   of    his   disposition.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Niggard  of    question, but  of    our  demands,

    Most      free in    his   reply.

    QUEEN.

    Did  you assay      him to    any  pastime?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Madam,  it     so    fell   out  that certain    players

    We  o’er-raught   on   the  way. Of   these      we   told him, And there       did  seem      in    him a     kind of    joy

    To   hear of    it.    They       are  about     the  court,

    And, as    I      think,      they have       already   order

    This night      to    play before    him.

    POLONIUS.

    ’Tis  most      true;

    And he   beseech’d      me  to    entreat   your Majesties

    To   hear and see  the  matter.

    KING.

    With       all    my  heart;     and it     doth       much     content  me

    To   hear him so    inclin’d.

    Good      gentlemen,    give him a     further    edge,

    And drive       his   purpose  on   to    these      delights.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    We  shall,      my  lord.

    [ Exeunt  ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN . ]

    KING.

    Sweet     Gertrude,       leave      us    too,

    For  we   have       closely    sent for   Hamlet   hither,

    That he,  as    ’twere     by   accident, may here

    Affront    Ophelia.

    Her  father     and myself,   lawful     espials,

    Will so    bestow   ourselves that, seeing    unseen,

    We  may of    their encounter     frankly    judge,

    And gather    by   him, as    he   is     behav’d,

    If’t   be   th’affliction    of    his   love or    no

    That thus he   suffers    for.

    QUEEN.

    I      shall obey       you.

    And for   your part, Ophelia, I      do   wish

    That your good      beauties be   the  happy     cause

    Of   Hamlet’s wildness: so    shall I      hope      your virtues

    Will bring      him to    his   wonted   way again,

    To   both       your honours.

    OPHELIA.

    Madam,  I      wish it     may.

    [ Exit       QUEEN . ]

    POLONIUS.

    Ophelia, walk you here.—Gracious,   so    please    you,

    We  will  bestow   ourselves.—[ To    Ophelia. ]       Read      on   this book, That show      of    such an   exercise  may colour

    Your       loneliness.—We    are  oft   to    blame     in    this,

    ’Tis  too  much     prov’d,    that with devotion’s     visage

    And pious      action     we   do   sugar      o’er

    The devil       himself.

    KING.

    [ Aside. ] O    ’tis   too  true!

    How smart     a     lash that speech   doth       give my  conscience!

    The harlot’s   cheek,    beautied with plastering      art,

    Is     not  more      ugly to    the  thing      that helps      it

    Than      is     my  deed      to    my  most      painted  word.

    O    heavy     burden!

    POLONIUS.

    I      hear him coming.  Let’s withdraw,      my  lord.

    [ Exeunt  KING    and POLONIUS . ]

    Enter      HAMLET .

    HAMLET.

    To   be,  or    not  to    be,  that is     the  question:

    Whether ’tis   nobler    in    the  mind      to    suffer

    The slings     and arrows    of    outrageous    fortune,

    Or   to    take arms       against   a     sea  of    troubles,

    And by   opposing       end them?     To   die—to   sleep,

    No   more;     and by   a     sleep      to    say  we   end

    The heart-ache,   and the  thousand       natural   shocks

    That flesh is     heir to:   ’tis   a     consummation

    Devoutly to    be   wish’d.    To   die,  to    sleep.

    To   sleep,     perchance     to    dream—ay,   there’s    the  rub,

    For  in    that sleep      of    death     what       dreams   may come,

    When     we   have       shuffled  off   this  mortal    coil,

    Must      give us    pause.    There’s   the  respect

    That makes    calamity of    so    long life.

    For  who would     bear the  whips     and scorns    of    time, The       oppressor’s    wrong,    the  proud     man’s     contumely,

    The pangs     of    dispriz’d love, the  law’s       delay,

    The insolence       of    office,     and the  spurns

    That patient   merit      of    the  unworthy       takes,

    When     he   himself   might     his   quietus   make

    With       a     bare bodkin?  Who       would     these      fardels    bear,

    To   grunt      and sweat     under     a     weary     life,

    But  that the  dread     of    something     after death,

    The undiscover’d  country,  from       whose    bourn

    No   traveller  returns,  puzzles   the  will,

    And makes    us    rather     bear those      ills   we   have

    Than      fly    to    others    that we   know      not  of?

    Thus       conscience    does       make      cowards of    us    all,

    And thus the  native     hue of    resolution

    Is     sicklied   o’er with the  pale cast of    thought,

    And enterprises    of    great      pith and moment,

    With       this  regard    their currents  turn awry

    And lose the  name     of    action.    Soft you now,

    The fair  Ophelia! Nymph,  in    thy  orisons

    Be   all    my  sins remember’d.

    OPHELIA.

    Good      my  lord,

    How does       your honour   for   this  many      a     day?

    HAMLET.

    I      humbly   thank     you; well, well, well.

    OPHELIA.

    My  lord, I      have       remembrances     of    yours

    That I      have       longed   long to    re-deliver.

    I      pray you, now receive   them.

    HAMLET.

    No,  not  I.

    I      never      gave       you aught.

    OPHELIA.

    My  honour’d lord, you know      right       well you did,

    And with them      words     of    so    sweet     breath    compos’d

    As   made     the  things     more      rich; their perfume lost, Take       these      again;     for   to    the  noble     mind

    Rich gifts wax poor       when      givers     prove     unkind.

    There,     my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Ha,  ha!  Are  you honest?

    OPHELIA.

    My  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Are  you fair?

    OPHELIA.

    What      means    your lordship?

    HAMLET.

    That if     you be   honest    and fair, your honesty  should    admit     no       discourse       to    your beauty.

    OPHELIA.

    Could     beauty,   my  lord, have       better     commerce     than with       honesty?

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  truly;      for   the  power     of    beauty    will  sooner    transform       honesty  from       what       it     is to a     bawd      than the  force       of    honesty  can  translate beauty    into his   likeness. This was       sometime      a     paradox, but  now the  time gives      it     proof.     I       did  love you once.

    OPHELIA.

    Indeed,   my  lord, you made     me  believe   so.

    HAMLET.

    You should  not have     believed       me;       for virtue    cannot  so    inoculate     our old stock but     we   shall relish      of    it.    I       loved      you not.

    OPHELIA.

    I      was the  more      deceived.

    HAMLET.

    Get  thee to    a     nunnery. Why wouldst  thou be   a     breeder  of       sinners?  I      am  myself indifferent  honest;   but  yet  I      could       accuse    me  of    such things     that it     were       better     my mother   had       not borne   me.       I     am very      proud,  revengeful,    ambitious,   with      more offences     at  my beck     than I     have     thoughts      to  put them    in,  imagination to  give them      shape,    or    time to    act  them      in.   What      should       such fellows    as    I      do   crawling

    between earth      and heaven? We  are  arrant     knaves    all,   believe       none      of    us.   Go   thy ways to    a     nunnery. Where’s  your       father?

    OPHELIA.

    At    home,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Let  the  doors     be   shut upon      him, that he   may play the  fool       nowhere but  in’s  own house.    Farewell.

    OPHELIA.

    O    help him, you sweet     heavens!

    HAMLET.

    If     thou dost marry,    I’ll    give thee this  plague    for   thy  dowry.    Be       thou as    chaste    as ice,     as    pure as    snow,     thou shalt       not       escape   calumny. Get  thee to    a     nunnery, go: farewell.   Or  if    thou wilt needs   marry,   marry    a    fool;      for wise      men      know      well enough what     monsters     you       make    of  them.     To  a    nunnery,      go; and       quickly  too.

    Farewell.

    OPHELIA.

    O    heavenly powers,  restore   him!

    HAMLET.

    I      have       heard     of    your paintings too, well enough. God hath       given      you one face, and you       make    yourselves   another.       You      jig, you       amble,  and       you       lisp,      and nickname      God’s     creatures,      and make      your wantonness   your       ignorance.     Go   to,   I’ll no      more    on’t,      it   hath     made     me mad.     I     say,       we will have     no more    marriages.

    Those     that are  married  already,  all    but  one, shall live; the  rest shall       keep       as    they are. To   a     nunnery, go.

    [ Exit. ]

    OPHELIA.

    O,    what       a     noble     mind      is     here o’erthrown!

    The courtier’s,      soldier’s, scholar’s, eye, tongue,  sword,

    Th’expectancy      and rose of    the  fair  state,

    The glass      of    fashion   and the  mould    of    form,

    Th’observ’d   of    all    observers,      quite,     quite      down!

    And I,     of    ladies     most      deject     and wretched,

    That suck’d    the  honey     of    his   music     vows,

    Now       see  that noble     and most      sovereign      reason,

    Like sweet     bells jangled   out  of    tune and harsh,

    That unmatch’d     form       and feature   of    blown     youth Blasted with       ecstasy.  O    woe is     me,

    T’have    seen what       I      have       seen,      see  what       I      see.

    Enter      KING    and POLONIUS .

    KING.

    Love?     His  affections      do   not  that way tend,

    Nor what       he   spake,    though   it     lack’d     form       a     little,

    Was not  like  madness.       There’s   something     in    his   soul

    O’er which     his   melancholy   sits  on   brood,

    And I      do   doubt     the  hatch     and the  disclose

    Will be   some      danger,  which     for   to    prevent,

    I      have       in    quick      determination

    Thus       set   it     down:     he   shall with speed     to    England

    For  the  demand of    our  neglected      tribute:

    Haply     the  seas and countries different,

    With       variable  objects,  shall expel

    This something     settled    matter    in    his   heart,

    Whereon his   brains     still  beating  puts him thus

    From      fashion   of    himself.  What      think      you on’t?

    POLONIUS.

    It     shall do   well. But  yet  do   I      believe

    The origin     and commencement   of    his   grief

    Sprung   from       neglected      love. How now,       Ophelia?

    You need      not  tell  us    what       Lord Hamlet   said,

    We  heard     it     all.   My  lord, do   as    you please,

    But  if     you hold it     fit,   after the  play,

    Let  his   queen    mother   all    alone      entreat   him

    To   show      his   grief,      let   her  be   round     with him,

    And I’ll    be   plac’d,    so    please    you, in    the  ear

    Of   all    their conference.   If     she  find him not,

    To   England  send       him; or    confine   him where

    Your       wisdom  best shall think.

    KING.

    It     shall be   so.

    Madness in    great      ones       must      not  unwatch’d     go.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     A     hall  in    the  Castle.

    Enter      HAMLET      and certain    PLAYERS .

    HAMLET.

    Speak     the  speech,  I      pray you, as    I      pronounced  it     to    you,       trippingly       on   the  tongue.

    But  if    you       mouth  it,   as  many    of  your      players  do, I      had       as  lief the town-crier spoke my  lines.      Nor do   not       saw the  air   too  much     with your hand,     thus,       but  use  all gently;    for   in    the  very torrent,   tempest, and, as    I      may say,       whirlwind      of    passion, you  must     acquire and       beget    a     temperance that      may      give      it   smoothness. O,  it offends   me  to    the  soul to    hear a     robustious     periwig-pated       fellow     tear a     passion  to tatters,      to    very rags,       to    split       the  ears of    the  groundlings,  who,       for   the  most      part, are capable  of  nothing but inexplicable dumb   shows   and       noise.     I     would   have such    a     fellow     whipped for   o’erdoing       Termagant.    It     out-Herods   Herod.    Pray you avoid      it.

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    I      warrant  your honour.

    HAMLET.

    Be   not  too  tame      neither;  but  let   your own discretion      be   your       tutor.      Suit the  action to the word,    the word     to  the action,    with      this       special  observance, that      you o’erstep       not  the  modesty of    nature;   for   anything so    overdone       is       from       the  purpose of     playing,  whose    end, both       at    the       first and now,       was and is,    to    hold as    ’twere     the mirror      up   to  nature;  to  show    virtue    her own      feature, scorn    her  own      image,  and the very age and body      of    the  time his       form       and pressure. Now,      this  overdone,      or come tardy     off,  though it   make    the unskilful       laugh,   cannot  but make      the judicious grieve;    the  censure  of    the  which     one must       in    your allowance      o’erweigh a    whole     theatre   of    others.       O,    there      be   players   that I      have       seen play—and       heard others  praise,    and that highly—not   to    speak     it       profanely,      that, neither   having    the accent     of    Christians,       nor  the  gait of    Christian, pagan,    nor  man,      have       so       strutted and   bellowed that I      have       thought  some      of       Nature’s journeymen   had made     men, and       not  made     them       well, they imitated humanity       so    abominably.

    FIRST      PLAYER.

    I      hope      we   have       reform’d that indifferently   with us,   sir.

    HAMLET.

    O    reform    it     altogether.    And let   those      that play your clowns       speak     no   more      than is set      down    for them.    For there      be  of  them    that      will themselves  laugh,   to  set on some quantity       of  barren  spectators    to  laugh    too,      though   in   the meantime    some

    necessary      question      of  the play      be  then     to  be  considered.   That’s   villanous,     and shows   a     most      pitiful       ambition in    the  fool that uses it.    Go   make      you ready.

    [ Exeunt  PLAYERS . ]

    Enter      POLONIUS,  ROSENCRANTZ    and GUILDENSTERN .

    How now,       my  lord?

    Will the  King hear this  piece      of    work?

    POLONIUS.

    And the  Queen    too, and that presently.

    HAMLET.

    Bid  the  players   make      haste.

    [ Exit       POLONIUS . ]

    Will you two help to    hasten    them?

    ROSENCRANTZ     and GUILDENSTERN.

    We  will, my  lord.

    [ Exeunt  ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN . ]

    HAMLET.

    What      ho,  Horatio!

    Enter      HORATIO .

    HORATIO.

    Here,      sweet     lord, at    your service.

    HAMLET.

    Horatio,  thou art   e’en as    just  a     man

    As   e’er my  conversation cop’d      withal.

    HORATIO.

    O    my  dear lord.

    HAMLET.

    Nay, do   not  think      I      flatter;

    For  what       advancement may I      hope      from       thee,

    That no   revenue  hast, but  thy  good      spirits

    To   feed and clothe     thee?      Why should    the  poor       be   flatter’d?

    No,  let   the  candied  tongue   lick  absurd    pomp,

    And crook      the  pregnant hinges    of    the  knee

    Where    thrift       may follow     fawning. Dost thou hear?

    Since      my  dear soul was mistress  of    her  choice,

    And could      of    men distinguish,    her  election

    Hath       seal’d     thee for   herself.   For  thou hast been

    As   one, in    suffering all,   that suffers    nothing,

    A     man that Fortune’s buffets    and rewards

    Hast ta’en      with equal      thanks.   And bles’d     are  those

    Whose    blood     and judgment      are  so    well co-mingled

    That they are  not  a     pipe for   Fortune’s finger

    To   sound     what       stop she  please.   Give me  that man

    That is     not  passion’s slave,      and I      will  wear       him

    In    my  heart’s    core,       ay,   in    my  heart      of    heart,

    As   I      do   thee.      Something    too  much     of    this.

    There     is     a     play tonight   before    the  King.

    One scene     of    it     comes    near the  circumstance

    Which    I      have       told thee,      of    my  father’s   death.

    I      prythee,  when      thou see’st     that act  a-foot,

    Even       with the  very comment      of    thy  soul

    Observe mine      uncle.     If     his   occulted guilt

    Do   not  itself unkennel in    one speech,

    It     is     a     damned ghost     that we   have       seen;

    And my  imaginations are  as    foul

    As   Vulcan’s stithy.     Give him heedful   note;

    For  I      mine      eyes will  rivet to    his   face;

    And after we   will  both       our  judgments     join

    In    censure  of    his   seeming.

    HORATIO.

    Well,       my  lord.

    If     he   steal aught     the  whilst     this  play is     playing,

    And scape     detecting,      I      will  pay  the  theft.

    HAMLET.

    They       are  coming   to    the  play. I      must      be   idle.

    Get  you a     place.

    Danish    march.    A     flourish.  Enter      KING,    QUEEN,  POLONIUS,       OPHELIA, ROSENCRANTZ,   GUILDENSTERN   and others.

    KING.

    How fares       our  cousin    Hamlet?

    HAMLET.

    Excellent, i’     faith;      of    the  chameleon’s  dish: I      eat  the  air,       promise-crammed:      you cannot    feed capons   so.

    KING.

    I      have       nothing  with this  answer,  Hamlet;  these      words     are       not  mine.

    HAMLET.

    No,  nor  mine      now.       [ To Polonius. ]     My  lord, you play’d     once       i’     th’university,  you say?

    POLONIUS.

    That did  I,     my  lord, and was accounted     a     good      actor.

    HAMLET.

    What      did  you enact?

    POLONIUS.

    I      did  enact      Julius      Caesar.   I      was kill’d i’     th’   Capitol.       Brutus    killed      me.

    HAMLET.

    It     was a     brute      part of    him to    kill   so    capital    a     calf there.       Be   the  players   ready?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Ay,  my  lord; they stay upon      your patience.

    QUEEN.

    Come     hither,    my  dear Hamlet,  sit    by   me.

    HAMLET.

    No,  good      mother,  here’s     metal     more      attractive.

    POLONIUS.

    [ To the  King. ]     O    ho!  do   you mark      that?

    HAMLET.

    Lady,      shall I      lie    in    your lap?

    [ Lying    down      at    OPHELIA’S   feet. ]

    OPHELIA.

    No,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    I      mean,     my  head      upon      your lap?

    OPHELIA.

    Ay,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Do   you think      I      meant    country  matters?

    OPHELIA.

    I      think      nothing, my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    That’s     a     fair  thought  to    lie    between maids’    legs.

    OPHELIA.

    What      is,    my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Nothing.

    OPHELIA.

    You are  merry,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Who,      I?

    OPHELIA.

    Ay,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    O    God,       your only jig-maker!     What      should    a     man do   but       be   merry?    For  look you how cheerfully      my  mother   looks,       and my  father     died within’s  two hours.

    OPHELIA.

    Nay, ’tis   twice      two months,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    So   long?    Nay      then,     let  the devil     wear     black,    for I’ll    have     a    suit       of  sables.  O

    heavens! die two       months ago,      and       not forgotten     yet?       Then     there’s  hope     a    great man’s memory       may      outlive    his life half       a    year.     But by’r       lady,     he  must      build churches    then;     or  else      shall     he  suffer    not  thinking on, with      the hobby-horse, whose  epitaph  is     ‘For,       O,    for   O,    the  hobby-horse is     forgot!’

    Trumpets       sound.    The dumb     show      enters.

    Enter      a     King and a     Queen    very lovingly; the  Queen       embracing     him and he   her.

    She kneels,  and       makes   show    of  protestation unto    him.       He takes    her up, and declines his head     upon    her neck.      Lays      him       down    upon    a    bank     of  flowers. She, seeing    him asleep,   leaves     him. Anon      comes    in    a       fellow,    takes      off   his   crown,    kisses

    it,    pours     poison    in    the  King’s     ears, and exits.      The Queen       returns,  finds       the  King dead,     and makes    passionate       action.    The Poisoner with some      three      or    four Mutes, comes       in    again,     seeming to    lament   with her. The dead      body       is     carried    away.     The Poisoner woos      the  Queen    with gifts.       She seems    loth and unwilling awhile,   but  in the     end accepts       his   love.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    OPHELIA.

    What      means    this, my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Marry,    this  is     miching  mallicho; it     means    mischief.

    OPHELIA.

    Belike     this  show      imports  the  argument      of    the  play.

    Enter      PROLOGUE .

    HAMLET.

    We  shall know      by   this  fellow:    the  players   cannot   keep       counsel; they’ll     tell  all.

    OPHELIA.

    Will they tell  us    what       this  show      meant?

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  or  any       show    that      you’ll    show    him.      Be  not you ashamed     to  show,    he’ll      not shame   to    tell  you what       it     means.

    OPHELIA.

    You are  naught,  you are  naught:  I’ll    mark      the  play.

    PROLOGUE.

    For  us,   and for   our  tragedy,

                         Here       stooping to    your clemency,

                         We  beg your hearing  patiently.

    HAMLET.

    Is     this  a     prologue,      or    the  posy       of    a     ring?

    OPHELIA.

    ’Tis  brief,      my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    As   woman’s love.

    Enter      a     KING    and a     QUEEN .

    PLAYER  KING.

    Full  thirty      times      hath Phoebus’ cart gone      round

    Neptune’s     salt  wash      and Tellus’    orbed     ground,

    And thirty      dozen     moons    with borrow’d sheen

    About     the  world      have       times      twelve    thirties    been,

    Since      love our  hearts,    and Hymen   did  our  hands

    Unite      commutual    in    most      sacred    bands.

    PLAYER  QUEEN.

    So   many      journeys may the  sun  and moon

    Make      us    again      count     o’er ere  love be   done.

    But, woe is     me, you are  so    sick of    late,

    So   far   from       cheer      and from       your former    state,

    That I      distrust   you. Yet, though   I      distrust,

    Discomfort    you, my  lord, it     nothing  must:

    For  women’s fear and love holds      quantity,

    In    neither   aught,    or    in    extremity.

    Now       what       my  love is,    proof      hath made     you know,

    And as    my  love is     siz’d,      my  fear is     so.

    Where    love is     great,     the  littlest     doubts   are  fear;

    Where    little fears       grow      great,     great      love grows     there.

    PLAYER  KING.

    Faith,      I      must      leave      thee,      love, and shortly    too:

    My  operant  powers   their functions leave      to    do:

    And thou shalt       live  in    this  fair  world      behind,

    Honour’d,      belov’d,  and haply      one as    kind

    For  husband shalt       thou—

    PLAYER  QUEEN.

    O    confound      the  rest.

    Such       love must      needs     be   treason   in    my  breast.

    In    second   husband let   me  be   accurst!

    None      wed the  second   but  who kill’d the  first.

    HAMLET.

    [ Aside. ] Wormwood,  wormwood.

    PLAYER  QUEEN.

    The instances that second   marriage move

    Are  base respects of    thrift,      but  none      of    love.

    A     second   time I      kill   my  husband dead,

    When     second   husband kisses     me  in    bed.

    PLAYER  KING.

    I      do   believe   you think      what       now you speak;

    But  what       we   do   determine,     oft   we   break.

    Purpose  is     but  the  slave      to    memory,

    Of   violent    birth,      but  poor       validity:

    Which    now,       like  fruit unripe,   sticks      on   the  tree,

    But  fall   unshaken      when      they mellow   be.

    Most      necessary      ’tis   that we   forget

    To   pay  ourselves what       to    ourselves is     debt.

    What      to    ourselves in    passion  we   propose,

    The passion  ending,   doth       the  purpose  lose.

    The violence of    either     grief or    joy

    Their      own enactures      with themselves    destroy.

    Where    joy   most      revels,    grief doth       most      lament;

    Grief       joys, joy   grieves,  on   slender   accident.

    This world      is     not  for   aye; nor  ’tis   not  strange

    That even       our  loves      should    with our  fortunes change,

    For  ’tis   a     question left  us    yet  to    prove,

    Whether love lead fortune,  or    else fortune   love.

    The great      man down,     you mark      his   favourite flies,

    The poor       advanc’d makes    friends    of    enemies;

    And hitherto  doth       love on   fortune   tend:

    For  who not  needs     shall never      lack a     friend,

    And who in    want       a     hollow    friend     doth       try,

    Directly   seasons  him his   enemy.

    But  orderly   to    end where     I      begun,

    Our wills and fates       do   so    contrary run

    That our  devices   still  are  overthrown.

    Our thoughts are  ours,       their ends       none      of    our  own.

    So   think      thou wilt  no   second   husband wed,

    But  die  thy  thoughts when      thy  first lord is     dead.

    PLAYER  QUEEN.

    Nor earth      to    me  give food,      nor  heaven   light,

    Sport      and repose    lock from       me  day  and night,

    To   desperation   turn my  trust and hope,

    An   anchor’s cheer      in    prison     be   my  scope,

    Each       opposite that blanks    the  face of    joy,

    Meet      what       I      would     have       well, and it     destroy!

    Both       here and hence     pursue    me  lasting    strife,

    If,    once       a     widow,   ever I      be   wife.

    HAMLET.

    [ To Ophelia. ]       If     she  should    break      it     now.

    PLAYER  KING.

    ’Tis  deeply    sworn.    Sweet,    leave      me  here awhile.

    My  spirits     grow      dull, and fain I      would     beguile

    The tedious   day  with sleep.

    [ Sleeps. ]

    PLAYER  QUEEN.

    Sleep      rock thy  brain,

    And never      come      mischance     between us    twain.

    [ Exit. ]

    HAMLET.

    Madam,  how like  you this  play?

    QUEEN.

    The lady protests  too  much,     methinks.

    HAMLET.

    O,    but  she’ll      keep       her  word.

    KING.

    Have      you heard     the  argument?     Is     there      no   offence   in’t?

    HAMLET.

    No,  no,  they do   but  jest, poison    in    jest; no   offence   i’     th’       world.

    KING.

    What      do   you call  the  play?

    HAMLET.

    The Mousetrap.   Marry,    how?      Tropically.      This play is     the       image     of    a     murder   done in   Vienna. Gonzago      is   the Duke’s    name,   his wife      Baptista:      you       shall     see anon;

    ’tis   a    knavish piece    of  work:    but what     o’   that?     Your       majesty, and       we that      have free     souls,     it       touches  us    not. Let  the  gall’d      jade wince;    our  withers   are       unwrung.

    Enter      LUCIANUS .

    This is     one Lucianus, nephew  to    the  King.

    OPHELIA.

    You are  a     good      chorus,   my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    I      could      interpret between you and your love, if     I      could      see       the  puppets  dallying.

    OPHELIA.

    You are  keen,      my  lord, you are  keen.

    HAMLET.

    It     would     cost you a     groaning to    take off   my  edge.

    OPHELIA.

    Still  better,    and worse.

    HAMLET.

    So   you       mistake your      husbands.—Begin,     murderer.    Pox,       leave    thy damnable faces,  and begin.     Come,    the  croaking       raven      doth       bellow    for   revenge.

    LUCIANUS.

    Thoughts       black,     hands     apt, drugs     fit,   and time agreeing,

    Confederate  season,   else no   creature seeing;

    Thou      mixture   rank,       of    midnight weeds    collected,

    With       Hecate’s ban thrice     blasted,  thrice     infected,

    Thy  natural   magic     and dire property

    On  wholesome    life   usurp     immediately.

    [ Pours   the  poison    into the  sleeper’s ears. ]

    HAMLET.

    He   poisons him       i’    th’garden     for’s      estate.  His name’s Gonzago.      The       story     is extant,      and written   in    very       choice    Italian.    You shall see  anon      how the  murderer gets       the  love of    Gonzago’s     wife.

    OPHELIA.

    The King rises.

    HAMLET.

    What,     frighted  with false fire?

    QUEEN.

    How fares       my  lord?

    POLONIUS.

    Give o’er the  play.

    KING.

    Give me  some      light.      Away.

    All.

    Lights,    lights,     lights.

    [ Exeunt  all    but  HAMLET      and HORATIO . ]

    HAMLET.

    Why,      let   the  strucken deer go   weep,

    The hart ungalled play;

    For  some      must      watch,    while      some      must      sleep,

    So   runs the  world      away.

    Would    not  this, sir,   and a     forest     of    feathers, if     the  rest of       my  fortunes turn Turk with me; with two Provincial      roses      on       my  razed      shoes,    get  me  a     fellowship      in    a cry       of       players,  sir?

    HORATIO.

    Half a     share.

    HAMLET.

    A     whole     one, I.

    For  thou dost know,     O    Damon   dear,

    This realm     dismantled    was

    Of   Jove himself,  and now reigns     here

    A     very,       very—pajock.

    HORATIO.

    You might     have       rhymed.

    HAMLET.

    O    good      Horatio,  I’ll    take the  ghost’s   word      for   a     thousand       pound.   Didst      perceive?

    HORATIO.

    Very well, my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Upon      the  talk  of    the  poisoning?

    HORATIO.

    I      did  very well note him.

    HAMLET.

    Ah,  ha!  Come,    some      music.    Come,    the  recorders.

    For  if     the  king like  not  the  comedy,

    Why then,      belike     he   likes it     not, perdie.

    Come,    some      music.

    Enter      ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN .

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Good      my  lord, vouchsafe      me  a     word      with you.

    HAMLET.

    Sir,  a     whole     history.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    The King,      sir—

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  sir,   what       of    him?

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Is     in    his   retirement,    marvellous    distempered.

    HAMLET.

    With       drink,      sir?

    GUILDENSTERN.

    No,  my  lord; rather     with choler.

    HAMLET.

    Your       wisdom  should    show      itself more      richer     to    signify       this  to    the  doctor,   for   me to     put  him to    his   purgation       would     perhaps  plunge   him into far   more      choler.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Good      my  lord, put  your discourse       into some      frame,    and start       not  so    wildly     from my affair.

    HAMLET.

    I      am  tame,     sir,   pronounce.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    The Queen    your mother,  in    most      great      affliction of    spirit,       hath sent me  to    you.

    HAMLET.

    You are  welcome.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Nay, good      my  lord, this  courtesy is     not  of    the  right       breed.       If     it     shall please    you to

    make      me a    wholesome  answer, I     will do your      mother’s       commandment;  if    not, your      pardon   and my  return     shall       be   the  end of    my  business.

    HAMLET.

    Sir,  I      cannot.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    What,     my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Make      you a     wholesome    answer.  My  wit’s diseased. But, sir,   such       answer   as    I      can make,      you shall command;     or    rather,       as    you say, my  mother.  Therefore      no   more, but      to    the       matter.   My  mother,  you say,—

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Then      thus      she says:     your      behaviour    hath     struck   her  into      amazement and admiration.

    HAMLET.

    O    wonderful      son, that can  so    stonish   a     mother!  But  is     there       no   sequel    at    the  heels of  this  mother’s admiration?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    She desires   to    speak     with you in    her  closet     ere  you go   to       bed.

    HAMLET.

    We  shall obey,      were       she  ten  times      our  mother.  Have      you       any  further    trade      with us?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    My  lord, you once       did  love me.

    HAMLET.

    And so    I      do   still, by   these      pickers   and stealers.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Good      my  lord, what       is     your cause     of    distemper?    You do       surely     bar  the  door       upon your     own liberty     if     you deny       your griefs      to    your friend.

    HAMLET.

    Sir,  I      lack advancement.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    How can       that      be, when    you       have     the voice    of  the  King      himself for your succession  in    Denmark?

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  sir,   but  while      the  grass      grows—the   proverb  is       something     musty.

    Re-enter the  PLAYERS     with recorders.

    O,    the  recorders.      Let  me  see  one.—To withdraw with you, why do       you go   about to recover   the  wind       of    me, as    if     you       would     drive       me  into a     toil?

    GUILDENSTERN.

    O    my  lord, if     my  duty be   too  bold,      my  love is     too       unmannerly.

    HAMLET.

    I      do   not  well understand    that. Will you play upon      this  pipe?

    GUILDENSTERN.

    My  lord, I      cannot.

    HAMLET.

    I      pray you.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    Believe   me, I      cannot.

    HAMLET.

    I      do   beseech you.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    I      know      no   touch     of    it,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    ’Tis  as    easy as    lying:      govern   these      ventages with your finger       and thumb,   give it breath with      your      mouth, and       it   will  discourse     most     eloquent      music.   Look     you, these       are  the  stops.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    But  these      cannot   I      command      to    any  utterance      of       harmony.       I      have       not  the  skill.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      look      you       now,     how      unworthy     a    thing    you make    of  me!       You      would   play upon    me; you       would     seem      to    know      my  stops;     you would     pluck       out  the  heart      of my     mystery;       you       would   sound   me  from     my lowest   note     to  the top of  my compass;       and there      is     much     music,    excellent voice,     in    this  little       organ,    yet  cannot you    make    it   speak.   ’Sblood, do you       think     I     am easier   to  be  played  on than     a pipe?       Call me  what       instrument    you will, though   you can  fret  me,       you cannot   play upon      me.

    Enter      POLONIUS .

    God bless      you, sir.

    POLONIUS.

    My  lord, the  Queen    would     speak     with you, and presently.

    HAMLET.

    Do   you see  yonder   cloud      that’s      almost    in    shape     of    a       camel?

    POLONIUS.

    By   the  mass,     and ’tis   like  a     camel     indeed.

    HAMLET.

    Methinks it     is     like  a     weasel.

    POLONIUS.

    It     is     backed   like  a     weasel.

    HAMLET.

    Or   like  a     whale.

    POLONIUS.

    Very like  a     whale.

    HAMLET.

    Then      will  I      come      to    my  mother   by   and by.—They      fool       me  to    the  top  of    my  bent.

    —I   will  come      by   and by.

    POLONIUS.

    I      will  say  so.

    [ Exit. ]

    HAMLET.

    By   and by   is     easily      said. Leave     me, friends.

    [ Exeunt  all    but  HAMLET . ]

    ’Tis  now the  very witching time of    night,

    When     churchyards  yawn,     and hell  itself breathes out

    Contagion     to    this  world.     Now       could      I      drink      hot       blood,

    And do   such bitter      business as    the  day

    Would    quake     to    look on.  Soft now,       to    my  mother.

    O    heart,     lose not  thy  nature;   let   not  ever

    The soul of    Nero       enter      this  firm bosom:

    Let  me  be   cruel,      not  unnatural.

    I      will  speak     daggers  to    her, but  use  none;

    My  tongue   and soul in    this  be   hypocrites.

    How in    my  words     somever she  be   shent,

    To   give them      seals       never,     my  soul, consent.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    III.    A     room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      KING,    ROSENCRANTZ    and GUILDENSTERN .

    KING.

    I      like  him not, nor  stands    it     safe with us

    To   let   his   madness range.    Therefore      prepare  you,

    I      your commission   will  forthwith dispatch,

    And he   to    England  shall along     with you.

    The terms     of    our  estate     may not  endure

    Hazard   so    near us    as    doth       hourly    grow

    Out of    his   lunacies.

    GUILDENSTERN.

    We  will  ourselves provide.

    Most      holy and religious fear it     is

    To   keep       those      many      many      bodies    safe

    That live  and feed upon      your Majesty.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    The single     and peculiar  life   is     bound

    With       all    the  strength and armour   of    the  mind,

    To   keep       itself from       ’noyance;      but  much     more

    That spirit       upon      whose    weal depend  and rest

    The lives of    many.     The cease     of    majesty

    Dies not  alone;     but  like  a     gulf doth       draw

    What’s    near it     with it.    It     is     a     massy     wheel

    Fix’d on   the  summit   of    the  highest   mount,

    To   whose    huge      spokes    ten  thousand       lesser     things

    Are  mortis’d  and adjoin’d; which     when      it     falls,

    Each       small      annexment,   petty      consequence,

    Attends  the  boist’rous      ruin. Never     alone

    Did  the  King sigh, but  with a     general   groan.

    KING.

    Arm you, I      pray you, to    this  speedy   voyage; For    we   will  fetters       put  upon      this  fear,

    Which    now goes       too  free-footed.

    ROSENCRANTZ     and GUILDENSTERN.

    We  will  haste      us.

    [ Exeunt  ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN . ]

    Enter      POLONIUS .

    POLONIUS.

    My  lord, he’s going     to    his   mother’s closet.

    Behind   the  arras       I’ll    convey   myself

    To   hear the  process.  I’ll    warrant  she’ll      tax   him home,

    And as    you said, and wisely     was it     said,

    ’Tis  meet      that some      more      audience than a     mother,

    Since      nature    makes    them      partial,    should    o’erhear

    The speech   of    vantage. Fare you well, my  liege,

    I’ll    call  upon      you ere  you go   to    bed,

    And tell  you what       I      know.

    KING.

    Thanks,  dear my  lord.

    [ Exit       POLONIUS . ]

    O,    my  offence   is     rank,       it     smells     to    heaven;

    It     hath the  primal    eldest     curse      upon’t,—

    A     brother’s murder!  Pray can  I      not,

    Though  inclination     be   as    sharp      as    will:

    My  stronger guilt defeats   my  strong    intent,

    And, like  a     man to    double   business bound,

    I      stand      in    pause     where     I      shall first begin,

    And both       neglect.  What      if     this  cursed    hand

    Were      thicker    than itself with brother’s blood,

    Is     there      not  rain enough  in    the  sweet     heavens

    To   wash      it     white      as    snow?     Whereto serves     mercy

    But  to    confront the  visage    of    offence?

    And what’s    in    prayer    but  this  twofold   force,

    To   be   forestalled     ere  we   come      to    fall,

    Or   pardon’d being     down?    Then      I’ll    look up.

    My  fault is     past.       But  O,    what       form       of    prayer

    Can serve      my  turn?      Forgive   me  my  foul murder!

    That cannot   be;  since      I      am  still  possess’d

    Of   those      effects    for   which     I      did  the  murder,—

    My  crown,    mine      own ambition,       and my  queen.

    May one be   pardon’d and retain     th’offence?

    In    the  corrupted      currents  of    this  world

    Offence’s       gilded     hand      may shove     by   justice,

    And oft   ’tis   seen the  wicked    prize       itself

    Buys out  the  law. But  ’tis   not  so    above;

    There     is     no   shuffling, there      the  action     lies

    In    his   true nature,   and we   ourselves compell’d

    Even       to    the  teeth      and forehead of    our  faults,

    To   give in    evidence.       What      then?      What      rests?

    Try  what       repentance    can. What      can  it     not?

    Yet  what       can  it,    when      one cannot   repent?

    O    wretched state!      O    bosom    black      as    death!

    O    limed      soul, that struggling      to    be   free,

    Art   more      engag’d! Help,      angels!   Make      assay:

    Bow,       stubborn knees;    and heart      with strings    of    steel,

    Be   soft as    sinews    of    the  new-born      babe.

    All   may be   well.

    [ Retires  and kneels. ]

    Enter      HAMLET .

    HAMLET.

    Now       might     I      do   it     pat, now he   is     praying.

    And now I’ll    do’t. And so    he   goes       to    heaven;

    And so    am  I      reveng’d. That would     be   scann’d:

    A     villain     kills my  father,    and for   that

    I,     his   sole son, do   this  same      villain     send

    To   heaven.  O,    this  is     hire and salary,    not  revenge.

    He   took my  father     grossly,   full  of    bread,

    With       all    his   crimes    broad     blown,    as    flush       as    May;

    And how his   audit      stands,   who knows    save heaven?

    But  in    our  circumstance and course    of    thought,

    ’Tis  heavy     with him. And am  I      then reveng’d,

    To   take him in    the  purging  of    his   soul,

    When     he   is     fit    and season’d for   his   passage? No.

    Up,  sword,    and know      thou a     more      horrid     hent: When    he       is     drunk     asleep;   or    in    his   rage,

    Or   in    th’incestuous pleasure of    his   bed,

    At    gaming,  swearing;       or    about     some      act

    That has  no   relish      of    salvation in’t,

    Then      trip  him, that his   heels      may kick at    heaven,

    And that his   soul may be   as    damn’d  and black

    As   hell, whereto  it     goes.      My  mother   stays.

    This physic    but  prolongs thy  sickly      days.

    [ Exit. ]

    The KING    rises and advances.

    KING.

    My  words     fly    up,  my  thoughts remain   below.

    Words    without  thoughts never      to    heaven   go.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    IV.   Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      QUEEN        and POLONIUS .

    POLONIUS.

    He   will  come      straight.  Look       you lay   home     to    him,

    Tell  him his   pranks    have       been      too  broad     to    bear with,

    And that your Grace     hath screen’d and stood     between

    Much     heat and him. I’ll    silence    me  e’en here.

    Pray you be   round     with him.

    HAMLET.

    [ Within. ]       Mother,  mother,  mother.

    QUEEN.

    I’ll    warrant  you, Fear me  not.

    Withdraw,      I      hear him coming.

    [POLONIUS   goes       behind   the  arras. ]

    Enter      HAMLET .

    HAMLET.

    Now,      mother,  what’s    the  matter?

    QUEEN.

    Hamlet,  thou hast thy  father     much     offended.

    HAMLET.

    Mother,  you have       my  father     much     offended.

    QUEEN.

    Come,    come,     you answer   with an   idle  tongue.

    HAMLET.

    Go,  go,  you question with a     wicked    tongue.

    QUEEN.

    Why,      how now,       Hamlet?

    HAMLET.

    What’s    the  matter    now?

    QUEEN.

    Have      you forgot     me?

    HAMLET.

    No,  by   the  rood,      not  so.

    You are  the  Queen,   your husband’s     brother’s wife,

    And, would     it     were       not  so.   You are  my  mother.

    QUEEN.

    Nay, then I’ll    set   those      to    you that can  speak.

    HAMLET.

    Come,    come,     and sit    you down,     you shall not  budge.

    You go   not  till   I      set   you up   a     glass

    Where    you may see  the  inmost    part of    you.

    QUEEN.

    What      wilt  thou do?  Thou      wilt  not  murder   me?

    Help,      help,       ho!

    POLONIUS.

    [ Behind. ]      What,     ho!  help,       help,       help!

    HAMLET.

    How now?      A     rat? [ Draws. ]

    Dead      for   a     ducat,     dead!

    [ Makes  a     pass through  the  arras. ]

    POLONIUS.

    [ Behind. ]      O,    I      am  slain!

    [ Falls     and dies. ]

    QUEEN.

    O    me, what       hast thou done?

    HAMLET.

    Nay, I      know      not. is     it     the  King?

    [ Draws   forth       POLONIUS . ]

    QUEEN.

    O    what       a     rash and bloody    deed      is     this!

    HAMLET.

    A     bloody    deed.      Almost   as    bad, good      mother,

    As   kill   a     king and marry     with his   brother.

    QUEEN.

    As   kill   a     king?

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  lady, ’twas      my  word.—

    [ To Polonius. ]     Thou      wretched,      rash,       intruding fool, farewell!

    I      took thee for   thy  better.    Take       thy  fortune,

    Thou      find’st     to    be   too  busy       is     some      danger.—

    Leave     wringing of    your hands.    Peace,    sit    you down,

    And let   me  wring      your heart,     for   so    I      shall,

    If     it     be   made     of    penetrable     stuff;

    If     damned custom   have       not  braz’d     it     so,

    That it     is     proof      and bulwark  against   sense.

    QUEEN.

    What      have       I      done,     that thou dar’st      wag thy  tongue

    In    noise      so    rude against   me?

    HAMLET.

    Such       an   act

    That blurs       the  grace      and blush      of    modesty,

    Calls virtue     hypocrite,      takes      off   the  rose

    From      the  fair  forehead of    an   innocent love,

    And sets a     blister     there.     Makes    marriage vows

    As   false as    dicers’    oaths.     O    such a     deed

    As   from       the  body      of    contraction    plucks

    The very soul, and sweet     religion   makes

    A     rhapsody of    words.    Heaven’s face doth       glow,

    Yea this  solidity   and compound    mass,

    With       tristful    visage,    as    against   the  doom,

    Is     thought-sick at    the  act.

    QUEEN.

    Ay   me, what       act,

    That roars      so    loud,      and thunders in    the  index?

    HAMLET.

    Look       here upon      this  picture,   and on   this,

    The counterfeit    presentment  of    two brothers.

    See  what       a     grace      was seated    on   this  brow,

    Hyperion’s     curls,      the  front       of    Jove himself,

    An   eye  like  Mars,      to    threaten and command,

    A     station    like  the  herald    Mercury

    New lighted   on   a     heaven-kissing     hill:

    A     combination  and a     form       indeed,

    Where    every      god did  seem      to    set   his   seal,

    To   give the  world      assurance      of    a     man.

    This was your husband. Look       you now what       follows.

    Here       is     your husband, like  a     mildew’d ear

    Blasting  his   wholesome    brother.  Have      you eyes?

    Could     you on   this  fair  mountain      leave      to    feed,

    And batten    on   this  moor?    Ha!  have       you eyes?

    You cannot   call  it     love; for   at    your age

    The hey-day in    the  blood     is     tame,     it’s   humble,

    And waits      upon      the  judgment:     and what       judgment

    Would    step from       this  to    this? Sense     sure you have,

    Else could      you not  have       motion;  but  sure that sense

    Is     apoplex’d,     for   madness would     not  err

    Nor sense     to    ecstacy   was ne’er      so    thrall’d

    But  it     reserv’d  some      quantity of    choice

    To   serve      in    such a     difference.     What      devil       was’t

    That thus hath cozen’d  you at    hoodman-blind?

    Eyes without  feeling,   feeling    without  sight,

    Ears without  hands     or    eyes,      smelling sans all,

    Or   but  a     sickly      part of    one true sense

    Could     not  so    mope.    O    shame!   where     is     thy  blush?

    Rebellious     hell,

    If     thou canst      mutine   in    a     matron’s bones,

    To   flaming   youth     let   virtue     be   as    wax,

    And melt in    her  own fire. Proclaim no   shame

    When     the  compulsive    ardour    gives      the  charge,

    Since      frost itself as    actively   doth       burn,

    And reason    panders  will.

    QUEEN.

    O    Hamlet,  speak     no   more.

    Thou      turn’st    mine      eyes into my  very soul,

    And there      I      see  such black      and grained  spots

    As   will  not  leave      their tinct.

    HAMLET.

    Nay, but  to    live

    In    the  rank sweat     of    an   enseamed     bed,

    Stew’d    in    corruption,    honeying       and making   love

    Over       the  nasty      sty.

    QUEEN.

    O    speak     to    me  no   more;

    These     words     like  daggers  enter      in    mine      ears;

    No   more,     sweet     Hamlet.

    HAMLET.

    A     murderer       and a     villain;

    A     slave      that is     not  twentieth       part the  tithe

    Of   your precedent      lord. A     vice of    kings,

    A     cutpurse of    the  empire   and the  rule,

    That from       a     shelf the  precious diadem   stole

    And put  it     in    his   pocket!

    QUEEN.

    No   more.

    HAMLET.

    A     king of    shreds    and patches!—

    Enter      GHOST .

    Save me  and hover     o’er me  with your wings,

    You heavenly guards!   What      would     your gracious figure?

    QUEEN.

    Alas, he’s mad.

    HAMLET.

    Do   you not  come      your tardy      son  to    chide,

    That,      laps’d     in    time and passion,  lets  go   by

    The important      acting     of    your dread     command?

    O    say!

    GHOST.

    Do   not  forget.    This visitation

    Is     but  to    whet       thy  almost    blunted  purpose.

    But  look,       amazement   on   thy  mother   sits.

    O    step between her  and her  fighting  soul.

    Conceit  in    weakest  bodies    strongest       works.

    Speak     to    her, Hamlet.

    HAMLET.

    How is     it     with you, lady?

    QUEEN.

    Alas, how is’t   with you,

    That you do   bend      your eye  on   vacancy,

    And with the  incorporal      air   do   hold discourse?

    Forth      at    your eyes your spirits     wildly     peep,

    And, as    the  sleeping soldiers  in    the  alarm,

    Your       bedded  hairs,      like  life   in    excrements,

    Start up   and stand      an   end. O    gentle    son,

    Upon      the  heat and flame      of    thy  distemper

    Sprinkle  cool patience. Whereon do   you look?

    HAMLET.

    On  him, on   him! Look       you how pale he   glares,

    His  form       and cause     conjoin’d,      preaching      to    stones,

    Would    make      them      capable.—Do not  look upon      me,

    Lest with this  piteous   action     you convert

    My  stern      effects.   Then      what       I      have       to    do

    Will want       true colour;    tears       perchance     for   blood.

    QUEEN.

    To   whom     do   you speak     this?

    HAMLET.

    Do   you see  nothing  there?

    QUEEN.

    Nothing  at    all;   yet  all    that is     I      see.

    HAMLET.

    Nor did  you nothing  hear?

    QUEEN.

    No,  nothing  but  ourselves.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      look you there!     look how it     steals     away!

    My  father,    in    his   habit      as    he   liv’d!

    Look       where     he   goes       even       now out  at    the  portal.

    [ Exit       GHOST . ]

    QUEEN.

    This is     the  very coinage  of    your brain.

    This bodiless  creation  ecstasy

    Is     very cunning  in.

    HAMLET.

    Ecstasy!

    My  pulse      as    yours      doth       temperately   keep       time,

    And makes    as    healthful music.    It     is     not  madness

    That I      have       utter’d.   Bring      me  to    the  test,

    And I      the  matter    will  re-word; which     madness

    Would    gambol  from.      Mother,  for   love of    grace,

    Lay  not  that flattering unction  to    your soul

    That not  your trespass, but  my  madness speaks.

    It     will  but  skin and film the  ulcerous place,

    Whilst     rank corruption,    mining   all    within,

    Infects    unseen.  Confess  yourself  to    heaven,

    Repent   what’s    past,       avoid      what       is     to    come;

    And do   not  spread    the  compost on   the  weeds,

    To   make      them      ranker.    Forgive   me  this  my  virtue;

    For  in    the  fatness   of    these      pursy      times

    Virtue     itself of    vice must      pardon   beg,

    Yea, curb and woo for   leave      to    do   him good.

    QUEEN.

    O    Hamlet,  thou hast cleft my  heart      in    twain.

    HAMLET.

    O    throw     away      the  worser    part of    it,

    And live  the  purer      with the  other      half.

    Good      night.     But  go   not  to    mine      uncle’s   bed.

    Assume  a     virtue,     if     you have       it     not.

    That monster custom,  who all    sense     doth       eat,

    Of   habits     evil, is     angel      yet  in    this,

    That to    the  use  of    actions   fair  and good

    He   likewise  gives      a     frock       or    livery

    That aptly       is     put  on.  Refrain   tonight,

    And that shall lend a     kind of    easiness

    To   the  next abstinence.    The next more      easy;

    For  use  almost    can  change   the  stamp     of    nature,

    And either     curb the  devil,      or    throw     him out

    With       wondrous      potency. Once      more,     good      night,

    And when      you are  desirous to    be   bles’d,

    I’ll    blessing  beg of    you. For  this  same      lord

    [ Pointing      to    Polonius. ]

    I      do   repent;   but  heaven   hath pleas’d   it     so,

    To   punish    me  with this, and this  with me,

    That I      must      be   their scourge  and minister.

    I      will  bestow   him, and will  answer   well

    The death     I      gave       him. So   again,     good      night.

    I      must      be   cruel,      only to    be   kind:

    Thus       bad begins,   and worse     remains  behind.

    One word      more,     good      lady.

    QUEEN.

    What      shall I      do?

    HAMLET.

    Not this, by   no   means,   that I      bid  you do:

    Let  the  bloat      King tempt     you again      to    bed,

    Pinch      wanton   on   your cheek,    call  you his   mouse,

    And let   him, for   a     pair of    reechy    kisses,

    Or   paddling in    your neck with his   damn’d  fingers,

    Make      you to    ravel       all    this  matter    out,

    That I      essentially     am  not  in    madness,

    But  mad in    craft.      ’Twere    good      you let   him know,

    For  who that’s      but  a     queen,    fair, sober,     wise,

    Would    from       a     paddock, from       a     bat, a     gib,

    Such       dear concernings  hide?      Who       would     do   so?

    No,  in    despite   of    sense     and secrecy,

    Unpeg    the  basket    on   the  house’s  top,

    Let  the  birds       fly,   and like  the  famous   ape,

    To   try   conclusions,  in    the  basket    creep

    And break      your own neck down.

    QUEEN.

    Be   thou assur’d,  if     words     be   made     of    breath,

    And breath    of    life,  I      have       no   life   to    breathe

    What      thou hast said to    me.

    HAMLET.

    I      must      to    England, you know      that?

    QUEEN.

    Alack,

    I      had forgot.    ’Tis  so    concluded     on.

    HAMLET.

    There’s   letters     seal’d:    and my  two schoolfellows,

    Whom    I      will  trust as    I      will  adders    fang’d,—

    They       bear the  mandate,       they must      sweep    my  way

    And marshal  me  to    knavery. Let  it     work;

    For  ’tis   the  sport      to    have       the  enginer

    Hoist      with his   own petard,   and ’t     shall go   hard

    But  I      will  delve      one yard below     their mines

    And blow       them      at    the  moon.    O,    ’tis   most      sweet,

    When     in    one line  two crafts      directly   meet.

    This man shall set   me  packing.

    I’ll    lug  the  guts into the  neighbour     room.

    Mother,  good      night.     Indeed,   this  counsellor

    Is     now most      still, most      secret,    and most      grave,

    Who       was in    life   a     foolish    peating  knave.

    Come,    sir,   to    draw       toward   an   end with you.

    Good      night,     mother.

    [ Exit       HAMLET      dragging out  POLONIUS . ]

    ACT IV

    SCENE    I.     A     room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      KING,    QUEEN,  ROSENCRANTZ    and GUILDENSTERN .

    KING.

    There’s   matter    in    these      sighs.     These     profound       heaves

    You must      translate. ’tis   fit    we   understand    them.

    Where    is     your son?

    QUEEN.

    Bestow   this  place      on   us    a     little while.

    [ To ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN,        who go   out. ]

    Ah,  my  good      lord, what       have       I      seen tonight!

    KING.

    What,     Gertrude?      How does       Hamlet?

    QUEEN.

    Mad as    the  sea  and wind,      when      both       contend

    Which    is     the  mightier. In    his   lawless   fit

    Behind   the  arras       hearing  something     stir,

    Whips     out  his   rapier,    cries ‘A    rat,  a     rat!’

    And in    this  brainish  apprehension kills

    The unseen   good      old  man.

    KING.

    O    heavy     deed!

    It     had been      so    with us,   had we   been      there.

    His  liberty     is     full  of    threats   to    all;

    To   you yourself, to    us,   to    everyone.

    Alas, how shall this  bloody    deed      be   answer’d?

    It     will  be   laid  to    us,   whose    providence

    Should   have       kept short,     restrain’d,      and out  of    haunt

    This mad young    man.      But  so    much     was our  love

    We  would     not  understand    what       was most      fit,

    But  like  the  owner     of    a     foul disease,

    To   keep       it     from       divulging,      let   it     feed

    Even       on   the  pith of    life.  Where    is     he   gone?

    QUEEN.

    To   draw       apart      the  body      he   hath kill’d,

    O’er whom     his   very madness,       like  some      ore

    Among   a     mineral   of    metals    base,

    Shows    itself pure.      He   weeps    for   what       is     done.

    KING.

    O    Gertrude,       come      away!

    The sun  no   sooner    shall the  mountains     touch

    But  we   will  ship him hence,    and this  vile  deed

    We  must      with all    our  majesty  and skill

    Both       countenance and excuse.—Ho, Guildenstern!

    Re-enter ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN .

    Friends   both,      go   join you with some      further    aid:

    Hamlet   in    madness hath Polonius slain,

    And from       his   mother’s closet     hath he   dragg’d  him.

    Go   seek him out, speak     fair, and bring      the  body

    Into the  chapel.   I      pray you haste      in    this.

    [ Exeunt  ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN . ]

    Come,    Gertrude,       we’ll call  up   our  wisest     friends,

    And let   them      know      both       what       we   mean     to    do

    And what’s    untimely done,     so    haply      slander,

    Whose    whisper  o’er the  world’s   diameter,

    As   level as    the  cannon   to    his   blank,

    Transports     his   poison’d shot,       may miss our  name,

    And hit   the  woundless     air.  O,    come      away!

    My  soul is     full  of    discord   and dismay.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      HAMLET .

    HAMLET.

    Safely     stowed.

    ROSENCRANTZ     and GUILDENSTERN.

    [ Within. ]       Hamlet!  Lord Hamlet!

    HAMLET.

    What      noise?    Who       calls on   Hamlet? O,    here they come.

    Enter      ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN .

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    What      have       you done,     my  lord, with the  dead      body?

    HAMLET.

    Compounded it     with dust,       whereto  ’tis   kin.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Tell  us    where     ’tis,  that we   may take it     thence,

    And bear it     to    the  chapel.

    HAMLET.

    Do   not  believe   it.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Believe   what?

    HAMLET.

    That I      can  keep       your counsel, and not  mine      own.       Besides,       to    be   demanded     of    a sponge—what   replication     should       be   made     by   the  son  of    a     king?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Take       you me  for   a     sponge,  my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  sir; that      soaks    up the King’s   countenance,      his rewards, his authorities.  But such      officers   do   the  King best       service    in    the  end: he   keeps     them,     like  an   ape, in the       corner    of    his   jaw; first mouthed,      to    be   last  swallowed:       when      he   needs     what you have       gleaned, it     is     but       squeezing     you, and, sponge,  you shall be   dry  again.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    I      understand    you not, my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    I      am  glad of    it.    A     knavish   speech   sleeps     in    a     foolish       ear.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    My  lord, you must      tell  us    where     the  body      is     and go   with       us    to    the  King.

    HAMLET.

    The body      is     with the  King,      but  the  King is     not  with the body.       The King is     a     thing

    GUILDENSTERN.

    A     thing,     my  lord!

    HAMLET.

    Of   nothing. Bring      me  to    him. Hide       fox,  and all    after.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    III.    Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      KING,   attended.

    KING.

    I      have       sent to    seek him and to    find the  body.

    How dangerous     is     it     that this  man goes       loose!

    Yet  must      not  we   put  the  strong    law  on   him:

    He’s lov’d       of    the  distracted      multitude,

    Who       like  not  in    their judgment,     but  their eyes;

    And where     ’tis   so,   th’offender’s  scourge  is     weigh’d,

    But  never      the  offence.  To   bear all    smooth  and even,

    This sudden   sending  him away      must      seem

    Deliberate     pause.    Diseases desperate      grown

    By   desperate      appliance      are  reliev’d,

    Or   not  at    all.

    Enter      ROSENCRANTZ .

    How now?      What      hath befall’n?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Where    the  dead      body      is     bestow’d,      my  lord,

    We  cannot   get  from       him.

    KING.

    But  where     is     he?

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Without, my  lord, guarded, to    know      your pleasure.

    KING.

    Bring      him before    us.

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Ho,  Guildenstern! Bring      in    my  lord.

    Enter      HAMLET      and GUILDENSTERN .

    KING.

    Now,      Hamlet,  where’s  Polonius?

    HAMLET.

    At    supper.

    KING.

    At    supper?  Where?

    HAMLET.

    Not where     he   eats, but  where     he   is     eaten.     A     certain       convocation  of    politic     worms are     e’en      at  him.      Your       worm    is   your      only      emperor      for diet.      We fat   all  creatures else      to  fat us, and       we fat ourselves     for   maggots.     Your     fat king      and       your      lean beggar       is     but  variable  service,—two dishes,    but  to    one table.       That’s     the  end.

    KING.

    Alas, alas!

    HAMLET.

    A     man      may      fish with      the worm    that      hath     eat of    a    king,     and       eat of  the fish that hath     fed  of    that       worm.

    KING.

    What      dost thou mean     by   this?

    HAMLET.

    Nothing  but to  show    you       how      a    king      may      go a     progress      through the guts      of  a beggar.

    KING.

    Where    is     Polonius?

    HAMLET.

    In    heaven.  Send      thither    to    see. If     your messenger    find him       not  there,     seek him i’

    th’other  place    yourself.       But indeed, if    you       find       him       not within   this       month, you shall      nose       him as    you       go   up   the  stairs      into the  lobby.

    KING.

    [ To some      Attendants. ]  Go   seek him there.

    HAMLET.

    He   will  stay till   you come.

    [ Exeunt  ATTENDANTS . ]

    KING.

    Hamlet,  this  deed,      for   thine      especial  safety,—

    Which    we   do   tender,   as    we   dearly     grieve

    For  that which     thou hast done,—must send       thee hence

    With       fiery quickness.     Therefore      prepare  thyself;

    The bark is     ready,     and the  wind       at    help,

    Th’associates tend,      and everything     is     bent

    For  England.

    HAMLET.

    For  England?

    KING.

    Ay,  Hamlet.

    HAMLET.

    Good.

    KING.

    So   is     it,    if     thou knew’st   our  purposes.

    HAMLET.

    I      see  a     cherub   that sees them.     But, come;     for   England!       Farewell, dear mother.

    KING.

    Thy  loving     father,    Hamlet.

    HAMLET.

    My  mother.  Father    and mother   is     man and wife; man and wife is       one flesh;      and so,   my  mother.  Come,    for   England.

    [ Exit. ]

    KING.

    Follow    him at    foot. Tempt    him with speed     aboard;

    Delay      it     not; I’ll    have       him hence     tonight.

    Away,     for   everything     is     seal’d     and done

    That else leans      on   th’affair.  Pray you make      haste.

    [ Exeunt  ROSENCRANTZ and GUILDENSTERN . ]

    And England, if     my  love thou hold’st    at    aught,—

    As   my  great      power     thereof   may give thee sense, Since   yet  thy       cicatrice looks      raw  and red

    After       the  Danish    sword,    and thy  free awe

    Pays homage to    us,—thou      mayst     not  coldly     set

    Our sovereign      process,  which     imports  at    full,

    By   letters     conjuring       to    that effect,

    The present   death     of    Hamlet.  Do   it,    England;

    For  like  the  hectic     in    my  blood     he   rages,

    And thou must      cure me. Till   I      know      ’tis   done,

    Howe’er my  haps,      my  joys were       ne’er      begun.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    IV.   A     plain       in    Denmark.

    Enter      FORTINBRAS      and FORCES       marching.

    FORTINBRAS.

    Go,  Captain, from       me  greet      the  Danish    king.

    Tell  him that by   his   license,   Fortinbras

    Craves    the  conveyance   of    a     promis’d march

    Over       his   kingdom.       You know      the  rendezvous.

    If     that his   Majesty  would     aught     with us,

    We  shall express   our  duty in    his   eye;

    And let   him know      so.

    CAPTAIN.

    I      will  do’t, my  lord.

    FORTINBRAS.

    Go   softly      on.

    [ Exeunt  all    but  the  CAPTAIN . ]

    Enter      HAMLET,      ROSENCRANTZ,    GUILDENSTERN    &C .

    HAMLET.

    Good      sir,   whose    powers   are  these?

    CAPTAIN.

    They       are  of    Norway,  sir.

    HAMLET.

    How purpos’d,       sir,   I      pray you?

    CAPTAIN.

    Against   some      part of    Poland.

    HAMLET.

    Who       commands    them,     sir?

    CAPTAIN.

    The nephew  to    old  Norway,  Fortinbras.

    HAMLET.

    Goes      it     against   the  main      of    Poland,   sir,

    Or   for   some      frontier?

    CAPTAIN.

    Truly       to    speak,    and with no   addition,

    We  go   to    gain a     little patch     of    ground

    That hath in    it     no   profit      but  the  name.

    To   pay  five  ducats,   five, I      would     not  farm it;

    Nor will  it     yield       to    Norway  or    the  Pole

    A     ranker    rate, should    it     be   sold in    fee.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      then the  Polack    never      will  defend   it.

    CAPTAIN.

    Yes, it     is     already   garrison’d.

    HAMLET.

    Two thousand       souls      and twenty    thousand       ducats

    Will not  debate   the  question of    this  straw!

    This is     th’imposthume     of    much     wealth    and peace,

    That inward    breaks,   and shows     no   cause     without

    Why the  man dies. I      humbly   thank     you, sir.

    CAPTAIN.

    God b’    wi’   you, sir.

    [ Exit. ]

    ROSENCRANTZ.

    Will’t      please    you go,  my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    I’ll    be   with you straight.  Go   a     little before.

    [ Exeunt  all    but  HAMLET . ]

    How all    occasions      do   inform    against   me,

    And spur my  dull revenge. What      is     a     man

    If     his   chief       good      and market   of    his   time

    Be   but  to    sleep      and feed?      A     beast,     no   more.

    Sure he   that made     us    with such large      discourse,

    Looking  before    and after,      gave       us    not

    That capability      and godlike   reason

    To   fust in    us    unus’d.   Now       whether  it     be

    Bestial    oblivion, or    some      craven    scruple

    Of   thinking  too  precisely on   th’event,—

    A     thought  which,    quarter’d,      hath but  one part wisdom

    And ever three      parts      coward,—I     do   not  know

    Why yet  I      live  to    say  this  thing’s    to    do,

    Sith I      have       cause,    and will, and strength, and means

    To   do’t. Examples       gross      as    earth      exhort    me,

    Witness  this  army      of    such mass      and charge,

    Led  by   a     delicate  and tender    prince,

    Whose    spirit,      with divine     ambition puff’d,

    Makes    mouths  at    the  invisible  event,

    Exposing what       is     mortal    and unsure

    To   all    that fortune,  death,    and danger   dare,

    Even       for   an   eggshell. Rightly    to    be   great

    Is     not  to    stir  without  great      argument,

    But  greatly    to    find quarrel   in    a     straw

    When     honour’s at    the  stake.     How stand      I      then,

    That have       a     father     kill’d,      a     mother   stain’d,

    Excitements   of    my  reason    and my  blood,

    And let   all    sleep,     while      to    my  shame    I      see

    The imminent      death     of    twenty    thousand       men

    That,      for   a     fantasy   and trick of    fame,

    Go   to    their graves    like  beds,      fight for   a     plot

    Whereon the  numbers cannot   try   the  cause,

    Which    is     not  tomb      enough  and continent

    To   hide the  slain?      O,    from       this  time forth,

    My  thoughts be   bloody    or    be   nothing  worth.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    V.    Elsinore. A     room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      QUEEN, HORATIO      and a     GENTLEMAN .

    QUEEN.

    I      will  not  speak     with her.

    GENTLEMAN.

    She is     importunate, indeed    distract.

    Her  mood     will  needs     be   pitied.

    QUEEN.

    What      would     she  have?

    GENTLEMAN.

    She speaks    much     of    her  father;    says she  hears

    There’s   tricks      i’     th’   world,     and hems,     and beats      her heart, Spurns    enviously at    straws,    speaks    things     in    doubt,

    That carry       but  half sense.     Her  speech   is     nothing,

    Yet  the  unshaped      use  of    it     doth       move

    The hearers   to    collection;     they aim at    it,

    And botch     the  words     up   fit    to    their own thoughts,

    Which,    as    her  winks,     and nods,      and gestures yield       them,

    Indeed    would     make      one think      there      might     be   thought,

    Though  nothing  sure,       yet  much     unhappily.

    ’Twere    good      she  were       spoken   with,       for   she  may strew

    Dangerous    conjectures   in    ill-breeding   minds.

    QUEEN.

    Let  her  come      in.

    [ Exit       GENTLEMAN . ]

    To   my  sick soul, as    sin’s true nature    is,

    Each       toy  seems    prologue to    some      great      amiss.

    So   full  of    artless    jealousy  is     guilt,

    It     spills       itself in    fearing   to    be   spilt.

    Enter      OPHELIA .

    OPHELIA.

    Where    is     the  beauteous     Majesty  of    Denmark?

    QUEEN.

    How now,       Ophelia?

    OPHELIA.

    [ Sings. ]

    How should    I      your true love know

    From      another  one?

    By   his   cockle    bat  and staff

    And his   sandal    shoon.

    QUEEN.

    Alas, sweet     lady, what       imports  this  song?

    OPHELIA.

    Say  you?       Nay, pray you mark.

    [ Sings. ]

    He   is     dead      and gone,     lady,

    He   is     dead      and gone,

    At    his   head      a     grass      green     turf,

    At    his   heels      a     stone.

    QUEEN.

    Nay, but  Ophelia—

    OPHELIA.

    Pray you mark.

    [ Sings. ]

    White     his   shroud   as    the  mountain      snow.

    Enter      KING .

    QUEEN.

    Alas, look here,      my  lord!

    OPHELIA.

    [ Sings. ]

    Larded    all    with sweet     flowers;

    Which    bewept   to    the  grave      did  go

    With       true-love       showers.

    KING.

    How do   you, pretty     lady?

    OPHELIA.

    Well,       God      dild       you!      They     say the owl was       a    baker’s   daughter.     Lord,     we know

    what       we   are, but  know      not  what       we   may be.  God be   at       your table!

    KING.

    Conceit  upon      her  father.

    OPHELIA.

    Pray you, let’s have       no   words     of    this; but  when      they ask  you       what       it     means,   say you   this:

    [ Sings. ]

    Tomorrow     is     Saint      Valentine’s    day,

    All   in    the  morning betime,

    And I      a     maid      at    your window,

    To   be   your Valentine.

    Then      up   he   rose and donn’d   his   clothes,

    And dupp’d   the  chamber door,

    Let  in    the  maid,      that out  a     maid

    Never     departed more.

    KING.

    Pretty     Ophelia!

    OPHELIA.

    Indeed    la,    without  an   oath,      I’ll    make      an   end on’t.

    [ Sings. ]

    By   Gis  and by   Saint      Charity,

    Alack,     and fie   for   shame!

    Young    men will  do’t if     they come      to’t;

    By   Cock,      they are  to    blame.

    Quoth    she, before    you tumbled me,

    You promis’d me  to    wed.

    So   would     I      ha’  done,     by   yonder   sun,

    An   thou hadst      not  come      to    my  bed.

    KING.

    How long hath she  been      thus?

    OPHELIA.

    I      hope     all  will be  well.      We must     be  patient. But I     cannot   choose but weep,   to think they would     lay   him i’     th’       cold ground.  My  brother   shall know      of    it.    And so I  thank       you for   your good      counsel. Come,    my  coach!    Good     night,       ladies;    good night,   sweet     ladies;    good      night,     good       night.

    [ Exit. ]

    KING.

    Follow    her  close;     give her  good      watch,    I      pray you.

    [ Exit       HORATIO . ]

    O,    this  is     the  poison    of    deep      grief;      it     springs

    All   from       her  father’s   death.    O    Gertrude,       Gertrude,

    When     sorrows  come,     they come      not  single     spies,

    But  in    battalions.     First, her  father     slain;

    Next,      your son  gone;     and he   most      violent    author

    Of   his   own just  remove;  the  people    muddied,

    Thick      and and unwholesome       in    their thoughts and whispers

    For  good      Polonius’ death;    and we   have       done      but  greenly

    In    hugger-mugger   to    inter him. Poor       Ophelia

    Divided   from       herself    and her  fair  judgment,

    Without  the  which     we   are  pictures  or    mere      beasts.

    Last, and as    much     containing     as    all    these,

    Her  brother   is     in    secret     come      from       France,

    Feeds     on   his   wonder,  keeps     himself   in    clouds,

    And wants     not  buzzers  to    infect      his   ear

    With       pestilent speeches of    his   father’s   death,

    Wherein necessity,      of    matter    beggar’d,

    Will nothing  stick our  person    to    arraign

    In    ear  and ear. O    my  dear Gertrude,       this,

    Like to    a     murdering     piece,     in    many      places

    Gives      me  superfluous   death.

    [ A   noise      within. ]

    QUEEN.

    Alack,     what       noise      is     this?

    KING.

    Where    are  my  Switzers? Let  them      guard     the  door.

    Enter      a     GENTLEMAN .

    What      is     the  matter?

    GENTLEMAN.

    Save yourself, my  lord.

    The ocean,    overpeering   of    his   list,

    Eats not  the  flats with more      impetuous     haste Than    young       Laertes,  in    a     riotous   head,

    O’erbears      your offices.   The rabble    call  him lord,

    And, as    the  world      were       now but  to    begin,

    Antiquity forgot,    custom   not  known,

    The ratifiers   and props     of    every      word,

    They       cry   ‘Choose  we!  Laertes   shall be   king!’

    Caps,      hands,    and tongues  applaud  it     to    the  clouds,

    ‘Laertes  shall be   king,       Laertes   king.’

    QUEEN.

    How cheerfully      on   the  false trail they cry.

    O,    this  is     counter, you false Danish    dogs.

    [ A   noise      within. ]

    KING.

    The doors     are  broke.

    Enter      LAERTES,     armed; DANES     following.

    LAERTES.

    Where    is     this  king?—Sirs,   stand      you all    without.

    Danes.

    No,  let’s come      in.

    LAERTES.

    I      pray you, give me  leave.

    DANES.

    We  will, we   will.

    [ They     retire      without  the  door. ]

    LAERTES.

    I      thank     you. Keep      the  door.      O    thou vile  king,

    Give me  my  father.

    QUEEN.

    Calmly,   good      Laertes.

    LAERTES.

    That drop       of    blood     that’s      calm       proclaims      me  bastard;

    Cries       cuckold  to    my  father,    brands    the  harlot

    Even       here between the  chaste    unsmirched   brow Of  my  true       mother.

    KING.

    What      is     the  cause,    Laertes,

    That thy  rebellion looks      so    giant-like?—

    Let  him go,  Gertrude.       Do   not  fear our  person.

    There’s   such divinity   doth       hedge    a     king,

    That treason   can  but  peep      to    what       it     would,

    Acts little of    his   will.—Tell      me, Laertes,

    Why thou art   thus incens’d.—Let       him go,  Gertrude:—

    Speak,    man.

    LAERTES.

    Where    is     my  father?

    KING.

    Dead.

    QUEEN.

    But  not  by   him.

    KING.

    Let  him demand his   fill.

    LAERTES.

    How came      he   dead?     I’ll    not  be   juggled   with.

    To   hell, allegiance!     Vows,     to    the  blackest  devil!

    Conscience    and grace,     to    the  profoundest  pit!

    I      dare damnation.    To   this  point      I      stand,

    That both       the  worlds,   I      give to    negligence,

    Let  come      what       comes;   only I’ll    be   reveng’d

    Most      throughly      for   my  father.

    KING.

    Who       shall stay you?

    LAERTES.

    My  will, not  all    the  world.

    And for   my  means,   I’ll    husband them      so    well,

    They       shall go   far   with little.

    KING.

    Good      Laertes,

    If     you desire     to    know      the  certainty

    Of   your dear father’s   death,    is’t   writ in    your revenge

    That,      sweepstake,   you will  draw       both       friend     and foe,

    Winner   and loser?

    LAERTES.

    None      but  his   enemies.

    KING.

    Will you know      them      then?

    LAERTES.

    To   his   good      friends    thus wide       I’ll    ope my  arms;

    And, like  the  kind life-rendering pelican,

    Repast    them      with my  blood.

    KING.

    Why,      now you speak

    Like a     good      child       and a     true gentleman.

    That I      am  guiltless  of    your father’s   death,

    And am  most      sensibly  in    grief for   it,

    It     shall as    level to    your judgment      ’pear

    As   day  does       to    your eye.

    DANES.

    [ Within. ]       Let  her  come      in.

    LAERTES.

    How now!       What      noise      is     that?

    Re-enter OPHELIA,    fantastically   dressed  with straws    and flowers.

    O    heat,      dry  up   my  brains.    Tears      seven     times      salt,

    Burn       out  the  sense     and virtue     of    mine      eye.

    By   heaven,  thy  madness shall be   paid by   weight,

    Till   our  scale      turn the  beam.     O    rose of    May!

    Dear       maid,      kind sister,     sweet     Ophelia!

    O    heavens, is’t   possible  a     young    maid’s    wits

    Should   be   as    mortal    as    an   old  man’s     life?

    Nature    is     fine in    love, and where     ’tis   fine,

    It     sends     some      precious instance of    itself

    After       the  thing      it     loves.

    OPHELIA.

    [ Sings. ]

    They       bore       him barefac’d on   the  bier,

    Hey no   nonny,    nonny,    hey  nonny

    And on   his   grave      rain’d     many      a     tear.—

    Fare you well, my  dove!

    LAERTES.

    Hadst     thou thy  wits, and didst       persuade revenge,

    It     could      not  move      thus.

    OPHELIA.

    You must     sing      ‘Down   a-down,      and       you       call him       a-down-a.’  O,  how      the wheel becomes   it!    It     is     the       false steward  that stole       his   master’s daughter.

    LAERTES.

    This nothing’s more      than matter.

    OPHELIA.

    There’s   rosemary,    that’s    for remembrance;    pray      love,     remember.    And      there    is pansies,    that’s      for   thoughts.

    LAERTES.

    A     document     in    madness,       thoughts and remembrance fitted.

    OPHELIA.

    There’s   fennel     for   you, and columbines.   There’s   rue  for   you; and       here’s     some      for me.   We  may call  it     herb of    grace      o’       Sundays. O    you must      wear       your rue  with a difference.       There’s   a     daisy.     I      would     give you some      violets,   but       they wither’d  all when my  father     died.       They       say  he       made     a     good      end.

    [ Sings. ]

    For  bonny    sweet     Robin     is     all    my  joy.

    LAERTES.

    Thought and affliction, passion,  hell  itself

    She turns      to    favour    and to    prettiness.

    OPHELIA.

    [ Sings. ]

    And will  he   not  come      again?

    And will  he   not  come      again?

    No,  no,  he   is     dead,

    Go   to    thy  death-bed,

    He   never      will  come      again.

                         His  beard     was as    white      as    snow,

    All   flaxen     was his   poll.

    He   is     gone,     he   is     gone,

    And we   cast away      moan.

    God ha’  mercy     on   his   soul.

    And of    all    Christian souls,     I      pray God.       God b’    wi’   ye.

    [ Exit. ]

    LAERTES.

    Do   you see  this, O    God?

    KING.

    Laertes,  I      must      commune      with your grief,

    Or   you deny       me  right.      Go   but  apart,

    Make      choice    of    whom     your wisest     friends    you will,

    And they shall hear and judge     ’twixt      you and me.

    If     by   direct     or    by   collateral hand

    They       find us    touch’d,  we   will  our  kingdom give,

    Our crown,    our  life,  and all    that we   call  ours

    To   you in    satisfaction;   but  if     not,

    Be   you content  to    lend your patience to    us,

    And we   shall jointly     labour    with your soul

    To   give it     due content.

    LAERTES.

    Let  this  be   so;

    His  means    of    death,    his   obscure  burial,—

    No   trophy,   sword,    nor  hatchment    o’er his   bones,

    No   noble     rite, nor  formal    ostentation,—

    Cry  to    be   heard,    as    ’twere     from       heaven   to    earth,

    That I      must      call’t in    question.

    KING.

    So   you shall.

    And where     th’offence      is     let   the  great      axe  fall.

    I      pray you go   with me.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    VI.   Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      HORATIO    and a     SERVANT .

    HORATIO.

    What      are  they that would     speak     with me?

    SERVANT.

    Sailors,   sir.   They       say  they have       letters     for   you.

    HORATIO.

    Let  them      come      in.

    [ Exit       SERVANT . ]

    I      do   not  know      from       what       part of    the  world

    I      should    be   greeted, if     not  from       Lord Hamlet.

    Enter      SAILORS .

    FIRST      SAILOR.

    God bless      you, sir.

    HORATIO.

    Let  him bless      thee too.

    FIRST      SAILOR.

    He   shall,     sir, and’t     please   him.      There’s a    letter    for you, sir. It   comes  from th’ambassador   that was bound    for       England; if     your name     be   Horatio,  as    I      am  let to       know      it     is.

    HORATIO.

    [ Reads. ] ‘Horatio, when      thou shalt       have       overlooked    this, give       these      fellows    some means  to    the  King.      They       have       letters     for   him. Ere  we   were       two days old  at    sea, a pirate       of    very warlike   appointment gave       us    chase.    Finding       ourselves too  slow of sail,    we put on a    compelled   valour,  and in   the grapple I     boarded       them.    On the instant   they got clear     of  our ship,     so  I     alone    became their     prisoner. They     have dealt    with me  like  thieves   of    mercy.    But       they knew      what       they did; I      am  to    do   a good   turn for       them.     Let  the  King have       the  letters     I      have       sent,       and repair     thou to me     with as    much     haste      as    thou       wouldst  fly    death.    I      have       words     to    speak     in    thine ear  will  make      thee dumb;    yet  are  they much     too  light for   the       bore       of    the  matter.

    These     good    fellows  will bring    thee      where   I     am.       Rosencrantz  and       Guildenstern hold      their course    for   England:       of    them      I      have       much     to    tell  thee.      Farewell.

    He   that thou knowest thine,

    HAMLET.’

    Come,    I      will  give you way for   these      your letters,

    And do’t the  speedier, that you may direct     me To     him from       whom     you brought  them.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    VII.  Another  room      in    the  Castle.

    Enter      KING    and LAERTES .

    KING.

    Now       must      your conscience    my  acquittance   seal,

    And you must      put  me  in    your heart      for   friend,

    Sith you have       heard,    and with a     knowing ear,

    That he   which     hath your noble     father     slain

    Pursu’d   my  life.

    LAERTES.

    It     well appears. But  tell  me

    Why you proceeded     not  against   these      feats,

    So   crimeful  and so    capital    in    nature,

    As   by   your safety,    wisdom, all    things     else,

    You mainly    were       stirr’d     up.

    KING.

    O,    for   two special    reasons,

    Which    may to    you, perhaps, seem      much     unsinew’d,

    But  yet  to    me  they are  strong.   The Queen    his   mother

    Lives       almost    by   his   looks;     and for   myself,—

    My  virtue     or    my  plague,   be   it     either     which,—

    She’s      so    conjunctive    to    my  life   and soul,

    That,      as    the  star moves    not  but  in    his   sphere,

    I      could      not  but  by   her. The other      motive,

    Why to    a     public     count     I      might     not  go,

    Is     the  great      love the  general   gender   bear him,

    Who,      dipping  all    his   faults      in    their affection,

    Would    like  the  spring     that turneth   wood      to    stone,

    Convert  his   gyves     to    graces;   so    that my  arrows,

    Too slightly   timber’d for   so    loud a     wind,

    Would    have       reverted to    my  bow again,

    And not  where     I      had aim’d      them.

    LAERTES.

    And so    have       I      a     noble     father     lost,

    A     sister      driven     into desperate      terms,

    Whose    worth,    if     praises   may go   back       again,

    Stood     challenger     on   mount    of    all    the  age

    For  her  perfections.   But  my  revenge  will  come.

    KING.

    Break      not  your sleeps     for   that. You must      not  think

    That we   are  made     of    stuff so    flat  and dull

    That we   can  let   our  beard     be   shook     with danger,

    And think      it     pastime. You shortly    shall hear more.

    I      lov’d       your father,    and we   love ourself,

    And that, I      hope,     will  teach      you to    imagine—

    Enter      a     MESSENGER .

    How now?      What      news?

    MESSENGER.

    Letters,   my  lord, from       Hamlet.

    This to    your Majesty; this  to    the  Queen.

    KING.

    From      Hamlet!  Who       brought  them?

    MESSENGER.

    Sailors,   my  lord, they say; I      saw them      not.

    They       were       given      me  by   Claudio.  He   receiv’d  them

    Of   him that brought  them.

    KING.

    Laertes,  you shall hear them.

    Leave     us.

    [ Exit       MESSENGER . ]

    [ Reads. ] ‘High    and       mighty, you       shall     know    I     am set   naked   on your      kingdom.

    Tomorrow     shall     I     beg       leave    to  see your      kingly   eyes.      When   I     shall,     first       asking your  pardon thereunto,     recount the occasions    of  my sudden and       more      strange return.

    HAMLET.’

    What      should    this  mean?    Are  all    the  rest come      back?

    Or   is     it     some      abuse,    and no   such thing?

    LAERTES.

    Know      you the  hand?

    KING.

    ’Tis  Hamlet’s character.      ’Naked!’

    And in    a     postscript      here he   says ‘alone.’

    Can you advise    me?

    LAERTES.

    I      am  lost  in    it,    my  lord. But  let   him come,

    It     warms    the  very sickness  in    my  heart

    That I      shall live  and tell  him to    his   teeth,

    ‘Thus      diest       thou.’

    KING.

    If     it     be   so,   Laertes,—

    As   how should    it     be   so?  How otherwise?—

    Will you be   rul’d by   me?

    LAERTES.

    Ay,  my  lord;

    So   you will  not  o’errule  me  to    a     peace.

    KING.

    To   thine      own peace.    If     he   be   now return’d,

    As   checking at    his   voyage,  and that he   means

    No   more      to    undertake      it,    I      will  work       him

    To   exploit,   now ripe in    my  device,

    Under     the  which     he   shall not  choose   but  fall;

    And for   his   death     no   wind       shall breathe,

    But  even       his   mother   shall uncharge       the  practice

    And call  it     accident.

    LAERTES.

    My  lord, I      will  be   rul’d;

    The rather     if     you could      devise    it     so

    That I      might     be   the  organ.

    KING.

    It     falls right.

    You have       been      talk’d      of    since      your travel      much,

    And that in    Hamlet’s hearing,  for   a     quality

    Wherein they say  you shine.     Your       sum of    parts

    Did  not  together pluck      such envy       from       him

    As   did  that one, and that, in    my  regard,

    Of   the  unworthiest   siege.

    LAERTES.

    What      part is     that, my  lord?

    KING.

    A     very riband    in    the  cap  of    youth,

    Yet  needful   too, for   youth     no   less becomes

    The light and careless  livery      that it     wears

    Than      settled    age his   sables     and his   weeds,

    Importing      health    and graveness.     Two months  since

    Here       was a     gentleman     of    Normandy,—

    I’ve  seen myself,   and serv’d     against,  the  French,

    And they can  well on   horseback,     but  this  gallant

    Had witchcraft      in’t. He   grew       unto his   seat,

    And to    such wondrous      doing     brought  his   horse,

    As   had he   been      incorps’d and demi-natur’d

    With       the  brave      beast.     So   far   he   topp’d    my  thought

    That I      in    forgery   of    shapes   and tricks,

    Come     short      of    what       he   did.

    LAERTES.

    A     Norman  was’t?

    KING.

    A     Norman.

    LAERTES.

    Upon      my  life,  Lamond.

    KING.

    The very same.

    LAERTES.

    I      know      him well. He   is     the  brooch   indeed

    And gem of    all    the  nation.

    KING.

    He   made     confession     of    you,

    And gave       you such a     masterly report

    For  art   and exercise  in    your defence,

    And for   your rapier     most      especially,

    That he   cried       out  ’twould   be   a     sight       indeed

    If     one could      match    you. The scrimers of    their nation

    He   swore     had neither   motion,  guard,    nor  eye,

    If     you oppos’d  them.     Sir,  this  report     of    his

    Did  Hamlet   so    envenom       with his   envy

    That he   could      nothing  do   but  wish and beg

    Your       sudden   coming   o’er to    play with him.

    Now,      out  of    this,—

    LAERTES.

    What      out  of    this, my  lord?

    KING.

    Laertes,  was your father     dear to    you?

    Or   are  you like  the  painting of    a     sorrow,

    A     face without  a     heart?

    LAERTES.

    Why ask  you this?

    KING.

    Not that I      think      you did  not  love your father,

    But  that I      know      love is     begun    by   time,

    And that I      see, in    passages of    proof,

    Time       qualifies the  spark      and fire  of    it.

    There     lives within     the  very flame      of    love

    A     kind of    wick or    snuff       that will  abate     it;

    And nothing  is     at    a     like  goodness      still,

    For  goodness,     growing  to    a     pleurisy,

    Dies in    his   own too  much.     That we   would     do,

    We  should    do   when      we   would;    for   this  ‘would’   changes,

    And hath abatements   and delays    as    many

    As   there      are  tongues, are  hands,    are  accidents;

    And then this  ‘should’  is     like  a     spendthrift    sigh

    That hurts      by   easing.   But  to    the  quick      o’    th’ulcer:

    Hamlet   comes    back:      what       would     you undertake

    To   show      yourself  your father’s   son  in    deed,

    More      than in    words?

    LAERTES.

    To   cut  his   throat     i’     th’   church.

    KING.

    No   place,     indeed,   should    murder   sanctuarize;

    Revenge should    have       no   bounds.  But  good      Laertes,

    Will you do   this, keep       close      within     your chamber.

    Hamlet   return’d  shall know      you are  come      home:

    We’ll       put  on   those      shall praise     your excellence,

    And set   a     double   varnish   on   the  fame

    The Frenchman    gave       you, bring      you in    fine together

    And wager     on   your heads.    He,  being     remiss,

    Most      generous,      and free from       all    contriving,

    Will not  peruse    the  foils; so    that with ease,

    Or   with a     little shuffling, you may choose

    A     sword     unbated, and in    a     pass of    practice,

    Requite  him for   your father.

    LAERTES.

    I      will  do’t.

    And for   that purpose  I’ll    anoint    my  sword.

    I      bought   an   unction  of    a     mountebank

    So   mortal    that, but  dip  a     knife       in    it,

    Where    it     draws     blood     no   cataplasm     so    rare,

    Collected       from       all    simples   that have       virtue

    Under     the  moon,    can  save the  thing      from       death

    This is     but  scratch’d withal.    I’ll    touch     my  point

    With       this  contagion,     that if     I      gall  him slightly,

    It     may be   death.

    KING.

    Let’s further    think      of    this,

    Weigh    what       convenience  both       of    time and means

    May fit    us    to    our  shape.    If     this  should    fail,

    And that our  drift look through  our  bad performance.

    ’Twere    better     not  assay’d.  Therefore      this  project

    Should   have       a     back       or    second,  that might     hold

    If     this  did  blast       in    proof.     Soft, let   me  see.

    We’ll       make      a     solemn   wager     on   your cunnings,—

    I      ha’t! When     in    your motion   you are  hot  and dry,

    As   make      your bouts     more      violent    to    that end,

    And that he   calls for   drink,      I’ll    have       prepar’d him A     chalice       for   the  nonce;    whereon but  sipping,

    If     he   by   chance   escape   your venom’d stuck,

    Our purpose  may hold there.

    Enter      QUEEN .

    How now,       sweet     Queen?

    QUEEN.

    One woe doth       tread      upon      another’s heel,

    So   fast  they follow.    Your       sister’s    drown’d, Laertes.

    LAERTES.

    Drown’d! O,    where?

    QUEEN.

    There     is     a     willow     grows     aslant     a     brook,

    That shows     his   hoary     leaves     in    the  glassy     stream.

    There     with fantastic garlands did  she  make

    Of   crow-flowers, nettles,   daisies,   and long purples,

    That liberal     shepherds     give a     grosser   name,

    But  our  cold maids     do   dead      men’s     fingers    call  them.

    There     on   the  pendant boughs   her  coronet  weeds

    Clamb’ring    to    hang,     an   envious  sliver      broke,

    When     down      her  weedy    trophies  and herself

    Fell  in    the  weeping brook.    Her  clothes   spread    wide,

    And mermaid-like, awhile    they bore       her  up,

    Which    time she  chaunted       snatches of    old  tunes,

    As   one incapable      of    her  own distress,

    Or   like  a     creature native     and indued

    Unto       that element. But  long it     could      not  be

    Till   that her  garments,      heavy     with their drink,

    Pull’d      the  poor       wretch    from       her  melodious     lay

    To   muddy   death.

    LAERTES.

    Alas, then she  is     drown’d?

    QUEEN.

    Drown’d, drown’d.

    LAERTES.

    Too much     of    water      hast thou,      poor       Ophelia, And therefore I       forbid     my  tears.      But  yet

    It     is     our  trick;       nature    her  custom   holds,

    Let  shame    say  what       it     will. When     these      are  gone,

    The woman   will  be   out. Adieu,    my  lord,

    I      have       a     speech   of    fire, that fain would     blaze,

    But  that this  folly douts     it.

    [ Exit. ]

    KING.

    Let’s follow,    Gertrude;

    How much     I      had to    do   to    calm       his   rage!

    Now       fear I      this  will  give it     start again;

    Therefore      let’s follow.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    ACT V

    SCENE    I.     A     churchyard.

    Enter      two CLOWNS     with spades,   &c.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Is     she to  be  buried   in   Christian      burial,   when    she wilfully    seeks    her own salvation?

    SECOND CLOWN.

    I      tell  thee she  is,    and therefore make      her  grave      straight.  The       crowner  hath sat   on her,   and finds       it     Christian burial.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    How can  that be,  unless    she  drowned herself    in    her  own defence?

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Why,      ’tis   found     so.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    It     must     be  se  offendendo, it   cannot  be  else.      For here lies the point:    if    I     drown myself      wittingly, it     argues       an   act:  and an   act  hath three      branches.      It     is     to    act,       to do,     and to    perform: argal,      she  drowned herself    wittingly.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Nay, but  hear you, goodman      delver,—

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Give me  leave.     Here       lies  the  water;     good.     Here       stands       the  man;      good.     If     the  man go  to  this       water    and       drown   himself, it   is,  will he  nill he, he  goes,—mark you that. But  if     the  water      come      to    him and drown    him, he       drowns   not  himself.  Argal, he that is     not  guilty      of    his   own       death     shortens not  his   own life.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    But  is     this  law?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Ay,  marry,    is’t,  crowner’s      quest      law.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Will you ha’  the  truth       on’t?       If     this  had not  been      a       gentlewoman,      she  should    have been     buried    out  o’       Christian burial.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Why,      there    thou     say’st.   And      the more    pity       that       great    folk       should  have countenance     in   this       world      to  drown   or  hang     themselves  more    than     their even Christian.    Come,   my spade.  There    is   no ancient gentlemen     but gardeners, ditchers,    and grave-makers:      they hold       up   Adam’s   profession.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Was he   a     gentleman?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    He   was the  first that ever bore       arms.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Why,      he   had none.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    What,     art a    heathen?     How     dost      thou     understand  the  Scripture?    The       Scripture says     Adam     digg’d.    Could       he   dig  without  arms?     I’ll    put  another  question to    thee.

    If     thou answerest      me  not  to    the  purpose, confess   thyself—

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Go   to.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    What      is   he  that      builds   stronger       than     either    the mason,   the shipwright,   or  the carpenter?

    SECOND CLOWN.

    The gallows-maker;     for   that frame     outlives  a     thousand       tenants.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    I      like  thy  wit   well in    good      faith,      the  gallows   does       well.       But  how does       it     well?       It does    well      to  those    that       do ill.  Now,     thou     dost      ill   to  say the gallows is   built stronger than     the church; argal,    the gallows may      do well to  thee.     To’t       again, come.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Who       builds     stronger than a     mason,   a     shipwright,    or    a       carpenter?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Ay,  tell  me  that, and unyoke.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Marry,    now I      can  tell.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    To’t.

    SECOND CLOWN.

    Mass,     I      cannot   tell.

    Enter      HAMLET      and HORATIO ,   at    a     distance.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Cudgel   thy  brains     no   more      about     it,    for   your dull ass  will       not  mend     his   pace       with beating; and       when    you       are  asked    this       question      next,     say ‘a   grave-maker’.     The houses    he   makes    last  till   doomsday.    Go,  get  thee to       Yaughan;       fetch      me  a     stoup     of liquor.

    [ Exit       SECOND      CLOWN . ]

    [ Digs     and sings. ]

    In    youth     when      I      did  love, did  love,

    Methought    it     was very sweet;

    To   contract, O,    the  time for,  a,    my  behove,

    O    methought    there      was nothing  meet.

    HAMLET.

    Has this  fellow     no   feeling    of    his   business, that he   sings      at       grave-making?

    HORATIO.

    Custom  hath made     it     in    him a     property of    easiness.

    HAMLET.

    ’Tis  e’en so;   the  hand      of    little employment  hath the  daintier       sense.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    [ Sings. ]

    But  age with his   stealing  steps

    Hath       claw’d    me  in    his   clutch,

    And hath shipp’d   me  into the  land,

    As   if     I      had never      been      such.

    [ Throws up   a     skull. ]

    HAMLET.

    That skull had a     tongue   in    it,    and could      sing once.      How the       knave     jowls      it     to    th’

    ground,  as    if     ’twere     Cain’s     jawbone, that did  the  first murder!       This might     be   the pate of  a    politician     which   this       ass  now      o’er-offices, one       that      would   circumvent God,       might     it     not?

    HORATIO.

    It     might,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Or   of  a    courtier,       which   could    say ‘Good   morrow,       sweet     lord!     How     dost      thou, good   lord?’      This might       be   my  lord such-a-one,  that praised   my  lord such-a-one’s horse      when      he   meant    to    beg it,    might     it     not?

    HORATIO.

    Ay,  my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      e’en      so: and       now      my Lady     Worm’s;       chapless, and       knocked       about   the mazard  with a     sexton’s       spade.    Here’s    fine revolution,     an   we   had the  trick to    see’t.

    Did  these      bones     cost no   more      the  breeding but  to    play at       loggets   with ’em?       Mine ache     to    think      on’t.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    [ Sings. ]

    A     pickaxe   and a     spade,    a     spade,

    For  and a     shrouding-sheet;

    O,    a     pit   of    clay for   to    be   made

    For  such a     guest      is     meet.

    [ Throws up   another  skull. ]

    HAMLET.

    There’s   another.       Why      may      not that      be  the skull      of    a    lawyer? Where  be  his quiddits  now,     his quillets, his cases,     his tenures, and       his tricks?   Why      does     he suffer       this       rude     knave   now      to  knock   him       about   the  sconce  with      a    dirty      shovel, and  will not tell him       of    his action   of  battery? Hum.    This      fellow   might   be  in’s time a    great    buyer    of  land,     with      his statutes,      his   recognizances,    his fines,    his double    vouchers,      his       recoveries.     Is     this  the  fine of    his   fines,      and the  recovery       of his      recoveries,     to    have       his   fine pate full  of    fine dirt?       Will his   vouchers vouch     him no   more      of    his   purchases,       and double   ones       too, than the  length    and breadth  of    a pair of  indentures?  The       very      conveyances of  his lands    will  scarcely lie  in   this box;       and must      the  inheritor himself       have       no   more,     ha?

    HORATIO.

    Not a     jot   more,     my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    Is     not  parchment    made     of    sheep-skins?

    HORATIO.

    Ay,  my  lord, and of    calf-skins      too.

    HAMLET.

    They       are  sheep     and calves     which     seek out  assurance      in       that. I      will  speak     to    this fellow.—Whose     grave’s   this, sir?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Mine,      sir.

    [ Sings. ]

    O,    a     pit   of    clay for   to    be   made

    For  such a     guest      is     meet.

    HAMLET.

    I      think      it     be   thine      indeed,   for   thou liest in’t.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    You lie    out  on’t, sir,   and therefore ’tis   not  yours.

    For  my  part, I      do   not  lie    in’t, yet  it     is     mine.

    HAMLET.

    Thou      dost      lie  in’t,       to  be  in’t and       say it   is   thine.     ’Tis for the dead,    not for the quick;     therefore thou liest.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    ’Tis  a     quick      lie,   sir;   ’t     will  away      again      from       me  to       you.

    HAMLET.

    What      man dost thou dig  it     for?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    For  no   man,      sir.

    HAMLET.

    What      woman   then?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    For  none      neither.

    HAMLET.

    Who       is     to    be   buried    in’t?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    One that was a     woman,  sir;   but, rest her  soul, she’s      dead.

    HAMLET.

    How absolute      the knave   is!  We must     speak    by  the card,       or  equivocation       will undo      us.   By   the  Lord,       Horatio,  these      three      years      I      have       taken      note of       it,    the  age is grown so    picked    that the  toe  of    the  peasant       comes    so    near the  heel of    the  courtier he     galls his   kibe.—How long hast thou been      a     grave-maker?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Of   all    the  days i’     th’   year,       I      came      to’t  that day  that our       last  King Hamlet   o’ercame Fortinbras.

    HAMLET.

    How long is     that since?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Cannot   you       tell that?     Every    fool       can       tell that.     It     was       the very      day       that      young Hamlet     was       born,—he      that is     mad,      and sent into England.

    HAMLET.

    Ay,  marry,    why was he   sent into England?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Why,      because he   was mad;      he   shall recover   his   wits there;       or    if     he   do   not, it’s   no great matter    there.

    HAMLET.

    Why?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    ’Twill      not  be   seen in    him there;     there      the  men are  as    mad       as    he.

    HAMLET.

    How came      he   mad?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Very strangely,      they say.

    HAMLET.

    How strangely?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Faith,      e’en with losing     his   wits.

    HAMLET.

    Upon      what       ground?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Why,      here in    Denmark.      I      have       been      sexton    here,       man and boy, thirty      years.

    HAMLET.

    How long will  a     man lie    i’     th’earth  ere  he   rot?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Faith,      if    he  be  not rotten   before   he  die,—as we have     many      pocky   corses nowadays that will  scarce    hold the  laying       in,—he   will  last  you some      eight      year or    nine year.       A       tanner    will  last  you nine year.

    HAMLET.

    Why he   more      than another?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    Why,      sir,   his   hide is     so    tann’d    with his   trade      that he   will       keep       out  water      a     great while.   And your water      is     a       sore decayer  of    your whoreson      dead      body.      Here’s    a skull now;       this  skull hath lain  in    the  earth      three-and-twenty years.

    HAMLET.

    Whose    was it?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    A     whoreson,     mad fellow’s   it     was. Whose    do   you think      it       was?

    HAMLET.

    Nay, I      know      not.

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    A     pestilence      on   him for   a     mad rogue!    A     pour’d    a       flagon    of    Rhenish  on   my  head once.    This same      skull,       sir,   was Yorick’s  skull,      the  King’s     jester.

    HAMLET.

    This?

    FIRST      CLOWN.

    E’en that.

    HAMLET.

    Let  me  see. [ Takes   the  skull. ]     Alas, poor       Yorick.    I      knew       him, Horatio,  a     fellow     of infinite       jest, of    most      excellent       fancy.     He   hath borne     me  on   his   back       a     thousand times;     and now,       how abhorred in    my  imagination   it     is!    My       gorge     rises at    it.    Here hung     those      lips  that I      have       kiss’d      I      know      not  how oft.  Where    be   your gibes      now?

    your gambols?      your songs?    your flashes    of    merriment,    that were       wont      to    set   the table on a    roar?     Not       one       now,       to  mock    your      own      grinning?     Quite    chop-fallen?

    Now       get you       to  my lady’s    chamber,     and       tell her,       let  her paint     an  inch      thick,    to this   favour   she must      come.   Make    her laugh    at  that.—Prythee,   Horatio, tell  me one thing.

    HORATIO.

    What’s    that, my  lord?

    HAMLET.

    Dost thou think      Alexander      looked    o’    this  fashion   i’     th’earth?

    HORATIO.

    E’en so.

    HAMLET.

    And smelt      so?  Pah!

    [ Throws down      the  skull. ]

    HORATIO.

    E’en so,   my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    To   what       base uses we   may return,    Horatio!  Why may not       imagination   trace      the noble       dust of    Alexander      till   he       find it     stopping a     bung-hole?

    HORATIO.

    ’Twere    to    consider too  curiously to    consider so.

    HAMLET.

    No,  faith,     not a    jot. But to  follow   him       thither  with      modesty enough,       and likelihood     to    lead it;    as    thus.       Alexander      died,       Alexander      was buried,   Alexander returneth       into      dust;     the dust      is   earth;    of  earth    we   make    loam;    and       why      of  that loam     whereto  he       was converted      might     they not  stop a     beer-barrel?

    Imperious      Caesar,   dead      and turn’d     to    clay,

    Might     stop a     hole to    keep       the  wind       away.

    O,    that that earth      which     kept the  world      in    awe

    Should   patch     a     wall t’expel    the  winter’s  flaw.

    But  soft! but  soft! aside!     Here       comes    the  King.

    Enter      PRIESTS,      &C,        in    procession;    the  corpse    of    OPHELIA,       LAERTES       and MOURNERS   following; KING,    QUEEN,        their Trains,    &c.

    The Queen,   the  courtiers. Who       is     that they follow?

    And with such maimed  rites?      This doth       betoken The  corse      they       follow     did  with desperate      hand

    Fordo     it     own life.  ’Twas      of    some      estate.

    Couch    we   awhile    and mark.

    [ Retiring with HORATIO . ]

    LAERTES.

    What      ceremony      else?

    HAMLET.

    That is     Laertes,  a     very noble     youth.    Mark.

    LAERTES.

    What      ceremony      else?

    PRIEST.

    Her  obsequies      have       been      as    far   enlarg’d

    As   we   have       warranties.    Her  death     was doubtful;

    And but  that great      command      o’ersways      the  order,

    She should    in    ground   unsanctified   have       lodg’d

    Till   the  last  trumpet. For  charitable      prayers,

    Shards,   flints,      and pebbles  should    be   thrown   on   her.

    Yet  here she  is     allowed  her  virgin      rites,

    Her  maiden   strewments,   and the  bringing home

    Of   bell  and burial.

    LAERTES.

    Must      there      no   more      be   done?

    PRIEST.

    No   more      be   done.

    We  should    profane  the  service    of    the  dead

    To   sing sage requiem and such rest to    her

    As   to    peace-parted souls.

    LAERTES.

    Lay  her  i’     th’earth,

    And from       her  fair  and unpolluted    flesh

    May violets    spring.    I      tell  thee,      churlish  priest,

    A     minist’ring     angel      shall my  sister      be

    When     thou liest howling.

    HAMLET.

    What,     the  fair  Ophelia?

    QUEEN.

    [ Scattering    flowers. ] Sweets   to    the  sweet.    Farewell.

    I      hop’d     thou shouldst have       been      my  Hamlet’s wife;

    I      thought  thy  bride-bed      to    have       deck’d,   sweet     maid,

    And not  have       strew’d   thy  grave.

    LAERTES.

    O,    treble     woe

    Fall  ten  times      treble     on   that cursed    head

    Whose    wicked    deed      thy  most      ingenious      sense

    Depriv’d thee of.   Hold       off   the  earth      a     while,

    Till   I      have       caught   her  once       more      in    mine      arms.

    [ Leaps   into the  grave. ]

    Now       pile  your dust upon      the  quick      and dead,

    Till   of    this  flat  a     mountain      you have       made,

    To   o’ertop   old  Pelion     or    the  skyish     head

    Of   blue Olympus.

    HAMLET.

    [ Advancing. ]

    What      is     he   whose    grief

    Bears      such an   emphasis?     whose    phrase    of    sorrow

    Conjures the  wand’ring      stars,      and makes    them      stand

    Like wonder-wounded hearers? This is     I,

    Hamlet   the  Dane.

    [ Leaps   into the  grave. ]

    LAERTES.

    [ Grappling    with him. ]      The devil       take thy  soul!

    HAMLET.

    Thou      pray’st    not  well.

    I      prythee  take thy  fingers    from       my  throat;

    For  though   I      am  not  splenative      and rash,

    Yet  have       I      in    me  something     dangerous,

    Which    let   thy  wiseness fear. Away      thy  hand!

    KING.

    Pluck      them      asunder.

    QUEEN.

    Hamlet!  Hamlet!

    All.

    Gentlemen!

    HORATIO.

    Good      my  lord, be   quiet.

    [ The      ATTENDANTS     part them,     and they come      out  of    the       grave. ]

    HAMLET.

    Why,      I      will  fight with him upon      this  theme

    Until my  eyelids    will  no   longer    wag.

    QUEEN.

    O    my  son, what       theme?

    HAMLET.

    I      lov’d       Ophelia; forty thousand       brothers

    Could     not, with all    their quantity of    love,

    Make      up   my  sum.       What      wilt  thou do   for   her?

    KING.

    O,    he   is     mad,      Laertes.

    QUEEN.

    For  love of    God forbear   him!

    HAMLET.

    ’Swounds,      show      me  what       thou’lt    do:

    Woul’t    weep?    woul’t     fight?      woul’t     fast? woul’t     tear thyself?

    Woul’t    drink      up   eisel?      eat  a     crocodile?

    I’ll    do’t. Dost thou come      here to    whine?

    To   outface   me  with leaping   in    her  grave?

    Be   buried    quick      with her, and so    will  I.

    And if     thou prate      of    mountains,    let   them      throw

    Millions  of    acres      on   us,   till   our  ground,

    Singeing his   pate against   the  burning  zone,

    Make      Ossa       like  a     wart.       Nay, an   thou’lt    mouth,

    I’ll    rant as    well as    thou.

    QUEEN.

    This is     mere      madness:

    And thus awhile    the  fit    will  work       on   him;

    Anon,     as    patient   as    the  female    dove,

    When     that her  golden   couplets are  disclos’d,

    His  silence    will  sit    drooping.

    HAMLET.

    Hear       you, sir;

    What      is     the  reason    that you use  me  thus?

    I      lov’d       you ever.       But  it     is     no   matter.

    Let  Hercules himself   do   what       he   may,

    The cat  will  mew,      and dog will  have       his   day.

    [ Exit. ]

    KING.

    I      pray thee,      good      Horatio,  wait upon      him.

    [ Exit       HORATIO . ]

    [ To Laertes]

    Strengthen    your patience in    our  last  night’s    speech;

    We’ll       put  the  matter    to    the  present   push.—

    Good      Gertrude,       set   some      watch     over your son.

    This grave      shall have       a     living      monument.

    An   hour       of    quiet      shortly    shall we   see;

    Till   then in    patience our  proceeding    be.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     A     hall  in    the  Castle.

    Enter      HAMLET      and HORATIO .

    HAMLET.

    So   much     for   this, sir.   Now       let   me  see  the  other;

    You do   remember     all    the  circumstance?

    HORATIO.

    Remember    it,    my  lord!

    HAMLET.

    Sir,  in    my  heart      there      was a     kind of    fighting

    That would     not  let   me  sleep.     Methought    I      lay

    Worse    than the  mutinies in    the  bilboes.  Rashly,

    And prais’d    be   rashness for   it,—let    us    know,

    Our indiscretion   sometime      serves     us    well,

    When     our  deep      plots       do   pall; and that should    teach      us

    There’s   a     divinity   that shapes   our  ends,

    Rough-hew   them      how we   will.

    HORATIO.

    That is     most      certain.

    HAMLET.

    Up   from       my  cabin,

    My  sea-gown      scarf’d    about     me, in    the  dark

    Grop’d    I      to    find out  them;     had my  desire,

    Finger’d  their packet,   and in    fine, withdrew

    To   mine      own room      again,     making   so    bold,

    My  fears       forgetting      manners, to    unseal

    Their      grand     commission;  where     I      found,    Horatio,

    Oh  royal       knavery! an   exact      command,

    Larded    with many      several   sorts       of    reasons,

    Importing      Denmark’s     health,    and England’s      too,

    With       ho!  such bugs       and goblins   in    my  life,

    That on   the  supervise,      no   leisure    bated,

    No,  not  to    stay the  grinding of    the  axe,

    My  head      should    be   struck     off.

    HORATIO.

    Is’t   possible?

    HAMLET.

    Here’s    the  commission,  read it     at    more      leisure.

    But  wilt  thou hear me  how I      did  proceed?

    HORATIO.

    I      beseech you.

    HAMLET.

    Being     thus benetted round     with villanies,—

    Or   I      could      make      a     prologue to    my  brains,

    They       had begun    the  play,—I   sat   me  down,

    Devis’d   a     new commission,  wrote     it     fair:

    I      once       did  hold it,    as    our  statists   do,

    A     baseness to    write       fair, and labour’d much

    How to    forget     that learning; but, sir,   now

    It     did  me  yeoman’s      service.   Wilt thou know The      effect      of       what       I      wrote?

    HORATIO.

    Ay,  good      my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    An   earnest   conjuration    from       the  King,

    As   England  was his   faithful   tributary,

    As   love between them      like  the  palm      might     flourish,

    As   peace     should    still  her  wheaten garland  wear

    And stand      a     comma   ’tween    their amities,

    And many      such-like ‘as’es      of    great      charge,

    That on   the  view and know      of    these      contents,

    Without  debatement  further,   more      or    less,

    He   should    the  bearers   put  to    sudden   death,

    Not shriving-time allow’d.

    HORATIO.

    How was this  seal’d?

    HAMLET.

    Why,      even       in    that was heaven   ordinant.

    I      had my  father’s   signet     in    my  purse,

    Which    was the  model    of    that Danish    seal:

    Folded    the  writ up   in    the  form       of    the  other,

    Subscrib’d     it:    gave’t     th’impression; plac’d     it     safely,

    The changeling    never      known.   Now,      the  next day

    Was our  sea-fight,      and what       to    this  was sequent

    Thou      know’st  already.

    HORATIO.

    So   Guildenstern  and Rosencrantz  go   to’t.

    HAMLET.

    Why,      man,      they did  make      love to    this  employment.

    They       are  not  near my  conscience;   their defeat

    Does      by   their own insinuation    grow.

    ’Tis  dangerous     when      the  baser      nature    comes

    Between the  pass and fell   incensed points

    Of   mighty   opposites.

    HORATIO.

    Why,      what       a     king is     this!

    HAMLET.

    Does      it     not, thinks’t   thee,      stand      me  now upon,—

    He   that hath kill’d my  king,       and whor’d    my  mother,

    Popp’d   in    between th’election     and my  hopes,

    Thrown   out  his   angle      for   my  proper    life,

    And with such cozenage—is’t      not  perfect   conscience

    To   quit him with this  arm?       And is’t   not  to    be   damn’d

    To   let   this  canker    of    our  nature    come

    In    further    evil?

    HORATIO.

    It     must      be   shortly    known    to    him from       England

    What      is     the  issue      of    the  business there.

    HAMLET.

    It     will  be   short.     The interim   is     mine;

    And a     man’s     life’s no   more      than to    say  ‘One’.

    But  I      am  very sorry,      good      Horatio,

    That to    Laertes   I      forgot     myself;

    For  by   the  image     of    my  cause     I      see

    The portraiture     of    his.  I’ll    court      his   favours.

    But  sure the  bravery   of    his   grief did  put  me

    Into a     tow’ring  passion.

    HORATIO.

    Peace,    who comes    here?

    Enter      OSRIC .

    OSRIC.

    Your       lordship  is     right       welcome back       to    Denmark.

    HAMLET.

    I      humbly   thank     you, sir.   Dost know      this  waterfly?

    HORATIO.

    No,  my  good      lord.

    HAMLET.

    Thy  state       is     the  more      gracious; for   ’tis   a     vice to    know       him. He   hath much     land, and fertile;   let  a    beast    be  lord       of  beasts,  and       his crib       shall     stand    at  the king’s mess;   ’tis   a     chough;  but, as    I      say, spacious in    the       possession    of    dirt.

    OSRIC.

    Sweet     lord, if     your lordship  were       at    leisure,   I      should       impart    a     thing      to    you from his  Majesty.

    HAMLET.

    I      will  receive   it     with all    diligence of    spirit.      Put  your bonnet       to    his   right       use; ’tis for     the  head.

    OSRIC.

    I      thank     your lordship, ’tis   very hot.

    HAMLET.

    No,  believe   me, ’tis   very cold,       the  wind       is     northerly.

    OSRIC.

    It     is     indifferent     cold,       my  lord, indeed.

    HAMLET.

    Methinks it     is     very sultry      and hot  for   my  complexion.

    OSRIC.

    Exceedingly,  my lord;      it   is   very      sultry,—as   ’twere—I      cannot   tell how.     But,      my lord,       his   Majesty  bade      me       signify    to    you that he   has  laid  a     great      wager     on   your head.      Sir,  this  is     the  matter,—

    HAMLET.

    I      beseech you, remember,—

    [HAMLET      moves    him to    put  on   his   hat. ]

    OSRIC.

    Nay, in    good      faith;      for   mine      ease,      in    good      faith.       Sir,  here is     newly     come      to    court Laertes; believe   me, an       absolute gentleman,    full  of    most      excellent differences,    of very soft society   and great      showing. Indeed,   to    speak     feelingly       of    him, he   is     the card  or    calendar of    gentry;   for   you shall       find in    him the  continent      of    what       part a gentleman       would     see.

    HAMLET.

    Sir,  his definement  suffers  no perdition      in   you,      though I      know,   to  divide   him inventorially would   dizzy     th’arithmetic  of  memory,      and       yet but yaw      neither, in respect   of    his   quick      sail. But, in    the  verity      of    extolment,     I       take him to    be   a     soul of    great    article   and       his infusion  of  such     dearth  and       rareness       as, to  make    true diction    of  him,      his semblable    is   his mirror   and       who else      would   trace     him       his umbrage,       nothing more.

    OSRIC.

    Your       lordship  speaks    most      infallibly of    him.

    HAMLET.

    The concernancy, sir?  Why do   we   wrap       the  gentleman     in    our       more      rawer      breath?

    OSRIC.

    Sir?

    HORATIO.

    Is’t   not  possible  to    understand    in    another  tongue?  You will  do’t,       sir,   really.

    HAMLET.

    What      imports  the  nomination   of    this  gentleman?

    OSRIC.

    Of   Laertes?

    HORATIO.

    His  purse      is     empty    already,  all’s golden   words     are  spent.

    HAMLET.

    Of   him, sir.

    OSRIC.

    I      know      you are  not  ignorant,—

    HAMLET.

    I      would     you did, sir;   yet  in    faith if     you did, it     would     not       much     approve  me. Well, sir?

    OSRIC.

    You are  not  ignorant of    what       excellence     Laertes   is,—

    HAMLET.

    I      dare      not confess that,     lest I     should  compare      with him       in   excellence;   but to know a     man well were       to       know      himself.

    OSRIC.

    I      mean,   sir, for his weapon;      but in   the imputation   laid       on him,      by  them    in   his meed      he’s unfellowed.

    HAMLET.

    What’s    his   weapon?

    OSRIC.

    Rapier    and dagger.

    HAMLET.

    That’s     two of    his   weapons.       But  well.

    OSRIC.

    The King,     sir, hath     wager’d with      him       six  Barbary horses,   against the which   he has  imponed,       as    I      take it,       six   French    rapiers    and poniards, with their assigns,  as girdle, hangers, and       so. Three    of  the carriages,     in   faith,     are very dear      to  fancy, very   responsive     to    the  hilts, most       delicate  carriages,      and of    very liberal     conceit.

    HAMLET.

    What      call  you the  carriages?

    HORATIO.

    I      knew      you must      be   edified    by   the  margin   ere  you had       done.

    OSRIC.

    The carriages,      sir,   are  the  hangers.

    HAMLET.

    The phrase    would     be   more      german  to    the  matter    if     we       could      carry       cannon   by   our sides.       I      would     it       might     be   hangers  till   then.      But  on.  Six   Barbary  horses       against six     French    swords,   their assigns,  and three      liberal       conceited      carriages:      that’s      the French     bet  against   the       Danish.   Why is     this  all    imponed,       as    you call  it?

    OSRIC.

    The King,      sir,   hath laid  that in    a     dozen     passes    between you       and him, he   shall not exceed    you       three    hits.      He hath laid       on twelve   for nine.     And      it   would   come    to immediate trial if     your lordship  would     vouchsafe      the  answer.

    HAMLET.

    How if     I      answer   no?

    OSRIC.

    I      mean,     my  lord, the  opposition     of    your person    in    trial.

    HAMLET.

    Sir,  I      will  walk here in    the  hall. If     it     please    his   Majesty, it       is     the  breathing      time of day     with me. Let  the  foils be       brought, the  gentleman     willing,   and the  King hold his  purpose, I       will  win  for   him if     I      can; if     not, I      will  gain nothing  but       my  shame and    the  odd hits.

    OSRIC.

    Shall       I      re-deliver      you e’en so?

    HAMLET.

    To   this  effect,     sir;   after what       flourish   your nature    will.

    OSRIC.

    I      commend      my  duty to    your lordship.

    HAMLET.

    Yours,     yours.

    [ Exit       OSRIC . ]

    He   does       well to    commend      it     himself,  there      are  no       tongues  else for’s turn.

    HORATIO.

    This lapwing  runs away      with the  shell on   his   head.

    HAMLET.

    He   did  comply   with his   dug before    he   suck’d    it.    Thus       has       he,—and many      more of  the  same      bevy       that I      know       the  drossy    age dotes      on,—      only got  the  tune of    the time       and outward habit      of    encounter;     a     kind of    yeasty       collection,     which     carries them  through  and through  the  most       fanned   and winnowed     opinions; and do   but blow them      to       their trial, the  bubbles  are  out,

    Enter      a     LORD .

    LORD.

    My  lord, his   Majesty  commended  him to    you by   young    Osric,       who brings     back to   him that you attend    him in    the  hall. He       sends     to    know      if     your pleasure hold to play    with Laertes       or    that you will  take longer    time.

    HAMLET.

    I      am constant      to  my purposes,     they      follow   the King’s     pleasure.      If    his fitness speaks,     mine      is     ready.       Now       or    whensoever,  provided I      be   so    able as    now.

    LORD.

    The King and Queen    and all    are  coming   down.

    HAMLET.

    In    happy     time.

    LORD.

    The Queen  desires  you       to  use some    gentle   entertainment      to  Laertes before   you fall to    play.

    HAMLET.

    She well instructs me.

    [ Exit       LORD . ]

    HORATIO.

    You will  lose this  wager,    my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    I      do   not  think      so.   Since      he   went       into France,   I      have       been      in    continual practice. I shall     win at  the odds.    But thou wouldst not think     how      ill   all’s       here      about   my heart:     but  it     is     no   matter.

    HORATIO.

    Nay, good      my  lord.

    HAMLET.

    It     is     but  foolery;   but  it     is     such a     kind of    gain-giving   as       would     perhaps  trouble   a woman.

    HORATIO.

    If     your mind      dislike     anything, obey       it.    I      will  forestall  their       repair     hither,    and say you   are  not  fit.

    HAMLET.

    Not a     whit,       we   defy augury.   There’s   a     special    providence       in    the  fall   of    a     sparrow.

    If     it     be   now,       ’tis   not  to    come;     if     it     be   not  to       come,     it     will  be   now;       if     it     be   not  now, yet it     will       come.     The readiness       is     all.   Since      no   man has  aught       of    what       he   leaves, what   is’t   to    leave      betimes?

    Enter      KING,    QUEEN,  LAERTES, LORDS,   OSRIC    and ATTENDANTS      with foils &c.

    KING.

    Come,    Hamlet,  come,     and take this  hand      from       me.

    [ The      KING    puts LAERTES’S   hand      into HAMLET’S . ]

    HAMLET.

    Give me  your pardon,  sir.   I      have       done      you wrong;

    But  pardon’t as    you are  a     gentleman.

    This presence knows,    and you must      needs     have       heard,

    How I      am  punish’d with sore distraction.

    What      I      have       done

    That might     your nature,   honour,  and exception

    Roughly  awake,    I      here proclaim was madness.

    Was’t      Hamlet   wrong’d  Laertes?  Never     Hamlet.

    If     Hamlet   from       himself   be   ta’en      away,

    And when      he’s not  himself   does       wrong    Laertes,

    Then      Hamlet   does       it     not, Hamlet   denies    it.

    Who       does       it,    then?      His  madness.       If’t   be   so, Hamlet       is     of    the  faction    that is     wrong’d;

    His  madness is     poor       Hamlet’s enemy.

    Sir,  in    this  audience,

    Let  my  disclaiming    from       a     purpos’d evil

    Free me  so    far   in    your most      generous       thoughts

    That I      have       shot my  arrow     o’er the  house

    And hurt my  brother.

    LAERTES.

    I      am  satisfied  in    nature,

    Whose    motive    in    this  case should    stir  me  most

    To   my  revenge. But  in    my  terms     of    honour

    I      stand      aloof,      and will  no   reconcilement

    Till   by   some      elder      masters  of    known    honour

    I      have       a     voice      and precedent      of    peace

    To   keep       my  name     ungor’d. But  till   that time

    I      do   receive   your offer’d    love like  love,

    And will  not  wrong    it.

    HAMLET.

    I      embrace it     freely,

    And will  this  brother’s wager     frankly    play.—

    Give us    the  foils; come      on.

    LAERTES.

    Come,    one for   me.

    HAMLET.

    I’ll    be   your foil,  Laertes;  in    mine      ignorance

    Your       skill shall like  a     star i’     th’   darkest   night,

    Stick fiery off   indeed.

    LAERTES.

    You mock      me, sir.

    HAMLET.

    No,  by   this  hand.

    KING.

    Give them      the  foils, young    Osric.     Cousin    Hamlet,

    You know      the  wager?

    HAMLET.

    Very well, my  lord.

    Your       Grace     has  laid  the  odds       o’    the  weaker   side.

    KING.

    I      do   not  fear it.    I      have       seen you both;

    But  since      he   is     better’d, we   have       therefore odds.

    LAERTES.

    This is     too  heavy.    Let  me  see  another.

    HAMLET.

    This likes me  well. These     foils have       all    a     length?

    [ They     prepare  to    play. ]

    OSRIC.

    Ay,  my  good      lord.

    KING.

    Set  me  the  stoups    of    wine upon      that table.

    If     Hamlet   give the  first or    second   hit,

    Or   quit in    answer   of    the  third       exchange,

    Let  all    the  battlements   their ordnance       fire;

    The King shall drink      to    Hamlet’s better     breath,

    And in    the  cup an   union     shall he   throw

    Richer     than that which     four successive     kings

    In    Denmark’s     crown     have       worn.      Give me  the  cups;

    And let   the  kettle      to    the  trumpet  speak,

    The trumpet  to    the  cannoneer     without,

    The cannons to    the  heavens, the  heavens to    earth,

    ‘Now      the  King drinks     to    Hamlet.’ Come,    begin.

    And you, the  judges,   bear a     wary       eye.

    HAMLET.

    Come     on,  sir.

    LAERTES.

    Come,    my  lord.

    [ They     play. ]

    HAMLET.

    One.

    LAERTES.

    No.

    HAMLET.

    Judgment.

    OSRIC.

    A     hit,  a     very palpable hit.

    LAERTES.

    Well;       again.

    KING.

    Stay,       give me  drink.      Hamlet,  this  pearl      is     thine;

    Here’s    to    thy  health.

    [ Trumpets     sound,    and cannon   shot off   within. ]

    Give him the  cup.

    HAMLET.

    I’ll    play this  bout       first; set   it     by   awhile.

    [ They     play. ]

    Come.    Another  hit;  what       say  you?

    LAERTES.

    A     touch,    a     touch,    I      do   confess.

    KING.

    Our son  shall win.

    QUEEN.

    He’s fat,  and scant      of    breath.

    Here,      Hamlet,  take my  napkin,   rub  thy  brows.

    The Queen    carouses to    thy  fortune,  Hamlet.

    HAMLET.

    Good      madam.

    KING.

    Gertrude,       do   not  drink.

    QUEEN.

    I      will, my  lord; I      pray you pardon   me.

    KING.

    [ Aside. ] It     is     the  poison’d cup; it     is     too  late.

    HAMLET.

    I      dare not  drink      yet,  madam.  By   and by.

    QUEEN.

    Come,    let   me  wipe       thy  face.

    LAERTES.

    My  lord, I’ll    hit   him now.

    KING.

    I      do   not  think’t.

    LAERTES.

    [ Aside. ] And yet  ’tis   almost    ’gainst    my  conscience.

    HAMLET.

    Come     for   the  third,      Laertes.  You do   but  dally.

    I      pray you pass with your best violence.

    I      am  afeard    you make      a     wanton   of    me.

    LAERTES.

    Say  you so?  Come     on.

    [ They     play. ]

    OSRIC.

    Nothing  neither   way.

    LAERTES.

    Have      at    you now.

    [LAERTES      wounds  HAMLET;     then,      in    scuffling, they change       rapiers,   and HAMLET

    wounds  LAERTES . ]

    KING.

    Part them;     they are  incens’d.

    HAMLET.

    Nay, come      again!

    [ The      QUEEN        falls. ]

    OSRIC.

    Look       to    the  Queen    there,     ho!

    HORATIO.

    They       bleed      on   both       sides.      How is     it,    my  lord?

    OSRIC.

    How is’t,  Laertes?

    LAERTES.

    Why,      as    a     woodcock      to    my  own springe,  Osric.

    I      am  justly      kill’d with mine      own treachery.

    HAMLET.

    How does       the  Queen?

    KING.

    She swoons   to    see  them      bleed.

    QUEEN.

    No,  no,  the  drink,      the  drink!     O    my  dear Hamlet!

    The drink,      the  drink!     I      am  poison’d.

    [ Dies. ]

    HAMLET.

    O    villany!   Ho!  Let  the  door       be   lock’d:

    Treachery!     Seek       it     out.

    [LAERTES      falls. ]

    LAERTES.

    It     is     here,      Hamlet.  Hamlet,  thou art   slain.

    No   medicine in    the  world      can  do   thee good.

    In    thee there      is     not  half an   hour       of    life;

    The treacherous   instrument    is     in    thy  hand,

    Unbated and envenom’d.   The foul practice

    Hath       turn’d     itself on   me. Lo,   here I      lie,

    Never     to    rise  again.     Thy  mother’s poison’d.

    I      can  no   more.     The King,      the  King’s     to    blame.

    HAMLET.

    The point      envenom’d    too!

    Then,      venom,   to    thy  work.

    [ Stabs    the  KING . ]

    OSRIC     and LORDS.

    Treason! treason!

    KING.

    O    yet  defend   me, friends.   I      am  but  hurt.

    HAMLET.

    Here,      thou incestuous,    murderous,    damned Dane,

    Drink      off   this  potion.   Is     thy  union     here?

    Follow    my  mother.

    [KING     dies. ]

    LAERTES.

    He   is     justly      serv’d.

    It     is     a     poison    temper’d by   himself.

    Exchange      forgiveness    with me, noble     Hamlet.

    Mine      and my  father’s   death     come      not  upon      thee,

    Nor thine      on   me.

    [ Dies. ]

    HAMLET.

    Heaven  make      thee free of    it!    I      follow     thee.

    I      am  dead,      Horatio.  Wretched      Queen,   adieu.

    You that look pale and tremble  at    this  chance,

    That are  but  mutes     or    audience to    this  act,

    Had I      but  time,—as       this  fell   sergeant, death,

    Is     strict       in    his   arrest,—O,     I      could      tell  you,—

    But  let   it     be.  Horatio,  I      am  dead,

    Thou      liv’st;      report     me  and my  cause     aright

    To   the  unsatisfied.

    HORATIO.

    Never     believe   it.

    I      am  more      an   antique  Roman   than a     Dane.

    Here’s    yet  some      liquor     left.

    HAMLET.

    As   th’art      a     man,

    Give me  the  cup. Let  go;  by   Heaven,  I’ll    have’t.

    O    good      Horatio,  what       a     wounded       name,

    Things    standing thus unknown,      shall live  behind   me.

    If     thou didst       ever hold me  in    thy  heart,

    Absent   thee from       felicity    awhile,

    And in    this  harsh      world      draw       thy  breath    in    pain,

    To   tell  my  story.

    [ March  afar off,  and shot within. ]

    What      warlike   noise      is     this?

    OSRIC.

    Young    Fortinbras,     with conquest come      from       Poland,

    To   the  ambassadors of    England  gives

    This warlike   volley.

    HAMLET.

    O,    I      die,  Horatio.

    The potent    poison    quite      o’er-crows     my  spirit:

    I      cannot   live  to    hear the  news      from       England,

    But  I      do   prophesy       th’election     lights

    On  Fortinbras.     He   has  my  dying      voice.

    So   tell  him, with the  occurrents     more      and less,

    Which    have       solicited. The rest is     silence.

    [ Dies. ]

    HORATIO.

    Now       cracks     a     noble     heart.     Good      night,     sweet       prince,

    And flights     of    angels    sing thee to    thy  rest.

    Why does       the  drum      come      hither?

    [ March  within. ]

    Enter      FORTINBRAS,      THE ENGLISH AMBASSADORS   and others.

    FORTINBRAS.

    Where    is     this  sight?

    HORATIO.

    What      is     it     you would     see?

    If     aught     of    woe or    wonder,  cease     your search.

    FORTINBRAS.

    This quarry    cries on   havoc.    O    proud     death,

    What      feast       is     toward   in    thine      eternal   cell,

    That thou so    many      princes   at    a     shot

    So   bloodily  hast struck?

    FIRST      AMBASSADOR.

    The sight       is     dismal;

    And our  affairs     from       England  come      too  late.

    The ears are  senseless that should    give us    hearing,

    To   tell  him his   commandment     is     fulfill’d,

    That Rosencrantz  and Guildenstern  are  dead.

    Where    should    we   have       our  thanks?

    HORATIO.

    Not from       his   mouth,

    Had it     th’ability of    life   to    thank     you.

    He   never      gave       commandment     for   their death.

    But  since,     so    jump      upon      this  bloody    question,

    You from       the  Polack    wars,      and you from       England

    Are  here arriv’d,    give order      that these      bodies

    High       on   a     stage      be   placed    to    the  view,

    And let   me  speak     to    th’   yet  unknowing    world

    How these      things     came      about.    So   shall you hear

    Of   carnal,    bloody    and unnatural      acts,

    Of   accidental     judgments,    casual    slaughters,

    Of   deaths    put  on   by   cunning  and forc’d     cause,

    And, in    this  upshot,   purposes mistook

    Fall’n      on   the  inventors’      heads.    All   this  can  I

    Truly       deliver.

    FORTINBRAS.

    Let  us    haste      to    hear it,

    And call  the  noblest   to    the  audience.

    For  me, with sorrow    I      embrace my  fortune.

    I      have       some      rights     of    memory in    this  kingdom,

    Which    now to    claim      my  vantage  doth       invite      me.

    HORATIO.

    Of   that I      shall have       also cause     to    speak,

    And from       his   mouth    whose    voice      will  draw       on   more.

    But  let   this  same      be   presently perform’d,

    Even       while      men’s     minds     are  wild, lest  more      mischance

    On  plots       and errors     happen.

    FORTINBRAS.

    Let  four captains

    Bear Hamlet   like  a     soldier    to    the  stage,

    For  he   was likely,      had he   been      put  on,

    To   have       prov’d    most      royally;   and for   his   passage,

    The soldiers’  music     and the  rites of    war

    Speak     loudly     for   him.

    Take       up   the  bodies.   Such       a     sight       as    this

    Becomes the  field,       but  here shows     much     amiss.

    Go,  bid  the  soldiers  shoot.

    [ A   dead      march. ]

    [ Exeunt, bearing  off   the  bodies,   after which     a     peal of    ordnance       is     shot off. ]

  • William Shakespeare《THE TRAGEDY  OF   ROMEO  AND JULIET》

    Contents
    THE PROLOGUE.
    ACT I
    Scene     I. A  public     place.
    Scene     II. A Street.

    Scene     III. Room in    Capulet’s House.

    Scene     IV.   A     Street.

    Scene     V.   A     Hall in    Capulet’s House.

    ACT II

    CHORUS.

    Scene     I. An open      place      adjoining       Capulet’s Garden.

    Scene     II. Capulet’s   Garden.

    Scene     III. Friar   Lawrence’s    Cell.

    Scene     IV.   A     Street.

    Scene     V.   Capulet’s Garden.

    Scene     VI.   Friar Lawrence’s    Cell.

    ACT III

    Scene     I. A  public     Place.

    Scene     II. A Room     in    Capulet’s House.

    Scene     III. Friar   Lawrence’s    cell.

    Scene     IV.   A     Room     in    Capulet’s House.

    Scene     V.   An   open      Gallery    to    Juliet’s    Chamber,       overlooking   the  Garden.

    ACT IV

    Scene     I. Friar     Lawrence’s    Cell.

    Scene     II. Hall     in    Capulet’s House.

    Scene     III. Juliet’s       Chamber.

    Scene     IV.   Hall in    Capulet’s House.

    Scene     V.   Juliet’s    Chamber;      Juliet      on   the  bed.

    ACT V

    Scene     I. Mantua.      A     Street.

    Scene     II. Friar    Lawrence’s    Cell.

    Scene     III. A churchyard;   in    it     a     Monument    belonging      to       the  Capulets.

    Dramatis Personæ

    ESCALUS,      Prince     of    Verona.

    MERCUTIO,    kinsman to    the  Prince,    and friend     to    Romeo.

    PARIS,    a     young    Nobleman,    kinsman to    the  Prince.

    Page      to    Paris.

    MONTAGUE,  head      of    a     Veronese       family     at    feud with the       Capulets.

    LADY      MONTAGUE,  wife to    Montague.

    ROMEO, son  to    Montague.

    BENVOLIO,    nephew  to    Montague,    and friend     to    Romeo.

    ABRAM,  servant   to    Montague.

    BALTHASAR,  servant   to    Romeo.

    CAPULET,      head      of    a     Veronese       family     at    feud with the       Montagues.

    LADY      CAPULET,      wife to    Capulet.

    JULIET,    daughter to    Capulet.

    TYBALT,  nephew  to    Lady       Capulet.

    CAPULET’S    COUSIN, an   old  man.

    NURSE    to    Juliet.

    PETER,    servant   to    Juliet’s    Nurse.

    SAMPSON,    servant   to    Capulet.

    GREGORY,     servant   to    Capulet.

    Servants.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE,   a     Franciscan.

    FRIAR     JOHN,    of    the  same      Order.

    An   Apothecary.

    CHORUS.

    Three     Musicians.

    An   Officer.

    Citizens  of    Verona;  several   Men and Women, relations to    both       houses;  Maskers, Guards,  Watchmen    and Attendants.

    SCENE.   During    the  greater   part of    the  Play in Verona;      once,       in    the  Fifth Act, at    Mantua.

    THE PROLOGUE

    Enter      CHORUS .

    CHORUS.

    Two households,   both       alike in    dignity,

    In    fair  Verona,  where     we   lay   our  scene,

    From      ancient   grudge   break      to    new mutiny,

    Where    civil blood     makes    civil hands     unclean.

    From      forth       the  fatal loins of    these      two foes A     pair of    star-cross’d   lovers     take their life; Whose    misadventur’d      piteous       overthrows

    Doth       with their death     bury their parents’  strife.

    The fearful    passage  of    their death-mark’d love, And       the       continuance  of    their parents’  rage, Which,  but  their children’s       end, nought   could      remove, Is      now the  two hours’     traffic       of    our  stage; The      which,    if     you with patient   ears attend,

    What      here shall miss,      our  toil  shall strive      to    mend.

    [ Exit. ]

    ACT I

    SCENE    I.     A     public     place.

    Enter      SAMPSON   and GREGORY   armed    with swords   and       bucklers.

    SAMPSON.

    Gregory, on   my  word,      we’ll not  carry       coals.

    GREGORY.

    No,  for   then we   should    be   colliers.

    SAMPSON.

    I      mean,     if     we   be   in    choler,    we’ll draw.

    GREGORY.

    Ay,  while      you live, draw       your neck out  o’    the  collar.

    SAMPSON.

    I      strike      quickly,   being     moved.

    GREGORY.

    But  thou art   not  quickly   moved    to    strike.

    SAMPSON.

    A     dog of    the  house     of    Montague     moves    me.

    GREGORY.

    To   move      is     to    stir;  and to    be   valiant    is     to    stand:       therefore,      if     thou art   moved,   thou runn’st  away.

    SAMPSON.

    A     dog of    that house     shall move      me  to    stand.

    I      will  take the  wall of    any  man or    maid      of    Montague’s.

    GREGORY.

    That shows     thee a     weak      slave,      for   the  weakest  goes       to       the  wall.

    SAMPSON.

    True,      and therefore women,  being     the  weaker   vessels,   are  ever       thrust     to    the  wall: therefore       I      will  push       Montague’s       men from       the  wall, and thrust     his   maids     to    the

    wall.

    GREGORY.

    The quarrel   is     between our  masters  and us    their men.

    SAMPSON.

    ’Tis  all    one, I      will  show      myself    a     tyrant:    when      I      have       fought    with the  men I      will be    civil with the  maids,    I      will       cut  off   their heads.

    GREGORY.

    The heads     of    the  maids?

    SAMPSON.

    Ay,  the  heads     of    the  maids,    or    their maidenheads; take it     in       what       sense     thou wilt.

    GREGORY.

    They       must      take it     in    sense     that feel  it.

    SAMPSON.

    Me  they shall feel  while      I      am  able to    stand:     and ’tis   known    I       am  a     pretty     piece      of flesh.

    GREGORY.

    ’Tis  well      thou     art not fish;      if    thou     hadst,   thou     hadst      been     poor     John.    Draw     thy tool;       here comes       of    the  house     of    Montagues.

    Enter      ABRAM       and BALTHASAR .

    SAMPSON.

    My  naked     weapon  is     out: quarrel,  I      will  back       thee.

    GREGORY.

    How?      Turn thy  back       and run?

    SAMPSON.

    Fear me  not.

    GREGORY.

    No,  marry;    I      fear thee!

    SAMPSON.

    Let  us    take the  law  of    our  sides;      let   them      begin.

    GREGORY.

    I      will  frown     as    I      pass by,   and let   them      take it     as    they       list.

    SAMPSON.

    Nay, as    they dare.      I      will  bite my  thumb    at    them,     which       is     disgrace to    them      if     they bear       it.

    ABRAM.

    Do   you bite your thumb    at    us,   sir?

    SAMPSON.

    I      do   bite my  thumb,   sir.

    ABRAM.

    Do   you bite your thumb    at    us,   sir?

    SAMPSON.

    Is     the  law  of    our  side if     I      say  ay?

    GREGORY.

    No.

    SAMPSON.

    No   sir,   I      do   not  bite my  thumb    at    you, sir;   but  I      bite my       thumb,   sir.

    GREGORY.

    Do   you quarrel,  sir?

    ABRAM.

    Quarrel,  sir?  No,  sir.

    SAMPSON.

    But  if     you do,  sir,   am  for   you. I      serve      as    good      a     man       as    you.

    ABRAM.

    No   better.

    SAMPSON.

    Well,       sir.

    Enter      BENVOLIO .

    GREGORY.

    Say  better;    here comes    one of    my  master’s kinsmen.

    SAMPSON.

    Yes, better,    sir.

    ABRAM.

    You lie.

    SAMPSON.

    Draw,     if     you be   men.      Gregory, remember     thy  washing blow.

    [ They     fight. ]

    BENVOLIO.

    Part, fools!      put  up   your swords,   you know      not  what       you do.

    [ Beats    down      their swords. ]

    Enter      TYBALT .

    TYBALT.

    What,     art   thou drawn     among   these      heartless hinds?

    Turn thee Benvolio, look upon      thy  death.

    BENVOLIO.

    I      do   but  keep       the  peace,    put  up   thy  sword,

    Or   manage  it     to    part these      men with me.

    TYBALT.

    What,     drawn,    and talk  of    peace?   I      hate the  word As  I      hate       hell, all    Montagues,   and thee:

    Have      at    thee,      coward.

    [ They     fight. ]

    Enter      three      or    four CITIZENS     with clubs.

    FIRST      CITIZEN.

    Clubs,     bills and partisans!      Strike!     Beat them      down!

    Down     with the  Capulets! Down     with the  Montagues!

    Enter      CAPULET     in    his   gown,     and LADY    CAPULET .

    CAPULET.

    What      noise      is     this? Give me  my  long sword,    ho!

    LADY      CAPULET.

    A     crutch,    a     crutch!   Why call  you for   a     sword?

    CAPULET.

    My  sword,    I      say! Old  Montague     is     come,

    And flourishes      his   blade      in    spite       of    me.

    Enter      MONTAGUE       and his   LADY    MONTAGUE .

    MONTAGUE.

    Thou      villain     Capulet! Hold       me  not, let   me  go.

    LADY      MONTAGUE.

    Thou      shalt       not  stir  one foot to    seek a     foe.

    Enter      PRINCE ESCALUS,      with ATTENDANTS .

    PRINCE.

    Rebellious     subjects, enemies to    peace,

    Profaners       of    this  neighbour-stained      steel,—

    Will they not  hear?      What,     ho!  You men,      you beasts, That       quench   the  fire  of    your pernicious     rage With      purple       fountains issuing   from       your veins, On pain of    torture,   from       those      bloody    hands Throw  your mistemper’d  weapons to    the       ground And   hear the  sentence of    your moved    prince.

    Three     civil brawls,   bred       of    an   airy  word,

    By   thee,      old  Capulet, and Montague,

    Have      thrice     disturb’d the  quiet      of    our  streets, And   made       Verona’s ancient   citizens

    Cast by   their grave      beseeming    ornaments,

    To   wield      old  partisans,      in    hands     as    old,

    Canker’d with peace,    to    part your canker’d hate.

    If     ever you disturb   our  streets    again,

    Your       lives shall pay  the  forfeit     of    the  peace.

    For  this  time all    the  rest depart    away:

    You, Capulet, shall go   along     with me,

    And Montague,    come      you this  afternoon,

    To   know      our  farther    pleasure in    this  case,

    To   old  Free-town,    our  common judgement-place.

    Once      more,     on   pain of    death,    all    men depart.

    [ Exeunt  PRINCE       and ATTENDANTS;     CAPULET,      LADY       CAPULET,      TYBALT,  CITIZENS       and Servants. ]

    MONTAGUE.

    Who       set   this  ancient   quarrel   new abroach?

    Speak,    nephew, were       you by   when      it     began?

    BENVOLIO.

    Here       were       the  servants of    your adversary

    And yours,     close      fighting  ere  I      did  approach.

    I      drew       to    part them,     in    the  instant    came

    The fiery Tybalt,    with his   sword     prepar’d, Which,   as    he   breath’d       defiance to    my  ears,

    He   swung    about     his   head,      and cut  the  winds, Who    nothing       hurt withal,    hiss’d     him in    scorn.

    While     we   were       interchanging thrusts    and blows Came   more       and more,     and fought    on   part and part, Till  the  Prince       came,     who parted    either     part.

    LADY      MONTAGUE.

    O    where     is     Romeo,  saw you him today?

    Right      glad I      am  he   was not  at    this  fray.

    BENVOLIO.

    Madam,  an   hour       before    the  worshipp’d    sun

    Peer’d    forth       the  golden   window  of    the  east, A    troubled mind       drave      me  to    walk abroad,

    Where    underneath   the  grove     of    sycamore

    That westward       rooteth   from       this  city  side,

    So   early       walking  did  I      see  your son.

    Towards him I      made,     but  he   was ware       of    me,

    And stole       into the  covert     of    the  wood.

    I,     measuring     his   affections      by   my  own,

    Which    then most      sought   where     most      might     not  be       found, Being  one too  many      by   my  weary     self,

    Pursu’d   my  humour, not  pursuing his,

    And gladly     shunn’d  who gladly     fled from       me.

    MONTAGUE.

    Many      a     morning hath he   there      been      seen,

    With       tears       augmenting  the  fresh       morning’s      dew, Adding       to    clouds    more      clouds    with his   deep      sighs; But       all       so    soon       as    the  all-cheering   sun

    Should   in    the  farthest  east begin     to    draw

    The shady     curtains  from       Aurora’s bed,

    Away      from       light steals     home     my  heavy     son,

    And private    in    his   chamber pens       himself,

    Shuts      up   his   windows, locks      fair  daylight  out And  makes       himself   an   artificial  night.

    Black      and portentous    must      this  humour  prove, Unless good       counsel  may the  cause     remove.

    BENVOLIO.

    My  noble     uncle,     do   you know      the  cause?

    MONTAGUE.

    I      neither   know      it     nor  can  learn      of    him.

    BENVOLIO.

    Have      you importun’d    him by   any  means?

    MONTAGUE.

    Both       by   myself    and many      other      friends;

    But  he,  his   own affections’     counsellor,

    Is     to    himself—I      will  not  say  how true—

    But  to    himself   so    secret     and so    close,

    So   far   from       sounding       and discovery,

    As   is     the  bud bit   with an   envious  worm

    Ere  he   can  spread    his   sweet     leaves     to    the  air, Or     dedicate       his   beauty    to    the  sun.

    Could     we   but  learn      from       whence  his   sorrows  grow, We       would     as    willingly  give cure as    know.

    Enter      ROMEO .

    BENVOLIO.

    See, where     he   comes.   So   please    you step aside; I’ll know      his       grievance      or    be   much     denied.

    MONTAGUE.

    I      would     thou wert so    happy     by   thy  stay

    To   hear true shrift.      Come,    madam,  let’s away,

    [ Exeunt  MONTAGUE       and LADY    MONTAGUE . ]

    BENVOLIO.

    Good      morrow, cousin.

    ROMEO.

    Is     the  day  so    young?

    BENVOLIO.

    But  new struck     nine.

    ROMEO.

    Ay   me, sad  hours     seem      long.

    Was that my  father     that went       hence     so    fast?

    BENVOLIO.

    It     was. What      sadness  lengthens      Romeo’s hours?

    ROMEO.

    Not having    that which,    having,   makes    them      short.

    BENVOLIO.

    In    love?

    ROMEO.

    Out.

    BENVOLIO.

    Of   love?

    ROMEO.

    Out of    her  favour    where     I      am  in    love.

    BENVOLIO.

    Alas that love so    gentle    in    his   view,

    Should   be   so    tyrannous      and rough     in    proof.

    ROMEO.

    Alas that love, whose    view is     muffled  still, Should,   without  eyes,       see  pathways       to    his   will!

    Where    shall we   dine?      O    me! What      fray was here?

    Yet  tell  me  not, for   I      have       heard     it     all.

    Here’s    much     to    do   with hate,      but  more      with love: Why,       then,      O    brawling love!       O    loving     hate!

    O    anything, of    nothing  first create!

    O    heavy     lightness!      serious   vanity!

    Misshapen     chaos     of    well-seeming forms!

    Feather   of    lead,       bright     smoke,   cold fire, sick health!

    Still-waking   sleep,     that is     not  what       it     is!

    This love feel  I,     that feel  no   love in    this.

    Dost thou not  laugh?

    BENVOLIO.

    No   coz, I      rather     weep.

    ROMEO.

    Good      heart,     at    what?

    BENVOLIO.

    At    thy  good      heart’s    oppression.

    ROMEO.

    Why such is     love’s     transgression.

    Griefs     of    mine      own lie    heavy     in    my  breast,

    Which    thou wilt  propagate     to    have       it     prest

    With       more      of    thine.     This love that thou hast shown Doth   add       more      grief to    too  much     of    mine      own.

    Love       is     a     smoke    made     with the  fume      of    sighs; Being       purg’d,   a     fire  sparkling in    lovers’    eyes; Being    vex’d,     a       sea  nourish’d with lovers’    tears: What    is     it     else?       A       madness most      discreet,

    A     choking  gall, and a     preserving     sweet.

    Farewell, my  coz.

    [ Going. ]

    BENVOLIO.

    Soft! I      will  go   along:

    And if     you leave      me  so,   you do   me  wrong.

    ROMEO.

    Tut! I      have       lost  myself;   I      am  not  here.

    This is     not  Romeo,  he’s some      other      where.

    BENVOLIO.

    Tell  me  in    sadness  who is     that you love?

    ROMEO.

    What,     shall I      groan     and tell  thee?

    BENVOLIO.

    Groan!    Why,      no;  but  sadly      tell  me  who.

    ROMEO.

    Bid  a     sick man in    sadness  make      his   will,

    A     word      ill     urg’d      to    one that is     so    ill.

    In    sadness, cousin,   I      do   love a     woman.

    BENVOLIO.

    I      aim’d      so    near when      I      suppos’d you lov’d.

    ROMEO.

    A     right       good      markman,      and she’s      fair  I      love.

    BENVOLIO.

    A     right       fair  mark,      fair  coz, is     soonest  hit.

    ROMEO.

    Well,       in    that hit   you miss:      she’ll      not  be   hit With  Cupid’s       arrow,     she  hath Dian’s     wit;

    And in    strong    proof      of    chastity  well arm’d, From   love’s     weak       childish  bow she  lives uncharm’d.

    She will  not  stay the  siege      of    loving     terms Nor      bide       th’encounter  of    assailing eyes,

    Nor ope her  lap  to    saint-seducing     gold:

    O    she’s      rich in    beauty,   only poor

    That when      she  dies, with beauty    dies her  store.

    BENVOLIO.

    Then      she  hath sworn     that she  will  still  live  chaste?

    ROMEO.

    She hath,      and in    that sparing   makes    huge      waste; For       beauty    starv’d    with her  severity,

    Cuts beauty    off   from       all    posterity.

    She is     too  fair, too  wise;       wisely     too  fair, To    merit      bliss by       making   me  despair.

    She hath forsworn to    love, and in    that vow

    Do   I      live  dead,      that live  to    tell  it     now.

    BENVOLIO.

    Be   rul’d by   me, forget     to    think      of    her.

    ROMEO.

    O    teach      me  how I      should    forget     to    think.

    BENVOLIO.

    By   giving     liberty     unto thine      eyes;

    Examine other      beauties.

    ROMEO.

    ’Tis  the  way

    To   call  hers,       exquisite, in    question more.

    These     happy     masks     that kiss  fair  ladies’    brows, Being  black,       puts us    in    mind      they hide the  fair; He   that is     strucken blind       cannot   forget

    The precious treasure  of    his   eyesight lost.

    Show      me  a     mistress  that is     passing  fair, What      doth       her       beauty    serve      but  as    a     note

    Where    I      may read who pass’d    that passing  fair?

    Farewell, thou canst      not  teach      me  to    forget.

    BENVOLIO.

    I’ll    pay  that doctrine, or    else die  in    debt.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     A     Street.

    Enter      CAPULET,     PARIS    and SERVANT .

    CAPULET.

    But  Montague     is     bound    as    well as    I,

    In    penalty   alike;      and ’tis   not  hard,      I      think, For       men so       old  as    we   to    keep       the  peace.

    PARIS.

    Of   honourable   reckoning      are  you both,

    And pity ’tis   you liv’d at    odds       so    long.

    But  now my  lord, what       say  you to    my  suit?

    CAPULET.

    But  saying    o’er what       I      have       said before.

    My  child       is     yet  a     stranger in    the  world,

    She hath not  seen the  change   of    fourteen years; Let       two more       summers wither     in    their pride

    Ere  we   may think      her  ripe to    be   a     bride.

    PARIS.

    Younger than she  are  happy     mothers made.

    CAPULET.

    And too  soon       marr’d    are  those      so    early       made.

    The earth      hath swallowed     all    my  hopes     but  she, She  is     the       hopeful  lady of    my  earth:

    But  woo her, gentle    Paris,      get  her  heart,

    My  will  to    her  consent  is     but  a     part;

    And she  agree,     within     her  scope     of    choice

    Lies my  consent  and fair  according      voice.

    This night      I      hold an   old  accustom’d   feast,

    Whereto I      have       invited    many      a     guest, Such    as    I      love,       and you among   the  store,

    One more,     most      welcome,       makes    my  number  more.

    At    my  poor       house     look to    behold   this  night

    Earth-treading      stars that make      dark heaven   light: Such     comfort       as    do   lusty young    men feel

    When     well apparell’d      April       on   the  heel

    Of   limping   winter     treads,    even       such delight Among      fresh       female    buds       shall you this  night Inherit   at    my  house.    Hear       all,   all    see,

    And like  her  most      whose    merit      most      shall be: Which,     on       more      view of    many,     mine,      being     one, May stand      in       number, though   in    reckoning      none.

    Come,    go   with me. Go,  sirrah,     trudge    about

    Through fair  Verona;  find those      persons  out Whose     names    are       written   there,     [ gives    a     paper]    and to    them      say, My       house     and welcome on   their pleasure stay.

    [ Exeunt  CAPULET     and PARIS . ]

    SERVANT.

    Find them    out whose   names  are written  here!     It   is   written   that      the shoemaker should      meddle with      his yard and       the tailor     with      his last,      the fisher    with      his pencil,      and the  painter   with his   nets;       but  I      am  sent to       find those      persons  whose names are  here writ, and can  never       find what       names    the  writing    person    hath here writ. I      must       to    the  learned.  In    good      time!

    Enter      BENVOLIO and ROMEO .

    BENVOLIO.

    Tut, man,      one fire  burns     out  another’s burning, One pain is       lessen’d  by   another’s anguish;

    Turn giddy,     and be   holp by   backward      turning; One  desperate       grief cures      with another’s languish: Take      thou some      new       infection to    thy  eye,

    And the  rank poison    of    the  old  will  die.

    ROMEO.

    Your       plantain  leaf  is     excellent for   that.

    BENVOLIO.

    For  what,      I      pray thee?

    ROMEO.

    For  your broken   shin.

    BENVOLIO.

    Why,      Romeo,  art   thou mad?

    ROMEO.

    Not mad,      but  bound    more      than a     madman is:

    Shut up   in    prison,    kept without  my  food,

    Whipp’d and tormented     and—God-den,    good      fellow.

    SERVANT.

    God gi’   go-den.  I      pray,       sir,   can  you read?

    ROMEO.

    Ay,  mine      own fortune   in    my  misery.

    SERVANT.

    Perhaps  you have       learned   it     without  book.

    But  I      pray,       can  you read anything you see?

    ROMEO.

    Ay,  If     I      know      the  letters     and the  language.

    SERVANT.

    Ye   say  honestly, rest you merry!

    ROMEO.

    Stay,       fellow;    I      can  read.

    [ He reads      the  letter. ]

    Signior   Martino  and his   wife and daughters; County Anselmo and his       beauteous     sisters; The    lady widow    of    Utruvio;

    Signior   Placentio and his   lovely     nieces; Mercutio   and his   brother       Valentine;

    Mine      uncle      Capulet, his   wife, and daughters; My      fair  niece       Rosaline and Livia;

    Signior   Valentio and his   cousin    Tybalt; Lucio  and the  lively       Helena.

    A     fair  assembly.      [ Gives    back       the  paper]    Whither  should       they come?

    SERVANT.

    Up.

    ROMEO.

    Whither  to    supper?

    SERVANT.

    To   our  house.

    ROMEO.

    Whose    house?

    SERVANT.

    My  master’s.

    ROMEO.

    Indeed    I      should    have       ask’d      you that before.

    SERVANT.

    Now       I’ll    tell  you without  asking.   My  master    is     the  great       rich Capulet, and if     you be    not  of    the  house     of       Montagues,   I      pray come      and crush      a     cup of    wine.       Rest you merry.

    [ Exit. ]

    BENVOLIO.

    At    this  same      ancient   feast       of    Capulet’s

    Sups       the  fair  Rosaline whom     thou so    lov’st; With    all    the       admired beauties of    Verona.

    Go   thither    and with unattainted   eye,

    Compare her  face with some      that I      shall show, And     I      will       make      thee think      thy  swan      a     crow.

    ROMEO.

    When     the  devout   religion   of    mine      eye

    Maintains      such falsehood,     then turn tears       to    fire; And these       who,       often      drown’d, could      never      die, Transparent       heretics, be   burnt      for   liars.

    One fairer      than my  love?      The all-seeing      sun Ne’er       saw her       match    since      first the  world      begun.

    BENVOLIO.

    Tut, you saw her  fair, none      else being     by,

    Herself   pois’d     with herself    in    either     eye:

    But  in    that crystal    scales     let   there      be   weigh’d

    Your       lady’s     love against   some      other      maid That      I      will       show      you shining   at    this  feast, And      she  shall scant      show       well that now shows     best.

    ROMEO.

    I’ll    go   along,     no   such sight       to    be   shown,

    But  to    rejoice    in    splendour      of    my  own.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    III.    Room     in    Capulet’s House.

    Enter      LADY    CAPULET      and NURSE .

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Nurse,    where’s  my  daughter?      Call her  forth       to    me.

    NURSE.

    Now,      by   my  maidenhead, at    twelve    year old,

    I      bade      her  come.     What,     lamb!     What      ladybird!

    God forbid!    Where’s  this  girl? What,     Juliet!

    Enter      JULIET .

    JULIET.

    How now,       who calls?

    NURSE.

    Your       mother.

    JULIET.

    Madam,  I      am  here.      What      is     your will?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    This is     the  matter.   Nurse,    give leave      awhile, We     must      talk       in    secret.    Nurse,    come      back       again, I   have       remember’d  me, thou’s     hear our  counsel.

    Thou      knowest my  daughter’s     of    a     pretty     age.

    NURSE.

    Faith,      I      can  tell  her  age unto an   hour.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    She’s      not  fourteen.

    NURSE.

    I’ll    lay   fourteen of    my  teeth,

    And yet,  to    my  teen be   it     spoken,  I      have       but  four, She is       not  fourteen. How long is     it     now

    To   Lammas-tide?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    A     fortnight and odd days.

    NURSE.

    Even       or    odd, of    all    days in    the  year,

    Come     Lammas Eve  at    night      shall she  be   fourteen.

    Susan     and she,—God     rest all    Christian souls!—

    Were      of    an   age. Well,       Susan     is     with God;

    She was too  good      for   me. But  as    I      said,

    On  Lammas Eve  at    night      shall she  be   fourteen; That       shall she,       marry;    I      remember     it     well.

    ’Tis  since      the  earthquake    now eleven    years; And     she  was       wean’d,—I     never      shall forget     it—, Of   all    the  days of    the       year,       upon      that day: For  I      had then laid  wormwood    to       my  dug,

    Sitting    in    the  sun  under     the  dovehouse    wall; My  lord and you       were       then at    Mantua:

    Nay, I      do   bear a     brain.     But  as    I      said,

    When     it     did  taste       the  wormwood    on   the  nipple Of my  dug       and felt  it     bitter,     pretty     fool,

    To   see  it     tetchy,    and fall   out  with the  dug!

    Shake,    quoth     the  dovehouse:   ’twas      no   need,      I      trow, To       bid  me  trudge.

    And since      that time it     is     eleven    years;

    For  then she  could      stand      alone;     nay, by   th’rood She   could       have       run  and waddled all    about;

    For  even       the  day  before    she  broke     her  brow, And      then my       husband,—God    be   with his   soul!

    A     was a     merry     man,—took   up   the  child:

    ‘Yea,’      quoth     he,  ‘dost       thou fall   upon      thy  face?

    Thou      wilt  fall   backward      when      thou hast more      wit; Wilt  thou       not, Jule?’      and, by   my  holidame,

    The pretty     wretch    left  crying,    and said ‘Ay’.

    To   see  now how a     jest  shall come      about.

    I      warrant,  and I      should    live  a     thousand       years, I    never       should    forget     it.    ‘Wilt thou not, Jule?’      quoth     he; And,       pretty     fool, it     stinted,   and said ‘Ay.’

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Enough  of    this; I      pray thee hold thy  peace.

    NURSE.

    Yes, madam,  yet  I      cannot   choose   but  laugh,

    To   think      it     should    leave      crying,    and say  ‘Ay’; And yet  I       warrant  it     had upon      it     brow

    A     bump     as    big  as    a     young    cockerel’s      stone;

    A     perilous  knock,    and it     cried       bitterly.

    ‘Yea,’      quoth     my  husband, ‘fall’st     upon      thy  face?

    Thou      wilt  fall   backward      when      thou comest   to    age; Wilt thou       not, Jule?’      it     stinted,   and said ‘Ay’.

    JULIET.

    And stint thou too, I      pray thee,      Nurse,    say  I.

    NURSE.

    Peace,    I      have       done.     God mark      thee to    his   grace Thou       wast the  prettiest babe      that e’er I      nurs’d: And    I      might       live  to    see  thee married  once,      I      have       my  wish.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Marry,    that marry     is     the  very theme

    I      came      to    talk  of.   Tell  me, daughter Juliet, How     stands    your       disposition    to    be   married?

    JULIET.

    It     is     an   honour   that I      dream    not  of.

    NURSE.

    An   honour!  Were      not  I      thine      only nurse,

    I      would     say  thou hadst      suck’d    wisdom  from       thy  teat.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Well,       think      of    marriage now:       younger than you, Here      in       Verona,  ladies     of    esteem,

    Are  made     already   mothers. By   my  count

    I      was your mother   much     upon      these      years

    That you are  now a     maid.      Thus,      then,      in    brief;

    The valiant    Paris       seeks      you for   his   love.

    NURSE.

    A     man,      young    lady!       Lady,      such a     man

    As   all    the  world—why   he’s a     man of    wax.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Verona’s summer  hath not  such a     flower.

    NURSE.

    Nay, he’s a     flower,    in    faith a     very flower.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    What      say  you, can  you love the  gentleman?

    This night      you shall behold   him at    our  feast; Read     o’er the       volume   of    young    Paris’      face,

    And find delight   writ there      with beauty’s pen.

    Examine every      married  lineament,

    And see  how one another  lends      content;

    And what       obscur’d in    this  fair  volume   lies, Find written   in    the       margent of    his   eyes.

    This precious book      of    love, this  unbound lover, To beautify  him, only       lacks       a     cover:

    The fish  lives in    the  sea; and ’tis   much     pride For fair  without  the       fair  within     to    hide.

    That book      in    many’s   eyes doth       share      the  glory, That     in       gold clasps     locks      in    the  golden   story; So shall you share       all    that he   doth       possess, By    having    him, making   yourself       no   less.

    NURSE.

    No   less, nay  bigger.   Women  grow      by   men.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Speak     briefly,    can  you like  of    Paris’      love?

    JULIET.

    I’ll    look to    like, if     looking   liking      move:

    But  no   more      deep      will  I      endart    mine      eye

    Than      your consent  gives      strength to    make      it     fly.

    Enter      a     SERVANT .

    SERVANT.

    Madam,  the  guests    are  come,     supper    served    up,  you called,       my  young    lady asked for,      the  Nurse     cursed    in    the       pantry,   and everything     in    extremity.      I      must      hence       to wait,   I      beseech you follow     straight.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    We  follow     thee.

    [ Exit       SERVANT . ]

    Juliet,     the  County   stays.

    NURSE.

    Go,  girl, seek happy     nights     to    happy     days.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    IV.   A     Street.

    Enter      ROMEO,      MERCUTIO,    BENVOLIO,   with five  or    six   MASKERS;      TORCHBEARERS   and others.

    ROMEO.

    What,     shall this  speech   be   spoke     for   our  excuse?

    Or   shall we   on   without  apology?

    BENVOLIO.

    The date is     out  of    such prolixity:

    We’ll       have       no   Cupid     hoodwink’d   with a     scarf, Bearing a       Tartar’s   painted  bow of    lath,

    Scaring   the  ladies     like  a     crow-keeper;

    Nor no   without-book prologue,      faintly     spoke After    the prompter,       for   our  entrance:

    But  let   them      measure us    by   what       they will,

    We’ll       measure them      a     measure, and be   gone.

    ROMEO.

    Give me  a     torch,     I      am  not  for   this  ambling; Being     but       heavy     I      will  bear the  light.

    MERCUTIO.

    Nay, gentle    Romeo,  we   must      have       you dance.

    ROMEO.

    Not I,     believe   me, you have       dancing  shoes,

    With       nimble    soles,      I      have       a     soul of    lead So   stakes       me  to    the  ground   I      cannot   move.

    MERCUTIO.

    You are  a     lover,      borrow   Cupid’s   wings,

    And soar with them      above     a     common bound.

    ROMEO.

    I      am  too  sore enpierced      with his   shaft

    To   soar with his   light feathers, and so    bound, I  cannot   bound    a       pitch      above     dull woe.

    Under     love’s     heavy     burden   do   I      sink.

    MERCUTIO.

    And, to    sink in    it,    should    you burden   love; Too great       oppression    for   a     tender    thing.

    ROMEO.

    Is     love a     tender    thing?     It     is     too  rough,

    Too rude,      too  boisterous;    and it     pricks     like  thorn.

    MERCUTIO.

    If     love be   rough     with you, be   rough     with love; Prick      love for       pricking, and you beat love down.

    Give me  a     case to    put  my  visage    in:   [ Putting on   a     mask. ]

    A     visor       for   a     visor.      What      care I

    What      curious   eye  doth       quote     deformities?

    Here       are  the  beetle-brows shall blush      for   me.

    BENVOLIO.

    Come,    knock     and enter;     and no   sooner    in

    But  every      man betake    him to    his   legs.

    ROMEO.

    A     torch      for   me: let   wantons, light of    heart, Tickle   the  senseless       rushes    with their heels; For       I      am  proverb’d      with a       grandsire       phrase, I’ll      be   a     candle-holder      and look on,

    The game     was ne’er      so    fair, and I      am  done.

    MERCUTIO.

    Tut, dun’s      the  mouse,   the  constable’s    own word: If   thou art   dun,       we’ll draw       thee from       the  mire

    Or   save your reverence      love, wherein  thou stickest Up     to    the  ears.       Come,    we   burn       daylight, ho.

    ROMEO.

    Nay, that’s      not  so.

    MERCUTIO.

    I      mean     sir,   in    delay

    We  waste     our  lights      in    vain, light lights      by   day.

    Take       our  good      meaning, for   our  judgment      sits Five  times       in    that ere  once       in    our  five  wits.

    ROMEO.

    And we   mean     well in    going     to    this  mask;

    But  ’tis   no   wit   to    go.

    MERCUTIO.

    Why,      may one ask?

    ROMEO.

    I      dreamt   a     dream    tonight.

    MERCUTIO.

    And so    did  I.

    ROMEO.

    Well what       was yours?

    MERCUTIO.

    That dreamers       often      lie.

    ROMEO.

    In    bed asleep,   while      they do   dream    things     true.

    MERCUTIO.

    O,    then,      I      see  Queen    Mab hath been      with you.

    She is     the  fairies’    midwife, and she  comes

    In    shape     no   bigger    than an   agate-stone

    On  the  fore-finger    of    an   alderman,

    Drawn    with a     team      of    little atomies

    Over       men’s     noses     as    they lie    asleep:

    Her  waggon-spokes   made     of    long spinners’ legs; The cover,     of       the  wings     of    grasshoppers;

    Her  traces,    of    the  smallest  spider’s  web;

    The collars,   of    the  moonshine’s  watery    beams; Her    whip       of       cricket’s  bone;     the  lash, of    film; Her waggoner,     a     small       grey-coated  gnat,

    Not half so    big  as    a     round     little worm

    Prick’d    from       the  lazy finger     of    a     maid:

    Her  chariot   is     an   empty    hazelnut,

    Made     by   the  joiner     squirrel   or    old  grub,

    Time       out  o’    mind      the  fairies’    coachmakers.

    And in    this  state       she  gallops   night      by   night Through       lovers’    brains,    and then they dream    of    love; O’er       courtiers’       knees,    that dream    on   curtsies  straight; O’er lawyers’  fingers,       who straight  dream    on   fees; O’er       ladies’    lips, who straight       on   kisses     dream, Which oft   the  angry     Mab with blisters       plagues, Because  their breaths   with sweetmeats   tainted   are: Sometime      she  gallops   o’er a     courtier’s nose, And      then dreams       he   of    smelling out  a     suit;

    And sometime      comes    she  with a     tithe-pig’s     tail, Tickling   a       parson’s nose       as    a     lies  asleep,

    Then      dreams   he   of    another  benefice:

    Sometime      she  driveth   o’er a     soldier’s  neck, And      then dreams       he   of    cutting   foreign   throats, Of     breaches,      ambuscados,       Spanish  blades,

    Of   healths   five  fathom   deep;      and then anon

    Drums    in    his   ear, at    which     he   starts      and wakes; And,       being     thus frighted, swears    a     prayer    or    two, And sleeps       again.     This is     that very Mab

    That plats       the  manes    of    horses    in    the  night; And     bakes       the  elf-locks in    foul sluttish   hairs, Which,  once       untangled,       much     misfortune     bodes: This    is     the  hag, when      maids       lie    on   their backs, That    presses   them,     and learns     them       first to    bear, Making them      women   of    good      carriage:

    This is     she,—

    ROMEO.

    Peace,    peace,    Mercutio,       peace,

    Thou      talk’st     of    nothing.

    MERCUTIO.

    True,      I      talk  of    dreams,

    Which    are  the  children  of    an   idle  brain,

    Begot     of    nothing  but  vain fantasy,

    Which    is     as    thin of    substance      as    the  air,

    And more      inconstant     than the  wind,      who wooes Even   now the       frozen    bosom    of    the  north,

    And, being     anger’d,  puffs       away      from       thence, Turning    his       side to    the  dew-dropping      south.

    BENVOLIO.

    This wind       you talk  of    blows     us    from       ourselves: Supper is       done,     and we   shall come      too  late.

    ROMEO.

    I      fear too  early:      for   my  mind      misgives

    Some     consequence yet  hanging in    the  stars,

    Shall       bitterly   begin     his   fearful    date

    With       this  night’s    revels;    and expire     the  term Of  a     despised       life,  clos’d     in    my  breast

    By   some      vile  forfeit     of    untimely death.

    But  he   that hath the  steerage of    my  course

    Direct     my  suit. On,  lusty gentlemen!

    BENVOLIO.

    Strike,     drum.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    V.    A     Hall in    Capulet’s House.

    Musicians      waiting.  Enter      SERVANTS .

    FIRST      SERVANT.

    Where’s  Potpan,  that he   helps      not  to    take away?

    He   shift a     trencher! He   scrape    a     trencher!

    SECOND SERVANT.

    When     good      manners shall lie    all    in    one or    two men’s       hands,    and they unwash’d too,       ’tis   a     foul thing.

    FIRST      SERVANT.

    Away      with      the join-stools,  remove the court-cupboard, look to  the plate.    Good thou,  save me  a     piece      of       marchpane;   and as    thou loves      me, let   the  porter     let   in

    Susan     Grindstone    and Nell. Antony   and Potpan!

    SECOND SERVANT.

    Ay,  boy, ready.

    FIRST      SERVANT.

    You are  looked    for   and called     for,  asked     for   and sought   for,       in    the  great      chamber.

    SECOND SERVANT.

    We  cannot   be   here and there      too. Cheerly,  boys.      Be   brisk       awhile,   and the  longer liver    take all.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    Enter      CAPULET,    &c.  with the  Guests    and Gentlewomen to    the       Maskers.

    CAPULET.

    Welcome,      gentlemen,    ladies     that have       their toes Unplagu’d       with corns      will  have       a     bout       with you.

    Ah   my  mistresses,     which     of    you all

    Will now deny       to    dance?   She that makes    dainty, She    I’ll       swear     hath corns.     Am  I      come      near ye    now?

    Welcome,      gentlemen!    I      have       seen the  day

    That I      have       worn      a     visor,      and could      tell

    A     whispering    tale in    a     fair  lady’s     ear,

    Such       as    would     please;   ’tis   gone,     ’tis   gone,     ’tis   gone, You are  welcome,       gentlemen!    Come,    musicians,     play.

    A     hall, a     hall, give room!     And foot it,    girls.

    [ Music   plays,     and they dance. ]

    More      light,      you knaves;   and turn the  tables     up, And  quench       the  fire, the  room      is     grown    too  hot.

    Ah   sirrah,     this  unlook’d-for  sport      comes    well.

    Nay sit,   nay  sit,   good      cousin    Capulet,

    For  you and I      are  past our  dancing  days;

    How long is’t   now since      last  yourself  and I Were    in    a     mask?

    CAPULET’S    COUSIN.

    By’r Lady,      thirty      years.

    CAPULET.

    What,     man,      ’tis   not  so    much,     ’tis   not  so    much:

    ’Tis  since      the  nuptial   of    Lucentio, Come    Pentecost      as       quickly   as    it     will,

    Some     five  and twenty    years;     and then we   mask’d.

    CAPULET’S    COUSIN.

    ’Tis  more,     ’tis   more,     his   son  is     elder,      sir; His    son  is    thirty.

    CAPULET.

    Will you tell  me  that?

    His  son  was but  a     ward       two years      ago.

    ROMEO.

    What      lady is     that, which     doth       enrich     the  hand Of  yonder       knight?

    SERVANT.

    I      know      not, sir.

    ROMEO.

    O,    she  doth       teach      the  torches   to    burn       bright!

    It     seems    she  hangs     upon      the  cheek     of    night

    As   a     rich jewel      in    an   Ethiop’s  ear;

    Beauty    too  rich for   use, for   earth      too  dear!

    So   shows     a     snowy    dove       trooping with crows

    As   yonder   lady o’er her  fellows    shows.

    The measure done,     I’ll    watch     her  place      of    stand, And       touching hers,       make      blessed   my  rude hand.

    Did  my  heart      love till   now?      Forswear it,    sight!

    For  I      ne’er      saw true beauty    till   this  night.

    TYBALT.

    This by   his   voice,     should    be   a     Montague.

    Fetch      me  my  rapier,    boy. What,     dares      the  slave Come       hither,    cover’d   with an   antic       face,

    To   fleer and scorn      at    our  solemnity?

    Now       by   the  stock      and honour   of    my  kin,

    To   strike      him dead      I      hold it     not  a     sin.

    CAPULET.

    Why how now,       kinsman!

    Wherefore     storm     you so?

    TYBALT.

    Uncle,     this  is     a     Montague,    our  foe;

    A     villain     that is     hither     come      in    spite,

    To   scorn      at    our  solemnity      this  night.

    CAPULET.

    Young    Romeo,  is     it?

    TYBALT.

    ’Tis  he,  that villain     Romeo.

    CAPULET.

    Content  thee,      gentle    coz, let   him alone,

    A     bears      him like  a     portly     gentleman;

    And, to    say  truth,      Verona   brags      of    him

    To   be   a     virtuous  and well-govern’d youth.

    I      would     not  for   the  wealth    of    all    the  town

    Here       in    my  house     do   him disparagement.

    Therefore      be   patient,  take no   note of    him,

    It     is     my  will; the  which     if     thou respect,

    Show      a     fair  presence and put  off   these      frowns, An     ill-beseeming    semblance     for   a     feast.

    TYBALT.

    It     fits   when      such a     villain     is     a     guest:

    I’ll    not  endure   him.

    CAPULET.

    He   shall be   endur’d.

    What,     goodman      boy! I      say  he   shall,      go   to;

    Am  I      the  master    here,      or    you?       Go   to.

    You’ll      not  endure   him! God shall mend     my  soul, You’ll     make       a     mutiny   among   my  guests!

    You will  set   cock-a-hoop, you’ll      be   the  man!

    TYBALT.

    Why,      uncle,     ’tis   a     shame.

    CAPULET.

    Go   to,   go   to!

    You are  a     saucy     boy. Is’t   so,   indeed?

    This trick may chance   to    scathe    you, I      know      what.

    You must      contrary me! Marry,    ’tis   time.

    Well said, my  hearts!—You are  a     princox;  go: Be     quiet,     or—More       light,      more      light!—For     shame!

    I’ll    make      you quiet.     What,     cheerly,  my  hearts.

    TYBALT.

    Patience perforce with wilful      choler     meeting Makes     my  flesh       tremble  in    their different greeting.

    I      will  withdraw:      but  this  intrusion shall,

    Now       seeming sweet,    convert   to    bitter      gall.

    [ Exit. ]

    ROMEO.

    [ To Juliet. ]    If     I      profane  with my  unworthiest   hand This      holy       shrine,    the  gentle    sin   is     this,

    My  lips, two blushing pilgrims, ready      stand To smooth  that rough       touch     with a     tender    kiss.

    JULIET.

    Good      pilgrim,   you do   wrong    your hand      too  much, Which       mannerly devotion shows     in    this;

    For  saints     have       hands     that pilgrims’ hands     do   touch, And       palm      to    palm      is     holy palmers’ kiss.

    ROMEO.

    Have      not  saints     lips, and holy palmers  too?

    JULIET.

    Ay,  pilgrim,   lips  that they must      use  in    prayer.

    ROMEO.

    O,    then,      dear saint,      let   lips  do   what       hands     do: They pray,       grant      thou,      lest  faith turn to    despair.

    JULIET.

    Saints     do   not  move,     though   grant      for   prayers’  sake.

    ROMEO.

    Then      move      not  while      my  prayer’s  effect      I      take.

    Thus       from       my  lips, by   thine      my  sin   is     purg’d.

    [ Kissing her. ]

    JULIET.

    Then      have       my  lips  the  sin   that they have       took.

    ROMEO.

    Sin  from       my  lips? O    trespass  sweetly   urg’d!

    Give me  my  sin   again.

    JULIET.

    You kiss  by   the  book.

    NURSE.

    Madam,  your mother   craves    a     word      with you.

    ROMEO.

    What      is     her  mother?

    NURSE.

    Marry,    bachelor,

    Her  mother   is     the  lady of    the  house,

    And a     good      lady, and a     wise and virtuous.

    I      nurs’d     her  daughter that you talk’d      withal.

    I      tell  you, he   that can  lay   hold of    her

    Shall       have       the  chinks.

    ROMEO.

    Is     she  a     Capulet?

    O    dear account! My  life   is     my  foe’s       debt.

    BENVOLIO.

    Away,     be   gone;     the  sport      is     at    the  best.

    ROMEO.

    Ay,  so    I      fear; the  more      is     my  unrest.

    CAPULET.

    Nay, gentlemen,    prepare  not  to    be   gone,

    We  have       a     trifling    foolish    banquet towards.

    Is     it     e’en so?  Why then,      I      thank     you all;

    I      thank     you, honest    gentlemen;    good      night.

    More      torches   here!      Come     on   then,      let’s to    bed.

    Ah,  sirrah,     by   my  fay,  it     waxes     late,

    I’ll    to    my  rest.

    [ Exeunt  all    but  JULIET and NURSE . ]

    JULIET.

    Come     hither,    Nurse.    What      is     yond      gentleman?

    NURSE.

    The son  and heir of    old  Tiberio.

    JULIET.

    What’s    he   that now is     going     out  of    door?

    NURSE.

    Marry,    that I      think      be   young    Petruchio.

    JULIET.

    What’s    he   that follows   here,      that would     not  dance?

    NURSE.

    I      know      not.

    JULIET.

    Go   ask  his   name.     If     he   be   married,

    My  grave      is     like  to    be   my  wedding bed.

    NURSE.

    His  name     is     Romeo,  and a     Montague,

    The only son  of    your great      enemy.

    JULIET.

    My  only love sprung   from       my  only hate!

    Too early       seen unknown,      and known    too  late!

    Prodigious     birth       of    love it     is     to    me,

    That I      must      love a     loathed  enemy.

    NURSE.

    What’s    this? What’s    this?

    JULIET.

    A     rhyme    I      learn’d    even       now

    Of   one I      danc’d    withal.

    [ One      calls within,    ‘Juliet’. ]

    NURSE.

    Anon,     anon!

    Come     let’s away,     the  strangers all    are  gone.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    ACT II

    Enter      CHORUS .

    CHORUS.

    Now       old  desire     doth       in    his   deathbed      lie,

    And young    affection gapes     to    be   his   heir;

    That fair  for   which     love groan’d  for   and would     die, With tender       Juliet      match’d, is     now not  fair.

    Now       Romeo   is     belov’d,  and loves      again,

    Alike       bewitched     by   the  charm    of    looks;

    But  to    his   foe  suppos’d he   must      complain,

    And she  steal love’s     sweet     bait from       fearful    hooks: Being  held       a     foe, he   may not  have       access

    To   breathe  such vows      as    lovers     use  to    swear; And     she  as       much     in    love, her  means    much     less To    meet      her  new       beloved  anywhere.

    But  passion  lends      them      power,    time means,   to    meet, Tempering     extremities    with extreme  sweet.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    I.     An   open      place      adjoining       Capulet’s Garden.

    Enter      ROMEO .

    ROMEO.

    Can I      go   forward  when      my  heart      is     here?

    Turn back,      dull earth,     and find thy  centre    out.

    [ He climbs    the  wall and leaps      down      within     it. ]

    Enter      BENVOLIO and MERCUTIO .

    BENVOLIO.

    Romeo!  My  cousin    Romeo!  Romeo!

    MERCUTIO.

    He   is     wise,

    And on   my  life   hath stol’n      him home     to    bed.

    BENVOLIO.

    He   ran  this  way, and leap’d     this  orchard  wall: Call, good      Mercutio.

    MERCUTIO.

    Nay, I’ll    conjure   too.

    Romeo!  Humours!      Madman!      Passion! Lover!

    Appear   thou in    the  likeness  of    a     sigh,

    Speak     but  one rhyme,    and I      am  satisfied;

    Cry  but  ‘Ah  me!’ Pronounce    but  Love       and dove; Speak   to    my       gossip    Venus     one fair  word,

    One nickname      for   her  purblind son  and heir, Young    Abraham       Cupid,    he   that shot so    trim

    When     King Cophetua      lov’d       the  beggar-maid.

    He   heareth  not, he   stirreth   not, he   moveth  not; The  ape is    dead,       and I      must      conjure   him.

    I      conjure   thee by   Rosaline’s      bright     eyes,

    By   her  high forehead and her  scarlet    lip,

    By   her  fine foot, straight  leg,  and quivering       thigh, And     the       demesnes      that there      adjacent lie,

    That in    thy  likeness  thou appear   to    us.

    BENVOLIO.

    An   if     he   hear thee,      thou wilt  anger     him.

    MERCUTIO.

    This cannot   anger     him. ’Twould  anger     him

    To   raise a     spirit       in    his   mistress’ circle,

    Of   some      strange   nature,   letting    it     there      stand Till she  had       laid  it,    and conjur’d  it     down; That    were       some      spite.       My  invocation

    Is     fair  and honest,   and, in    his   mistress’ name, I   conjure   only but       to    raise up   him.

    BENVOLIO.

    Come,    he   hath hid  himself   among   these      trees To  be       consorted      with the  humorous     night.

    Blind      is     his   love, and best befits      the  dark.

    MERCUTIO.

    If     love be   blind,      love cannot   hit   the  mark.

    Now       will  he   sit    under     a     medlar   tree,

    And wish his   mistress  were       that kind of    fruit As   maids     call       medlars  when      they laugh     alone.

    O    Romeo,  that she  were,      O    that she  were

    An   open-arse     and thou a     poperin  pear!

    Romeo,  good      night.     I’ll    to    my  truckle-bed.

    This field-bed       is     too  cold for   me  to    sleep.

    Come,    shall we   go?

    BENVOLIO.

    Go   then;      for   ’tis   in    vain

    To   seek him here that means    not  to    be   found.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     Capulet’s Garden.

    Enter      ROMEO .

    ROMEO.

    He   jests at    scars      that never      felt  a     wound.

    JULIET    appears  above     at    a     window.

    But  soft, what       light through  yonder   window  breaks?

    It     is     the  east, and Juliet      is     the  sun!

    Arise       fair  sun  and kill   the  envious  moon,

    Who       is     already   sick and pale with grief,

    That thou her  maid      art   far   more      fair  than she.

    Be   not  her  maid      since      she  is     envious;

    Her  vestal     livery      is     but  sick and green,

    And none      but  fools       do   wear       it;    cast it     off.

    It     is     my  lady, O    it     is     my  love!

    O,    that she  knew      she  were!

    She speaks,   yet  she  says nothing. What      of    that?

    Her  eye  discourses,    I      will  answer   it.

    I      am  too  bold,      ’tis   not  to    me  she  speaks.

    Two of    the  fairest     stars in    all    the  heaven, Having     some       business, do   entreat   her  eyes

    To   twinkle   in    their spheres  till   they return.

    What      if     her  eyes were       there,     they in    her  head?

    The brightness     of    her  cheek     would     shame    those      stars, As       daylight  doth       a     lamp;      her  eyes in    heaven Would       through  the  airy  region    stream    so    bright That    birds       would     sing and think      it     were       not  night.

    See  how she  leans      her  cheek     upon      her  hand.

    O    that I      were       a     glove      upon      that hand,

    That I      might     touch     that cheek.

    JULIET.

    Ay   me.

    ROMEO.

    She speaks.

    O    speak     again      bright     angel,     for   thou art

    As   glorious  to    this  night,     being     o’er my  head, As is     a       winged   messenger    of    heaven

    Unto       the  white-upturned    wondering     eyes

    Of   mortals   that fall   back       to    gaze       on   him

    When     he   bestrides the  lazy-puffing  clouds

    And sails upon      the  bosom    of    the  air.

    JULIET.

    O    Romeo,  Romeo,  wherefore      art   thou Romeo?

    Deny      thy  father     and refuse     thy  name.

    Or   if     thou wilt  not, be   but  sworn     my  love,

    And I’ll    no   longer    be   a     Capulet.

    ROMEO.

    [ Aside. ] Shall       I      hear more,     or    shall I      speak     at    this?

    JULIET.

    ’Tis  but  thy  name     that is     my  enemy;

    Thou      art   thyself,   though   not  a     Montague.

    What’s    Montague?    It     is     nor  hand      nor  foot,

    Nor arm, nor  face, nor  any  other      part

    Belonging      to    a     man.      O    be   some      other      name.

    What’s    in    a     name?    That which     we   call  a     rose By   any       other      name     would     smell      as    sweet;

    So   Romeo   would,    were       he   not  Romeo   call’d,

    Retain    that dear perfection      which     he   owes

    Without  that title. Romeo,  doff thy  name, And     for   thy  name,       which     is     no   part of    thee, Take      all    myself.

    ROMEO.

    I      take thee at    thy  word.

    Call me  but  love, and I’ll    be   new baptis’d; Henceforth    I      never       will  be   Romeo.

    JULIET.

    What      man art   thou that, thus bescreen’d    in    night So  stumblest       on   my  counsel?

    ROMEO.

    By   a     name

    I      know      not  how to    tell  thee who I      am:

    My  name,     dear saint,      is     hateful   to    myself,

    Because it     is     an   enemy    to    thee.

    Had I      it     written,   I      would     tear the  word.

    JULIET.

    My  ears have       yet  not  drunk     a     hundred words

    Of   thy  tongue’s utterance,      yet  I      know      the  sound.

    Art   thou not  Romeo,  and a     Montague?

    ROMEO.

    Neither,  fair  maid,      if     either     thee dislike.

    JULIET.

    How cam’st    thou hither,    tell  me, and wherefore?

    The orchard  walls       are  high and hard to    climb, And     the  place       death,    considering   who thou art, If      any  of    my  kinsmen find       thee here.

    ROMEO.

    With       love’s     light wings     did  I      o’erperch       these      walls, For       stony      limits      cannot   hold love out,

    And what       love can  do,  that dares      love attempt: Therefore       thy       kinsmen are  no   stop to    me.

    JULIET.

    If     they do   see  thee,      they will  murder   thee.

    ROMEO.

    Alack,     there      lies  more      peril in    thine      eye Than twenty    of       their swords.   Look       thou but  sweet, And     I      am  proof       against   their enmity.

    JULIET.

    I      would     not  for   the  world      they saw thee here.

    ROMEO.

    I      have       night’s    cloak      to    hide me  from       their eyes, And       but  thou love me, let   them      find me  here.

    My  life   were       better     ended    by   their hate

    Than      death     prorogued,    wanting  of    thy  love.

    JULIET.

    By   whose    direction found’st  thou out  this  place?

    ROMEO.

    By   love, that first did  prompt   me  to    enquire; He    lent me  counsel,       and I      lent him eyes.

    I      am  no   pilot;      yet  wert thou as    far

    As   that vast shore      wash’d   with the  farthest  sea, I       should       adventure      for   such merchandise.

    JULIET.

    Thou      knowest the  mask      of    night      is     on   my  face, Else       would     a     maiden   blush      bepaint  my  cheek

    For  that which     thou hast heard     me  speak     tonight.

    Fain would     I      dwell      on   form,      fain, fain deny What     I      have       spoke;    but  farewell  compliment.

    Dost thou love me? I      know      thou wilt  say  Ay, And  I      will  take thy       word.      Yet, if     thou swear’st, Thou      mayst     prove     false.       At    lovers’    perjuries, They      say  Jove laughs.   O    gentle       Romeo,

    If     thou dost love, pronounce    it     faithfully.

    Or   if     thou thinkest  I      am  too  quickly   won,

    I’ll    frown     and be   perverse, and say  thee nay, So   thou wilt  woo.       But  else, not  for   the  world.

    In    truth,      fair  Montague,    I      am  too  fond;

    And therefore thou mayst     think      my  ’haviour  light: But trust me,       gentleman,    I’ll    prove     more      true Than      those      that have       more      cunning  to    be   strange.

    I      should    have       been      more      strange,  I      must      confess, But  that thou overheard’st, ere  I      was ’ware, My       true-love       passion;  therefore pardon   me,

    And not  impute   this  yielding  to    light love, Which   the  dark night       hath so    discovered.

    ROMEO.

    Lady,      by   yonder   blessed   moon     I      vow,

    That tips  with silver      all    these      fruit-tree tops,—

    JULIET.

    O    swear     not  by   the  moon,    th’inconstant moon, That    monthly       changes in    her  circled    orb,

    Lest that thy  love prove     likewise  variable.

    ROMEO.

    What      shall I      swear     by?

    JULIET.

    Do   not  swear     at    all.

    Or   if     thou wilt, swear     by   thy  gracious self, Which     is     the  god       of    my  idolatry,

    And I’ll    believe   thee.

    ROMEO.

    If     my  heart’s    dear love,—

    JULIET.

    Well,       do   not  swear.    Although I      joy   in    thee, I     have       no       joy   of    this  contract tonight;

    It     is     too  rash,       too  unadvis’d,      too  sudden,

    Too like  the  lightning,       which     doth       cease     to    be Ere    one       can  say  It     lightens. Sweet,    good      night.

    This bud of    love, by   summer’s      ripening breath, May   prove     a       beauteous     flower     when      next we   meet.

    Good      night,     good      night.     As   sweet     repose    and rest Come     to    thy  heart      as    that within     my  breast.

    ROMEO.

    O    wilt  thou leave      me  so    unsatisfied?

    JULIET.

    What      satisfaction    canst      thou have       tonight?

    ROMEO.

    Th’exchange  of    thy  love’s     faithful   vow for   mine.

    JULIET.

    I      gave       thee mine      before    thou didst       request   it; And    yet  I       would     it     were       to    give again.

    ROMEO.

    Would’st thou withdraw it?    For  what       purpose, love?

    JULIET.

    But  to    be   frank      and give it     thee again.

    And yet  I      wish but  for   the  thing      I      have;

    My  bounty   is     as    boundless     as    the  sea,

    My  love as    deep;      the  more      I      give to    thee,

    The more      I      have,      for   both       are  infinite.

    I      hear some      noise      within.    Dear       love, adieu.

    [ Nurse   calls within. ]

    Anon,     good      Nurse!—Sweet     Montague     be   true.

    Stay but  a     little,       I      will  come      again.

    [ Exit. ]

    ROMEO.

    O    blessed,  blessed   night.     I      am  afeard,

    Being     in    night,     all    this  is     but  a     dream,

    Too flattering sweet     to    be   substantial.

    Enter      JULIET above.

    JULIET.

    Three     words,    dear Romeo,  and good      night      indeed.

    If     that thy  bent of    love be   honourable,

    Thy  purpose  marriage,       send       me  word      tomorrow, By one that       I’ll    procure  to    come      to    thee,

    Where    and what       time thou wilt  perform  the  rite, And all    my       fortunes at    thy  foot I’ll    lay

    And follow     thee my  lord throughout    the  world.

    NURSE.

    [ Within. ]       Madam.

    JULIET.

    I      come,     anon.—  But  if     thou meanest not  well,

    I      do   beseech thee,—

    NURSE.

    [ Within. ]       Madam.

    JULIET.

    By   and by   I      come—

    To   cease     thy  strife       and leave      me  to    my  grief.

    Tomorrow     will  I      send.

    ROMEO.

    So   thrive     my  soul,—

    JULIET.

    A     thousand       times      good      night.

    [ Exit. ]

    ROMEO.

    A     thousand       times      the  worse,    to    want       thy  light.

    Love       goes       toward   love as    schoolboys    from       their books, But  love from       love, towards  school    with heavy     looks.

    [ Retiring slowly. ]

    Re-enter JULIET, above.

    JULIET.

    Hist! Romeo,  hist! O    for   a     falconer’s      voice To lure this  tassel-gentle    back       again.

    Bondage is     hoarse    and may not  speak     aloud,

    Else would     I      tear the  cave where     Echo       lies, And make      her       airy  tongue   more      hoarse    than mine With     repetition      of       my  Romeo’s name.

    ROMEO.

    It     is     my  soul that calls upon      my  name.

    How silver-sweet   sound     lovers’    tongues  by   night, Like      softest       music     to    attending      ears.

    JULIET.

    Romeo.

    ROMEO.

    My  nyas?

    JULIET.

    What      o’clock   tomorrow

    Shall       I      send       to    thee?

    ROMEO.

    By   the  hour       of    nine.

    JULIET.

    I      will  not  fail.  ’Tis  twenty    years      till   then.

    I      have       forgot     why I      did  call  thee back.

    ROMEO.

    Let  me  stand      here till   thou remember     it.

    JULIET.

    I      shall forget,    to    have       thee still  stand      there, Remembering       how I      love thy  company.

    ROMEO.

    And I’ll    still  stay, to    have       thee still  forget, Forgetting any  other       home     but  this.

    JULIET.

    ’Tis  almost    morning; I      would     have       thee gone, And     yet  no       farther    than a     wanton’s bird,

    That lets  it     hop a     little from       her  hand,

    Like a     poor       prisoner  in    his   twisted   gyves,

    And with a     silk  thread    plucks    it     back       again, So loving-jealous       of    his   liberty.

    ROMEO.

    I      would     I      were       thy  bird.

    JULIET.

    Sweet,    so    would     I:

    Yet  I      should    kill   thee with much     cherishing.

    Good      night,     good      night.     Parting   is     such sweet     sorrow That I      shall say  good      night      till   it     be   morrow.

    [ Exit. ]

    ROMEO.

    Sleep      dwell      upon      thine      eyes,      peace     in    thy  breast.

    Would    I      were       sleep      and peace,    so    sweet     to    rest.

    The grey-ey’d      morn      smiles     on   the  frowning night, Chequering       the  eastern   clouds    with streaks   of    light; And       darkness       fleckled  like  a     drunkard reels From     forth       day’s      pathway,       made     by   Titan’s    wheels Hence will  I      to    my  ghostly   Sire’s       cell,

    His  help to    crave      and my  dear hap to    tell.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    III.    Friar Lawrence’s    Cell.

    Enter      FRIAR    LAWRENCE   with a     basket.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Now,      ere  the  sun  advance his   burning  eye,

    The day  to    cheer,     and night’s    dank       dew to    dry, I       must       upfill       this  osier       cage       of    ours

    With       baleful    weeds    and precious-juiced    flowers.

    The earth      that’s      nature’s  mother,  is     her  tomb; What   is     her       burying  grave,     that is     her  womb: And    from       her  womb       children  of    divers     kind

    We  sucking  on   her  natural   bosom    find.

    Many      for   many      virtues    excellent,

    None      but  for   some,     and yet  all    different.

    O,    mickle    is     the  powerful grace      that lies

    In    plants,    herbs,     stones,   and their true qualities.

    For  naught   so    vile  that on   the  earth      doth       live But   to    the       earth      some      special    good      doth       give; Nor aught     so       good      but, strain’d   from       that fair  use, Revolts   from       true       birth,      stumbling      on   abuse.

    Virtue     itself turns      vice being     misapplied,

    And vice sometime’s    by   action     dignified.

    Enter      ROMEO .

    Within    the  infant     rind of    this  weak      flower

    Poison    hath residence,      and medicine power:

    For  this, being     smelt,     with that part cheers    each       part; Being       tasted,    slays       all    senses    with the  heart.

    Two such opposed kings      encamp  them      still

    In    man as    well as    herbs,—grace and rude will; And where     the       worser    is     predominant,

    Full  soon       the  canker    death     eats up   that plant.

    ROMEO.

    Good      morrow, father.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Benedicite!

    What      early       tongue   so    sweet     saluteth  me?

    Young    son, it     argues    a     distemper’d   head

    So   soon       to    bid  good      morrow  to    thy  bed.

    Care keeps     his   watch     in    every      old  man’s     eye, And where       care lodges    sleep      will  never      lie; But    where     unbruised       youth     with unstuff’d brain Doth     couch     his   limbs,     there       golden   sleep      doth       reign.

    Therefore      thy  earliness doth       me  assure

    Thou      art   uprous’d with some      distemperature; Or      if     not  so,       then here I      hit   it     right,

    Our Romeo   hath not  been      in    bed tonight.

    ROMEO.

    That last  is     true; the  sweeter  rest was mine.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    God pardon   sin.  Wast      thou with Rosaline?

    ROMEO.

    With       Rosaline, my  ghostly   father?    No.

    I      have       forgot     that name,     and that name’s   woe.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    That’s     my  good      son. But  where     hast thou been      then?

    ROMEO.

    I’ll    tell  thee ere  thou ask  it     me  again.

    I      have       been      feasting  with mine      enemy,

    Where    on   a     sudden   one hath wounded       me

    That’s     by   me  wounded.      Both       our  remedies

    Within    thy  help and holy physic    lies.

    I      bear no   hatred,   blessed   man;      for   lo,

    My  intercession   likewise  steads    my  foe.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Be   plain,      good      son, and homely   in    thy  drift; Riddling       confession     finds       but  riddling  shrift.

    ROMEO.

    Then      plainly    know      my  heart’s    dear love is     set On    the  fair       daughter of    rich Capulet.

    As   mine      on   hers,       so    hers is     set   on   mine;

    And all    combin’d,      save what       thou must      combine

    By   holy marriage.       When,    and where,    and how We  met, we       woo’d,    and made     exchange      of    vow, I’ll   tell  thee as    we       pass;      but  this  I      pray, That      thou consent  to    marry     us       today.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Holy Saint      Francis!  What      a     change   is     here!

    Is     Rosaline, that thou didst       love so    dear,

    So   soon       forsaken?       Young    men’s     love then lies Not   truly in       their hearts,    but  in    their eyes.

    Jesu Maria,     what       a     deal of    brine

    Hath       wash’d   thy  sallow     cheeks    for   Rosaline!

    How much     salt  water      thrown   away      in    waste,

    To   season   love, that of    it     doth       not  taste.

    The sun  not  yet  thy  sighs      from       heaven   clears, Thy     old       groans    yet  ring in    mine      ancient   ears.

    Lo   here upon      thy  cheek     the  stain       doth       sit

    Of   an   old  tear that is     not  wash’d   off   yet.

    If     ere  thou wast thyself,   and these      woes      thine, Thou    and       these      woes      were       all    for   Rosaline,

    And art   thou chang’d? Pronounce    this  sentence then, Women may fall,       when      there’s    no   strength in    men.

    ROMEO.

    Thou      chidd’st  me  oft   for   loving     Rosaline.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    For  doting,   not  for   loving,    pupil      mine.

    ROMEO.

    And bad’st     me  bury love.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Not in    a     grave

    To   lay   one in,   another  out  to    have.

    ROMEO.

    I      pray thee chide      me  not, her  I      love now

    Doth       grace      for   grace      and love for   love allow.

    The other      did  not  so.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    O,    she  knew      well

    Thy  love did  read by   rote, that could      not  spell.

    But  come      young    waverer, come      go   with me,

    In    one respect   I’ll    thy  assistant be;

    For  this  alliance  may so    happy     prove,

    To   turn your households’   rancour  to    pure love.

    ROMEO.

    O    let   us    hence;    I      stand      on   sudden   haste.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Wisely    and slow;      they stumble  that run  fast.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    IV.   A     Street.

    Enter      BENVOLIO and MERCUTIO .

    MERCUTIO.

    Where    the  devil       should    this  Romeo   be?  Came     he   not       home     tonight?

    BENVOLIO.

    Not to    his   father’s;  I      spoke     with his   man.

    MERCUTIO.

    Why,      that same      pale hard-hearted wench,   that Rosaline, torments       him so    that he will    sure run  mad.

    BENVOLIO.

    Tybalt,    the  kinsman to    old  Capulet, hath sent a     letter      to    his       father’s   house.

    MERCUTIO.

    A     challenge,     on   my  life.

    BENVOLIO.

    Romeo   will  answer   it.

    MERCUTIO.

    Any man that can  write       may answer   a     letter.

    BENVOLIO.

    Nay, he   will  answer   the  letter’s    master,   how he   dares,     being       dared.

    MERCUTIO.

    Alas poor       Romeo,  he   is     already   dead,      stabbed  with a       white      wench’s  black      eye;

    run  through  the  ear  with a     love song,      the  very pin  of    his   heart       cleft with the  blind bow-boy’s   butt-shaft.     And is     he   a     man       to    encounter     Tybalt?

    BENVOLIO.

    Why,      what       is     Tybalt?

    MERCUTIO.

    More      than     Prince   of  cats.     O,  he’s      the courageous captain   of  compliments.      He fights      as    you sing prick-song,       keeps     time,      distance, and proportion.    He   rests his minim      rest, one,      two,      and       the third     in   your      bosom: the very butcher of  a    silk button,   a     duellist,  a     duellist;  a       gentleman     of    the  very first house,    of    the  first and second       cause.    Ah,  the  immortal passado, the  punto     reverso,  the  hay.

    BENVOLIO.

    The what?

    MERCUTIO.

    The pox  of    such antic       lisping,   affecting phantasies;    these      new       tuners    of    accent.

    By   Jesu,       a     very good      blade,     a     very tall  man,      a     very       good      whore.    Why,      is     not  this a      lamentable    thing,       grandsire,      that we   should    be   thus afflicted  with these       strange flies,  these      fashion-mongers, these      pardon-me’s, who       stand      so    much     on   the  new form       that they cannot   sit       at    ease on   the  old  bench?   O    their bones,    their bones!

    Enter      ROMEO .

    BENVOLIO.

    Here       comes    Romeo,  here comes    Romeo!

    MERCUTIO.

    Without  his   roe, like  a     dried      herring.  O    flesh,      flesh,      how       art   thou fishified! Now is    he  for the numbers      that      Petrarch flowed  in.  Laura,   to  his lady,     was       but a kitchen   wench,—marry,  she had       a    better   love      to  berhyme her:       Dido     a    dowdy; Cleopatra       a     gypsy;       Helen     and Hero       hildings  and harlots;   Thisbe    a     grey eye       or    so, but    not to  the purpose.      Signior  Romeo, bonjour!       There’s a    French  salutation    to your French    slop. You gave       us    the  counterfeit    fairly       last  night.

    ROMEO.

    Good      morrow  to    you both.      What      counterfeit    did  I      give       you?

    MERCUTIO.

    The slip  sir,   the  slip; can  you not  conceive?

    ROMEO.

    Pardon,  good      Mercutio,       my  business was great,     and in    such       a     case as    mine      a     man

    may strain      courtesy.

    MERCUTIO.

    That’s     as  much    as  to  say,       such     a    case      as  yours      constrains    a    man      to  bow      in   the hams.

    ROMEO.

    Meaning,       to    curtsy.

    MERCUTIO.

    Thou      hast most      kindly     hit   it.

    ROMEO.

    A     most      courteous      exposition.

    MERCUTIO.

    Nay, I      am  the  very pink of    courtesy.

    ROMEO.

    Pink for   flower.

    MERCUTIO.

    Right.

    ROMEO.

    Why,      then is     my  pump     well flowered.

    MERCUTIO.

    Sure wit,  follow     me  this  jest  now,       till   thou hast worn      out  thy       pump,    that when      the single      sole of    it     is     worn,      the       jest  may remain   after the  wearing, solely     singular.

    ROMEO.

    O    single-soled  jest, solely     singular  for   the  singleness!

    MERCUTIO.

    Come     between us,   good      Benvolio; my  wits faint.

    ROMEO.

    Swits      and spurs,     swits       and spurs;     or    I’ll    cry   a     match.

    MERCUTIO.

    Nay, if     thy  wits run  the  wild-goose    chase,    I      am  done.     For       thou hast more      of    the wild-goose     in   one       of  thy wits,       than     I     am sure,     I     have     in   my whole   five.      Was I with    you there      for   the  goose?

    ROMEO.

    Thou      wast never      with me  for   anything, when      thou wast not  there       for   the  goose.

    MERCUTIO.

    I      will  bite thee by   the  ear  for   that jest.

    ROMEO.

    Nay, good      goose,    bite not.

    MERCUTIO.

    Thy  wit   is     a     very bitter      sweeting,       it     is     a     most       sharp      sauce.

    ROMEO.

    And is     it     not  then well served    in    to    a     sweet     goose?

    MERCUTIO.

    O    here’s     a     wit   of    cheveril, that stretches from       an   inch       narrow   to    an   ell    broad.

    ROMEO.

    I      stretch    it     out  for   that word      broad,    which     added    to       the  goose,    proves    thee far   and wide a     broad     goose.

    MERCUTIO.

    Why,      is     not  this  better     now than groaning for   love?      Now       art   thou sociable, now art   thou Romeo;  not  art   thou what       thou       art,  by   art   as    well as    by   nature.   For  this drivelling love is       like  a     great      natural,  that runs lolling     up   and down      to       hide his bauble     in    a     hole.

    BENVOLIO.

    Stop there,     stop there.

    MERCUTIO.

    Thou      desirest  me  to    stop in    my  tale against   the  hair.

    BENVOLIO.

    Thou      wouldst  else have       made     thy  tale large.

    MERCUTIO.

    O,    thou     art deceived;     I     would   have     made    it   short,     for I     was       come    to  the whole depth of    my  tale,       and meant    indeed    to    occupy   the  argument      no   longer.

    Enter      NURSE and PETER .

    ROMEO.

    Here’s    goodly    gear!

    A     sail, a     sail!

    MERCUTIO.

    Two,       two; a     shirt and a     smock.

    NURSE.

    Peter!

    PETER.

    Anon.

    NURSE.

    My  fan, Peter.

    MERCUTIO.

    Good      Peter,     to    hide her  face; for   her  fan’s the  fairer      face.

    NURSE.

    God ye    good      morrow, gentlemen.

    MERCUTIO.

    God ye    good-den,     fair  gentlewoman.

    NURSE.

    Is     it     good-den?

    MERCUTIO.

    ’Tis  no less,      I     tell ye; for the bawdy  hand     of  the dial       is   now      upon    the prick     of noon.

    NURSE.

    Out upon      you! What      a     man are  you?

    ROMEO.

    One,       gentlewoman,      that God hath made     for   himself   to    mar.

    NURSE.

    By   my  troth,      it     is     well said; for   himself   to    mar, quoth     a?       Gentlemen,   can  any  of you    tell  me  where     I      may find the       young    Romeo?

    ROMEO.

    I      can  tell  you: but  young    Romeo   will  be   older      when      you       have       found     him than he was    when      you sought   him. I       am  the  youngest of    that name,     for   fault of    a     worse.

    NURSE.

    You say  well.

    MERCUTIO.

    Yea, is     the  worst      well?       Very well took,      i’faith;     wisely,       wisely.

    NURSE.

    If     you be   he,  sir,   I      desire     some      confidence    with you.

    BENVOLIO.

    She will  endite    him to    some      supper.

    MERCUTIO.

    A     bawd,     a     bawd,     a     bawd!     So   ho!

    ROMEO.

    What      hast thou found?

    MERCUTIO.

    No   hare,      sir;   unless    a     hare,      sir,   in    a     lenten    pie,  that       is     something     stale and hoar ere it     be   spent.

    [ Sings. ]

    An   old  hare hoar,

    And an   old  hare hoar,

    Is     very good      meat      in    Lent;

    But  a     hare that is     hoar

    Is     too  much     for   a     score

    When     it     hoars      ere  it     be   spent.

    Romeo,  will  you come      to    your father’s? We’ll       to    dinner       thither.

    ROMEO.

    I      will  follow     you.

    MERCUTIO.

    Farewell, ancient   lady; farewell, lady, lady, lady.

    [ Exeunt  MERCUTIO and BENVOLIO . ]

    NURSE.

    I      pray you, sir,   what       saucy     merchant      was this  that was so       full  of    his   ropery?

    ROMEO.

    A     gentleman,  Nurse,   that      loves     to  hear      himself talk,       and       will speak    more    in   a minute      than he   will       stand      to    in    a     month.

    NURSE.

    And a     speak     anything against   me, I’ll    take him down,     and a       were       lustier     than he is,      and       twenty  such     Jacks.    And if    I     cannot, I’ll  find       those    that      shall.     Scurvy knave!    I     am none     of  his flirt-gills;      I     am none     of  his   skains-mates.—And   thou must    stand      by   too  and suffer       every      knave     to    use  me  at    his   pleasure!

    PETER.

    I      saw no   man use  you at    his   pleasure; if     I      had, my  weapon       should    quickly   have

    been      out. I      warrant  you, I      dare draw       as    soon       as       another  man,      if     I      see  occasion in a  good      quarrel,  and       the  law  on   my  side.

    NURSE.

    Now,      afore      God,       I      am  so    vexed     that every      part       about     me  quivers.  Scurvy    knave.

    Pray you, sir,   a     word:      and as    I      told you, my  young    lady bid       me  enquire  you out; what       she  bade      me  say, I      will  keep       to    myself.   But  first let   me  tell  ye,   if     ye    should lead    her       in    a     fool’s      paradise, as    they say, it     were       a     very       gross      kind of    behaviour, as they      say;       for the gentlewoman is   young.  And      therefore,     if    you       should  deal double   with her, truly it     were       an   ill     thing      to    be       offered   to    any  gentlewoman,      and very weak      dealing.

    ROMEO.

    Nurse,    commend      me  to    thy  lady and mistress. I      protest   unto       thee,—

    NURSE.

    Good      heart,     and i’faith      I      will  tell  her  as    much.     Lord,       Lord,      she  will  be   a     joyful woman.

    ROMEO.

    What      wilt  thou tell  her, Nurse?    Thou      dost not  mark      me.

    NURSE.

    I      will  tell  her, sir,   that you do   protest,  which,    as    I      take it,       is     a     gentlemanlike      offer.

    ROMEO.

    Bid  her  devise

    Some     means    to    come      to    shrift      this  afternoon, And     there       she  shall at    Friar Lawrence’      cell Be    shriv’d    and married. Here       is     for   thy  pains.

    NURSE.

    No   truly,      sir;   not  a     penny.

    ROMEO.

    Go   to;   I      say  you shall.

    NURSE.

    This afternoon,     sir?  Well,       she  shall be   there.

    ROMEO.

    And stay, good      Nurse,    behind   the  abbey     wall.

    Within    this  hour       my  man shall be   with thee, And       bring      thee       cords      made     like  a     tackled   stair,

    Which    to    the  high topgallant     of    my  joy Must be   my  convoy       in    the  secret     night.

    Farewell, be   trusty,     and I’ll    quit thy  pains; Farewell;     commend       me  to    thy  mistress.

    NURSE.

    Now       God in    heaven   bless      thee.      Hark       you, sir.

    ROMEO.

    What      say’st      thou,      my  dear Nurse?

    NURSE.

    Is     your man secret?   Did  you ne’er      hear say, Two may keep       counsel, putting   one away?

    ROMEO.

    I      warrant  thee my  man’s     as    true as    steel.

    NURSE.

    Well,       sir, my mistress is   the sweetest      lady.     Lord,     Lord!      When   ’twas     a    little prating thing,—O,    there    is   a     nobleman    in   town,    one       Paris,    that      would   fain       lay knife       aboard;  but  she, good      soul, had as    lief   see  a       toad,      a     very toad,      as    see  him. I anger   her  sometimes,       and tell  her  that Paris       is     the  properer man,      but  I’ll       warrant you,  when      I      say  so,   she  looks      as    pale as    any       clout      in    the  versal     world.     Doth       not rosemary and       Romeo   begin     both       with a     letter?

    ROMEO.

    Ay,  Nurse;    what       of    that?      Both       with an   R.

    NURSE.

    Ah,  mocker!  That’s     the  dog’s      name.     R     is     for   the—no, I       know      it     begins    with some other    letter,     and she  hath the       prettiest sententious   of    it,    of    you and rosemary,      that it       would     do   you good      to    hear it.

    ROMEO.

    Commend     me  to    thy  lady.

    NURSE.

    Ay,  a     thousand       times.     Peter!

    [ Exit       ROMEO . ]

    PETER.

    Anon.

    NURSE.

    Before    and apace.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    V.    Capulet’s Garden.

    Enter      JULIET .

    JULIET.

    The clock      struck     nine when      I      did  send       the  Nurse, In half       an   hour       she  promised       to    return.

    Perchance     she  cannot   meet      him. That’s     not  so.

    O,    she  is     lame.      Love’s     heralds   should    be   thoughts, Which       ten  times      faster      glides     than the  sun’s      beams, Driving       back       shadows over lowering hills:

    Therefore      do   nimble-pinion’d   doves     draw       love, And       therefore hath the  wind-swift     Cupid     wings.

    Now       is     the  sun  upon      the  highmost       hill

    Of   this  day’s      journey,  and from       nine till   twelve Is three      long       hours,     yet  she  is     not  come.

    Had she  affections      and warm      youthful blood, She’d  be   as    swift       in    motion   as    a     ball;

    My  words     would     bandy     her  to    my  sweet     love,

    And his   to    me.

    But  old  folks,      many      feign      as    they were       dead; Unwieldy,       slow,      heavy     and pale as    lead.

    Enter      NURSE and PETER .

    O    God,       she  comes.   O    honey     Nurse,    what       news?

    Hast thou met with him?       Send      thy  man away.

    NURSE.

    Peter,     stay at    the  gate.

    [ Exit       PETER . ]

    JULIET.

    Now,      good      sweet     Nurse,—O     Lord,      why look’st    thou sad?

    Though  news      be   sad, yet  tell  them      merrily;

    If     good,     thou sham’st  the  music     of    sweet     news By  playing       it     to    me  with so    sour a     face.

    NURSE.

    I      am  aweary,  give me  leave      awhile;

    Fie,  how my  bones     ache!      What      a     jaunt      have       I      had!

    JULIET.

    I      would     thou hadst      my  bones,    and I      thy  news: Nay       come,     I      pray thee speak;    good,     good      Nurse,    speak.

    NURSE.

    Jesu,       what     haste?   Can      you       not stay      a    while?   Do   you       not see that      I     am out of breath?

    JULIET.

    How art   thou out  of    breath,   when      thou hast breath To      say  to       me  that thou art   out  of    breath?

    The excuse    that thou dost make      in    this  delay Is   longer    than the       tale thou dost excuse.

    Is     thy  news      good      or    bad?       Answer   to    that;

    Say  either,    and I’ll    stay the  circumstance.

    Let  me  be   satisfied, is’t   good      or    bad?

    NURSE.

    Well,       you       have     made    a    simple  choice;  you       know      not how      to  choose a    man.

    Romeo?  No,  not  he.  Though  his   face be   better     than any  man’s,       yet  his   leg  excels all men’s,    and for   a     hand      and a     foot,       and a     body,      though   they be   not  to    be   talked on,      yet       they are  past compare.       He   is     not  the  flower     of    courtesy,       but  I’ll    warrant him   as    gentle    as    a     lamb.      Go   thy ways,       wench,   serve      God.       What,     have       you dined at  home?

    JULIET.

    No,  no.  But  all    this  did  I      know      before.

    What      says he   of    our  marriage?      What      of    that?

    NURSE.

    Lord,      how my  head      aches!    What      a     head      have       I!

    It     beats      as    it     would     fall   in    twenty    pieces.

    My  back       o’    t’other    side,—O my  back,      my  back!

    Beshrew your heart      for   sending  me  about

    To   catch      my  death     with jauncing up   and down.

    JULIET.

    I’faith,     I      am  sorry       that thou art   not  well.

    Sweet,    sweet,    sweet     Nurse,    tell  me, what       says my  love?

    NURSE.

    Your       love says like  an   honest    gentleman,

    And a     courteous,     and a     kind,       and a     handsome, And    I       warrant  a     virtuous,—Where is     your mother?

    JULIET.

    Where    is     my  mother? Why,      she  is     within.

    Where    should    she  be?  How oddly      thou repliest.

    ‘Your      love says, like  an   honest    gentleman,

    ‘Where   is     your mother?’

    NURSE.

    O    God’s     lady dear,

    Are  you so    hot? Marry,    come      up,  I      trow.

    Is     this  the  poultice  for   my  aching    bones?

    Henceforward       do   your messages      yourself.

    JULIET.

    Here’s    such a     coil. Come,    what       says Romeo?

    NURSE.

    Have      you got  leave      to    go   to    shrift      today?

    JULIET.

    I      have.

    NURSE.

    Then      hie  you hence     to    Friar Lawrence’      cell; There      stays       a     husband to    make      you a     wife.

    Now       comes    the  wanton   blood     up   in    your cheeks, They’ll       be   in    scarlet    straight  at    any  news.

    Hie  you to    church.   I      must      another  way,

    To   fetch      a     ladder    by   the  which     your love

    Must      climb      a     bird’s      nest soon       when      it     is     dark.

    I      am  the  drudge,  and toil  in    your delight;

    But  you shall bear the  burden   soon       at    night.

    Go.  I’ll    to    dinner;   hie  you to    the  cell.

    JULIET.

    Hie  to    high fortune!  Honest   Nurse,    farewell.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    VI.   Friar Lawrence’s    Cell.

    Enter      FRIAR    LAWRENCE   and ROMEO .

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    So   smile      the  heavens upon      this  holy act

    That after-hours    with sorrow    chide      us    not.

    ROMEO.

    Amen,    amen,     but  come      what       sorrow    can,

    It     cannot   countervail    the  exchange      of    joy

    That one short      minute   gives      me  in    her  sight.

    Do   thou but  close      our  hands     with holy words, Then   love-devouring      death     do   what       he   dare,

    It     is     enough  I      may but  call  her  mine.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    These     violent    delights  have       violent    ends,

    And in    their triumph  die;  like  fire  and powder, Which     as    they kiss       consume.      The sweetest honey Is loathsome     in    his   own       deliciousness,

    And in    the  taste       confounds     the  appetite.

    Therefore      love moderately:   long love doth       so; Too   swift arrives       as    tardy      as    too  slow.

    Enter      JULIET .

    Here       comes    the  lady. O,    so    light a     foot

    Will ne’er      wear       out  the  everlasting    flint.

    A     lover       may bestride  the  gossamers

    That idles in    the  wanton   summer  air

    And yet  not  fall;  so    light is     vanity.

    JULIET.

    Good      even       to    my  ghostly   confessor.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Romeo   shall thank     thee,      daughter,      for   us    both.

    JULIET.

    As   much     to    him, else is     his   thanks    too  much.

    ROMEO.

    Ah,  Juliet,     if     the  measure of    thy  joy Be     heap’d    like  mine,       and that thy  skill be   more To blazon    it,    then sweeten with thy       breath

    This neighbour     air,  and let   rich music’s   tongue Unfold      the       imagin’d happiness      that both

    Receive  in    either     by   this  dear encounter.

    JULIET.

    Conceit  more      rich in    matter    than in    words,

    Brags      of    his   substance,     not  of    ornament.

    They       are  but  beggars  that can  count     their worth; But      my  true       love is     grown    to    such excess,

    I      cannot   sum up   sum of    half my  wealth.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Come,    come      with me, and we   will  make      short      work, For,       by   your leaves,    you shall not  stay alone Till holy church       incorporate   two in    one.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    ACT III

    SCENE    I.     A     public     Place.

    Enter      MERCUTIO,  BENVOLIO,    PAGE     and SERVANTS .

    BENVOLIO.

    I      pray thee,      good      Mercutio,       let’s retire:

    The day  is     hot, the  Capulets abroad,

    And if     we   meet,     we   shall not  scape     a     brawl, For      now       these      hot  days,      is     the  mad blood     stirring.

    MERCUTIO.

    Thou      art   like  one of    these      fellows    that, when      he   enters       the  confines of    a     tavern, claps  me  his   sword     upon      the       table,      and says ‘God       send       me  no   need      of    thee!’       and by    the  operation      of    the  second   cup draws     him on       the  drawer,   when      indeed    there is   no   need.

    BENVOLIO.

    Am  I      like  such a     fellow?

    MERCUTIO.

    Come,    come,   thou     art as  hot a    Jack      in   thy mood   as    any       in   Italy;     and       as  soon moved to    be   moody,       and as    soon       moody   to    be   moved.

    BENVOLIO.

    And what       to?

    MERCUTIO.

    Nay, an   there      were       two such,      we   should    have       none       shortly,   for   one would     kill   the other.      Thou?     Why,      thou       wilt  quarrel   with a     man that hath a     hair more      or    a     hair less in    his   beard     than thou hast. Thou      wilt  quarrel   with a     man       for   cracking nuts, having   no   other      reason    but  because thou       hast hazel      eyes.      What      eye  but  such an eye    would     spy       out  such a     quarrel?  Thy  head      is     as    full  of    quarrels  as       an   egg is     full of      meat,    and       yet thy head     hath     been      beaten  as  addle    as  an  egg       for quarrelling.

    Thou      hast      quarrelled    with      a    man      for coughing     in    the street,   because       he  hath wakened     thy  dog that hath       lain  asleep    in    the  sun. Didst      thou not  fall   out  with a tailor       for   wearing  his   new doublet  before    Easter?   with another  for       tying      his   new

    shoes     with an   old  riband?   And yet  thou wilt  tutor       me  from       quarrelling!

    BENVOLIO.

    And I      were       so    apt  to    quarrel   as    thou art,  any  man should       buy the  fee  simple    of my     life   for   an   hour       and a       quarter.

    MERCUTIO.

    The fee  simple!   O    simple!

    Enter      TYBALT       and others.

    BENVOLIO.

    By   my  head,      here comes    the  Capulets.

    MERCUTIO.

    By   my  heel,       I      care not.

    TYBALT.

    Follow    me  close,     for   I      will  speak     to    them.

    Gentlemen,   good-den:     a     word      with one of    you.

    MERCUTIO.

    And but  one word      with one of    us?  Couple   it     with something;       make      it     a     word      and a      blow.

    TYBALT.

    You shall find me  apt  enough  to    that, sir,   and you will  give me       occasion.

    MERCUTIO.

    Could     you not  take some      occasion without  giving?

    TYBALT.

    Mercutio,       thou consortest     with Romeo.

    MERCUTIO.

    Consort? What,   dost      thou     make    us  minstrels?    And      thou make    minstrels      of  us, look to    hear nothing  but  discords.       Here’s    my  fiddlestick,     here’s     that shall make you      dance.       Zounds,  consort!

    BENVOLIO.

    We  talk  here in    the  public     haunt     of    men.

    Either     withdraw unto some      private    place,

    And reason    coldly     of    your grievances,

    Or   else depart;   here all    eyes gaze       on   us.

    MERCUTIO.

    Men’s     eyes were       made     to    look,       and let   them      gaze.

    I      will  not  budge    for   no   man’s     pleasure, I.

    Enter      ROMEO .

    TYBALT.

    Well,       peace     be   with you, sir,   here comes    my  man.

    MERCUTIO.

    But  I’ll    be   hanged,  sir,   if     he   wear       your livery.

    Marry,    go   before    to    field,       he’ll be   your follower; Your worship       in    that sense     may call  him man.

    TYBALT.

    Romeo,  the  love I      bear thee can  afford

    No   better     term       than this: Thou      art   a     villain.

    ROMEO.

    Tybalt,    the  reason    that I      have       to    love thee Doth      much       excuse    the  appertaining  rage

    To   such a     greeting. Villain     am  I      none;

    Therefore      farewell; I      see  thou know’st  me  not.

    TYBALT.

    Boy, this  shall not  excuse    the  injuries

    That thou hast done      me, therefore turn and draw.

    ROMEO.

    I      do   protest   I      never      injur’d    thee,

    But  love thee better     than thou canst      devise Till      thou shalt       know      the  reason    of    my  love.

    And so    good      Capulet, which     name     I      tender

    As   dearly     as    mine      own,       be   satisfied.

    MERCUTIO.

    O    calm,      dishonourable,     vile  submission!

    [ Draws. ] Alla stoccata carries    it     away.

    Tybalt,    you rat-catcher,   will  you walk?

    TYBALT.

    What      wouldst  thou have       with me?

    MERCUTIO.

    Good      King of    Cats,       nothing  but  one of    your nine lives;       that I       mean     to    make      bold

    withal,    and, as    you shall use  me  hereafter,      dry-beat the  rest of       the  eight.     Will you pluck      your sword     out  of    his   pilcher       by   the  ears?      Make      haste,     lest  mine      be   about your       ears ere  it     be   out.

    TYBALT.

    [ Drawing. ]    I      am  for   you.

    ROMEO.

    Gentle    Mercutio,       put  thy  rapier     up.

    MERCUTIO.

    Come,    sir,   your passado.

    [ They     fight. ]

    ROMEO.

    Draw,     Benvolio; beat down      their weapons.

    Gentlemen,   for   shame,   forbear   this  outrage, Tybalt,    Mercutio,       the  Prince     expressly hath Forbid    this  bandying       in    Verona       streets.

    Hold,      Tybalt!    Good      Mercutio!

    [ Exeunt  TYBALT       with his   Partizans. ]

    MERCUTIO.

    I      am  hurt.

    A     plague    o’    both       your houses.  I      am  sped.

    Is     he   gone,     and hath nothing?

    BENVOLIO.

    What,     art   thou hurt?

    MERCUTIO.

    Ay,  ay,   a     scratch,  a     scratch.  Marry,    ’tis   enough.

    Where    is     my  page?     Go   villain,    fetch      a     surgeon.

    [ Exit       PAGE . ]

    ROMEO.

    Courage, man;      the  hurt cannot   be   much.

    MERCUTIO.

    No,  ’tis not so  deep     as  a    well,      nor so  wide     as  a    church    door,    but ’tis enough,

    ’twill serve.    Ask       for me tomorrow,    and       you       shall     find me a    grave    man.     I     am peppered,     I      warrant,  for       this  world.     A     plague    o’    both       your houses.  Zounds,  a       dog,

    a     rat,  a     mouse,   a     cat,  to    scratch   a     man to    death.    A       braggart, a     rogue,    a     villain,    that fights      by  the book     of    arithmetic!—Why       the devil     came    you       between      us?  I     was hurt      under     your arm.

    ROMEO.

    I      thought  all    for   the  best.

    MERCUTIO.

    Help       me  into some      house,    Benvolio,

    Or   I      shall faint.      A     plague    o’    both       your houses.

    They       have       made     worms’   meat      of    me.

    I      have       it,    and soundly  too. Your       houses!

    [ Exeunt  MERCUTIO and BENVOLIO . ]

    ROMEO.

    This gentleman,    the  Prince’s  near ally,

    My  very friend,    hath got  his   mortal    hurt

    In    my  behalf;    my  reputation     stain’d

    With       Tybalt’s  slander,—Tybalt,   that an   hour Hath      been      my       cousin.   O    sweet     Juliet,

    Thy  beauty    hath made     me  effeminate

    And in    my  temper   soften’d  valour’s  steel.

    Re-enter BENVOLIO .

    BENVOLIO.

    O    Romeo,  Romeo,  brave      Mercutio’s     dead,

    That gallant    spirit       hath aspir’d    the  clouds, Which too  untimely here       did  scorn      the  earth.

    ROMEO.

    This day’s      black      fate on   mo  days doth       depend; This  but       begins    the  woe others    must      end.

    Re-enter TYBALT .

    BENVOLIO.

    Here       comes    the  furious    Tybalt     back       again.

    ROMEO.

    Again     in    triumph, and Mercutio slain?

    Away      to    heaven   respective      lenity,

    And fire-ey’d fury be   my  conduct  now!

    Now,      Tybalt,    take the  ‘villain’    back       again That     late thou       gav’st     me, for   Mercutio’s     soul Is     but  a     little way above       our  heads,

    Staying   for   thine      to    keep       him company.

    Either     thou or    I,     or    both,      must      go   with him.

    TYBALT.

    Thou      wretched boy, that didst       consort   him here, Shalt     with him       hence.

    ROMEO.

    This shall determine     that.

    [ They     fight; TYBALT       falls. ]

    BENVOLIO.

    Romeo,  away,     be   gone!

    The citizens   are  up,  and Tybalt     slain.

    Stand     not  amaz’d.  The Prince     will  doom     thee death If   thou art       taken.     Hence,   be   gone,     away!

    ROMEO.

    O,    I      am  fortune’s fool!

    BENVOLIO.

    Why dost thou stay?

    [ Exit       ROMEO . ]

    Enter      CITIZENS .

    FIRST      CITIZEN.

    Which    way ran  he   that kill’d Mercutio?

    Tybalt,    that murderer,      which     way ran  he?

    BENVOLIO.

    There     lies  that Tybalt.

    FIRST      CITIZEN.

    Up,  sir,   go   with me.

    I      charge    thee in    the  Prince’s  name     obey.

    Enter      PRINCE,       attended; MONTAGUE, CAPULET,      their WIVES        and others.

    PRINCE.

    Where    are  the  vile  beginners      of    this  fray?

    BENVOLIO.

    O    noble     Prince,    I      can  discover all

    The unlucky  manage  of    this  fatal brawl.

    There     lies  the  man,      slain by   young    Romeo,

    That slew thy  kinsman, brave      Mercutio.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Tybalt,    my  cousin!   O    my  brother’s child!

    O    Prince!    O    husband!       O,    the  blood     is     spill’d Of my  dear       kinsman! Prince,    as    thou art   true, For blood     of    ours shed       blood     of    Montague.

    O    cousin,   cousin.

    PRINCE.

    Benvolio, who began    this  bloody    fray?

    BENVOLIO.

    Tybalt,    here slain,      whom     Romeo’s hand      did  slay; Romeo,  that       spoke     him fair, bid  him bethink How  nice the  quarrel   was, and       urg’d      withal

    Your       high displeasure.   All   this  uttered

    With       gentle    breath,   calm       look,       knees     humbly   bow’d Could     not  take truce      with the  unruly    spleen Of       Tybalt,    deaf       to    peace,    but  that he   tilts With piercing  steel at    bold       Mercutio’s     breast, Who,  all    as    hot, turns      deadly    point       to    point, And,     with a     martial   scorn,     with one hand       beats Cold     death     aside,     and with the  other      sends

    It     back       to    Tybalt,    whose    dexterity

    Retorts   it.    Romeo   he   cries aloud,

    ‘Hold,     friends!   Friends,  part!’      and swifter    than his   tongue, His       agile       arm beats      down      their fatal points, And    ’twixt      them       rushes;   underneath   whose    arm An   envious  thrust     from       Tybalt     hit   the  life

    Of   stout      Mercutio,       and then Tybalt     fled.

    But  by   and by   comes    back       to    Romeo,

    Who       had but  newly     entertain’d    revenge,

    And to’t  they go   like  lightning;       for,  ere  I Could   draw       to    part       them      was stout      Tybalt     slain; And      as    he   fell   did       Romeo   turn and fly.

    This is     the  truth,      or    let   Benvolio die.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    He   is     a     kinsman to    the  Montague.

    Affection makes    him false,      he   speaks    not  true.

    Some     twenty    of    them      fought    in    this  black      strife, And       all    those      twenty    could      but  kill   one life.

    I      beg for   justice,   which     thou,      Prince,    must      give; Romeo       slew Tybalt,    Romeo   must      not  live.

    PRINCE.

    Romeo   slew him, he   slew Mercutio.

    Who       now the  price       of    his   dear blood     doth       owe?

    MONTAGUE.

    Not Romeo,  Prince,    he   was Mercutio’s     friend; His      fault       concludes      but  what       the  law  should    end, The life   of       Tybalt.

    PRINCE.

    And for   that offence

    Immediately  we   do   exile him hence.

    I      have       an   interest   in    your hate’s     proceeding, My     blood       for   your rude brawls    doth       lie    a-bleeding.

    But  I’ll    amerce   you with so    strong    a     fine

    That you shall all    repent    the  loss of    mine.

    I      will  be   deaf to    pleading and excuses;

    Nor tears       nor  prayers   shall purchase out  abuses.

    Therefore      use  none.     Let  Romeo   hence     in    haste, Else,       when      he   is     found,    that hour       is     his   last.

    Bear hence     this  body,      and attend    our  will.

    Mercy     but  murders, pardoning     those      that kill.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     A     Room     in    Capulet’s House.

    Enter      JULIET .

    JULIET.

    Gallop    apace,    you fiery-footed   steeds,

    Towards Phoebus’ lodging.  Such       a     waggoner

    As   Phaeton would     whip       you to    the  west And bring      in       cloudy    night      immediately.

    Spread   thy  close      curtain,   love-performing   night, That     runaway’s       eyes may wink,      and Romeo

    Leap       to    these      arms,      untalk’d  of    and unseen.

    Lovers    can  see  to    do   their amorous rites

    By   their own beauties: or,   if     love be   blind, It   best agrees    with night.       Come,    civil night, Thou    sober-suited matron,  all    in    black,

    And learn      me  how to    lose a     winning  match,

    Play’d     for   a     pair of    stainless maidenhoods.

    Hood      my  unmann’d     blood,    bating    in    my  cheeks, With  thy       black      mantle,   till   strange   love, grow      bold, Think    true love       acted      simple    modesty.

    Come,    night,     come      Romeo;  come,     thou day  in    night; For       thou wilt  lie    upon      the  wings     of    night

    Whiter    than new snow      upon      a     raven’s   back.

    Come     gentle    night,     come      loving     black-brow’d night, Give       me  my  Romeo,  and when      I      shall die,

    Take       him and cut  him out  in    little stars,

    And he   will  make      the  face of    heaven   so    fine That all    the       world      will  be   in    love with night, And     pay  no   worship  to       the  garish     sun.

    O,    I      have       bought   the  mansion of    a     love,

    But  not  possess’d      it;    and though   I      am  sold, Not yet  enjoy’d.       So   tedious   is     this  day

    As   is     the  night      before    some      festival

    To   an   impatient      child       that hath new robes

    And may not  wear       them.     O,    here comes    my  Nurse, And    she       brings     news,     and every      tongue   that speaks But     Romeo’s       name     speaks    heavenly eloquence.

    Enter      NURSE,       with cords.

    Now,      Nurse,    what       news?     What      hast thou there?

    The cords      that Romeo   bid  thee fetch?

    NURSE.

    Ay,  ay,   the  cords.

    [ Throws them      down. ]

    JULIET.

    Ay   me, what       news?     Why dost thou wring      thy  hands?

    NURSE.

    Ah,  well-a-day,   he’s dead,      he’s dead,      he’s dead!

    We  are  undone, lady, we   are  undone.

    Alack      the  day, he’s gone,     he’s kill’d,      he’s dead.

    JULIET.

    Can heaven   be   so    envious?

    NURSE.

    Romeo   can,

    Though  heaven   cannot.   O    Romeo,  Romeo.

    Who       ever would     have       thought  it?    Romeo!

    JULIET.

    What      devil       art   thou,      that dost torment  me  thus?

    This torture    should    be   roar’d     in    dismal    hell.

    Hath       Romeo   slain himself?  Say  thou but  Ay,

    And that bare vowel     I      shall poison    more

    Than      the  death-darting      eye  of    cockatrice.

    I      am  not  I      if     there      be   such an   I;

    Or   those      eyes shut that make      thee answer   Ay.

    If     he   be   slain,      say  Ay;  or    if     not, No.

    Brief sounds   determine     of    my  weal or    woe.

    NURSE.

    I      saw the  wound,   I      saw it     with mine      eyes,

    God save the  mark!—here  on   his   manly     breast.

    A     piteous   corse,     a     bloody    piteous   corse;

    Pale,       pale as    ashes,     all    bedaub’d       in    blood, All       in       gore-blood.   I      swounded     at    the  sight.

    JULIET.

    O,    break,     my  heart.     Poor       bankrout,      break      at    once.

    To   prison,    eyes;      ne’er      look on   liberty.

    Vile earth      to    earth      resign;    end motion   here, And      thou and       Romeo   press      one heavy     bier.

    NURSE.

    O    Tybalt,    Tybalt,    the  best friend     I      had.

    O    courteous      Tybalt,    honest    gentleman!

    That ever I      should    live  to    see  thee dead.

    JULIET.

    What      storm     is     this  that blows     so    contrary?

    Is     Romeo   slaughter’d    and is     Tybalt     dead?

    My  dearest   cousin,   and my  dearer    lord?

    Then      dreadful trumpet  sound     the  general   doom, For      who is       living,     if     those      two are  gone?

    NURSE.

    Tybalt     is     gone,     and Romeo   banished,

    Romeo   that kill’d him, he   is     banished.

    JULIET.

    O    God!       Did  Romeo’s hand      shed       Tybalt’s  blood?

    NURSE.

    It     did, it     did; alas the  day, it     did.

    JULIET.

    O    serpent   heart,     hid  with a     flowering face!

    Did  ever dragon   keep       so    fair  a     cave?

    Beautiful tyrant,    fiend      angelical,

    Dove-feather’d     raven,     wolvish-ravening  lamb!

    Despised substance      of    divinest  show!

    Just opposite to    what       thou justly      seem’st,

    A     damned saint,      an   honourable   villain!

    O    nature,   what       hadst      thou to    do   in    hell

    When     thou didst       bower     the  spirit       of    a     fiend In   mortal       paradise of    such sweet     flesh?

    Was ever book      containing     such vile  matter

    So   fairly       bound?   O,    that deceit     should    dwell In  such a       gorgeous       palace.

    NURSE.

    There’s   no   trust,

    No   faith,      no   honesty  in    men.      All   perjur’d,

    All   forsworn, all    naught,  all    dissemblers.

    Ah,  where’s  my  man?      Give me  some      aqua      vitae.

    These     griefs,     these      woes,     these      sorrows  make      me  old.

    Shame    come      to    Romeo.

    JULIET.

    Blister’d  be   thy  tongue

    For  such a     wish!      He   was not  born       to    shame.

    Upon      his   brow      shame    is     asham’d to    sit;

    For  ’tis   a     throne    where     honour   may be   crown’d Sole  monarch       of    the  universal earth.

    O,    what       a     beast      was I      to    chide      at    him!

    NURSE.

    Will you speak     well of    him that kill’d your cousin?

    JULIET.

    Shall       I      speak     ill     of    him that is     my  husband?

    Ah,  poor       my  lord, what       tongue   shall smooth  thy  name, When  I       thy  three-hours’  wife have       mangled it?

    But  wherefore,     villain,    didst       thou kill   my  cousin?

    That villain     cousin    would     have       kill’d my  husband.

    Back,      foolish    tears,      back       to    your native     spring, Your       tributary drops     belong   to    woe,

    Which    you mistaking      offer       up   to    joy.

    My  husband lives,       that Tybalt     would     have       slain, And       Tybalt’s  dead,      that would     have       slain my  husband.

    All   this  is     comfort; wherefore      weep      I      then?

    Some     word      there      was, worser    than Tybalt’s  death, That       murder’d me. I      would     forget     it     fain,

    But  O,    it     presses   to    my  memory

    Like damned guilty      deeds     to    sinners’  minds.

    Tybalt     is     dead,      and Romeo   banished.

    That ‘banished,’     that one word      ‘banished,’

    Hath       slain ten  thousand       Tybalts.  Tybalt’s  death Was     woe       enough, if     it     had ended    there.

    Or   if     sour woe delights  in    fellowship,

    And needly    will  be   rank’d     with other      griefs, Why    follow’d  not,       when      she  said Tybalt’s  dead, Thy      father     or    thy  mother,       nay  or    both,

    Which    modern  lamentation   might     have       mov’d?

    But  with a     rear-ward      following Tybalt’s  death,

    ‘Romeo  is     banished’—to       speak     that word

    Is     father,    mother,  Tybalt,    Romeo,  Juliet,

    All   slain,      all    dead.      Romeo   is     banished,

    There     is     no   end, no   limit,       measure, bound,

    In    that word’s    death,    no   words     can  that woe sound.

    Where    is     my  father     and my  mother,  Nurse?

    NURSE.

    Weeping and wailing   over Tybalt’s  corse.

    Will you go   to    them?     I      will  bring      you thither.

    JULIET.

    Wash      they his   wounds  with tears.      Mine      shall be   spent, When       theirs      are  dry, for   Romeo’s banishment.

    Take       up   those      cords.     Poor       ropes,     you are  beguil’d, Both       you and I;     for   Romeo   is     exil’d.

    He   made     you for   a     highway to    my  bed,

    But  I,     a     maid,      die  maiden-widowed.

    Come     cords,     come      Nurse,    I’ll    to    my  wedding bed, And       death,    not  Romeo,  take my  maidenhead.

    NURSE.

    Hie  to    your chamber. I’ll    find Romeo

    To   comfort  you. I      wot well where     he   is.

    Hark       ye,   your Romeo   will  be   here at    night.

    I’ll    to    him, he   is     hid  at    Lawrence’      cell.

    JULIET.

    O    find him, give this  ring to    my  true knight, And    bid  him come       to    take his   last  farewell.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    III.    Friar Lawrence’s    cell.

    Enter      FRIAR    LAWRENCE .

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Romeo,  come      forth;      come      forth,      thou fearful    man.

    Affliction is     enanmour’d  of    thy  parts

    And thou art   wedded  to    calamity.

    Enter      ROMEO .

    ROMEO.

    Father,    what       news?     What      is     the  Prince’s  doom?

    What      sorrow    craves    acquaintance at    my  hand,

    That I      yet  know      not?

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Too familiar

    Is     my  dear son  with such sour company.

    I      bring      thee tidings    of    the  Prince’s  doom.

    ROMEO.

    What      less than doomsday     is     the  Prince’s  doom?

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    A     gentler   judgment      vanish’d from       his   lips,

    Not body’s    death,    but  body’s    banishment.

    ROMEO.

    Ha,  banishment? Be   merciful, say  death;

    For  exile hath more      terror      in    his   look,

    Much     more      than death.    Do   not  say  banishment.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Hence    from       Verona   art   thou banished.

    Be   patient,  for   the  world      is     broad     and wide.

    ROMEO.

    There     is     no   world      without  Verona   walls,

    But  purgatory,     torture,   hell  itself.

    Hence    banished is     banish’d from       the  world,

    And world’s   exile is     death.    Then      banished

    Is     death     misterm’d.     Calling    death     banished, Thou     cutt’st       my  head      off   with a     golden   axe, And smilest   upon      the       stroke     that murders me.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    O    deadly    sin,  O    rude unthankfulness!

    Thy  fault our  law  calls death,    but  the  kind Prince, Taking thy  part, hath       brush’d   aside      the  law, And turn’d     that black      word       death     to    banishment.

    This is     dear mercy,    and thou see’st     it     not.

    ROMEO.

    ’Tis  torture,   and not  mercy.    Heaven  is     here Where   Juliet      lives,       and every      cat  and dog,

    And little mouse,   every      unworthy       thing,

    Live here in    heaven   and may look on   her, But  Romeo   may not.       More      validity,

    More      honourable   state,      more      courtship lives In    carrion   flies       than Romeo.  They       may seize On the  white      wonder   of    dear       Juliet’s    hand,

    And steal immortal blessing  from       her  lips,

    Who,      even       in    pure and vestal     modesty

    Still  blush,     as    thinking  their own kisses     sin.

    But  Romeo   may not, he   is     banished.

    This may flies do,  when      I      from       this  must      fly.

    They       are  free men but  I      am  banished.

    And say’st      thou yet  that exile is     not  death?

    Hadst     thou no   poison    mix’d,     no   sharp-ground       knife, No       sudden   mean     of    death,    though   ne’er      so    mean, But       banished to    kill   me? Banished?

    O    Friar,       the  damned use  that word      in    hell.

    Howlings attends   it.    How hast thou the  heart, Being   a     divine,    a       ghostly   confessor,

    A     sin-absolver, and my  friend     profess’d,

    To   mangle   me  with that word      banished?

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Thou      fond mad man,      hear me  speak     a     little,

    ROMEO.

    O,    thou wilt  speak     again      of    banishment.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    I’ll    give thee armour   to    keep       off   that word, Adversity’s  sweet       milk, philosophy,

    To   comfort  thee,      though   thou art   banished.

    ROMEO.

    Yet  banished?      Hang      up   philosophy.

    Unless    philosophy    can  make      a     Juliet,

    Displant  a     town,      reverse   a     Prince’s  doom,

    It     helps      not, it     prevails  not, talk  no   more.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    O,    then I      see  that mad men have       no   ears.

    ROMEO.

    How should    they,       when      that wise men have       no   eyes?

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Let  me  dispute   with thee of    thy  estate.

    ROMEO.

    Thou      canst      not  speak     of    that thou dost not  feel.

    Wert       thou as    young    as    I,     Juliet      thy  love,

    An   hour       but  married, Tybalt     murdered,

    Doting    like  me, and like  me  banished,

    Then      mightst  thou speak,    then mightst  thou tear thy  hair, And fall       upon      the  ground   as    I      do   now,

    Taking    the  measure of    an   unmade grave.

    [ Knocking     within. ]

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Arise;      one knocks.   Good      Romeo,  hide thyself.

    ROMEO.

    Not I,     unless    the  breath    of    heartsick groans Mist-like   infold       me  from       the  search    of    eyes.

    [ Knocking. ]

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Hark,      how they knock!—Who’s     there?—Romeo,   arise, Thou     wilt       be   taken.—Stay  awhile.—Stand     up.

    [ Knocking. ]

    Run to    my  study.—By-and-by.—God’s will,

    What      simpleness    is     this.—I   come,     I      come.

    [ Knocking. ]

    Who       knocks    so    hard?      Whence  come      you, what’s    your will?

    NURSE.

    [ Within. ]       Let  me  come      in,   and you shall know      my  errand.

    I      come      from       Lady       Juliet.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Welcome       then.

    Enter      NURSE .

    NURSE.

    O    holy Friar,       O,    tell  me, holy Friar,

    Where    is     my  lady’s     lord, where’s  Romeo?

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    There     on   the  ground,  with his   own tears       made     drunk.

    NURSE.

    O,    he   is     even       in    my  mistress’ case.

    Just in    her  case!      O    woeful    sympathy!

    Piteous   predicament. Even       so    lies  she,

    Blubbering    and weeping, weeping and blubbering.

    Stand     up,  stand      up;  stand,     and you be   a     man.

    For  Juliet’s    sake,      for   her  sake,      rise  and stand.

    Why should    you fall   into so    deep      an   O?

    ROMEO.

    Nurse.

    NURSE.

    Ah   sir,   ah   sir,   death’s   the  end of    all.

    ROMEO.

    Spakest  thou of    Juliet?     How is     it     with her?

    Doth       not  she  think      me  an   old  murderer,

    Now       I      have       stain’d    the  childhood      of    our  joy With       blood     remov’d  but  little from       her  own?

    Where    is     she? And how doth       she? And what       says My  conceal’d       lady to    our  cancell’d love?

    NURSE.

    O,    she  says nothing, sir,   but  weeps    and weeps; And    now falls on       her  bed, and then starts      up, And  Tybalt     calls,       and then on       Romeo   cries,

    And then down      falls again.

    ROMEO.

    As   if     that name,

    Shot from       the  deadly    level of    a     gun,

    Did  murder   her, as    that name’s   cursed    hand

    Murder’d her  kinsman. O,    tell  me, Friar,       tell  me, In     what       vile       part of    this  anatomy

    Doth       my  name     lodge?    Tell  me, that I      may sack

    The hateful   mansion.

    [ Drawing      his   sword. ]

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Hold       thy  desperate      hand.

    Art   thou a     man?      Thy  form       cries out  thou art.

    Thy  tears       are  womanish,     thy  wild acts denote The    unreasonable       fury of    a     beast.

    Unseemly      woman   in    a     seeming man,

    And ill-beseeming beast      in    seeming both!

    Thou      hast amaz’d   me. By   my  holy order,

    I      thought  thy  disposition    better     temper’d.

    Hast thou slain Tybalt?   Wilt thou slay thyself?

    And slay thy  lady, that in    thy  life   lives,

    By   doing     damned hate upon      thyself?

    Why rail’st      thou on   thy  birth,      the  heaven   and earth?

    Since      birth,      and heaven   and earth,     all    three      do   meet In       thee at    once;      which     thou at    once       wouldst  lose.

    Fie,  fie,   thou sham’st  thy  shape,    thy  love, thy  wit, Which,     like  a       usurer,    abound’st      in    all,

    And usest      none      in    that true use  indeed

    Which    should    bedeck   thy  shape,    thy  love, thy  wit.

    Thy  noble     shape     is     but  a     form       of    wax,

    Digressing     from       the  valour     of    a     man;

    Thy  dear love sworn     but  hollow    perjury,

    Killing     that love which     thou hast vow’d     to    cherish; Thy   wit,  that       ornament      to    shape     and love,

    Misshapen     in    the  conduct  of    them      both,

    Like powder   in    a     skilless    soldier’s  flask,

    Is     set   afire by   thine      own ignorance,

    And thou dismember’d with thine      own defence.

    What,     rouse      thee,      man.      Thy  Juliet      is     alive, For whose       dear sake thou wast but  lately      dead.

    There     art   thou happy.    Tybalt     would     kill   thee, But thou slew’st       Tybalt;    there      art   thou happy.

    The law  that threaten’d     death     becomes thy  friend, And    turns       it     to    exile;      there      art   thou happy.

    A     pack       of    blessings light upon      thy  back;

    Happiness     courts     thee in    her  best array;

    But  like  a     misshaped     and sullen     wench, Thou  putt’st    up   thy       Fortune  and thy  love.

    Take       heed,      take heed,      for   such die  miserable.

    Go,  get  thee to    thy  love as    was decreed,

    Ascend   her  chamber, hence     and comfort  her.

    But  look thou stay not  till   the  watch     be   set, For   then thou canst       not  pass to    Mantua;

    Where    thou shalt       live  till   we   can  find a     time To   blaze      your       marriage,       reconcile your friends, Beg   pardon   of    the  Prince,       and call  thee back With      twenty    hundred thousand       times       more      joy Than thou went’st   forth       in    lamentation.

    Go   before,   Nurse.    Commend     me  to    thy  lady,

    And bid  her  hasten    all    the  house     to    bed,

    Which    heavy     sorrow    makes    them      apt  unto.

    Romeo   is     coming.

    NURSE.

    O    Lord,      I      could      have       stay’d     here all    the  night To  hear       good      counsel. O,    what       learning  is!

    My  lord, I’ll    tell  my  lady you will  come.

    ROMEO.

    Do   so,   and bid  my  sweet     prepare  to    chide.

    NURSE.

    Here       sir,   a     ring she  bid  me  give you, sir.

    Hie  you, make      haste,     for   it     grows     very late.

    [ Exit. ]

    ROMEO.

    How well my  comfort  is     reviv’d    by   this.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Go   hence,    good      night,     and here stands    all    your state: Either       be   gone      before    the  watch     be   set,

    Or   by   the  break      of    day  disguis’d from       hence.

    Sojourn  in    Mantua. I’ll    find out  your man,

    And he   shall signify    from       time to    time

    Every      good      hap to    you that chances  here.

    Give me  thy  hand;     ’tis   late; farewell; good      night.

    ROMEO.

    But  that a     joy   past joy   calls out  on   me,

    It     were       a     grief so    brief to    part with thee.

    Farewell.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    IV.   A     Room     in    Capulet’s House.

    Enter      CAPULET,     LADY      CAPULET      and PARIS .

    CAPULET.

    Things    have       fallen      out, sir,   so    unluckily

    That we   have       had no   time to    move      our  daughter.

    Look       you, she  lov’d       her  kinsman Tybalt     dearly, And    so    did I.       Well,       we   were       born       to    die.

    ’Tis  very late; she’ll      not  come      down      tonight.

    I      promise  you, but  for   your company,

    I      would     have       been      abed      an   hour       ago.

    PARIS.

    These     times      of    woe afford     no   tune to    woo.

    Madam,  good      night.     Commend     me  to    your daughter.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    I      will, and know      her  mind      early       tomorrow;

    Tonight  she’s      mew’d    up   to    her  heaviness.

    CAPULET.

    Sir   Paris,      I      will  make      a     desperate      tender

    Of   my  child’s    love. I      think      she  will  be   rul’d In    all    respects       by   me; nay  more,     I      doubt     it     not.

    Wife,      go   you to    her  ere  you go   to    bed,

    Acquaint her  here of    my  son  Paris’      love,

    And bid  her, mark      you me, on   Wednesday   next, But, soft, what       day  is     this?

    PARIS.

    Monday, my  lord.

    CAPULET.

    Monday! Ha,  ha!  Well,       Wednesday   is     too  soon, A   Thursday let       it     be;  a     Thursday,      tell  her,

    She shall be   married  to    this  noble     earl.

    Will you be   ready?    Do   you like  this  haste?

    We’ll       keep       no   great      ado,—a  friend     or    two,

    For, hark you, Tybalt     being     slain so    late,

    It     may be   thought  we   held him carelessly,

    Being     our  kinsman, if     we   revel       much.

    Therefore      we’ll have       some      half a     dozen     friends, And   there       an   end. But  what       say  you to    Thursday?

    PARIS.

    My  lord, I      would     that Thursday were       tomorrow.

    CAPULET.

    Well,       get  you gone.     A     Thursday be   it     then.

    Go   you to    Juliet      ere  you go   to    bed,

    Prepare  her, wife, against   this  wedding day.

    Farewell, my  lord.—Light   to    my  chamber, ho!

    Afore      me, it     is     so    very very late that we

    May call  it     early       by   and by.   Good      night.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    V.    An   open      Gallery    to    Juliet’s    Chamber, overlooking       the  Garden.

    Enter      ROMEO      and JULIET .

    JULIET.

    Wilt thou be   gone?     It     is     not  yet  near day.

    It     was the  nightingale,   and not  the  lark,

    That pierc’d    the  fearful    hollow    of    thine      ear; Nightly    she  sings       on   yond      pomegranate tree.

    Believe   me, love, it     was the  nightingale.

    ROMEO.

    It     was the  lark, the  herald    of    the  morn,

    No   nightingale.   Look,      love, what       envious  streaks Do     lace the       severing clouds    in    yonder   east.

    Night’s   candles  are  burnt      out, and jocund    day Stands    tiptoe       on   the  misty      mountain      tops.

    I      must      be   gone      and live, or    stay and die.

    JULIET.

    Yond      light is     not  daylight, I      know      it,    I.

    It     is     some      meteor   that the  sun  exhales

    To   be   to    thee this  night      a     torchbearer

    And light thee on   thy  way to    Mantua.

    Therefore      stay yet,  thou need’st   not  to    be   gone.

    ROMEO.

    Let  me  be   ta’en,      let   me  be   put  to    death,

    I      am  content, so    thou wilt  have       it     so.

    I’ll    say  yon grey is     not  the  morning’s      eye,

    ’Tis  but  the  pale reflex      of    Cynthia’s brow.

    Nor that is     not  the  lark  whose    notes      do   beat The vaulty       heaven   so    high above     our  heads.

    I      have       more      care to    stay than will  to    go.

    Come,    death,    and welcome.       Juliet      wills it     so.

    How is’t,  my  soul?      Let’s talk. It     is     not  day.

    JULIET.

    It     is,    it     is!    Hie  hence,    be   gone,     away.

    It     is     the  lark  that sings      so    out  of    tune,

    Straining harsh      discords and unpleasing    sharps.

    Some     say  the  lark  makes    sweet     division;

    This doth       not  so,   for   she  divideth  us.

    Some     say  the  lark  and loathed  toad change   eyes.

    O,    now I      would     they had chang’d  voices     too, Since      arm from       arm that voice      doth       us    affray, Hunting     thee hence     with       hunt’s-up      to    the  day.

    O    now be   gone,     more      light and light it     grows.

    ROMEO.

    More      light and light,      more      dark and dark our  woes.

    Enter      NURSE .

    NURSE.

    Madam.

    JULIET.

    Nurse?

    NURSE.

    Your       lady mother   is     coming   to    your chamber.

    The day  is     broke,     be   wary,      look about.

    [ Exit. ]

    JULIET.

    Then,      window, let   day  in,   and let   life   out.

    ROMEO.

    Farewell, farewell, one kiss, and I’ll    descend.

    [ Descends. ]

    JULIET.

    Art   thou gone      so?  Love,      lord, ay    husband, friend, I   must      hear       from       thee every      day  in    the  hour, For in    a     minute   there       are  many      days.

    O,    by   this  count     I      shall be   much     in    years

    Ere  I      again      behold   my  Romeo.

    ROMEO.

    Farewell!

    I      will  omit no   opportunity

    That may convey   my  greetings,      love, to    thee.

    JULIET.

    O    thinkest  thou we   shall ever meet      again?

    ROMEO.

    I      doubt     it     not, and all    these      woes      shall serve For sweet       discourses     in    our  time to    come.

    JULIET.

    O    God!       I      have       an   ill-divining     soul!

    Methinks I      see  thee,      now thou art   so    low,

    As   one dead      in    the  bottom   of    a     tomb.

    Either     my  eyesight fails, or    thou look’st    pale.

    ROMEO.

    And trust me, love, in    my  eye  so    do   you.

    Dry  sorrow    drinks     our  blood.    Adieu,    adieu.

    [ Exit       below. ]

    JULIET.

    O    Fortune, Fortune! All   men call  thee fickle,

    If     thou art   fickle,     what       dost thou with him That is     renown’d       for   faith?      Be   fickle,     Fortune; For   then,      I      hope      thou       wilt  not  keep       him long But send       him back.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    [ Within. ]       Ho,  daughter,      are  you up?

    JULIET.

    Who       is’t   that calls?      Is     it     my  lady mother?

    Is     she  not  down      so    late, or    up   so    early?

    What      unaccustom’d cause     procures her  hither?

    Enter      LADY    CAPULET .

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Why,      how now,       Juliet?

    JULIET.

    Madam,  I      am  not  well.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Evermore       weeping for   your cousin’s  death?

    What,     wilt  thou wash      him from       his   grave      with tears?

    And if     thou couldst,  thou couldst   not  make      him live.

    Therefore      have       done:     some      grief shows     much     of    love, But  much     of    grief shows     still  some      want       of    wit.

    JULIET.

    Yet  let   me  weep      for   such a     feeling    loss.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    So   shall you feel  the  loss, but  not  the  friend Which  you weep      for.

    JULIET.

    Feeling   so    the  loss,

    I      cannot   choose   but  ever weep      the  friend.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Well,       girl, thou weep’st  not  so    much     for   his   death As that the       villain     lives which     slaughter’d    him.

    JULIET.

    What      villain,    madam?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    That same      villain     Romeo.

    JULIET.

    Villain     and he   be   many      miles      asunder.

    God pardon   him. I      do,  with all    my  heart.

    And yet  no   man like  he   doth       grieve     my  heart.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    That is     because the  traitor     murderer       lives.

    JULIET.

    Ay   madam,  from       the  reach      of    these      my  hands.

    Would    none      but  I      might     venge     my  cousin’s  death.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    We  will  have       vengeance    for   it,    fear thou not.

    Then      weep      no   more.     I’ll    send       to    one in    Mantua, Where    that same      banish’d runagate doth       live, Shall give him such       an   unaccustom’d dram

    That he   shall soon       keep       Tybalt     company:

    And then I      hope      thou wilt  be   satisfied.

    JULIET.

    Indeed    I      never      shall be   satisfied

    With       Romeo   till   I      behold   him—dead—

    Is     my  poor       heart      so    for   a     kinsman vex’d.

    Madam,  if     you could      find out  but  a     man

    To   bear a     poison,   I      would     temper   it,

    That Romeo   should    upon      receipt    thereof,

    Soon      sleep      in    quiet.     O,    how my  heart      abhors To      hear       him nam’d,    and cannot   come      to    him,

    To   wreak     the  love I      bore       my  cousin

    Upon      his   body      that hath slaughter’d    him.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Find thou the  means,   and I’ll    find such a     man.

    But  now I’ll    tell  thee joyful      tidings,   girl.

    JULIET.

    And joy   comes    well in    such a     needy     time.

    What      are  they,       I      beseech your ladyship?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Well,       well, thou hast a     careful    father,    child; One      who to    put       thee from       thy  heaviness,

    Hath       sorted    out  a     sudden   day  of    joy,

    That thou expects   not, nor  I      look’d     not  for.

    JULIET.

    Madam,  in    happy     time,      what       day  is     that?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Marry,    my  child,      early       next Thursday morn

    The gallant,   young,    and noble     gentleman,

    The County   Paris,      at    Saint      Peter’s    Church,

    Shall       happily   make      thee there      a     joyful      bride.

    JULIET.

    Now       by   Saint      Peter’s    Church,  and Peter      too, He   shall not       make      me  there      a     joyful      bride.

    I      wonder   at    this  haste,     that I      must      wed

    Ere  he   that should    be   husband comes    to    woo.

    I      pray you tell  my  lord and father,    madam,

    I      will  not  marry     yet;  and when      I      do,  I      swear It   shall be       Romeo,  whom     you know      I      hate,

    Rather    than Paris.      These     are  news      indeed.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Here       comes    your father,    tell  him so    yourself, And see  how he       will  take it     at    your hands.

    Enter      CAPULET     and NURSE .

    CAPULET.

    When     the  sun  sets, the  air   doth       drizzle    dew; But for   the       sunset    of    my  brother’s son

    It     rains       downright.

    How now?      A     conduit,  girl? What,     still  in    tears?

    Evermore       showering?    In    one little body

    Thou      counterfeits   a     bark,       a     sea, a     wind.

    For  still  thy  eyes,      which     I      may call  the  sea, Do   ebb and flow       with tears;      the  bark thy  body      is, Sailing in    this  salt  flood,       the  winds,    thy  sighs, Who     raging    with thy  tears       and they       with them,

    Without  a     sudden   calm       will  overset Thy    tempest-tossed   body.       How now,       wife?

    Have      you deliver’d to    her  our  decree?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Ay,  sir;   but  she  will  none,     she  gives      you thanks.

    I      would     the  fool were       married  to    her  grave.

    CAPULET.

    Soft. Take       me  with you, take me  with you, wife.

    How,      will  she  none?     Doth       she  not  give us    thanks?

    Is     she  not  proud?   Doth       she  not  count     her  blest, Unworthy       as    she  is,    that we   have       wrought

    So   worthy    a     gentleman     to    be   her  bridegroom?

    JULIET.

    Not proud     you have,      but  thankful  that you have.

    Proud     can  I      never      be   of    what       I      hate;

    But  thankful  even       for   hate that is     meant    love.

    CAPULET.

    How now,       how now,       chopp’d  logic?     What      is     this?

    Proud,    and, I      thank     you, and I      thank     you not; And yet  not       proud.    Mistress  minion   you,

    Thank     me  no   thankings,     nor  proud     me  no   prouds, But    fettle       your fine joints      ’gainst    Thursday next To   go   with Paris       to       Saint      Peter’s    Church,

    Or   I      will  drag thee on   a     hurdle    thither.

    Out, you green-sickness     carrion!  Out, you baggage!

    You tallow-face!

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Fie,  fie!  What,     are  you mad?

    JULIET.

    Good      father,    I      beseech you on   my  knees,

    Hear       me  with patience but  to    speak     a     word.

    CAPULET.

    Hang      thee young    baggage,       disobedient   wretch!

    I      tell  thee what,—get    thee to    church    a     Thursday, Or  never       after look me  in    the  face.

    Speak     not, reply       not, do   not  answer   me.

    My  fingers    itch. Wife,      we   scarce    thought  us    blest That      God       had lent us    but  this  only child;

    But  now I      see  this  one is     one too  much,

    And that we   have       a     curse      in    having    her.

    Out on   her, hilding.

    NURSE.

    God in    heaven   bless      her.

    You are  to    blame,    my  lord, to    rate her  so.

    CAPULET.

    And why, my  lady wisdom? Hold       your tongue,

    Good      prudence;      smatter  with your gossips,  go.

    NURSE.

    I      speak     no   treason.

    CAPULET.

    O    God ye    good-en!

    NURSE.

    May not  one speak?

    CAPULET.

    Peace,    you mumbling     fool!

    Utter      your gravity    o’er a     gossip’s  bowl,

    For  here we   need      it     not.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    You are  too  hot.

    CAPULET.

    God’s     bread,    it     makes    me  mad!

    Day, night,     hour,      ride, time,      work,      play,

    Alone,    in    company,      still  my  care hath been

    To   have       her  match’d, and having    now provided A     gentleman       of    noble     parentage,

    Of   fair  demesnes,     youthful, and nobly      allied, Stuff’d, as    they say,       with honourable   parts, Proportion’d       as    one’s      thought       would     wish a     man, And       then to    have       a     wretched       puling    fool,

    A     whining  mammet,      in    her  fortune’s tender,

    To   answer,  ‘I’ll   not  wed,       I      cannot   love,

    I      am  too  young,    I      pray you pardon   me.’

    But, and you will  not  wed,       I’ll    pardon   you.

    Graze     where     you will, you shall not  house     with me.

    Look       to’t, think      on’t, I      do   not  use  to    jest.

    Thursday is     near;      lay   hand      on   heart,     advise.

    And you be   mine,      I’ll    give you to    my  friend; And    you be   not,       hang,     beg, starve,    die  in    the  streets, For     by   my  soul, I’ll       ne’er      acknowledge thee, Nor       what       is     mine      shall       never      do   thee good.

    Trust      to’t, bethink   you, I’ll    not  be   forsworn.

    [ Exit. ]

    JULIET.

    Is     there      no   pity sitting     in    the  clouds,

    That sees into the  bottom   of    my  grief?

    O    sweet     my  mother,  cast me  not  away,

    Delay      this  marriage for   a     month,   a     week,

    Or,  if     you do   not, make      the  bridal     bed

    In    that dim monument    where     Tybalt     lies.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Talk not  to    me, for   I’ll    not  speak     a     word.

    Do   as    thou wilt, for   I      have       done      with thee.

    [ Exit. ]

    JULIET.

    O    God!       O    Nurse,    how shall this  be   prevented?

    My  husband is     on   earth,     my  faith in    heaven.

    How shall that faith return     again      to    earth, Unless  that husband send       it     me  from       heaven

    By   leaving   earth?     Comfort  me, counsel  me.

    Alack,     alack,     that heaven   should    practise  stratagems Upon  so       soft a     subject   as    myself.

    What      say’st      thou?     Hast thou not  a     word      of    joy?

    Some     comfort, Nurse.

    NURSE.

    Faith,      here it     is.

    Romeo   is     banished;      and all    the  world      to    nothing That  he       dares      ne’er      come      back       to    challenge      you.

    Or   if     he   do,  it     needs     must      be   by   stealth.

    Then,      since      the  case so    stands    as    now it     doth, I    think       it     best you married  with the  County.

    O,    he’s a     lovely     gentleman.

    Romeo’s a     dishclout to    him. An   eagle,     madam, Hath not  so       green,    so    quick,     so    fair  an   eye As    Paris       hath.       Beshrew my  very heart,

    I      think      you are  happy     in    this  second   match, For     it       excels     your first: or    if     it     did  not, Your first is     dead,      or       ’twere     as    good      he   were, As living      here and you no   use       of    him.

    JULIET.

    Speakest thou from       thy  heart?

    NURSE.

    And from       my  soul too,

    Or   else beshrew them      both.

    JULIET.

    Amen.

    NURSE.

    What?

    JULIET.

    Well,       thou hast comforted     me  marvellous    much.

    Go   in,   and tell  my  lady I      am  gone,

    Having   displeas’d      my  father,    to    Lawrence’      cell, To    make       confession     and to    be   absolv’d.

    NURSE.

    Marry,    I      will; and this  is     wisely     done.

    [ Exit. ]

    JULIET.

    Ancient  damnation!   O    most      wicked    fiend!

    Is     it     more      sin   to    wish me  thus forsworn,

    Or   to    dispraise my  lord with that same      tongue Which       she  hath       prais’d    him with above     compare So   many      thousand       times?    Go,  counsellor.

    Thou      and my  bosom    henceforth    shall be   twain.

    I’ll    to    the  Friar to    know      his   remedy.

    If     all    else fail,  myself    have       power     to    die.

    [ Exit. ]

    ACT IV

    SCENE    I.     Friar Lawrence’s    Cell.

    Enter      FRIAR    LAWRENCE   and PARIS .

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    On  Thursday,      sir?  The time is     very short.

    PARIS.

    My  father     Capulet  will  have       it     so;

    And I      am  nothing  slow to    slack       his   haste.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    You say  you do   not  know      the  lady’s     mind.

    Uneven  is     the  course;   I      like  it     not.

    PARIS.

    Immoderately she  weeps    for   Tybalt’s  death,

    And therefore have       I      little talk’d      of    love; For Venus     smiles       not  in    a     house     of    tears.

    Now,      sir,   her  father     counts    it     dangerous

    That she  do   give her  sorrow    so    much     sway;

    And in    his   wisdom, hastes    our  marriage,

    To   stop the  inundation    of    her  tears,

    Which,    too  much     minded  by   herself    alone,

    May be   put  from       her  by   society.

    Now       do   you know      the  reason    of    this  haste.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    [ Aside. ] I      would     I      knew      not  why it     should    be   slow’d.—

    Look,      sir,   here comes    the  lady toward   my  cell.

    Enter      JULIET .

    PARIS.

    Happily  met, my  lady and my  wife!

    JULIET.

    That may be,  sir,   when      I      may be   a     wife.

    PARIS.

    That may be,  must      be,  love, on   Thursday next.

    JULIET.

    What      must      be   shall be.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    That’s     a     certain    text.

    PARIS.

    Come     you to    make      confession     to    this  father?

    JULIET.

    To   answer   that, I      should    confess   to    you.

    PARIS.

    Do   not  deny       to    him that you love me.

    JULIET.

    I      will  confess   to    you that I      love him.

    PARIS.

    So   will  ye,   I      am  sure,       that you love me.

    JULIET.

    If     I      do   so,   it     will  be   of    more      price,

    Being     spoke     behind   your back       than to    your face.

    PARIS.

    Poor       soul, thy  face is     much     abus’d    with tears.

    JULIET.

    The tears       have       got  small      victory    by   that;

    For  it     was bad enough  before    their spite.

    PARIS.

    Thou      wrong’st it     more      than tears       with that report.

    JULIET.

    That is     no   slander,  sir,   which     is     a     truth,

    And what       I      spake,    I      spake     it     to    my  face.

    PARIS.

    Thy  face is     mine,      and thou hast slander’d it.

    JULIET.

    It     may be   so,   for   it     is     not  mine      own.

    Are  you at    leisure,   holy father,    now,

    Or   shall I      come      to    you at    evening  mass?

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    My  leisure    serves     me, pensive  daughter,      now.—

    My  lord, we   must      entreat   the  time alone.

    PARIS.

    God shield     I      should    disturb   devotion!—

    Juliet,     on   Thursday early       will  I      rouse      ye,

    Till   then,      adieu;     and keep       this  holy kiss.

    [ Exit. ]

    JULIET.

    O    shut the  door,      and when      thou hast done      so, Come       weep      with me, past hope,     past cure,       past help!

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    O    Juliet,     I      already   know      thy  grief;

    It     strains    me  past the  compass of    my  wits.

    I      hear thou must,      and nothing  may prorogue       it, On      Thursday       next be   married  to    this  County.

    JULIET.

    Tell  me  not, Friar,       that thou hear’st    of    this, Unless    thou tell  me       how I      may prevent  it.

    If     in    thy  wisdom, thou canst      give no   help,

    Do   thou but  call  my  resolution      wise,

    And with this  knife       I’ll    help it     presently.

    God join’d      my  heart      and Romeo’s, thou our  hands; And    ere  this       hand,     by   thee to    Romeo’s seal’d, Shall   be   the  label       to       another  deed,

    Or   my  true heart      with treacherous   revolt

    Turn to    another, this  shall slay them      both.

    Therefore,      out  of    thy  long-experienc’d  time, Give      me  some       present   counsel, or    behold

    ’Twixt     my  extremes and me  this  bloody    knife Shall      play the       empire,   arbitrating     that

    Which    the  commission   of    thy  years      and art

    Could     to    no   issue      of    true honour   bring.

    Be   not  so    long to    speak.    I      long to    die,

    If     what       thou speak’st  speak     not  of    remedy.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Hold,      daughter.      I      do   spy  a     kind of    hope,

    Which    craves    as    desperate      an   execution

    As   that is     desperate      which     we   would     prevent.

    If,    rather     than to    marry     County   Paris

    Thou      hast the  strength of    will  to    slay thyself, Then  is     it     likely       thou wilt  undertake

    A     thing      like  death     to    chide      away      this  shame, That       cop’st     with death     himself   to    scape     from       it.

    And if     thou dar’st,     I’ll    give thee remedy.

    JULIET.

    O,    bid  me  leap,       rather     than marry     Paris,

    From      off   the  battlements   of    yonder   tower,

    Or   walk in    thievish  ways,      or    bid  me  lurk

    Where    serpents are. Chain     me  with roaring   bears; Or hide me       nightly    in    a     charnel-house,

    O’er-cover’d  quite      with dead      men’s     rattling   bones, With       reeky      shanks    and yellow    chapless skulls.

    Or   bid  me  go   into a     new-made    grave,

    And hide me  with a     dead      man in    his   shroud;

    Things    that, to    hear them      told, have       made     me  tremble, And  I       will  do   it     without  fear or    doubt,

    To   live  an   unstain’d wife to    my  sweet     love.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Hold       then.      Go   home,    be   merry,    give consent

    To   marry     Paris.      Wednesday   is     tomorrow;

    Tomorrow     night      look that thou lie    alone,

    Let  not  thy  Nurse     lie    with thee in    thy  chamber.

    Take       thou this  vial, being     then in    bed,

    And this  distilled  liquor     drink      thou off,

    When     presently through  all    thy  veins      shall run A      cold and       drowsy   humour; for   no   pulse

    Shall       keep       his   native     progress, but  surcease.

    No   warmth,  no   breath    shall testify     thou livest,

    The roses      in    thy  lips  and cheeks    shall fade To   paly ashes;     thy       eyes’      windows fall,

    Like death     when      he   shuts      up   the  day  of    life.

    Each       part depriv’d  of    supple    government,

    Shall       stiff  and stark       and cold appear   like  death.

    And in    this  borrow’d likeness  of    shrunk    death Thou    shalt       continue two and forty hours,

    And then awake    as    from       a     pleasant sleep.

    Now       when      the  bridegroom   in    the  morning comes To       rouse      thee from       thy  bed, there      art   thou dead.

    Then      as    the  manner  of    our  country  is,

    In    thy  best robes,     uncover’d,     on   the  bier,

    Thou      shalt       be   borne     to    that same      ancient   vault Where       all    the  kindred   of    the  Capulets lie.

    In    the  meantime,     against   thou shalt       awake,

    Shall       Romeo   by   my  letters     know      our  drift,

    And hither     shall he   come,     and he   and I

    Will watch     thy  waking,  and that very night

    Shall       Romeo   bear thee hence     to    Mantua.

    And this  shall free thee from       this  present   shame, If no   inconstant       toy  nor  womanish     fear

    Abate     thy  valour     in    the  acting     it.

    JULIET.

    Give me, give me! O    tell  not  me  of    fear!

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Hold;      get  you gone,     be   strong    and prosperous In this  resolve.       I’ll    send       a     friar with speed To Mantua, with my  letters     to       thy  lord.

    JULIET.

    Love       give me  strength, and strength shall help afford.

    Farewell, dear father.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     Hall in    Capulet’s House.

    Enter      CAPULET,     LADY      CAPULET,      NURSE   and SERVANTS .

    CAPULET.

    So   many      guests    invite      as    here are  writ.

    [ Exit       FIRST    SERVANT . ]

    Sirrah,    go   hire me  twenty    cunning  cooks.

    SECOND SERVANT.

    You shall have       none      ill,    sir;   for   I’ll    try   if     they can  lick  their       fingers.

    CAPULET.

    How canst      thou try   them      so?

    SECOND SERVANT.

    Marry,    sir, ’tis an  ill   cook     that      cannot  lick his own      fingers;   therefore     he  that cannot  lick  his   fingers    goes       not       with me.

    CAPULET.

    Go,  begone.

    [ Exit       SECOND      SERVANT . ]

    We  shall be   much     unfurnish’d    for   this  time.

    What,     is     my  daughter gone      to    Friar Lawrence?

    NURSE.

    Ay,  forsooth.

    CAPULET.

    Well,       he   may chance   to    do   some      good      on   her.

    A     peevish  self-will’d      harlotry  it     is.

    Enter      JULIET .

    NURSE.

    See  where     she  comes    from       shrift      with merry     look.

    CAPULET.

    How now,       my  headstrong.   Where    have       you been      gadding?

    JULIET.

    Where    I      have       learnt     me  to    repent    the  sin

    Of   disobedient   opposition

    To   you and your behests; and am  enjoin’d

    By   holy Lawrence       to    fall   prostrate here,

    To   beg your pardon.  Pardon,  I      beseech you.

    Henceforward       I      am  ever rul’d by   you.

    CAPULET.

    Send      for   the  County,  go   tell  him of    this.

    I’ll    have       this  knot knit up   tomorrow      morning.

    JULIET.

    I      met the  youthful lord at    Lawrence’      cell,

    And gave       him what       becomed       love I      might,

    Not stepping o’er the  bounds   of    modesty.

    CAPULET.

    Why,      I      am  glad on’t. This is     well. Stand     up.

    This is     as’t  should    be.  Let  me  see  the  County.

    Ay,  marry.    Go,  I      say, and fetch      him hither.

    Now       afore      God,       this  reverend holy Friar,

    All   our  whole     city  is     much     bound    to    him.

    JULIET.

    Nurse,    will  you go   with me  into my  closet,

    To   help me  sort such needful   ornaments

    As   you think      fit    to    furnish    me  tomorrow?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    No,  not  till   Thursday.      There     is     time enough.

    CAPULET.

    Go,  Nurse,    go   with her. We’ll       to    church    tomorrow.

    [ Exeunt  JULIET and NURSE . ]

    LADY      CAPULET.

    We  shall be   short      in    our  provision,

    ’Tis  now near night.

    CAPULET.

    Tush,      I      will  stir  about,

    And all    things     shall be   well, I      warrant  thee,      wife.

    Go   thou to    Juliet,     help to    deck       up   her.

    I’ll    not  to    bed tonight,  let   me  alone.

    I’ll    play the  housewife      for   this  once.—What, ho!—

    They       are  all    forth:      well, I      will  walk myself To       County   Paris,       to    prepare  him up

    Against   tomorrow.     My  heart      is     wondrous      light Since     this       same      wayward girl  is     so    reclaim’d.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    III.    Juliet’s    Chamber.

    Enter      JULIET and NURSE .

    JULIET.

    Ay,  those      attires     are  best.       But, gentle    Nurse, I   pray thee leave       me  to    myself    tonight;

    For  I      have       need      of    many      orisons

    To   move      the  heavens to    smile      upon      my  state, Which,  well       thou know’st,  is     cross      and full  of    sin.

    Enter      LADY    CAPULET .

    LADY      CAPULET.

    What,     are  you busy,      ho?  Need      you my  help?

    JULIET.

    No,  madam;  we   have       cull’d      such necessaries

    As   are  behoveful      for   our  state       tomorrow.

    So   please    you, let   me  now be   left  alone,

    And let   the  nurse      this  night      sit    up   with you, For  I      am  sure       you have       your hands     full  all

    In    this  so    sudden   business.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Good      night.

    Get  thee to    bed and rest, for   thou hast need.

    [ Exeunt  LADY    CAPULET      and NURSE . ]

    JULIET.

    Farewell. God knows    when      we   shall meet      again.

    I      have       a     faint cold fear thrills      through  my  veins That       almost    freezes   up   the  heat of    life.

    I’ll    call  them      back       again      to    comfort  me.

    Nurse!—What      should    she  do   here?

    My  dismal    scene     I      needs     must      act  alone.

    Come,    vial.

    What      if     this  mixture   do   not  work       at    all?

    Shall       I      be   married  then tomorrow      morning?

    No,  No!  This shall forbid     it.    Lie   thou there.

    [ Laying  down      her  dagger. ]

    What      if     it     be   a     poison,   which     the  Friar

    Subtly     hath minister’d      to    have       me  dead,

    Lest in    this  marriage he   should    be   dishonour’d, Because   he       married  me  before    to    Romeo?

    I      fear it     is.    And yet  methinks it     should    not, For  he   hath still       been      tried a     holy man.

    How if,    when      I      am  laid  into the  tomb,

    I      wake      before    the  time that Romeo

    Come     to    redeem  me? There’s   a     fearful    point!

    Shall       I      not  then be   stifled     in    the  vault,

    To   whose    foul mouth    no   healthsome   air   breathes in, And   there       die  strangled       ere  my  Romeo   comes?

    Or,  if     I      live, is     it     not  very like,

    The horrible  conceit   of    death     and night,

    Together with the  terror      of    the  place,

    As   in    a     vault,      an   ancient   receptacle,

    Where    for   this  many      hundred years      the  bones Of all    my       buried    ancestors      are  pack’d,

    Where    bloody    Tybalt,    yet  but  green     in    earth, Lies      festering       in    his   shroud;   where,    as    they say, At    some      hours     in       the  night      spirits     resort—

    Alack,     alack,     is     it     not  like  that I,

    So   early       waking,  what       with loathsome     smells, And    shrieks       like  mandrakes    torn out  of    the  earth, That     living      mortals,       hearing  them,     run  mad.

    O,    if     I      wake,     shall I      not  be   distraught,

    Environed      with all    these      hideous  fears,

    And madly     play with my  forefathers’    joints?

    And pluck      the  mangled Tybalt     from       his   shroud?

    And, in    this  rage,      with some      great      kinsman’s      bone, As with       a     club,       dash       out  my  desperate      brains?

    O    look,       methinks I      see  my  cousin’s  ghost

    Seeking  out  Romeo   that did  spit  his   body

    Upon      a     rapier’s   point.     Stay,       Tybalt,    stay!

    Romeo,  Romeo,  Romeo,  here’s     drink!     I      drink      to    thee.

    [ Throws herself    on   the  bed. ]

    SCENE    IV.   Hall in    Capulet’s House.

    Enter      LADY    CAPULET      and NURSE .

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Hold,      take these      keys and fetch      more      spices,    Nurse.

    NURSE.

    They       call  for   dates      and quinces  in    the  pastry.

    Enter      CAPULET .

    CAPULET.

    Come,    stir,  stir,  stir! The second   cock hath crow’d, The    curfew    bell       hath rung,      ’tis   three      o’clock.

    Look       to    the  bak’d      meats,    good      Angelica;

    Spare     not  for   cost.

    NURSE.

    Go,  you cot-quean,    go,

    Get  you to    bed; faith,      you’ll      be   sick tomorrow For this  night’s       watching.

    CAPULET.

    No,  not  a     whit.       What!     I      have       watch’d  ere  now All   night       for   lesser     cause,    and ne’er      been      sick.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Ay,  you have       been      a     mouse-hunt  in    your time; But I      will       watch     you from       such watching now.

    [ Exeunt  LADY    CAPULET      and NURSE . ]

    CAPULET.

    A     jealous-hood, a     jealous-hood!

    Enter      SERVANTS, with spits,      logs and baskets.

    Now,      fellow,    what’s    there?

    FIRST      SERVANT.

    Things    for   the  cook,      sir;   but  I      know      not  what.

    CAPULET.

    Make      haste,     make      haste.

    [ Exit       FIRST    SERVANT . ]

    —Sirrah, fetch      drier logs.

    Call Peter,     he   will  show      thee where     they are.

    SECOND SERVANT.

    I      have       a     head,      sir,   that will  find out  logs And never       trouble   Peter      for   the  matter.

    [ Exit. ]

    CAPULET.

    Mass      and well said; a     merry     whoreson,     ha.

    Thou      shalt       be   loggerhead.—Good     faith,      ’tis   day.

    The County   will  be   here with music     straight, For   so    he   said he       would.    I      hear him near.

    [ Play      music. ]

    Nurse!    Wife!      What,     ho!  What,     Nurse,    I      say!

    Re-enter NURSE .

    Go   waken    Juliet,     go   and trim her  up.

    I’ll    go   and chat with Paris.      Hie, make      haste, Make   haste;     the       bridegroom   he   is     come      already.

    Make      haste      I      say.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    V.    Juliet’s    Chamber;      Juliet      on   the  bed.

    Enter      NURSE .

    NURSE.

    Mistress! What,     mistress! Juliet!     Fast, I      warrant  her, she.

    Why,      lamb,      why, lady, fie,   you slug-abed!

    Why,      love, I      say! Madam! Sweetheart!   Why,      bride!

    What,     not  a     word?     You take your pennyworths now.

    Sleep      for   a     week;     for   the  next night,     I      warrant, The       County   Paris       hath set   up   his   rest

    That you shall rest but  little.       God forgive    me!

    Marry     and amen.     How sound     is     she  asleep!

    I      needs     must      wake      her. Madam,  madam,  madam!

    Ay,  let   the  County   take you in    your bed, He’ll       fright      you up,       i’faith.     Will it     not  be?

    What,     dress’d,  and in    your clothes,  and down      again?

    I      must      needs     wake      you. Lady!      Lady!      Lady!

    Alas, alas! Help,      help!      My  lady’s     dead!

    O,    well-a-day    that ever I      was born.

    Some     aqua      vitae,      ho!  My  lord! My  lady!

    Enter      LADY    CAPULET .

    LADY      CAPULET.

    What      noise      is     here?

    NURSE.

    O    lamentable    day!

    LADY      CAPULET.

    What      is     the  matter?

    NURSE.

    Look,      look!       O    heavy     day!

    LADY      CAPULET.

    O    me, O    me! My  child,      my  only life.

    Revive,   look up,  or    I      will  die  with thee.

    Help,      help!      Call help.

    Enter      CAPULET .

    CAPULET.

    For  shame,   bring      Juliet      forth,      her  lord is     come.

    NURSE.

    She’s      dead,      deceas’d, she’s      dead;      alack      the  day!

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Alack      the  day, she’s      dead,      she’s      dead,      she’s      dead!

    CAPULET.

    Ha!  Let  me  see  her. Out alas! She’s      cold,

    Her  blood     is     settled    and her  joints      are  stiff.

    Life  and these      lips  have       long been      separated.

    Death     lies  on   her  like  an   untimely frost

    Upon      the  sweetest flower     of    all    the  field.

    NURSE.

    O    lamentable    day!

    LADY      CAPULET.

    O    woful      time!

    CAPULET.

    Death,    that hath ta’en      her  hence     to    make      me  wail, Ties up       my  tongue   and will  not  let   me  speak.

    Enter      FRIAR    LAWRENCE   and PARIS   with Musicians.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Come,    is     the  bride      ready      to    go   to    church?

    CAPULET.

    Ready     to    go,  but  never      to    return.

    O    son, the  night      before    thy  wedding day

    Hath       death     lain  with thy  bride.     There     she  lies, Flower     as       she  was, deflowered    by   him.

    Death     is     my  son-in-law,   death     is     my  heir;

    My  daughter he   hath wedded. I      will  die.

    And leave      him all;   life,  living,     all    is     death’s.

    PARIS.

    Have      I      thought  long to    see  this  morning’s      face, And       doth       it     give me  such a     sight       as    this?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    Accurs’d, unhappy, wretched,      hateful   day.

    Most      miserable      hour       that e’er time saw

    In    lasting    labour    of    his   pilgrimage.

    But  one, poor       one, one poor       and loving     child, But one thing       to    rejoice    and solace    in,

    And cruel       death     hath catch’d   it     from       my  sight.

    NURSE.

    O    woe!       O    woeful,   woeful,   woeful    day.

    Most      lamentable    day, most      woeful    day

    That ever,       ever,       I      did  yet  behold!

    O    day, O    day, O    day, O    hateful   day.

    Never     was seen so    black      a     day  as    this.

    O    woeful    day, O    woeful    day.

    PARIS.

    Beguil’d, divorced, wronged,       spited,    slain.

    Most      detestable     death,    by   thee beguil’d,

    By   cruel,      cruel       thee quite      overthrown.

    O    love!       O    life!  Not life,  but  love in    death!

    CAPULET.

    Despis’d, distressed,     hated,    martyr’d, kill’d.

    Uncomfortable     time,      why cam’st    thou now

    To   murder,  murder   our  solemnity?

    O    child!      O    child!      My  soul, and not  my  child, Dead    art   thou.       Alack,     my  child       is     dead,

    And with my  child       my  joys are  buried.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Peace,    ho,  for   shame.   Confusion’s   cure lives not In     these       confusions.    Heaven  and yourself

    Had part in    this  fair  maid,      now heaven   hath all, And   all    the       better     is     it     for   the  maid.

    Your       part in    her  you could      not  keep       from       death, But       heaven   keeps     his   part in    eternal   life.

    The most      you sought   was her  promotion,

    For  ’twas      your heaven   she  should    be   advanc’d, And       weep       ye    now,       seeing    she  is     advanc’d

    Above    the  clouds,   as    high as    heaven   itself?

    O,    in    this  love, you love your child       so    ill That    you run  mad,       seeing    that she  is     well.

    She’s      not  well married  that lives married  long, But she’s      best       married  that dies married  young.

    Dry  up   your tears,      and stick your rosemary

    On  this  fair  corse,     and, as    the  custom   is,

    And in    her  best array      bear her  to    church;

    For  though   fond nature    bids us    all    lament,

    Yet  nature’s  tears       are  reason’s merriment.

    CAPULET.

    All   things     that we   ordained festival

    Turn from       their office      to    black      funeral:

    Our instruments   to    melancholy   bells,

    Our wedding cheer      to    a     sad  burial     feast;

    Our solemn   hymns    to    sullen     dirges     change; Our  bridal       flowers   serve      for   a     buried    corse, And     all    things       change   them      to    the  contrary.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Sir,  go   you in,   and, madam,  go   with him,

    And go,  Sir   Paris,      everyone prepare

    To   follow     this  fair  corse      unto her  grave.

    The heavens do   lower      upon      you for   some      ill; Move  them       no   more      by   crossing their high will.

    [ Exeunt  CAPULET,     LADY      CAPULET,      PARIS    and FRIAR . ]

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    Faith,      we   may put  up   our  pipes      and be   gone.

    NURSE.

    Honest   good      fellows,   ah,  put  up,  put  up,

    For  well you know      this  is     a     pitiful     case.

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    Ay,  by   my  troth,      the  case may be   amended.

    [ Exit       NURSE . ]

    Enter      PETER .

    PETER.

    Musicians,     O,    musicians,     ‘Heart’s  ease,’     ‘Heart’s  ease’,     O,       and you will  have       me live,  play ‘Heart’s  ease.’

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    Why ‘Heart’s  ease’?

    PETER.

    O    musicians,    because       my heart    itself     plays     ‘My       heart      is   full’.      O   play      me some merry dump     to       comfort  me.

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    Not a     dump     we,  ’tis   no   time to    play now.

    PETER.

    You will  not  then?

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    No.

    PETER.

    I      will  then give it     you soundly.

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    What      will  you give us?

    PETER.

    No   money,   on   my  faith,      but  the  gleek!     I      will  give you the       minstrel.

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    Then      will  I      give you the  serving-creature.

    PETER.

    Then      will I     lay the serving-creature’s      dagger  on your      pate.      I     will carry     no crotchets.      I’ll    re    you, I’ll    fa    you.       Do   you note me?

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    And you re    us    and fa    us,   you note us.

    SECOND MUSICIAN.

    Pray you put  up   your dagger,  and put  out  your wit.

    PETER.

    Then      have       at    you with my  wit.  I      will  dry-beat you with an       iron wit,  and put  up my     iron dagger.  Answer   me  like  men.

    ‘When    griping   griefs      the  heart      doth       wound,

    And doleful    dumps    the  mind      oppress,

    Then      music     with her  silver      sound’—

    Why ‘silver     sound’?  Why ‘music    with her  silver      sound’?  What       say  you, Simon Catling?

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    Marry,    sir,   because silver      hath a     sweet     sound.

    PETER.

    Prates.    What      say  you, Hugh      Rebeck?

    SECOND MUSICIAN.

    I      say  ‘silver     sound’    because musicians      sound     for   silver.

    PETER.

    Prates     too! What      say  you, James     Soundpost?

    THIRD     MUSICIAN.

    Faith,      I      know      not  what       to    say.

    PETER.

    O,    I      cry   you mercy,    you are  the  singer.    I      will  say  for   you.       It     is     ‘music    with her silver sound’    because musicians      have       no   gold for   sounding.

    ‘Then      music     with her  silver      sound

    With       speedy   help doth       lend redress.’

    [ Exit. ]

    FIRST      MUSICIAN.

    What      a     pestilent knave     is     this  same!

    SECOND MUSICIAN.

    Hang      him, Jack. Come,    we’ll in    here,      tarry for   the  mourners,       and stay dinner.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    ACT V

    SCENE    I.     Mantua. A     Street.

    Enter      ROMEO .

    ROMEO.

    If     I      may trust the  flattering eye  of    sleep, My       dreams   presage       some      joyful      news      at    hand.

    My  bosom’s lord sits  lightly     in    his   throne; And   all    this  day  an       unaccustom’d spirit

    Lifts me  above     the  ground   with cheerful  thoughts.

    I      dreamt   my  lady came      and found     me  dead,—

    Strange  dream,   that gives      a     dead      man leave      to    think!—

    And breath’d such life   with kisses     in    my  lips, That I      reviv’d,   and       was an   emperor.

    Ah   me, how sweet     is     love itself possess’d,

    When     but  love’s     shadows are  so    rich in    joy.

    Enter      BALTHASAR .

    News      from       Verona!  How now,       Balthasar?

    Dost thou not  bring      me  letters     from       the  Friar?

    How doth       my  lady?      Is     my  father     well?

    How fares       my  Juliet?     That I      ask  again;

    For  nothing  can  be   ill     if     she  be   well.

    BALTHASAR.

    Then      she  is     well, and nothing  can  be   ill.

    Her  body      sleeps     in    Capel’s   monument,

    And her  immortal part with angels    lives.

    I      saw her  laid  low  in    her  kindred’s vault,

    And presently took post to    tell  it     you.

    O    pardon   me  for   bringing these      ill     news,

    Since      you did  leave      it     for   my  office,     sir.

    ROMEO.

    Is     it     even       so?  Then      I      defy you, stars!

    Thou      know’st  my  lodging.  Get  me  ink   and paper, And    hire       post-horses.  I      will  hence     tonight.

    BALTHASAR.

    I      do   beseech you sir,   have       patience.

    Your       looks      are  pale and wild, and do   import Some misadventure.

    ROMEO.

    Tush,      thou art   deceiv’d.

    Leave     me, and do   the  thing      I      bid  thee do.

    Hast thou no   letters     to    me  from       the  Friar?

    BALTHASAR.

    No,  my  good      lord.

    ROMEO.

    No   matter.   Get  thee gone,

    And hire those      horses.   I’ll    be   with thee straight.

    [ Exit       BALTHASAR . ]

    Well,       Juliet,     I      will  lie    with thee tonight.

    Let’s see  for   means.   O    mischief thou art   swift To  enter      in    the       thoughts of    desperate      men.

    I      do   remember     an   apothecary,—

    And hereabouts    he   dwells,—which     late I      noted In tatter’d       weeds,    with overwhelming      brows, Culling       of    simples,       meagre  were       his   looks,

    Sharp     misery    had worn      him to    the  bones;

    And in    his   needy     shop       a     tortoise  hung,

    An   alligator  stuff’d,    and other      skins

    Of   ill-shaped      fishes;     and about     his   shelves A beggarly account       of    empty    boxes,

    Green     earthen  pots,       bladders, and musty     seeds, Remnants   of       packthread,   and old  cakes      of    roses Were    thinly      scatter’d,       to    make      up   a     show.

    Noting    this  penury,   to    myself    I      said,

    And if     a     man did  need      a     poison    now,

    Whose    sale is     present   death     in    Mantua,

    Here       lives a     caitiff      wretch    would     sell  it     him.

    O,    this  same      thought  did  but  forerun   my  need, And      this  same       needy     man must      sell  it     me.

    As   I      remember,    this  should    be   the  house.

    Being     holiday,  the  beggar’s shop       is     shut.

    What,     ho!  Apothecary!

    Enter      APOTHECARY .

    APOTHECARY.

    Who       calls so    loud?

    ROMEO.

    Come     hither,    man.      I      see  that thou art   poor.

    Hold,      there      is     forty ducats.   Let  me  have

    A     dram      of    poison,   such soon-speeding     gear

    As   will  disperse itself through  all    the  veins, That     the  life-weary       taker      may fall   dead,

    And that the  trunk      may be   discharg’d     of    breath As       violently       as    hasty      powder   fir’d

    Doth       hurry      from       the  fatal cannon’s womb.

    APOTHECARY.

    Such       mortal    drugs     I      have,      but  Mantua’s law

    Is     death     to    any  he   that utters     them.

    ROMEO.

    Art   thou so    bare and full  of    wretchedness,

    And fear’st     to    die? Famine   is     in    thy  cheeks, Need and       oppression    starveth  in    thine      eyes, Contempt    and beggary       hangs     upon      thy  back.

    The world      is     not  thy  friend,    nor  the  world’s   law; The  world       affords    no   law  to    make      thee rich; Then      be   not  poor,       but  break      it     and take this.

    APOTHECARY.

    My  poverty,  but  not  my  will  consents.

    ROMEO.

    I      pay  thy  poverty,  and not  thy  will.

    APOTHECARY.

    Put  this  in    any  liquid      thing      you will

    And drink      it     off;  and, if     you had the  strength

    Of   twenty    men,      it     would     despatch you straight.

    ROMEO.

    There     is     thy  gold,      worse     poison    to    men’s     souls, Doing       more      murder   in    this  loathsome     world

    Than      these      poor       compounds   that thou mayst     not  sell.

    I      sell  thee poison,   thou hast sold me  none.

    Farewell, buy food,      and get  thyself    in    flesh.

    Come,    cordial    and not  poison,   go   with me

    To   Juliet’s    grave,     for   there      must      I      use  thee.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    SCENE    II.     Friar Lawrence’s    Cell.

    Enter      FRIAR    JOHN .

    FRIAR     JOHN.

    Holy Franciscan     Friar!      Brother,  ho!

    Enter      FRIAR    LAWRENCE .

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    This same      should    be   the  voice      of    Friar John.

    Welcome       from       Mantua. What      says Romeo?

    Or,  if     his   mind      be   writ, give me  his   letter.

    FRIAR     JOHN.

    Going     to    find a     barefoot brother   out,

    One of    our  order,     to    associate me,

    Here       in    this  city  visiting   the  sick,

    And finding   him, the  searchers       of    the  town, Suspecting  that we       both       were       in    a     house

    Where    the  infectious      pestilence      did  reign,

    Seal’d     up   the  doors,     and would     not  let   us    forth, So that my       speed     to    Mantua  there      was stay’d.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Who       bare my  letter      then to    Romeo?

    FRIAR     JOHN.

    I      could      not  send       it,—here it     is     again,—

    Nor get  a     messenger    to    bring      it     thee,

    So   fearful    were       they of    infection.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Unhappy fortune!  By   my  brotherhood,

    The letter      was not  nice, but  full  of    charge, Of     dear import,   and       the  neglecting     it

    May do   much     danger.  Friar John,      go   hence,

    Get  me  an   iron crow       and bring      it     straight

    Unto       my  cell.

    FRIAR     JOHN.

    Brother,  I’ll    go   and bring      it     thee.

    [ Exit. ]

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Now       must      I      to    the  monument    alone.

    Within    this  three      hours     will  fair  Juliet      wake.

    She will  beshrew me  much     that Romeo

    Hath       had no   notice     of    these      accidents;

    But  I      will  write       again      to    Mantua,

    And keep       her  at    my  cell  till   Romeo   come.

    Poor       living      corse,     clos’d     in    a     dead      man’s     tomb.

    [ Exit. ]

    SCENE    III.    A     churchyard;   in    it     a     Monument belonging  to       the  Capulets.

    Enter      PARIS, and his   PAGE   bearing  flowers   and a     torch.

    PARIS.

    Give me  thy  torch,     boy. Hence    and stand      aloof.

    Yet  put  it     out, for   I      would     not  be   seen.

    Under     yond      yew tree lay   thee all    along,

    Holding  thy  ear  close      to    the  hollow    ground; So    shall no   foot       upon      the  churchyard    tread, Being   loose,     unfirm,   with       digging  up   of    graves, But    thou shalt       hear it.    Whistle   then       to    me, As    signal     that thou hear’st    something     approach.

    Give me  those      flowers.  Do   as    I      bid  thee,      go.

    PAGE.

    [ Aside. ] I      am  almost    afraid     to    stand      alone Here     in    the       churchyard;   yet  I      will  adventure.

    [ Retires. ]

    PARIS.

    Sweet     flower,    with flowers   thy  bridal     bed I      strew.

    O    woe,       thy  canopy   is     dust and stones,

    Which    with sweet     water      nightly    I      will  dew,

    Or   wanting  that, with tears       distill’d   by   moans.

    The obsequies      that I      for   thee will  keep,

    Nightly   shall be   to    strew      thy  grave      and weep.

    [ The      PAGE   whistles. ]

    The boy gives      warning  something     doth       approach.

    What      cursed    foot wanders this  way tonight,

    To   cross      my  obsequies      and true love’s     rite?

    What,     with a     torch!     Muffle    me, night,     awhile.

    [ Retires. ]

    Enter      ROMEO      and BALTHASAR       with a     torch,     mattock,       &c.

    ROMEO.

    Give me  that mattock  and the  wrenching     iron.

    Hold,      take this  letter;     early       in    the  morning See  thou deliver       it     to    my  lord and father.

    Give me  the  light;      upon      thy  life   I      charge    thee, Whate’er       thou hear’st    or    seest,     stand      all    aloof And      do   not       interrupt me  in    my  course.

    Why I      descend into this  bed of    death

    Is     partly     to    behold   my  lady’s     face,

    But  chiefly    to    take thence    from       her  dead      finger A  precious       ring, a     ring that I      must      use

    In    dear employment. Therefore      hence,    be   gone.

    But  if     thou jealous   dost return     to    pry

    In    what       I      further    shall intend    to    do,

    By   heaven   I      will  tear thee joint by   joint,

    And strew      this  hungry   churchyard    with thy  limbs.

    The time and my  intents    are  savage-wild;

    More      fierce      and more      inexorable     far

    Than      empty    tigers      or    the  roaring   sea.

    BALTHASAR.

    I      will  be   gone,     sir,   and not  trouble   you.

    ROMEO.

    So   shalt       thou show      me  friendship.     Take       thou that.

    Live, and be   prosperous,   and farewell, good      fellow.

    BALTHASAR.

    For  all    this  same,     I’ll    hide me  hereabout.

    His  looks      I      fear, and his   intents    I      doubt.

    [ Retires]

    ROMEO.

    Thou      detestable     maw,      thou womb     of    death,

    Gorg’d    with the  dearest   morsel    of    the  earth, Thus    I      enforce       thy  rotten     jaws to    open,

    [ Breaking      open      the  door       of    the  monument. ]

    And in    despite,  I’ll    cram      thee with more      food.

    PARIS.

    This is     that banish’d haughty Montague

    That murder’d my  love’s     cousin,—with which     grief, It    is    supposed,       the  fair  creature died,—

    And here is     come      to    do   some      villanous shame To      the  dead       bodies.   I      will  apprehend    him.

    [ Advances. ]

    Stop thy  unhallow’d    toil, vile  Montague.

    Can vengeance    be   pursu’d   further    than death?

    Condemned  villain,    I      do   apprehend    thee.

    Obey,     and go   with me, for   thou must      die.

    ROMEO.

    I      must      indeed;   and therefore came      I      hither.

    Good      gentle    youth,    tempt     not  a     desperate      man.

    Fly   hence     and leave      me. Think      upon      these      gone; Let       them      affright   thee.      I      beseech thee,      youth, Put      not       another  sin   upon      my  head

    By   urging    me  to    fury. O    be   gone.

    By   heaven   I      love thee better     than myself; For     I      come       hither     arm’d     against   myself.

    Stay not, be   gone,     live, and hereafter say, A     madman’s     mercy       bid  thee run  away.

    PARIS.

    I      do   defy thy  conjuration,

    And apprehend    thee for   a     felon      here.

    ROMEO.

    Wilt thou provoke  me? Then      have       at    thee,      boy!

    [ They     fight. ]

    PAGE.

    O    lord, they fight!      I      will  go   call  the  watch.

    [ Exit. ]

    PARIS.

    O,    I      am  slain!      [ Falls. ]   If     thou be   merciful, Open      the       tomb,     lay   me  with Juliet.

    [ Dies. ]

    ROMEO.

    In    faith,      I      will. Let  me  peruse    this  face.

    Mercutio’s     kinsman, noble     County   Paris!

    What      said my  man,      when      my  betossed soul

    Did  not  attend    him as    we   rode?      I      think

    He   told me  Paris       should    have       married  Juliet.

    Said he   not  so?  Or   did  I      dream    it     so?

    Or   am  I      mad,      hearing  him talk  of    Juliet,

    To   think      it     was so?  O,    give me  thy  hand,

    One writ with me  in    sour misfortune’s  book.

    I’ll    bury thee in    a     triumphant    grave.

    A     grave?    O    no,  a     lantern,  slaught’red    youth, For      here lies       Juliet,     and her  beauty    makes

    This vault       a     feasting  presence full  of    light.

    Death,    lie    thou there,     by   a     dead      man interr’d.

    [ Laying  PARIS   in    the  monument. ]

    How oft   when      men are  at    the  point      of    death

    Have      they been      merry!    Which    their keepers  call A      lightning       before    death.    O,    how may I

    Call this  a     lightning?      O    my  love, my  wife,

    Death     that hath suck’d    the  honey     of    thy  breath, Hath  had no       power     yet  upon      thy  beauty.

    Thou      art   not  conquer’d.     Beauty’s ensign    yet Is      crimson  in       thy  lips  and in    thy  cheeks,

    And death’s   pale flag is     not  advanced      there.

    Tybalt,    liest thou there      in    thy  bloody    sheet?

    O,    what       more      favour    can  I      do   to    thee

    Than      with that hand      that cut  thy  youth     in    twain To sunder       his   that was thine      enemy?

    Forgive   me, cousin.   Ah,  dear Juliet,

    Why art   thou yet  so    fair? Shall       I      believe

    That unsubstantial death     is     amorous;

    And that the  lean abhorred monster keeps

    Thee       here in    dark to    be   his   paramour?

    For  fear of    that I      still  will  stay with thee, And       never      from       this  palace    of    dim night

    Depart    again.     Here,      here will  I      remain

    With       worms    that are  thy  chambermaids.     O,    here Will I      set       up   my  everlasting    rest;

    And shake     the  yoke       of    inauspicious  stars

    From      this  world-wearied      flesh.      Eyes,      look your last.

    Arms,     take your last  embrace!       And, lips, O    you The  doors     of       breath,   seal with a     righteous       kiss A      dateless  bargain  to       engrossing    death.

    Come,    bitter      conduct, come,     unsavoury     guide.

    Thou      desperate      pilot,      now at    once       run  on

    The dashing  rocks      thy  sea-sick weary     bark.

    Here’s    to    my  love!       [ Drinks. ]       O    true apothecary!

    Thy  drugs     are  quick.     Thus       with a     kiss  I      die.

    [ Dies. ]

    Enter,     at    the  other      end of    the  Churchyard, FRIAR LAWRENCE,        with a     lantern, crow, and spade.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Saint      Francis   be   my  speed.    How oft   tonight

    Have      my  old  feet stumbled       at    graves?   Who’s     there?

    Who       is     it     that consorts, so    late, the  dead?

    BALTHASAR.

    Here’s    one, a     friend,    and one that knows    you well.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Bliss be   upon      you. Tell  me, good      my  friend, What  torch      is       yond      that vainly     lends      his   light To   grubs     and eyeless       skulls?    As   I      discern,

    It     burneth  in    the  Capels’   monument.

    BALTHASAR.

    It     doth       so,   holy sir,   and there’s    my  master, One   that you love.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Who       is     it?

    BALTHASAR.

    Romeo.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    How long hath he   been      there?

    BALTHASAR.

    Full  half an   hour.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Go   with me  to    the  vault.

    BALTHASAR.

    I      dare not, sir;

    My  master    knows    not  but  I      am  gone      hence,

    And fearfully  did  menace  me  with death

    If     I      did  stay to    look on   his   intents.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Stay then,      I’ll    go   alone.     Fear comes    upon      me.

    O,    much     I      fear some      ill     unlucky  thing.

    BALTHASAR.

    As   I      did  sleep      under     this  yew tree here,

    I      dreamt   my  master    and another  fought,

    And that my  master    slew him.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    Romeo!  [ Advances. ]

    Alack,     alack,     what       blood     is     this  which     stains The       stony      entrance of    this  sepulchre?

    What      mean     these      masterless     and gory swords

    To   lie    discolour’d    by   this  place      of    peace?

    [ Enters   the  monument. ]

    Romeo!  O,    pale!       Who       else?       What,     Paris       too?

    And steep’d   in    blood?    Ah   what       an   unkind    hour Is    guilty       of    this  lamentable    chance?

    The lady stirs.

    [JULIET   wakes     and stirs. ]

    JULIET.

    O    comfortable   Friar,       where     is     my  lord?

    I      do   remember     well where     I      should    be,

    And there      I      am. Where    is     my  Romeo?

    [ Noise   within. ]

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    I      hear some      noise.     Lady,      come      from       that nest Of       death,    contagion,     and unnatural      sleep.

    A     greater   power     than we   can  contradict

    Hath       thwarted our  intents.   Come,    come      away.

    Thy  husband in    thy  bosom    there      lies  dead;

    And Paris       too. Come,    I’ll    dispose  of    thee

    Among   a     sisterhood     of    holy nuns.

    Stay not  to    question, for   the  watch     is     coming.

    Come,    go,  good      Juliet.     I      dare no   longer    stay.

    JULIET.

    Go,  get  thee hence,    for   I      will  not  away.

    [ Exit       FRIAR    LAWRENCE . ]

    What’s    here?      A     cup clos’d     in    my  true love’s     hand?

    Poison,   I      see, hath been      his   timeless  end.

    O    churl.      Drink      all,   and left  no   friendly   drop To  help me after?       I      will  kiss  thy  lips.

    Haply     some      poison    yet  doth       hang      on   them,

    To   make      me  die  with a     restorative.

    [ Kisses   him. ]

    Thy  lips  are  warm!

    FIRST      WATCH.

    [ Within. ]       Lead,      boy. Which    way?

    JULIET.

    Yea, noise?    Then      I’ll    be   brief.      O    happy     dagger.

    [ Snatching    ROMEO’S    dagger. ]

    This is     thy  sheath.   [ stabs    herself]   There     rest, and let   me  die.

    [ Falls     on   ROMEO’S    body      and dies. ]

    Enter      WATCH       with the  PAGE   of    Paris.

    PAGE.

    This is     the  place.     There,     where     the  torch      doth       burn.

    FIRST      WATCH.

    The ground   is     bloody.   Search    about     the  churchyard.

    Go,  some      of    you, whoe’er  you find attach.

    [ Exeunt  some      of    the  WATCH . ]

    Pitiful     sight!      Here       lies  the  County   slain,

    And Juliet      bleeding, warm,     and newly     dead,

    Who       here hath lain  this  two days buried.

    Go   tell  the  Prince;    run  to    the  Capulets.

    Raise      up   the  Montagues,   some      others    search.

    [ Exeunt  others    of    the  WATCH . ]

    We  see  the  ground   whereon these      woes      do   lie, But    the  true       ground   of    all    these      piteous   woes We cannot   without       circumstance descry.

    Re-enter some      of    the  WATCH       with BALTHASAR .

    SECOND WATCH.

    Here’s    Romeo’s man.      We  found     him in    the  churchyard.

    FIRST      WATCH.

    Hold       him in    safety     till   the  Prince     come      hither.

    Re-enter others    of    the  WATCH       with FRIAR    LAWRENCE .

    THIRD     WATCH.

    Here       is     a     Friar that trembles, sighs,     and weeps.

    We  took this  mattock  and this  spade     from       him As    he   was       coming   from       this  churchyard    side.

    FIRST      WATCH.

    A     great      suspicion.      Stay the  Friar too.

    Enter      the  PRINCE       and ATTENDANTS .

    PRINCE.

    What      misadventure is     so    early       up,

    That calls our  person    from       our  morning’s      rest?

    Enter      CAPULET,     LADY      CAPULET      and others.

    CAPULET.

    What      should    it     be   that they so    shriek     abroad?

    LADY      CAPULET.

    O    the  people    in    the  street     cry   Romeo,

    Some     Juliet,     and some      Paris,      and all    run

    With       open      outcry    toward   our  monument.

    PRINCE.

    What      fear is     this  which     startles   in    our  ears?

    FIRST      WATCH.

    Sovereign,     here lies  the  County   Paris       slain, And      Romeo  dead,       and Juliet,     dead      before,

    Warm     and new kill’d.

    PRINCE.

    Search,   seek,      and know      how this  foul murder   comes.

    FIRST      WATCH.

    Here       is     a     Friar,       and slaughter’d    Romeo’s man, With       instruments   upon      them      fit    to    open

    These     dead      men’s     tombs.

    CAPULET.

    O    heaven!  O    wife, look how our  daughter bleeds!

    This dagger   hath mista’en, for   lo,   his   house

    Is     empty    on   the  back       of    Montague, And     it     mis-sheathed       in    my  daughter’s     bosom.

    LADY      CAPULET.

    O    me! This sight       of    death     is     as    a     bell

    That warns     my  old  age to    a     sepulchre.

    Enter      MONTAGUE       and others.

    PRINCE.

    Come,    Montague,    for   thou art   early       up,

    To   see  thy  son  and heir more      early       down.

    MONTAGUE.

    Alas, my  liege,      my  wife is     dead      tonight.

    Grief       of    my  son’s      exile hath stopp’d   her  breath.

    What      further    woe conspires       against   mine      age?

    PRINCE.

    Look,      and thou shalt       see.

    MONTAGUE.

    O    thou untaught!      What      manners is     in    this,

    To   press      before    thy  father     to    a     grave?

    PRINCE.

    Seal up   the  mouth    of    outrage  for   a     while,

    Till   we   can  clear       these      ambiguities,

    And know      their spring,    their head,      their true descent, And then will  I       be   general   of    your woes,

    And lead you even       to    death.    Meantime      forbear, And  let       mischance     be   slave      to    patience.

    Bring      forth       the  parties    of    suspicion.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    I      am  the  greatest, able to    do   least,

    Yet  most      suspected,     as    the  time and place

    Doth       make      against   me, of    this  direful    murder.

    And here I      stand,     both       to    impeach and purge Myself       condemned   and myself    excus’d.

    PRINCE.

    Then      say  at    once       what       thou dost know      in    this.

    FRIAR     LAWRENCE.

    I      will  be   brief,      for   my  short      date of    breath Is not  so    long       as    is     a     tedious   tale.

    Romeo,  there      dead,      was husband to    that Juliet, And      she, there       dead,      that Romeo’s faithful   wife.

    I      married  them;     and their stol’n      marriage day Was Tybalt’s       doomsday,    whose    untimely death Banish’d      the  new-made       bridegroom   from       this  city; For  whom,    and not  for   Tybalt,       Juliet      pin’d.

    You, to    remove   that siege      of    grief from       her, Betroth’d,      and       would     have       married  her  perforce To    County   Paris.      Then       comes    she  to    me,

    And with wild looks,     bid  me  devise    some      means To      rid   her       from       this  second   marriage,

    Or   in    my  cell  there      would     she  kill   herself.

    Then      gave       I      her, so    tutored   by   my  art,

    A     sleeping potion,   which     so    took effect

    As   I      intended,       for   it     wrought on   her

    The form       of    death.    Meantime      I      writ to    Romeo That   he       should    hither     come      as    this  dire night To  help to    take her       from       her  borrow’d grave, Being  the  time the  potion’s  force       should    cease.

    But  he   which     bore       my  letter,     Friar John,

    Was stay’d     by   accident; and yesternight

    Return’d my  letter      back.      Then      all    alone

    At    the  prefixed  hour       of    her  waking

    Came     I      to    take her  from       her  kindred’s vault, Meaning      to       keep       her  closely    at    my  cell

    Till   I      conveniently  could      send       to    Romeo.

    But  when      I      came,     some      minute   ere  the  time

    Of   her  awaking, here untimely lay

    The noble     Paris       and true Romeo   dead.

    She wakes;    and I      entreated      her  come      forth

    And bear this  work       of    heaven   with patience.

    But  then a     noise      did  scare      me  from       the  tomb; And     she,       too  desperate,     would     not  go   with me, But,  as    it     seems,       did  violence on   herself.

    All   this  I      know;     and to    the  marriage

    Her  Nurse     is     privy.      And if     ought     in    this

    Miscarried     by   my  fault,      let   my  old  life Be     sacrific’d, some       hour       before    his   time,

    Unto       the  rigour     of    severest  law.

    PRINCE.

    We  still  have       known    thee for   a     holy man.

    Where’s  Romeo’s man?      What      can  he   say  to    this?

    BALTHASAR.

    I      brought  my  master    news      of    Juliet’s    death, And     then in       post he   came      from       Mantua

    To   this  same      place,     to    this  same      monument.

    This letter      he   early       bid  me  give his   father, And    threaten’d       me  with death,    going     in    the  vault, If   I      departed not, and       left  him there.

    PRINCE.

    Give me  the  letter,     I      will  look on   it.

    Where    is     the  County’s Page      that rais’d      the  watch?

    Sirrah,    what       made     your master    in    this  place?

    PAGE.

    He   came      with flowers   to    strew      his   lady’s     grave, And     bid       me  stand      aloof,      and so    I      did.

    Anon      comes    one with light to    ope the  tomb,

    And by   and by   my  master    drew       on   him,

    And then I      ran  away      to    call  the  watch.

    PRINCE.

    This letter      doth       make      good      the  Friar’s     words, Their       course    of    love, the  tidings    of    her  death.

    And here he   writes     that he   did  buy a     poison Of      a     poor       ’pothecary,    and therewithal

    Came     to    this  vault       to    die,  and lie    with Juliet.

    Where    be   these      enemies?       Capulet, Montague,

    See  what       a     scourge  is     laid  upon      your hate,

    That heaven   finds       means    to    kill   your joys with love!

    And I,     for   winking  at    your discords too,

    Have      lost  a     brace      of    kinsmen. All   are  punish’d.

    CAPULET.

    O    brother   Montague,    give me  thy  hand.

    This is     my  daughter’s     jointure, for   no   more Can      I      demand.

    MONTAGUE.

    But  I      can  give thee more,

    For  I      will  raise her  statue     in    pure gold,

    That whiles     Verona   by   that name     is     known,

    There     shall no   figure     at    such rate be   set

    As   that of    true and faithful   Juliet.

    CAPULET.

    As   rich shall Romeo’s by   his   lady’s     lie,

    Poor       sacrifices of    our  enmity.

    PRINCE.

    A     glooming      peace     this  morning with it     brings; The    sun  for       sorrow    will  not  show      his   head.

    Go   hence,    to    have       more      talk  of    these      sad  things.

    Some     shall be   pardon’d,      and some      punished,

    For  never      was a     story       of    more      woe

    Than      this  of    Juliet      and her  Romeo.

    [ Exeunt. ]

    THE TRAGEDY OF ROMEO AND JULIET

    Contents
    Dramatis Personæ
    SCENE. During the greater part of the Play in Verona; once, in the Fifth Act, at Mantua.
    THE PROLOGUE
    ACT I SCENE I. A public place.

    SCENE II. A Street.

    SCENE III. Room in Capulet’s House.

    SCENE IV. A Street.

    SCENE V. A Hall in Capulet’s House.

    ACT II SCENE I. An open place adjoining Capulet’s Garden.

    SCENE II. Capulet’s Garden.

    SCENE III. Friar Lawrence’s Cell.

    SCENE IV. A Street.

    SCENE V. Capulet’s Garden.

    SCENE VI. Friar Lawrence’s Cell.

    ACT III SCENE I. A public Place.

    SCENE II. A Room in Capulet’s House.
    SCENE III. Friar Lawrence’s cell.

    SCENE IV. A Room in Capulet’s House.

    SCENE V. An open Gallery to Juliet’s Chamber, overlooking the Garden.

    ACT IV SCENE I. Friar Lawrence’s Cell.

    SCENE II. Hall in Capulet’s House.

    SCENE III. Juliet’s Chamber.

    SCENE IV. Hall in Capulet’s House.

    SCENE V. Juliet’s Chamber; Juliet on the bed.

    ACT V SCENE I. Mantua. A Street.

    SCENE II. Friar Lawrence’s Cell.

    SCENE III. A churchyard; in it a Monument belonging to the Capulets.

  • Charles Darwin《On the Origin of Species》

    On the Origin of Species:BY MEANS OF NATURAL SELECTION, OR THE
    PRESERVATION OF FAVOURED RACES IN THE STRUGGLE FOR LIFE.
    By Charles Darwin, M.A., Fellow Of The Royal, Geological, Linnæan, Etc., Societies;
    Author Of ‘Journal Of Researches During H.M.S. Beagle’s Voyage
    Round The World.’
    LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 1859.

    Contents
    INTRODUCTION.
    VARIATION UNDER DOMESTICATION.
    VARIATION UNDER NATURE.
    STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE.

    NATURAL SELECTION.

    LAWS OF VARIATION.

    DIFFICULTIES ON THEORY.

    INSTINCT.

    HYBRIDISM.

    ON THE IMPERFECTION OF THE GEOLOGICAL RECORD.

    ON THE GEOLOGICAL SUCCESSION OF ORGANIC BEINGS.

    GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION.

    GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION—continued.

    MUTUAL AFFINITIES OF ORGANIC BEINGS: MORPHOLOGY:

    RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION.
    INDEX

    DETEAILED CONTENTS. ON THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES.

    INTRODUCTION.
    CHAPTER I. VARIATION UNDER DOMESTICATION.
    Causes of Variability.
    Effects of Habit.
    Correlation of Growth.
    Inheritance.
    Character of Domestic Varieties.
    Difficulty of distinguishing between Varieties and Species.
    Origin of Domestic Varieties from one or more Species.
    Domestic Pigeons, their Differences and Origin.
    Principle of Selection anciently followed, its Effects.
    Methodical and Unconscious Selection.
    Unknown Origin of our Domestic Productions.
    Circumstances favourable to Man’s power of Selection.
    CHAPTER 2. VARIATION UNDER NATURE.
    Variability.
    Individual Differences.
    Doubtful species.
    Wide ranging, much diffused, and common species vary most.
    Species of the larger genera in any country vary more than the
    species of the smaller genera.
    Many of the species of the larger genera resemble varieties in being
    very closely, but unequally, related to each other, and in having
    restricted ranges.

    CHAPTER 3. STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE.

    Bears on natural selection.
    The term used in a wide sense.
    Geometrical powers of increase.
    Rapid increase of naturalised animals and plants.
    Nature of the checks to increase.
    Competition universal.
    Effects of climate.
    Protection from the number of individuals.
    Complex relations of all animals and plants throughout nature.
    Struggle for life most severe between individuals and varieties of
    the same species; often severe between species of the same genus.
    The relation of organism to organism the most important of all
    relations.

    CHAPTER 4. NATURAL SELECTION.

    Natural Selection: its power compared with man’s selection, its power
    on characters of trifling importance, its power at all ages and on
    both sexes.
    Sexual Selection.
    On the generality of intercrosses between individuals of the same
    species.
    Circumstances favourable and unfavourable to Natural Selection,
    namely, intercrossing, isolation, number of individuals.
    Slow action.
    Extinction caused by Natural Selection.
    Divergence of Character, related to the diversity of inhabitants of
    any small area, and to naturalisation.
    Action of Natural Selection, through Divergence of Character and
    Extinction, on the descendants from a common parent.
    Explains the Grouping of all organic beings.

    CHAPTER 5. LAWS OF VARIATION.

    Effects of external conditions.
    Use and disuse, combined with natural selection; organs of flight and
    of vision.
    Acclimatisation.
    Correlation of growth.
    Compensation and economy of growth.
    False correlations.
    Multiple, rudimentary, and lowly organised structures variable.
    Parts developed in an unusual manner are highly variable: specific
    characters more variable than generic: secondary sexual characters
    variable.
    Species of the same genus vary in an analogous manner.
    Reversions to long-lost characters.
    Summary.

    CHAPTER 6. DIFFICULTIES ON THEORY.

    Difficulties on the theory of descent with modification.
    Transitions.
    Absence or rarity of transitional varieties.
    Transitions in habits of life.
    Diversified habits in the same species.
    Species with habits widely different from those of their allies.
    Organs of extreme perfection.
    Means of transition.
    Cases of difficulty.
    Natura non facit saltum.
    Organs of small importance.
    Organs not in all cases absolutely perfect.
    The law of Unity of Type and of the Conditions of Existence embraced
    by the theory of Natural Selection.

    CHAPTER 7. INSTINCT.

    Instincts comparable with habits, but different in their origin.
    Instincts graduated.
    Aphides and ants.
    Instincts variable.
    Domestic instincts, their origin.
    Natural instincts of the cuckoo, ostrich, and parasitic bees.
    Slave-making ants.
    Hive-bee, its cell-making instinct.
    Difficulties on the theory of the Natural Selection of instincts.
    Neuter or sterile insects.
    Summary.

    CHAPTER 8. HYBRIDISM.

    Distinction between the sterility of first crosses and of hybrids.
    Sterility various in degree, not universal, affected by close
    interbreeding, removed by domestication.
    Laws governing the sterility of hybrids.
    Sterility not a special endowment, but incidental on other
    differences.
    Causes of the sterility of first crosses and of hybrids.
    Parallelism between the effects of changed conditions of life and
    crossing.
    Fertility of varieties when crossed and of their mongrel offspring
    not universal.
    Hybrids and mongrels compared independently of their fertility.
    Summary.

    CHAPTER 9. ON THE IMPERFECTION OF THE GEOLOGICAL RECORD.

    On the absence of intermediate varieties at the present day.
    On the nature of extinct intermediate varieties; on their number.
    On the vast lapse of time, as inferred from the rate of deposition
    and of denudation.
    On the poorness of our palæontological collections.
    On the intermittence of geological formations.
    On the absence of intermediate varieties in any one formation.
    On the sudden appearance of groups of species.
    On their sudden appearance in the lowest known fossiliferous strata.

    CHAPTER 10. ON THE GEOLOGICAL SUCCESSION OF ORGANIC BEINGS.

    On the slow and successive appearance of new species.
    On their different rates of change.
    Species once lost do not reappear.
    Groups of species follow the same general rules in their appearance
    and disappearance as do single species.
    On Extinction.
    On simultaneous changes in the forms of life throughout the world.
    On the affinities of extinct species to each other and to living
    species.
    On the state of development of ancient forms.
    On the succession of the same types within the same areas.
    Summary of preceding and present chapters.

    CHAPTER 11. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION.

    Present distribution cannot be accounted for by differences in
    physical conditions.
    Importance of barriers.
    Affinity of the productions of the same continent.
    Centres of creation.
    Means of dispersal, by changes of climate and of the level of the
    land, and by occasional means.
    Dispersal during the Glacial period co-extensive with the world.

    CHAPTER 12. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION—continued.

    Distribution of fresh-water productions.
    On the inhabitants of oceanic islands.
    Absence of Batrachians and of terrestrial Mammals.
    On the relation of the inhabitants of islands to those of the nearest
    mainland.
    On colonisation from the nearest source with subsequent modification.
    Summary of the last and present chapters.

    CHAPTER 13. MUTUAL AFFINITIES OF ORGANIC BEINGS: MORPHOLOGY:
    EMBRYOLOGY: RUDIMENTARY ORGANS.

    CLASSIFICATION, groups subordinate to groups.
    Natural system.
    Rules and difficulties in classification, explained on the theory of
    descent with modification.
    Classification of varieties.
    Descent always used in classification.
    Analogical or adaptive characters.
    Affinities, general, complex and radiating.
    Extinction separates and defines groups.
    MORPHOLOGY, between members of the same class, between parts of the
    same individual.
    EMBRYOLOGY, laws of, explained by variations not supervening at an
    early age, and being inherited at a corresponding age.
    RUDIMENTARY ORGANS; their origin explained.
    Summary.

    CHAPTER 14. RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION.
    Recapitulation of the difficulties on the theory of Natural
    Selection.
    Recapitulation of the general and special circumstances in its
    favour.
    Causes of the general belief in the immutability of species.
    How far the theory of natural selection may be extended.
    Effects of its adoption on the study of Natural history.
    Concluding remarks.

    INTRODUCTION.

    When on board H.M.S. ‘Beagle,’ as naturalist, I was much struck with certain facts in the distribution of the inhabitants of South America,
    and in the geological relations of the present to the past inhabitants
    of that continent. These facts seemed to me to throw some light on the
    origin of species—that mystery of mysteries, as it has been called by
    one of our greatest philosophers. On my return home, it occurred to me,
    in 1837, that something might perhaps be made out on this question by
    patiently accumulating and reflecting on all sorts of facts which could
    possibly have any bearing on it. After five years’ work I allowed
    myself to speculate on the subject, and drew up some short notes; these
    I enlarged in 1844 into a sketch of the conclusions, which then seemed
    to me probable: from that period to the present day I have steadily
    pursued the same object. I hope that I may be excused for entering on
    these personal details, as I give them to show that I have not been
    hasty in coming to a decision.

    My work is now nearly finished; but as it will take me two or three
    more years to complete it, and as my health is far from strong, I have
    been urged to publish this Abstract. I have more especially been
    induced to do this, as Mr. Wallace, who is now studying the
    natural history of the Malay archipelago, has arrived at almost exactly
    the same general conclusions that I have on the origin of species. Last
    year he sent to me a memoir on this subject, with a request that I
    would forward it to Sir Charles Lyell, who sent it to the Linnean
    Society, and it is published in the third volume of the Journal of that
    Society. Sir C. Lyell and Dr. Hooker, who both knew of my work—the
    latter having read my sketch of 1844—honoured me by thinking it
    advisable to publish, with Mr. Wallace’s excellent memoir, some brief
    extracts from my manuscripts.

    This Abstract, which I now publish, must necessarily be imperfect. I
    cannot here give references and authorities for my several statements;
    and I must trust to the reader reposing some confidence in my accuracy.
    No doubt errors will have crept in, though I hope I have always been
    cautious in trusting to good authorities alone. I can here give only
    the general conclusions at which I have arrived, with a few facts in
    illustration, but which, I hope, in most cases will suffice. No one can
    feel more sensible than I do of the necessity of hereafter publishing
    in detail all the facts, with references, on which my conclusions have
    been grounded; and I hope in a future work to do this. For I am well
    aware that scarcely a single point is discussed in this volume on which
    facts cannot be adduced, often apparently leading to conclusions
    directly opposite to those at which I have arrived. A fair result can
    be obtained only by fully stating and balancing the facts and arguments
    on both sides of each question; and this cannot possibly be here done.

    I much regret that want of space prevents my having the satisfaction of
    acknowledging the generous assistance which I have received from very
    many naturalists, some of them personally unknown to me. I cannot,
    however,
    let this opportunity pass without expressing my deep obligations to Dr.
    Hooker, who for the last fifteen years has aided me in every possible
    way by his large stores of knowledge and his excellent judgment.

    In considering the Origin of Species, it is quite conceivable that a
    naturalist, reflecting on the mutual affinities of organic beings, on
    their embryological relations, their geographical distribution,
    geological succession, and other such facts, might come to the
    conclusion that each species had not been independently created, but
    had descended, like varieties, from other species. Nevertheless, such a
    conclusion, even if well founded, would be unsatisfactory, until it
    could be shown how the innumerable species inhabiting this world have
    been modified, so as to acquire that perfection of structure and
    coadaptation which most justly excites our admiration. Naturalists
    continually refer to external conditions, such as climate, food, etc.,
    as the only possible cause of variation. In one very limited sense, as
    we shall hereafter see, this may be true; but it is preposterous to
    attribute to mere external conditions, the structure, for instance, of
    the woodpecker, with its feet, tail, beak, and tongue, so admirably
    adapted to catch insects under the bark of trees. In the case of the
    misseltoe, which draws its nourishment from certain trees, which has
    seeds that must be transported by certain birds, and which has flowers
    with separate sexes absolutely requiring the agency of certain insects
    to bring pollen from one flower to the other, it is equally
    preposterous to account for the structure of this parasite, with its
    relations to several distinct organic beings, by the effects of
    external conditions, or of habit, or of the volition of the plant
    itself.

    The author of the ‘Vestiges of Creation’ would, I presume, say that,
    after a certain unknown number of
    generations, some bird had given birth to a woodpecker, and some plant
    to the misseltoe, and that these had been produced perfect as we now
    see them; but this assumption seems to me to be no explanation, for it
    leaves the case of the coadaptations of organic beings to each other
    and to their physical conditions of life, untouched and unexplained.

    It is, therefore, of the highest importance to gain a clear insight
    into the means of modification and coadaptation. At the commencement of
    my observations it seemed to me probable that a careful study of
    domesticated animals and of cultivated plants would offer the best
    chance of making out this obscure problem. Nor have I been
    disappointed; in this and in all other perplexing cases I have
    invariably found that our knowledge, imperfect though it be, of
    variation under domestication, afforded the best and safest clue. I may
    venture to express my conviction of the high value of such studies,
    although they have been very commonly neglected by naturalists.

    From these considerations, I shall devote the first chapter of this
    Abstract to Variation under Domestication. We shall thus see that a
    large amount of hereditary modification is at least possible, and, what
    is equally or more important, we shall see how great is the power of
    man in accumulating by his Selection successive slight variations. I
    will then pass on to the variability of species in a state of nature;
    but I shall, unfortunately, be compelled to treat this subject far too
    briefly, as it can be treated properly only by giving long catalogues
    of facts. We shall, however, be enabled to discuss what circumstances
    are most favourable to variation. In the next chapter the Struggle for
    Existence amongst all organic beings throughout the world, which
    inevitably follows from their high geometrical powers of
    increase, will be treated of. This is the doctrine of Malthus, applied
    to the whole animal and vegetable kingdoms. As many more individuals of
    each species are born than can possibly survive; and as, consequently,
    there is a frequently recurring struggle for existence, it follows that
    any being, if it vary however slightly in any manner profitable to
    itself, under the complex and sometimes varying conditions of life,
    will have a better chance of surviving, and thus be naturally selected. From the strong principle of inheritance, any selected
    variety will tend to propagate its new and modified form.

    This fundamental subject of Natural Selection will be treated at some
    length in the fourth chapter; and we shall then see how Natural
    Selection almost inevitably causes much Extinction of the less improved
    forms of life and induces what I have called Divergence of Character.
    In the next chapter I shall discuss the complex and little known laws
    of variation and of correlation of growth. In the four succeeding
    chapters, the most apparent and gravest difficulties on the theory will
    be given: namely, first, the difficulties of transitions, or in
    understanding how a simple being or a simple organ can be changed and
    perfected into a highly developed being or elaborately constructed
    organ; secondly the subject of Instinct, or the mental powers of
    animals, thirdly, Hybridism, or the infertility of species and the
    fertility of varieties when intercrossed; and fourthly, the
    imperfection of the Geological Record. In the next chapter I shall
    consider the geological succession of organic beings throughout time;
    in the eleventh and twelfth, their geographical distribution throughout
    space; in the thirteenth, their classification or mutual affinities,
    both when mature and in an embryonic condition. In the last chapter I
    shall give a
    brief recapitulation of the whole work, and a few concluding remarks.

    No one ought to feel surprise at much remaining as yet unexplained in
    regard to the origin of species and varieties, if he makes due
    allowance for our profound ignorance in regard to the mutual relations
    of all the beings which live around us. Who can explain why one species
    ranges widely and is very numerous, and why another allied species has
    a narrow range and is rare? Yet these relations are of the highest
    importance, for they determine the present welfare, and, as I believe,
    the future success and modification of every inhabitant of this world.
    Still less do we know of the mutual relations of the innumerable
    inhabitants of the world during the many past geological epochs in its
    history. Although much remains obscure, and will long remain obscure, I
    can entertain no doubt, after the most deliberate study and
    dispassionate judgment of which I am capable, that the view which most
    naturalists entertain, and which I formerly entertained—namely, that
    each species has been independently created—is erroneous. I am fully
    convinced that species are not immutable; but that those belonging to
    what are called the same genera are lineal descendants of some other
    and generally extinct species, in the same manner as the acknowledged
    varieties of any one species are the descendants of that species.
    Furthermore, I am convinced that Natural Selection has been the main
    but not exclusive means of modification.

    CHAPTER I.
    VARIATION UNDER DOMESTICATION.

    Causes of Variability. Effects of Habit. Correlation of Growth.
    Inheritance. Character of Domestic Varieties. Difficulty of
    distinguishing between Varieties and Species. Origin of Domestic
    Varieties from one or more Species. Domestic Pigeons, their Differences
    and Origin. Principle of Selection anciently followed, its Effects.
    Methodical and Unconscious Selection. Unknown Origin of our Domestic
    Productions. Circumstances favourable to Man’s power of Selection.

    When we look to the individuals of the same variety or sub-variety of
    our older cultivated plants and animals, one of the first points which
    strikes us, is, that they generally differ much more from each other,
    than do the individuals of any one species or variety in a state of
    nature. When we reflect on the vast diversity of the plants and animals
    which have been cultivated, and which have varied during all ages under
    the most different climates and treatment, I think we are driven to
    conclude that this greater variability is simply due to our domestic
    productions having been raised under conditions of life not so uniform
    as, and somewhat different from, those to which the parent-species have
    been exposed under nature. There is, also, I think, some probability in
    the view propounded by Andrew Knight, that this variability may be
    partly connected with excess of food. It seems pretty clear that
    organic beings must be exposed during several generations to the new
    conditions of life to cause any appreciable amount of variation; and
    that when the organisation has once begun to vary, it generally
    continues to vary for many generations.
    No case is on record of a variable being ceasing to be variable under
    cultivation. Our oldest cultivated plants, such as wheat, still often
    yield new varieties: our oldest domesticated animals are still capable
    of rapid improvement or modification.

    It has been disputed at what period of life the causes of variability,
    whatever they may be, generally act; whether during the early or late
    period of development of the embryo, or at the instant of conception.
    Geoffroy St. Hilaire’s experiments show that unnatural treatment of the
    embryo causes monstrosities; and monstrosities cannot be separated by
    any clear line of distinction from mere variations. But I am strongly
    inclined to suspect that the most frequent cause of variability may be
    attributed to the male and female reproductive elements having been
    affected prior to the act of conception. Several reasons make me
    believe in this; but the chief one is the remarkable effect which
    confinement or cultivation has on the functions of the reproductive
    system; this system appearing to be far more susceptible than any other
    part of the organisation, to the action of any change in the conditions
    of life. Nothing is more easy than to tame an animal, and few things
    more difficult than to get it to breed freely under confinement, even
    in the many cases when the male and female unite. How many animals
    there are which will not breed, though living long under not very close
    confinement in their native country! This is generally attributed to
    vitiated instincts; but how many cultivated plants display the utmost
    vigour, and yet rarely or never seed! In some few such cases it has
    been found out that very trifling changes, such as a little more or
    less water at some particular period of growth, will determine whether
    or not the plant sets a seed. I cannot here enter on the copious
    details which I have collected on
    this curious subject; but to show how singular the laws are which
    determine the reproduction of animals under confinement, I may just
    mention that carnivorous animals, even from the tropics, breed in this
    country pretty freely under confinement, with the exception of the
    plantigrades or bear family; whereas, carnivorous birds, with the
    rarest exceptions, hardly ever lay fertile eggs. Many exotic plants
    have pollen utterly worthless, in the same exact condition as in the
    most sterile hybrids. When, on the one hand, we see domesticated
    animals and plants, though often weak and sickly, yet breeding quite
    freely under confinement; and when, on the other hand, we see
    individuals, though taken young from a state of nature, perfectly
    tamed, long-lived, and healthy (of which I could give numerous
    instances), yet having their reproductive system so seriously affected
    by unperceived causes as to fail in acting, we need not be surprised at
    this system, when it does act under confinement, acting not quite
    regularly, and producing offspring not perfectly like their parents or
    variable.

    Sterility has been said to be the bane of horticulture; but on this
    view we owe variability to the same cause which produces sterility; and
    variability is the source of all the choicest productions of the
    garden. I may add, that as some organisms will breed most freely under
    the most unnatural conditions (for instance, the rabbit and ferret kept
    in hutches), showing that their reproductive system has not been thus
    affected; so will some animals and plants withstand domestication or
    cultivation, and vary very slightly—perhaps hardly more than in a state
    of nature.

    A long list could easily be given of “sporting plants;” by this term
    gardeners mean a single bud or offset, which suddenly assumes a new and
    sometimes very different character from that of the rest of the plant.
    Such buds can be propagated by grafting, etc., and sometimes by seed.
    These “sports” are extremely rare under nature, but far from rare under
    cultivation; and in this case we see that the treatment of the parent
    has affected a bud or offset, and not the ovules or pollen. But it is
    the opinion of most physiologists that there is no essential difference
    between a bud and an ovule in their earliest stages of formation; so
    that, in fact, “sports” support my view, that variability may be
    largely attributed to the ovules or pollen, or to both, having been
    affected by the treatment of the parent prior to the act of conception.
    These cases anyhow show that variation is not necessarily connected, as
    some authors have supposed, with the act of generation.

    Seedlings from the same fruit, and the young of the same litter,
    sometimes differ considerably from each other, though both the young
    and the parents, as Müller has remarked, have apparently been exposed
    to exactly the same conditions of life; and this shows how unimportant
    the direct effects of the conditions of life are in comparison with the
    laws of reproduction, and of growth, and of inheritance; for had the
    action of the conditions been direct, if any of the young had varied,
    all would probably have varied in the same manner. To judge how much,
    in the case of any variation, we should attribute to the direct action
    of heat, moisture, light, food, etc., is most difficult: my impression
    is, that with animals such agencies have produced very little direct
    effect, though apparently more in the case of plants. Under this point
    of view, Mr. Buckman’s recent experiments on plants seem extremely
    valuable. When all or nearly all the individuals exposed to certain
    conditions are affected in the same way, the change at first appears to
    be directly due to such conditions; but in some cases it can be shown
    that quite opposite conditions produce
    similar changes of structure. Nevertheless some slight amount of change
    may, I think, be attributed to the direct action of the conditions of
    life—as, in some cases, increased size from amount of food, colour from
    particular kinds of food and from light, and perhaps the thickness of
    fur from climate.

    Habit also has a decided influence, as in the period of flowering with
    plants when transported from one climate to another. In animals it has
    a more marked effect; for instance, I find in the domestic duck that
    the bones of the wing weigh less and the bones of the leg more, in
    proportion to the whole skeleton, than do the same bones in the
    wild-duck; and I presume that this change may be safely attributed to
    the domestic duck flying much less, and walking more, than its wild
    parent. The great and inherited development of the udders in cows and
    goats in countries where they are habitually milked, in comparison with
    the state of these organs in other countries, is another instance of
    the effect of use. Not a single domestic animal can be named which has
    not in some country drooping ears; and the view suggested by some
    authors, that the drooping is due to the disuse of the muscles of the
    ear, from the animals not being much alarmed by danger, seems probable.

    There are many laws regulating variation, some few of which can be
    dimly seen, and will be hereafter briefly mentioned. I will here only
    allude to what may be called correlation of growth. Any change in the
    embryo or larva will almost certainly entail changes in the mature
    animal. In monstrosities, the correlations between quite distinct parts
    are very curious; and many instances are given in Isidore Geoffroy St.
    Hilaire’s great work on this subject. Breeders believe that long limbs
    are almost always accompanied by an elongated head. Some instances of
    correlation are quite whimsical; thus
    cats with blue eyes are invariably deaf; colour and constitutional
    peculiarities go together, of which many remarkable cases could be
    given amongst animals and plants. From the facts collected by
    Heusinger, it appears that white sheep and pigs are differently
    affected from coloured individuals by certain vegetable poisons.
    Hairless dogs have imperfect teeth; long-haired and coarse-haired
    animals are apt to have, as is asserted, long or many horns; pigeons
    with feathered feet have skin between their outer toes; pigeons with
    short beaks have small feet, and those with long beaks large feet.
    Hence, if man goes on selecting, and thus augmenting, any peculiarity,
    he will almost certainly unconsciously modify other parts of the
    structure, owing to the mysterious laws of the correlation of growth.

    The result of the various, quite unknown, or dimly seen laws of
    variation is infinitely complex and diversified. It is well worth while
    carefully to study the several treatises published on some of our old
    cultivated plants, as on the hyacinth, potato, even the dahlia, etc.;
    and it is really surprising to note the endless points in structure and
    constitution in which the varieties and sub-varieties differ slightly
    from each other. The whole organisation seems to have become plastic,
    and tends to depart in some small degree from that of the parental
    type.

    Any variation which is not inherited is unimportant for us. But the
    number and diversity of inheritable deviations of structure, both those
    of slight and those of considerable physiological importance, is
    endless. Dr. Prosper Lucas’s treatise, in two large volumes, is the
    fullest and the best on this subject. No breeder doubts how strong is
    the tendency to inheritance: like produces like is his fundamental
    belief: doubts have been thrown on this principle by theoretical
    writers alone. When a
    deviation appears not unfrequently, and we see it in the father and
    child, we cannot tell whether it may not be due to the same original
    cause acting on both; but when amongst individuals, apparently exposed
    to the same conditions, any very rare deviation, due to some
    extraordinary combination of circumstances, appears in the parent—say,
    once amongst several million individuals—and it reappears in the child,
    the mere doctrine of chances almost compels us to attribute its
    reappearance to inheritance. Every one must have heard of cases of
    albinism, prickly skin, hairy bodies, etc., appearing in several
    members of the same family. If strange and rare deviations of structure
    are truly inherited, less strange and commoner deviations may be freely
    admitted to be inheritable. Perhaps the correct way of viewing the
    whole subject, would be, to look at the inheritance of every character
    whatever as the rule, and non-inheritance as the anomaly.

    The laws governing inheritance are quite unknown; no one can say why
    the same peculiarity in different individuals of the same species, and
    in individuals of different species, is sometimes inherited and
    sometimes not so; why the child often reverts in certain characters to
    its grandfather or grandmother or other much more remote ancestor; why
    a peculiarity is often transmitted from one sex to both sexes or to one
    sex alone, more commonly but not exclusively to the like sex. It is a
    fact of some little importance to us, that peculiarities appearing in
    the males of our domestic breeds are often transmitted either
    exclusively, or in a much greater degree, to males alone. A much more
    important rule, which I think may be trusted, is that, at whatever
    period of life a peculiarity first appears, it tends to appear in the
    offspring at a corresponding age, though sometimes earlier. In many
    cases this could
    not be otherwise: thus the inherited peculiarities in the horns of
    cattle could appear only in the offspring when nearly mature;
    peculiarities in the silkworm are known to appear at the corresponding
    caterpillar or cocoon stage. But hereditary diseases and some other
    facts make me believe that the rule has a wider extension, and that
    when there is no apparent reason why a peculiarity should appear at any
    particular age, yet that it does tend to appear in the offspring at the
    same period at which it first appeared in the parent. I believe this
    rule to be of the highest importance in explaining the laws of
    embryology. These remarks are of course confined to the first
    appearance of the peculiarity, and not to its primary cause, which
    may have acted on the ovules or male element; in nearly the same manner
    as in the crossed offspring from a short-horned cow by a long-horned
    bull, the greater length of horn, though appearing late in life, is
    clearly due to the male element.

    Having alluded to the subject of reversion, I may here refer to a
    statement often made by naturalists—namely, that our domestic
    varieties, when run wild, gradually but certainly revert in character
    to their aboriginal stocks. Hence it has been argued that no deductions
    can be drawn from domestic races to species in a state of nature. I
    have in vain endeavoured to discover on what decisive facts the above
    statement has so often and so boldly been made. There would be great
    difficulty in proving its truth: we may safely conclude that very many
    of the most strongly-marked domestic varieties could not possibly live
    in a wild state. In many cases we do not know what the aboriginal stock
    was, and so could not tell whether or not nearly perfect reversion had
    ensued. It would be quite necessary, in order to prevent the effects of
    intercrossing, that only a
    single variety should be turned loose in its new home. Nevertheless, as
    our varieties certainly do occasionally revert in some of their
    characters to ancestral forms, it seems to me not improbable, that if
    we could succeed in naturalising, or were to cultivate, during many
    generations, the several races, for instance, of the cabbage, in very
    poor soil (in which case, however, some effect would have to be
    attributed to the direct action of the poor soil), that they would to a
    large extent, or even wholly, revert to the wild aboriginal stock.
    Whether or not the experiment would succeed, is not of great importance
    for our line of argument; for by the experiment itself the conditions
    of life are changed. If it could be shown that our domestic varieties
    manifested a strong tendency to reversion,—that is, to lose their
    acquired characters, whilst kept under unchanged conditions, and whilst
    kept in a considerable body, so that free intercrossing might check, by
    blending together, any slight deviations of structure, in such case, I
    grant that we could deduce nothing from domestic varieties in regard to
    species. But there is not a shadow of evidence in favour of this view:
    to assert that we could not breed our cart and race-horses, long and
    short-horned cattle, and poultry of various breeds, and esculent
    vegetables, for an almost infinite number of generations, would be
    opposed to all experience. I may add, that when under nature the
    conditions of life do change, variations and reversions of character
    probably do occur; but natural selection, as will hereafter be
    explained, will determine how far the new characters thus arising shall
    be preserved.

    When we look to the hereditary varieties or races of our domestic
    animals and plants, and compare them with species closely allied
    together, we generally perceive in each domestic race, as already
    remarked, less uniformity of character than in true species. Domestic
    races of
    the same species, also, often have a somewhat monstrous character; by
    which I mean, that, although differing from each other, and from the
    other species of the same genus, in several trifling respects, they
    often differ in an extreme degree in some one part, both when compared
    one with another, and more especially when compared with all the
    species in nature to which they are nearest allied. With these
    exceptions (and with that of the perfect fertility of varieties when
    crossed,—a subject hereafter to be discussed), domestic races of the
    same species differ from each other in the same manner as, only in most
    cases in a lesser degree than, do closely-allied species of the same
    genus in a state of nature. I think this must be admitted, when we find
    that there are hardly any domestic races, either amongst animals or
    plants, which have not been ranked by some competent judges as mere
    varieties, and by other competent judges as the descendants of
    aboriginally distinct species. If any marked distinction existed
    between domestic races and species, this source of doubt could not so
    perpetually recur. It has often been stated that domestic races do not
    differ from each other in characters of generic value. I think it could
    be shown that this statement is hardly correct; but naturalists differ
    most widely in determining what characters are of generic value; all
    such valuations being at present empirical. Moreover, on the view of
    the origin of genera which I shall presently give, we have no right to
    expect often to meet with generic differences in our domesticated
    productions.

    When we attempt to estimate the amount of structural difference between
    the domestic races of the same species, we are soon involved in doubt,
    from not knowing whether they have descended from one or several
    parent-species. This point, if it could be cleared up, would be
    interesting; if, for instance, it could be shown that the greyhound,
    bloodhound, terrier, spaniel, and bull-dog, which we all know propagate
    their kind so truly, were the offspring of any single species, then
    such facts would have great weight in making us doubt about the
    immutability of the many very closely allied and natural species—for
    instance, of the many foxes—inhabiting different quarters of the world.
    I do not believe, as we shall presently see, that all our dogs have
    descended from any one wild species; but, in the case of some other
    domestic races, there is presumptive, or even strong, evidence in
    favour of this view.

    It has often been assumed that man has chosen for domestication animals
    and plants having an extraordinary inherent tendency to vary, and
    likewise to withstand diverse climates. I do not dispute that these
    capacities have added largely to the value of most of our domesticated
    productions; but how could a savage possibly know, when he first tamed
    an animal, whether it would vary in succeeding generations, and whether
    it would endure other climates? Has the little variability of the ass
    or guinea-fowl, or the small power of endurance of warmth by the
    rein-deer, or of cold by the common camel, prevented their
    domestication? I cannot doubt that if other animals and plants, equal
    in number to our domesticated productions, and belonging to equally
    diverse classes and countries, were taken from a state of nature, and
    could be made to breed for an equal number of generations under
    domestication, they would vary on an average as largely as the parent
    species of our existing domesticated productions have varied.

    In the case of most of our anciently domesticated animals and plants, I
    do not think it is possible to come to any definite conclusion, whether
    they have descended from one or several species. The argument mainly
    relied on by those who believe in the multiple origin
    of our domestic animals is, that we find in the most ancient records,
    more especially on the monuments of Egypt, much diversity in the
    breeds; and that some of the breeds closely resemble, perhaps are
    identical with, those still existing. Even if this latter fact were
    found more strictly and generally true than seems to me to be the case,
    what does it show, but that some of our breeds originated there, four
    or five thousand years ago? But Mr. Horner’s researches have rendered
    it in some degree probable that man sufficiently civilized to have
    manufactured pottery existed in the valley of the Nile thirteen or
    fourteen thousand years ago; and who will pretend to say how long
    before these ancient periods, savages, like those of Tierra del Fuego
    or Australia, who possess a semi-domestic dog, may not have existed in
    Egypt?

    The whole subject must, I think, remain vague; nevertheless, I may,
    without here entering on any details, state that, from geographical and
    other considerations, I think it highly probable that our domestic dogs
    have descended from several wild species. In regard to sheep and goats
    I can form no opinion. I should think, from facts communicated to me by
    Mr. Blyth, on the habits, voice, and constitution, etc., of the humped
    Indian cattle, that these had descended from a different aboriginal
    stock from our European cattle; and several competent judges believe
    that these latter have had more than one wild parent. With respect to
    horses, from reasons which I cannot give here, I am doubtfully inclined
    to believe, in opposition to several authors, that all the races have
    descended from one wild stock. Mr. Blyth, whose opinion, from his large
    and varied stores of knowledge, I should value more than that of almost
    any one, thinks that all the breeds of poultry have proceeded from the
    common wild
    Indian fowl (Gallus bankiva). In regard to ducks and rabbits, the
    breeds of which differ considerably from each other in structure, I do
    not doubt that they all have descended from the common wild duck and
    rabbit.

    The doctrine of the origin of our several domestic races from several
    aboriginal stocks, has been carried to an absurd extreme by some
    authors. They believe that every race which breeds true, let the
    distinctive characters be ever so slight, has had its wild prototype.
    At this rate there must have existed at least a score of species of
    wild cattle, as many sheep, and several goats in Europe alone, and
    several even within Great Britain. One author believes that there
    formerly existed in Great Britain eleven wild species of sheep peculiar
    to it! When we bear in mind that Britain has now hardly one peculiar
    mammal, and France but few distinct from those of Germany and
    conversely, and so with Hungary, Spain, etc., but that each of these
    kingdoms possesses several peculiar breeds of cattle, sheep, etc., we
    must admit that many domestic breeds have originated in Europe; for
    whence could they have been derived, as these several countries do not
    possess a number of peculiar species as distinct parent-stocks? So it
    is in India. Even in the case of the domestic dogs of the whole world,
    which I fully admit have probably descended from several wild species,
    I cannot doubt that there has been an immense amount of inherited
    variation. Who can believe that animals closely resembling the Italian
    greyhound, the bloodhound, the bull-dog, or Blenheim spaniel, etc.—so
    unlike all wild Canidæ—ever existed freely in a state of nature? It has
    often been loosely said that all our races of dogs have been produced
    by the crossing of a few aboriginal species; but by crossing we can get
    only forms in some degree intermediate between their parents; and if we
    account for our several domestic races by this process, we must admit
    the former existence of the most extreme forms, as the Italian
    greyhound, bloodhound, bull-dog, etc., in the wild state. Moreover, the
    possibility of making distinct races by crossing has been greatly
    exaggerated. There can be no doubt that a race may be modified by
    occasional crosses, if aided by the careful selection of those
    individual mongrels, which present any desired character; but that a
    race could be obtained nearly intermediate between two extremely
    different races or species, I can hardly believe. Sir J. Sebright
    expressly experimentised for this object, and failed. The offspring
    from the first cross between two pure breeds is tolerably and sometimes
    (as I have found with pigeons) extremely uniform, and everything seems
    simple enough; but when these mongrels are crossed one with another for
    several generations, hardly two of them will be alike, and then the
    extreme difficulty, or rather utter hopelessness, of the task becomes
    apparent. Certainly, a breed intermediate between two very distinct
    breeds could not be got without extreme care and long-continued
    selection; nor can I find a single case on record of a permanent race
    having been thus formed.

    On the Breeds of the Domestic Pigeon.—Believing that it is always
    best to study some special group, I have, after deliberation, taken up
    domestic pigeons. I have kept every breed which I could purchase or
    obtain, and have been most kindly favoured with skins from several
    quarters of the world, more especially by the Honourable W. Elliot from
    India, and by the Honourable C. Murray from Persia. Many treatises in
    different languages have been published on pigeons, and some of them
    are very important, as being of considerable antiquity. I have
    associated with several eminent fanciers, and have been permitted to
    join two
    of the London Pigeon Clubs. The diversity of the breeds is something
    astonishing. Compare the English carrier and the short-faced tumbler,
    and see the wonderful difference in their beaks, entailing
    corresponding differences in their skulls. The carrier, more especially
    the male bird, is also remarkable from the wonderful development of the
    carunculated skin about the head, and this is accompanied by greatly
    elongated eyelids, very large external orifices to the nostrils, and a
    wide gape of mouth. The short-faced tumbler has a beak in outline
    almost like that of a finch; and the common tumbler has the singular
    and strictly inherited habit of flying at a great height in a compact
    flock, and tumbling in the air head over heels. The runt is a bird of
    great size, with long, massive beak and large feet; some of the
    sub-breeds of runts have very long necks, others very long wings and
    tails, others singularly short tails. The barb is allied to the
    carrier, but, instead of a very long beak, has a very short and very
    broad one. The pouter has a much elongated body, wings, and legs; and
    its enormously developed crop, which it glories in inflating, may well
    excite astonishment and even laughter. The turbit has a very short and
    conical beak, with a line of reversed feathers down the breast; and it
    has the habit of continually expanding slightly the upper part of the
    oesophagus. The Jacobin has the feathers so much reversed along the
    back of the neck that they form a hood, and it has, proportionally to
    its size, much elongated wing and tail feathers. The trumpeter and
    laugher, as their names express, utter a very different coo from the
    other breeds. The fantail has thirty or even forty tail-feathers,
    instead of twelve or fourteen, the normal number in all members of the
    great pigeon family; and these feathers are kept expanded, and are
    carried so erect that in good birds the head and tail
    touch; the oil-gland is quite aborted. Several other less distinct
    breeds might have been specified.

    In the skeletons of the several breeds, the development of the bones of
    the face in length and breadth and curvature differs enormously. The
    shape, as well as the breadth and length of the ramus of the lower jaw,
    varies in a highly remarkable manner. The number of the caudal and
    sacral vertebræ vary; as does the number of the ribs, together with
    their relative breadth and the presence of processes. The size and
    shape of the apertures in the sternum are highly variable; so is the
    degree of divergence and relative size of the two arms of the furcula.
    The proportional width of the gape of mouth, the proportional length of
    the eyelids, of the orifice of the nostrils, of the tongue (not always
    in strict correlation with the length of beak), the size of the crop
    and of the upper part of the oesophagus; the development and abortion
    of the oil-gland; the number of the primary wing and caudal feathers;
    the relative length of wing and tail to each other and to the body; the
    relative length of leg and of the feet; the number of scutellæ on the
    toes, the development of skin between the toes, are all points of
    structure which are variable. The period at which the perfect plumage
    is acquired varies, as does the state of the down with which the
    nestling birds are clothed when hatched. The shape and size of the eggs
    vary. The manner of flight differs remarkably; as does in some breeds
    the voice and disposition. Lastly, in certain breeds, the males and
    females have come to differ to a slight degree from each other.

    Altogether at least a score of pigeons might be chosen, which if shown
    to an ornithologist, and he were told that they were wild birds, would
    certainly, I think, be ranked by him as well-defined species. Moreover,
    I do not believe that any ornithologist would place touch; the
    oil-gland is quite aborted. Several other less distinct breeds might
    have been specified.
    the English carrier, the short-faced tumbler, the runt, the barb,
    pouter, and fantail in the same genus; more especially as in each of
    these breeds several truly-inherited sub-breeds, or species as he might
    have called them, could be shown him.

    Great as the differences are between the breeds of pigeons, I am fully
    convinced that the common opinion of naturalists is correct, namely,
    that all have descended from the rock-pigeon (Columba livia), including
    under this term several geographical races or sub-species, which differ
    from each other in the most trifling respects. As several of the
    reasons which have led me to this belief are in some degree applicable
    in other cases, I will here briefly give them. If the several breeds
    are not varieties, and have not proceeded from the rock-pigeon, they
    must have descended from at least seven or eight aboriginal stocks; for
    it is impossible to make the present domestic breeds by the crossing of
    any lesser number: how, for instance, could a pouter be produced by
    crossing two breeds unless one of the parent-stocks possessed the
    characteristic enormous crop? The supposed aboriginal stocks must all
    have been rock-pigeons, that is, not breeding or willingly perching on
    trees. But besides C. livia, with its geographical sub-species, only
    two or three other species of rock-pigeons are known; and these have
    not any of the characters of the domestic breeds. Hence the supposed
    aboriginal stocks must either still exist in the countries where they
    were originally domesticated, and yet be unknown to ornithologists; and
    this, considering their size, habits, and remarkable characters, seems
    very improbable; or they must have become extinct in the wild state.
    But birds breeding on precipices, and good fliers, are unlikely to be
    exterminated; and the common rock-pigeon, which has the same habits
    with the domestic breeds, has not been exterminated
    even on several of the smaller British islets, or on the shores of the
    Mediterranean. Hence the supposed extermination of so many species
    having similar habits with the rock-pigeon seems to me a very rash
    assumption. Moreover, the several above-named domesticated breeds have
    been transported to all parts of the world, and, therefore, some of
    them must have been carried back again into their native country; but
    not one has ever become wild or feral, though the dovecot-pigeon, which
    is the rock-pigeon in a very slightly altered state, has become feral
    in several places. Again, all recent experience shows that it is most
    difficult to get any wild animal to breed freely under domestication;
    yet on the hypothesis of the multiple origin of our pigeons, it must be
    assumed that at least seven or eight species were so thoroughly
    domesticated in ancient times by half-civilized man, as to be quite
    prolific under confinement.

    An argument, as it seems to me, of great weight, and applicable in
    several other cases, is, that the above-specified breeds, though
    agreeing generally in constitution, habits, voice, colouring, and in
    most parts of their structure, with the wild rock-pigeon, yet are
    certainly highly abnormal in other parts of their structure: we may
    look in vain throughout the whole great family of Columbidæ for a beak
    like that of the English carrier, or that of the short-faced tumbler,
    or barb; for reversed feathers like those of the jacobin; for a crop
    like that of the pouter; for tail-feathers like those of the fantail.
    Hence it must be assumed not only that half-civilized man succeeded in
    thoroughly domesticating several species, but that he intentionally or
    by chance picked out extraordinarily abnormal species; and further,
    that these very species have since all become extinct or unknown. So
    many strange contingencies seem to me improbable in the highest degree.

    Some facts in regard to the colouring of pigeons well deserve
    consideration. The rock-pigeon is of a slaty-blue, and has a white rump
    (the Indian sub-species, C. intermedia of Strickland, having it
    bluish); the tail has a terminal dark bar, with the bases of the outer
    feathers externally edged with white; the wings have two black bars;
    some semi-domestic breeds and some apparently truly wild breeds have,
    besides the two black bars, the wings chequered with black. These
    several marks do not occur together in any other species of the whole
    family. Now, in every one of the domestic breeds, taking thoroughly
    well-bred birds, all the above marks, even to the white edging of the
    outer tail-feathers, sometimes concur perfectly developed. Moreover,
    when two birds belonging to two distinct breeds are crossed, neither of
    which is blue or has any of the above-specified marks, the mongrel
    offspring are very apt suddenly to acquire these characters; for
    instance, I crossed some uniformly white fantails with some uniformly
    black barbs, and they produced mottled brown and black birds; these I
    again crossed together, and one grandchild of the pure white fantail
    and pure black barb was of as beautiful a blue colour, with the white
    rump, double black wing-bar, and barred and white-edged tail-feathers,
    as any wild rock-pigeon! We can understand these facts, on the
    well-known principle of reversion to ancestral characters, if all the
    domestic breeds have descended from the rock-pigeon. But if we deny
    this, we must make one of the two following highly improbable
    suppositions. Either, firstly, that all the several imagined aboriginal
    stocks were coloured and marked like the rock-pigeon, although no other
    existing species is thus coloured and marked, so that in each separate
    breed there might be a tendency to revert to the very same colours and
    markings. Or, secondly,
    that each breed, even the purest, has within a dozen or, at most,
    within a score of generations, been crossed by the rock-pigeon: I say
    within a dozen or twenty generations, for we know of no fact
    countenancing the belief that the child ever reverts to some one
    ancestor, removed by a greater number of generations. In a breed which
    has been crossed only once with some distinct breed, the tendency to
    reversion to any character derived from such cross will naturally
    become less and less, as in each succeeding generation there will be
    less of the foreign blood; but when there has been no cross with a
    distinct breed, and there is a tendency in both parents to revert to a
    character, which has been lost during some former generation, this
    tendency, for all that we can see to the contrary, may be transmitted
    undiminished for an indefinite number of generations. These two
    distinct cases are often confounded in treatises on inheritance.

    Lastly, the hybrids or mongrels from between all the domestic breeds of
    pigeons are perfectly fertile. I can state this from my own
    observations, purposely made on the most distinct breeds. Now, it is
    difficult, perhaps impossible, to bring forward one case of the hybrid
    offspring of two animals clearly distinct being themselves perfectly
    fertile. Some authors believe that long-continued domestication
    eliminates this strong tendency to sterility: from the history of the
    dog I think there is some probability in this hypothesis, if applied to
    species closely related together, though it is unsupported by a single
    experiment. But to extend the hypothesis so far as to suppose that
    species, aboriginally as distinct as carriers, tumblers, pouters, and
    fantails now are, should yield offspring perfectly fertile, inter se,
    seems to me rash in the extreme.

    From these several reasons, namely, the improbability of man having
    formerly got seven or eight supposed
    species of pigeons to breed freely under domestication; these supposed
    species being quite unknown in a wild state, and their becoming nowhere
    feral; these species having very abnormal characters in certain
    respects, as compared with all other Columbidæ, though so like in most
    other respects to the rock-pigeon; the blue colour and various marks
    occasionally appearing in all the breeds, both when kept pure and when
    crossed; the mongrel offspring being perfectly fertile;—from these
    several reasons, taken together, I can feel no doubt that all our
    domestic breeds have descended from the Columba livia with its
    geographical sub-species.

    In favour of this view, I may add, firstly, that C. livia, or the
    rock-pigeon, has been found capable of domestication in Europe and in
    India; and that it agrees in habits and in a great number of points of
    structure with all the domestic breeds. Secondly, although an English
    carrier or short-faced tumbler differs immensely in certain characters
    from the rock-pigeon, yet by comparing the several sub-breeds of these
    breeds, more especially those brought from distant countries, we can
    make an almost perfect series between the extremes of structure.
    Thirdly, those characters which are mainly distinctive of each breed,
    for instance the wattle and length of beak of the carrier, the
    shortness of that of the tumbler, and the number of tail-feathers in
    the fantail, are in each breed eminently variable; and the explanation
    of this fact will be obvious when we come to treat of selection.
    Fourthly, pigeons have been watched, and tended with the utmost care,
    and loved by many people. They have been domesticated for thousands of
    years in several quarters of the world; the earliest known record of
    pigeons is in the fifth Aegyptian dynasty, about 3000 B.C., as was
    pointed out to me by Professor Lepsius; but Mr. Birch informs me that
    pigeons are given in a bill
    of fare in the previous dynasty. In the time of the Romans, as we hear
    from Pliny, immense prices were given for pigeons; “nay, they are come
    to this pass, that they can reckon up their pedigree and race.” Pigeons
    were much valued by Akber Khan in India, about the year 1600; never
    less than 20,000 pigeons were taken with the court. “The monarchs of
    Iran and Turan sent him some very rare birds;” and, continues the
    courtly historian, “His Majesty by crossing the breeds, which method
    was never practised before, has improved them astonishingly.” About
    this same period the Dutch were as eager about pigeons as were the old
    Romans. The paramount importance of these considerations in explaining
    the immense amount of variation which pigeons have undergone, will be
    obvious when we treat of Selection. We shall then, also, see how it is
    that the breeds so often have a somewhat monstrous character. It is
    also a most favourable circumstance for the production of distinct
    breeds, that male and female pigeons can be easily mated for life; and
    thus different breeds can be kept together in the same aviary.

    I have discussed the probable origin of domestic pigeons at some, yet
    quite insufficient, length; because when I first kept pigeons and
    watched the several kinds, knowing well how true they bred, I felt
    fully as much difficulty in believing that they could ever have
    descended from a common parent, as any naturalist could in coming to a
    similar conclusion in regard to the many species of finches, or other
    large groups of birds, in nature. One circumstance has struck me much;
    namely, that all the breeders of the various domestic animals and the
    cultivators of plants, with whom I have ever conversed, or whose
    treatises I have read, are firmly convinced that the several breeds to
    which each has attended, are descended from so many aboriginally
    distinct species.
    Ask, as I have asked, a celebrated raiser of Hereford cattle, whether
    his cattle might not have descended from long horns, and he will laugh
    you to scorn. I have never met a pigeon, or poultry, or duck, or rabbit
    fancier, who was not fully convinced that each main breed was descended
    from a distinct species. Van Mons, in his treatise on pears and apples,
    shows how utterly he disbelieves that the several sorts, for instance a
    Ribston-pippin or Codlin-apple, could ever have proceeded from the
    seeds of the same tree. Innumerable other examples could be given. The
    explanation, I think, is simple: from long-continued study they are
    strongly impressed with the differences between the several races; and
    though they well know that each race varies slightly, for they win
    their prizes by selecting such slight differences, yet they ignore all
    general arguments, and refuse to sum up in their minds slight
    differences accumulated during many successive generations. May not
    those naturalists who, knowing far less of the laws of inheritance than
    does the breeder, and knowing no more than he does of the intermediate
    links in the long lines of descent, yet admit that many of our domestic
    races have descended from the same parents—may they not learn a lesson
    of caution, when they deride the idea of species in a state of nature
    being lineal descendants of other species?

    Selection.—Let us now briefly consider the steps by which domestic
    races have been produced, either from one or from several allied
    species. Some little effect may, perhaps, be attributed to the direct
    action of the external conditions of life, and some little to habit;
    but he would be a bold man who would account by such agencies for the
    differences of a dray and race horse, a greyhound and bloodhound, a
    carrier and tumbler pigeon. One of the most remarkable features in our
    domesticated races
    is that we see in them adaptation, not indeed to the animal’s or
    plant’s own good, but to man’s use or fancy. Some variations useful to
    him have probably arisen suddenly, or by one step; many botanists, for
    instance, believe that the fuller’s teazle, with its hooks, which
    cannot be rivalled by any mechanical contrivance, is only a variety of
    the wild Dipsacus; and this amount of change may have suddenly arisen
    in a seedling. So it has probably been with the turnspit dog; and this
    is known to have been the case with the ancon sheep. But when we
    compare the dray-horse and race-horse, the dromedary and camel, the
    various breeds of sheep fitted either for cultivated land or mountain
    pasture, with the wool of one breed good for one purpose, and that of
    another breed for another purpose; when we compare the many breeds of
    dogs, each good for man in very different ways; when we compare the
    game-cock, so pertinacious in battle, with other breeds so little
    quarrelsome, with “everlasting layers” which never desire to sit, and
    with the bantam so small and elegant; when we compare the host of
    agricultural, culinary, orchard, and flower-garden races of plants,
    most useful to man at different seasons and for different purposes, or
    so beautiful in his eyes, we must, I think, look further than to mere
    variability. We cannot suppose that all the breeds were suddenly
    produced as perfect and as useful as we now see them; indeed, in
    several cases, we know that this has not been their history. The key is
    man’s power of accumulative selection: nature gives successive
    variations; man adds them up in certain directions useful to him. In
    this sense he may be said to make for himself useful breeds.

    The great power of this principle of selection is not hypothetical. It
    is certain that several of our eminent breeders have, even within a
    single lifetime, modified to
    a large extent some breeds of cattle and sheep. In order fully to
    realise what they have done, it is almost necessary to read several of
    the many treatises devoted to this subject, and to inspect the animals.
    Breeders habitually speak of an animal’s organisation as something
    quite plastic, which they can model almost as they please. If I had
    space I could quote numerous passages to this effect from highly
    competent authorities. Youatt, who was probably better acquainted with
    the works of agriculturalists than almost any other individual, and who
    was himself a very good judge of an animal, speaks of the principle of
    selection as “that which enables the agriculturist, not only to modify
    the character of his flock, but to change it altogether. It is the
    magician’s wand, by means of which he may summon into life whatever
    form and mould he pleases.” Lord Somerville, speaking of what breeders
    have done for sheep, says:—“It would seem as if they had chalked out
    upon a wall a form perfect in itself, and then had given it existence.”
    That most skilful breeder, Sir John Sebright, used to say, with respect
    to pigeons, that “he would produce any given feather in three years,
    but it would take him six years to obtain head and beak.” In Saxony the
    importance of the principle of selection in regard to merino sheep is
    so fully recognised, that men follow it as a trade: the sheep are
    placed on a table and are studied, like a picture by a connoisseur;
    this is done three times at intervals of months, and the sheep are each
    time marked and classed, so that the very best may ultimately be
    selected for breeding.

    What English breeders have actually effected is proved by the enormous
    prices given for animals with a good pedigree; and these have now been
    exported to almost every quarter of the world. The improvement is by no
    means generally due to crossing different breeds;
    all the best breeders are strongly opposed to this practice, except
    sometimes amongst closely allied sub-breeds. And when a cross has been
    made, the closest selection is far more indispensable even than in
    ordinary cases. If selection consisted merely in separating some very
    distinct variety, and breeding from it, the principle would be so
    obvious as hardly to be worth notice; but its importance consists in
    the great effect produced by the accumulation in one direction, during
    successive generations, of differences absolutely inappreciable by an
    uneducated eye—differences which I for one have vainly attempted to
    appreciate. Not one man in a thousand has accuracy of eye and judgment
    sufficient to become an eminent breeder. If gifted with these
    qualities, and he studies his subject for years, and devotes his
    lifetime to it with indomitable perseverance, he will succeed, and may
    make great improvements; if he wants any of these qualities, he will
    assuredly fail. Few would readily believe in the natural capacity and
    years of practice requisite to become even a skilful pigeon-fancier.

    The same principles are followed by horticulturists; but the variations
    are here often more abrupt. No one supposes that our choicest
    productions have been produced by a single variation from the
    aboriginal stock. We have proofs that this is not so in some cases, in
    which exact records have been kept; thus, to give a very trifling
    instance, the steadily-increasing size of the common gooseberry may be
    quoted. We see an astonishing improvement in many florists’ flowers,
    when the flowers of the present day are compared with drawings made
    only twenty or thirty years ago. When a race of plants is once pretty
    well established, the seed-raisers do not pick out the best plants, but
    merely go over their seed-beds, and pull up the “rogues,” as they call
    the plants that deviate from the proper standard. With animals this
    kind of selection is, in fact, also followed; for hardly any one is so
    careless as to allow his worst animals to breed.

    In regard to plants, there is another means of observing the
    accumulated effects of selection—namely, by comparing the diversity of
    flowers in the different varieties of the same species in the
    flower-garden; the diversity of leaves, pods, or tubers, or whatever
    part is valued, in the kitchen-garden, in comparison with the flowers
    of the same varieties; and the diversity of fruit of the same species
    in the orchard, in comparison with the leaves and flowers of the same
    set of varieties. See how different the leaves of the cabbage are, and
    how extremely alike the flowers; how unlike the flowers of the
    heartsease are, and how alike the leaves; how much the fruit of the
    different kinds of gooseberries differ in size, colour, shape, and
    hairiness, and yet the flowers present very slight differences. It is
    not that the varieties which differ largely in some one point do not
    differ at all in other points; this is hardly ever, perhaps never, the
    case. The laws of correlation of growth, the importance of which should
    never be overlooked, will ensure some differences; but, as a general
    rule, I cannot doubt that the continued selection of slight variations,
    either in the leaves, the flowers, or the fruit, will produce races
    differing from each other chiefly in these characters.

    It may be objected that the principle of selection has been reduced to
    methodical practice for scarcely more than three-quarters of a century;
    it has certainly been more attended to of late years, and many
    treatises have been published on the subject; and the result, I may
    add, has been, in a corresponding degree, rapid and important. But it
    is very far from true that the principle is a modern discovery. I could
    give several references to the full acknowledgment of the importance of
    the principle in works of high antiquity. In rude and
    barbarous periods of English history choice animals were often
    imported, and laws were passed to prevent their exportation: the
    destruction of horses under a certain size was ordered, and this may be
    compared to the “roguing” of plants by nurserymen. The principle of
    selection I find distinctly given in an ancient Chinese encyclopædia.
    Explicit rules are laid down by some of the Roman classical writers.
    From passages in Genesis, it is clear that the colour of domestic
    animals was at that early period attended to. Savages now sometimes
    cross their dogs with wild canine animals, to improve the breed, and
    they formerly did so, as is attested by passages in Pliny. The savages
    in South Africa match their draught cattle by colour, as do some of the
    Esquimaux their teams of dogs. Livingstone shows how much good domestic
    breeds are valued by the negroes of the interior of Africa who have not
    associated with Europeans. Some of these facts do not show actual
    selection, but they show that the breeding of domestic animals was
    carefully attended to in ancient times, and is now attended to by the
    lowest savages. It would, indeed, have been a strange fact, had
    attention not been paid to breeding, for the inheritance of good and
    bad qualities is so obvious.

    At the present time, eminent breeders try by methodical selection, with
    a distinct object in view, to make a new strain or sub-breed, superior
    to anything existing in the country. But, for our purpose, a kind of
    Selection, which may be called Unconscious, and which results from
    every one trying to possess and breed from the best individual animals,
    is more important. Thus, a man who intends keeping pointers naturally
    tries to get as good dogs as he can, and afterwards breeds from his own
    best dogs, but he has no wish or expectation of permanently altering
    the breed. Nevertheless I cannot
    doubt that this process, continued during centuries, would improve and
    modify any breed, in the same way as Bakewell, Collins, etc., by this
    very same process, only carried on more methodically, did greatly
    modify, even during their own lifetimes, the forms and qualities of
    their cattle. Slow and insensible changes of this kind could never be
    recognised unless actual measurements or careful drawings of the breeds
    in question had been made long ago, which might serve for comparison.
    In some cases, however, unchanged or but little changed individuals of
    the same breed may be found in less civilised districts, where the
    breed has been less improved. There is reason to believe that King
    Charles’s spaniel has been unconsciously modified to a large extent
    since the time of that monarch. Some highly competent authorities are
    convinced that the setter is directly derived from the spaniel, and has
    probably been slowly altered from it. It is known that the English
    pointer has been greatly changed within the last century, and in this
    case the change has, it is believed, been chiefly effected by crosses
    with the fox-hound; but what concerns us is, that the change has been
    effected unconsciously and gradually, and yet so effectually, that,
    though the old Spanish pointer certainly came from Spain, Mr. Borrow
    has not seen, as I am informed by him, any native dog in Spain like our
    pointer.

    By a similar process of selection, and by careful training, the whole
    body of English racehorses have come to surpass in fleetness and size
    the parent Arab stock, so that the latter, by the regulations for the
    Goodwood Races, are favoured in the weights they carry. Lord Spencer
    and others have shown how the cattle of England have increased in
    weight and in early maturity, compared with the stock formerly kept in
    this country. By comparing the accounts given in old pigeon treatises
    of carriers
    and tumblers with these breeds as now existing in Britain, India, and
    Persia, we can, I think, clearly trace the stages through which they
    have insensibly passed, and come to differ so greatly from the
    rock-pigeon.

    Youatt gives an excellent illustration of the effects of a course of
    selection, which may be considered as unconsciously followed, in so far
    that the breeders could never have expected or even have wished to have
    produced the result which ensued—namely, the production of two distinct
    strains. The two flocks of Leicester sheep kept by Mr. Buckley and Mr.
    Burgess, as Mr. Youatt remarks, “have been purely bred from the
    original stock of Mr. Bakewell for upwards of fifty years. There is not
    a suspicion existing in the mind of any one at all acquainted with the
    subject that the owner of either of them has deviated in any one
    instance from the pure blood of Mr. Bakewell’s flock, and yet the
    difference between the sheep possessed by these two gentlemen is so
    great that they have the appearance of being quite different
    varieties.”

    If there exist savages so barbarous as never to think of the inherited
    character of the offspring of their domestic animals, yet any one
    animal particularly useful to them, for any special purpose, would be
    carefully preserved during famines and other accidents, to which
    savages are so liable, and such choice animals would thus generally
    leave more offspring than the inferior ones; so that in this case there
    would be a kind of unconscious selection going on. We see the value set
    on animals even by the barbarians of Tierra del Fuego, by their killing
    and devouring their old women, in times of dearth, as of less value
    than their dogs.

    In plants the same gradual process of improvement, through the
    occasional preservation of the best individuals, whether or not
    sufficiently distinct to be ranked
    at their first appearance as distinct varieties, and whether or not two
    or more species or races have become blended together by crossing, may
    plainly be recognised in the increased size and beauty which we now see
    in the varieties of the heartsease, rose, pelargonium, dahlia, and
    other plants, when compared with the older varieties or with their
    parent-stocks. No one would ever expect to get a first-rate heartsease
    or dahlia from the seed of a wild plant. No one would expect to raise a
    first-rate melting pear from the seed of a wild pear, though he might
    succeed from a poor seedling growing wild, if it had come from a
    garden-stock. The pear, though cultivated in classical times, appears,
    from Pliny’s description, to have been a fruit of very inferior
    quality. I have seen great surprise expressed in horticultural works at
    the wonderful skill of gardeners, in having produced such splendid
    results from such poor materials; but the art, I cannot doubt, has been
    simple, and, as far as the final result is concerned, has been followed
    almost unconsciously. It has consisted in always cultivating the best
    known variety, sowing its seeds, and, when a slightly better variety
    has chanced to appear, selecting it, and so onwards. But the gardeners
    of the classical period, who cultivated the best pear they could
    procure, never thought what splendid fruit we should eat; though we owe
    our excellent fruit, in some small degree, to their having naturally
    chosen and preserved the best varieties they could anywhere find.

    A large amount of change in our cultivated plants, thus slowly and
    unconsciously accumulated, explains, as I believe, the well-known fact,
    that in a vast number of cases we cannot recognise, and therefore do
    not know, the wild parent-stocks of the plants which have been longest
    cultivated in our flower and kitchen gardens. If it has taken centuries
    or thousands of years to improve
    or modify most of our plants up to their present standard of usefulness
    to man, we can understand how it is that neither Australia, the Cape of
    Good Hope, nor any other region inhabited by quite uncivilised man, has
    afforded us a single plant worth culture. It is not that these
    countries, so rich in species, do not by a strange chance possess the
    aboriginal stocks of any useful plants, but that the native plants have
    not been improved by continued selection up to a standard of perfection
    comparable with that given to the plants in countries anciently
    civilised.

    In regard to the domestic animals kept by uncivilised man, it should
    not be overlooked that they almost always have to struggle for their
    own food, at least during certain seasons. And in two countries very
    differently circumstanced, individuals of the same species, having
    slightly different constitutions or structure, would often succeed
    better in the one country than in the other, and thus by a process of
    “natural selection,” as will hereafter be more fully explained, two
    sub-breeds might be formed. This, perhaps, partly explains what has
    been remarked by some authors, namely, that the varieties kept by
    savages have more of the character of species than the varieties kept
    in civilised countries.

    On the view here given of the all-important part which selection by man
    has played, it becomes at once obvious, how it is that our domestic
    races show adaptation in their structure or in their habits to man’s
    wants or fancies. We can, I think, further understand the frequently
    abnormal character of our domestic races, and likewise their
    differences being so great in external characters and relatively so
    slight in internal parts or organs. Man can hardly select, or only with
    much difficulty, any deviation of structure excepting such as is
    externally visible; and indeed he rarely cares for what is internal. He
    can never act by selection, excepting on variations
    which are first given to him in some slight degree by nature. No man
    would ever try to make a fantail, till he saw a pigeon with a tail
    developed in some slight degree in an unusual manner, or a pouter till
    he saw a pigeon with a crop of somewhat unusual size; and the more
    abnormal or unusual any character was when it first appeared, the more
    likely it would be to catch his attention. But to use such an
    expression as trying to make a fantail, is, I have no doubt, in most
    cases, utterly incorrect. The man who first selected a pigeon with a
    slightly larger tail, never dreamed what the descendants of that pigeon
    would become through long-continued, partly unconscious and partly
    methodical selection. Perhaps the parent bird of all fantails had only
    fourteen tail-feathers somewhat expanded, like the present Java
    fantail, or like individuals of other and distinct breeds, in which as
    many as seventeen tail-feathers have been counted. Perhaps the first
    pouter-pigeon did not inflate its crop much more than the turbit now
    does the upper part of its oesophagus,—a habit which is disregarded by
    all fanciers, as it is not one of the points of the breed.

    Nor let it be thought that some great deviation of structure would be
    necessary to catch the fancier’s eye: he perceives extremely small
    differences, and it is in human nature to value any novelty, however
    slight, in one’s own possession. Nor must the value which would
    formerly be set on any slight differences in the individuals of the
    same species, be judged of by the value which would now be set on them,
    after several breeds have once fairly been established. Many slight
    differences might, and indeed do now, arise amongst pigeons, which are
    rejected as faults or deviations from the standard of perfection of
    each breed. The common goose has not given rise to any marked
    varieties; hence the Thoulouse and the common breed, which differ only
    in colour, that
    most fleeting of characters, have lately been exhibited as distinct at
    our poultry-shows.

    I think these views further explain what has sometimes been
    noticed—namely that we know nothing about the origin or history of any
    of our domestic breeds. But, in fact, a breed, like a dialect of a
    language, can hardly be said to have had a definite origin. A man
    preserves and breeds from an individual with some slight deviation of
    structure, or takes more care than usual in matching his best animals
    and thus improves them, and the improved individuals slowly spread in
    the immediate neighbourhood. But as yet they will hardly have a
    distinct name, and from being only slightly valued, their history will
    be disregarded. When further improved by the same slow and gradual
    process, they will spread more widely, and will get recognised as
    something distinct and valuable, and will then probably first receive a
    provincial name. In semi-civilised countries, with little free
    communication, the spreading and knowledge of any new sub-breed will be
    a slow process. As soon as the points of value of the new sub-breed are
    once fully acknowledged, the principle, as I have called it, of
    unconscious selection will always tend,—perhaps more at one period than
    at another, as the breed rises or falls in fashion,—perhaps more in one
    district than in another, according to the state of civilisation of the
    inhabitants—slowly to add to the characteristic features of the breed,
    whatever they may be. But the chance will be infinitely small of any
    record having been preserved of such slow, varying, and insensible
    changes.

    I must now say a few words on the circumstances, favourable, or the
    reverse, to man’s power of selection. A high degree of variability is
    obviously favourable, as freely giving the materials for selection to
    work on; not that mere individual differences are not amply
    sufficient, with extreme care, to allow of the accumulation of a large
    amount of modification in almost any desired direction. But as
    variations manifestly useful or pleasing to man appear only
    occasionally, the chance of their appearance will be much increased by
    a large number of individuals being kept; and hence this comes to be of
    the highest importance to success. On this principle Marshall has
    remarked, with respect to the sheep of parts of Yorkshire, that “as
    they generally belong to poor people, and are mostly in small lots,
    they never can be improved.” On the other hand, nurserymen, from
    raising large stocks of the same plants, are generally far more
    successful than amateurs in getting new and valuable varieties. The
    keeping of a large number of individuals of a species in any country
    requires that the species should be placed under favourable conditions
    of life, so as to breed freely in that country. When the individuals of
    any species are scanty, all the individuals, whatever their quality may
    be, will generally be allowed to breed, and this will effectually
    prevent selection. But probably the most important point of all, is,
    that the animal or plant should be so highly useful to man, or so much
    valued by him, that the closest attention should be paid to even the
    slightest deviation in the qualities or structure of each individual.
    Unless such attention be paid nothing can be effected. I have seen it
    gravely remarked, that it was most fortunate that the strawberry began
    to vary just when gardeners began to attend closely to this plant. No
    doubt the strawberry had always varied since it was cultivated, but the
    slight varieties had been neglected. As soon, however, as gardeners
    picked out individual plants with slightly larger, earlier, or better
    fruit, and raised seedlings from them, and again picked out the best
    seedlings and bred from them, then, there appeared (aided by some
    crossing with distinct species) those many admirable varieties of the
    strawberry which have been raised during the last thirty or forty
    years.

    In the case of animals with separate sexes, facility in preventing
    crosses is an important element of success in the formation of new
    races,—at least, in a country which is already stocked with other
    races. In this respect enclosure of the land plays a part. Wandering
    savages or the inhabitants of open plains rarely possess more than one
    breed of the same species. Pigeons can be mated for life, and this is a
    great convenience to the fancier, for thus many races may be kept true,
    though mingled in the same aviary; and this circumstance must have
    largely favoured the improvement and formation of new breeds. Pigeons,
    I may add, can be propagated in great numbers and at a very quick rate,
    and inferior birds may be freely rejected, as when killed they serve
    for food. On the other hand, cats, from their nocturnal rambling
    habits, cannot be matched, and, although so much valued by women and
    children, we hardly ever see a distinct breed kept up; such breeds as
    we do sometimes see are almost always imported from some other country,
    often from islands. Although I do not doubt that some domestic animals
    vary less than others, yet the rarity or absence of distinct breeds of
    the cat, the donkey, peacock, goose, etc., may be attributed in main
    part to selection not having been brought into play: in cats, from the
    difficulty in pairing them; in donkeys, from only a few being kept by
    poor people, and little attention paid to their breeding; in peacocks,
    from not being very easily reared and a large stock not kept; in geese,
    from being valuable only for two purposes, food and feathers, and more
    especially from no pleasure having been felt in the display of distinct
    breeds.

    To sum up on the origin of our Domestic Races of animals and plants. I
    believe that the conditions of life, from their action on the
    reproductive system, are so far of the highest importance as causing
    variability. I do not believe that variability is an inherent and
    necessary contingency, under all circumstances, with all organic
    beings, as some authors have thought. The effects of variability are
    modified by various degrees of inheritance and of reversion.
    Variability is governed by many unknown laws, more especially by that
    of correlation of growth. Something may be attributed to the direct
    action of the conditions of life. Something must be attributed to use
    and disuse. The final result is thus rendered infinitely complex. In
    some cases, I do not doubt that the intercrossing of species,
    aboriginally distinct, has played an important part in the origin of
    our domestic productions. When in any country several domestic breeds
    have once been established, their occasional intercrossing, with the
    aid of selection, has, no doubt, largely aided in the formation of new
    sub-breeds; but the importance of the crossing of varieties has, I
    believe, been greatly exaggerated, both in regard to animals and to
    those plants which are propagated by seed. In plants which are
    temporarily propagated by cuttings, buds, etc., the importance of the
    crossing both of distinct species and of varieties is immense; for the
    cultivator here quite disregards the extreme variability both of
    hybrids and mongrels, and the frequent sterility of hybrids; but the
    cases of plants not propagated by seed are of little importance to us,
    for their endurance is only temporary. Over all these causes of Change
    I am convinced that the accumulative action of Selection, whether
    applied methodically and more quickly, or unconsciously and more
    slowly, but more efficiently, is by far the predominant Power.

    CHAPTER II.
    VARIATION UNDER NATURE.

    Variability. Individual differences. Doubtful species. Wide ranging,
    much diffused, and common species vary most. Species of the larger
    genera in any country vary more than the species of the smaller genera.
    Many of the species of the larger genera resemble varieties in being
    very closely, but unequally, related to each other, and in having
    restricted ranges.

    Before applying the principles arrived at in the last chapter to
    organic beings in a state of nature, we must briefly discuss whether
    these latter are subject to any variation. To treat this subject at all
    properly, a long catalogue of dry facts should be given; but these I
    shall reserve for my future work. Nor shall I here discuss the various
    definitions which have been given of the term species. No one
    definition has as yet satisfied all naturalists; yet every naturalist
    knows vaguely what he means when he speaks of a species. Generally the
    term includes the unknown element of a distinct act of creation. The
    term “variety” is almost equally difficult to define; but here
    community of descent is almost universally implied, though it can
    rarely be proved. We have also what are called monstrosities; but they
    graduate into varieties. By a monstrosity I presume is meant some
    considerable deviation of structure in one part, either injurious to or
    not useful to the species, and not generally propagated. Some authors
    use the term “variation” in a technical sense, as implying a
    modification directly due to the physical conditions of life; and
    “variations” in this sense are supposed not to be inherited: but who
    can say that the dwarfed condition of shells in the brackish waters of
    the Baltic, or dwarfed plants on Alpine summits, or the thicker fur of
    an animal from far northwards, would not in some cases be inherited for
    at least some few generations? and in this case I presume that the form
    would be called a variety.

    Again, we have many slight differences which may be called individual
    differences, such as are known frequently to appear in the offspring
    from the same parents, or which may be presumed to have thus arisen,
    from being frequently observed in the individuals of the same species
    inhabiting the same confined locality. No one supposes that all the
    individuals of the same species are cast in the very same mould. These
    individual differences are highly important for us, as they afford
    materials for natural selection to accumulate, in the same manner as
    man can accumulate in any given direction individual differences in his
    domesticated productions. These individual differences generally affect
    what naturalists consider unimportant parts; but I could show by a long
    catalogue of facts, that parts which must be called important, whether
    viewed under a physiological or classificatory point of view, sometimes
    vary in the individuals of the same species. I am convinced that the
    most experienced naturalist would be surprised at the number of the
    cases of variability, even in important parts of structure, which he
    could collect on good authority, as I have collected, during a course
    of years. It should be remembered that systematists are far from
    pleased at finding variability in important characters, and that there
    are not many men who will laboriously examine internal and important
    organs, and compare them in many specimens of the same species. I
    should never have expected that the branching of the main nerves close
    to the great central ganglion of an insect would have been variable in
    the same species; I should have expected that changes of this nature
    could have been effected only by slow degrees: yet quite recently Mr.
    Lubbock has shown a degree of variability in these main nerves in
    Coccus, which may almost be compared to the irregular branching of the
    stem of a tree. This philosophical naturalist, I may add, has also
    quite recently shown that the muscles in the larvæ of certain insects
    are very far from uniform. Authors sometimes argue in a circle when
    they state that important organs never vary; for these same authors
    practically rank that character as important (as some few naturalists
    have honestly confessed) which does not vary; and, under this point of
    view, no instance of an important part varying will ever be found: but
    under any other point of view many instances assuredly can be given.

    There is one point connected with individual differences, which seems
    to me extremely perplexing: I refer to those genera which have
    sometimes been called “protean” or “polymorphic,” in which the species
    present an inordinate amount of variation; and hardly two naturalists
    can agree which forms to rank as species and which as varieties. We may
    instance Rubus, Rosa, and Hieracium amongst plants, several genera of
    insects, and several genera of Brachiopod shells. In most polymorphic
    genera some of the species have fixed and definite characters. Genera
    which are polymorphic in one country seem to be, with some few
    exceptions, polymorphic in other countries, and likewise, judging from
    Brachiopod shells, at former periods of time. These facts seem to be
    very perplexing, for they seem to show that this kind of variability is
    independent of the conditions of life. I am inclined to suspect that we
    see in these polymorphic genera variations in points of structure which
    are of no service or disservice to the species, and which consequently
    have not been seized on and rendered definite by natural selection, as
    hereafter will be explained.

    Those forms which possess in some considerable degree the character of
    species, but which are so closely similar to some other forms, or are
    so closely linked to them by intermediate gradations, that naturalists
    do not like to rank them as distinct species, are in several respects
    the most important for us. We have every reason to believe that many of
    these doubtful and closely-allied forms have permanently retained their
    characters in their own country for a long time; for as long, as far as
    we know, as have good and true species. Practically, when a naturalist
    can unite two forms together by others having intermediate characters,
    he treats the one as a variety of the other, ranking the most common,
    but sometimes the one first described, as the species, and the other as
    the variety. But cases of great difficulty, which I will not here
    enumerate, sometimes occur in deciding whether or not to rank one form
    as a variety of another, even when they are closely connected by
    intermediate links; nor will the commonly-assumed hybrid nature of the
    intermediate links always remove the difficulty. In very many cases,
    however, one form is ranked as a variety of another, not because the
    intermediate links have actually been found, but because analogy leads
    the observer to suppose either that they do now somewhere exist, or may
    formerly have existed; and here a wide door for the entry of doubt and
    conjecture is opened.

    Hence, in determining whether a form should be ranked as a species or a
    variety, the opinion of naturalists having sound judgment and wide
    experience seems the only guide to follow. We must, however, in many
    cases, decide by a majority of naturalists, for few well-marked and
    well-known varieties can be named which have not been ranked as species
    by at least some competent judges.

    That varieties of this doubtful nature are far from uncommon cannot be
    disputed. Compare the several floras of Great Britain, of France or of
    the United States, drawn up by different botanists, and see what a
    surprising number of forms have been ranked by one botanist as good
    species, and by another as mere varieties. Mr. H. C. Watson, to whom I
    lie under deep obligation for assistance of all kinds, has marked for
    me 182 British plants, which are generally considered as varieties, but
    which have all been ranked by botanists as species; and in making this
    list he has omitted many trifling varieties, but which nevertheless
    have been ranked by some botanists as species, and he has entirely
    omitted several highly polymorphic genera. Under genera, including the
    most polymorphic forms, Mr. Babington gives 251 species, whereas Mr.
    Bentham gives only 112,—a difference of 139 doubtful forms! Amongst
    animals which unite for each birth, and which are highly locomotive,
    doubtful forms, ranked by one zoologist as a species and by another as
    a variety, can rarely be found within the same country, but are common
    in separated areas. How many of those birds and insects in North
    America and Europe, which differ very slightly from each other, have
    been ranked by one eminent naturalist as undoubted species, and by
    another as varieties, or, as they are often called, as geographical
    races! Many years ago, when comparing, and seeing others compare, the
    birds from the separate islands of the Galapagos Archipelago, both one
    with another, and with those from the American mainland, I was much
    struck how entirely vague and arbitrary is the distinction between
    species and varieties. On the islets of the little Madeira group there
    are many insects which are characterized as varieties in Mr.
    Wollaston’s admirable work, but which it cannot
    be doubted would be ranked as distinct species by many entomologists.
    Even Ireland has a few animals, now generally regarded as varieties,
    but which have been ranked as species by some zoologists. Several most
    experienced ornithologists consider our British red grouse as only a
    strongly-marked race of a Norwegian species, whereas the greater number
    rank it as an undoubted species peculiar to Great Britain. A wide
    distance between the homes of two doubtful forms leads many naturalists
    to rank both as distinct species; but what distance, it has been well
    asked, will suffice? if that between America and Europe is ample, will
    that between the Continent and the Azores, or Madeira, or the Canaries,
    or Ireland, be sufficient? It must be admitted that many forms,
    considered by highly-competent judges as varieties, have so perfectly
    the character of species that they are ranked by other highly-competent
    judges as good and true species. But to discuss whether they are
    rightly called species or varieties, before any definition of these
    terms has been generally accepted, is vainly to beat the air.

    Many of the cases of strongly-marked varieties or doubtful species well
    deserve consideration; for several interesting lines of argument, from
    geographical distribution, analogical variation, hybridism, etc., have
    been brought to bear on the attempt to determine their rank. I will
    here give only a single instance,—the well-known one of the primrose
    and cowslip, or Primula veris and elatior. These plants differ
    considerably in appearance; they have a different flavour and emit a
    different odour; they flower at slightly different periods; they grow
    in somewhat different stations; they ascend mountains to different
    heights; they have different geographical ranges; and lastly, according
    to very numerous experiments made during several years by
    that most careful observer Gärtner, they can be crossed only with much
    difficulty. We could hardly wish for better evidence of the two forms
    being specifically distinct. On the other hand, they are united by many
    intermediate links, and it is very doubtful whether these links are
    hybrids; and there is, as it seems to me, an overwhelming amount of
    experimental evidence, showing that they descend from common parents,
    and consequently must be ranked as varieties.

    Close investigation, in most cases, will bring naturalists to an
    agreement how to rank doubtful forms. Yet it must be confessed, that it
    is in the best-known countries that we find the greatest number of
    forms of doubtful value. I have been struck with the fact, that if any
    animal or plant in a state of nature be highly useful to man, or from
    any cause closely attract his attention, varieties of it will almost
    universally be found recorded. These varieties, moreover, will be often
    ranked by some authors as species. Look at the common oak, how closely
    it has been studied; yet a German author makes more than a dozen
    species out of forms, which are very generally considered as varieties;
    and in this country the highest botanical authorities and practical men
    can be quoted to show that the sessile and pedunculated oaks are either
    good and distinct species or mere varieties.

    When a young naturalist commences the study of a group of organisms
    quite unknown to him, he is at first much perplexed to determine what
    differences to consider as specific, and what as varieties; for he
    knows nothing of the amount and kind of variation to which the group is
    subject; and this shows, at least, how very generally there is some
    variation. But if he confine his attention to one class within one
    country, he will soon make up his mind how to rank most of the doubtful
    forms. His
    general tendency will be to make many species, for he will become
    impressed, just like the pigeon or poultry-fancier before alluded to,
    with the amount of difference in the forms which he is continually
    studying; and he has little general knowledge of analogical variation
    in other groups and in other countries, by which to correct his first
    impressions. As he extends the range of his observations, he will meet
    with more cases of difficulty; for he will encounter a greater number
    of closely-allied forms. But if his observations be widely extended, he
    will in the end generally be enabled to make up his own mind which to
    call varieties and which species; but he will succeed in this at the
    expense of admitting much variation,—and the truth of this admission
    will often be disputed by other naturalists. When, moreover, he comes
    to study allied forms brought from countries not now continuous, in
    which case he can hardly hope to find the intermediate links between
    his doubtful forms, he will have to trust almost entirely to analogy,
    and his difficulties will rise to a climax.

    Certainly no clear line of demarcation has as yet been drawn between
    species and sub-species—that is, the forms which in the opinion of some
    naturalists come very near to, but do not quite arrive at the rank of
    species; or, again, between sub-species and well-marked varieties, or
    between lesser varieties and individual differences. These differences
    blend into each other in an insensible series; and a series impresses
    the mind with the idea of an actual passage.

    Hence I look at individual differences, though of small interest to the
    systematist, as of high importance for us, as being the first step
    towards such slight varieties as are barely thought worth recording in
    works on natural history. And I look at varieties which are in any
    degree more distinct and permanent, as steps leading to more
    strongly marked and more permanent varieties; and at these latter, as
    leading to sub-species, and to species. The passage from one stage of
    difference to another and higher stage may be, in some cases, due
    merely to the long-continued action of different physical conditions in
    two different regions; but I have not much faith in this view; and I
    attribute the passage of a variety, from a state in which it differs
    very slightly from its parent to one in which it differs more, to the
    action of natural selection in accumulating (as will hereafter be more
    fully explained) differences of structure in certain definite
    directions. Hence I believe a well-marked variety may be justly called
    an incipient species; but whether this belief be justifiable must be
    judged of by the general weight of the several facts and views given
    throughout this work.

    It need not be supposed that all varieties or incipient species
    necessarily attain the rank of species. They may whilst in this
    incipient state become extinct, or they may endure as varieties for
    very long periods, as has been shown to be the case by Mr. Wollaston
    with the varieties of certain fossil land-shells in Madeira. If a
    variety were to flourish so as to exceed in numbers the parent species,
    it would then rank as the species, and the species as the variety; or
    it might come to supplant and exterminate the parent species; or both
    might co-exist, and both rank as independent species. But we shall
    hereafter have to return to this subject.

    From these remarks it will be seen that I look at the term species, as
    one arbitrarily given for the sake of convenience to a set of
    individuals closely resembling each other, and that it does not
    essentially differ from the term variety, which is given to less
    distinct and more fluctuating forms. The term variety, again, in
    comparison with mere individual differences, is also applied
    arbitrarily, and for mere convenience sake.

    Guided by theoretical considerations, I thought that some interesting
    results might be obtained in regard to the nature and relations of the
    species which vary most, by tabulating all the varieties in several
    well-worked floras. At first this seemed a simple task; but Mr. H. C.
    Watson, to whom I am much indebted for valuable advice and assistance
    on this subject, soon convinced me that there were many difficulties,
    as did subsequently Dr. Hooker, even in stronger terms. I shall reserve
    for my future work the discussion of these difficulties, and the tables
    themselves of the proportional numbers of the varying species. Dr.
    Hooker permits me to add, that after having carefully read my
    manuscript, and examined the tables, he thinks that the following
    statements are fairly well established. The whole subject, however,
    treated as it necessarily here is with much brevity, is rather
    perplexing, and allusions cannot be avoided to the “struggle for
    existence,” “divergence of character,” and other questions, hereafter
    to be discussed.

    Alph. De Candolle and others have shown that plants which have very
    wide ranges generally present varieties; and this might have been
    expected, as they become exposed to diverse physical conditions, and as
    they come into competition (which, as we shall hereafter see, is a far
    more important circumstance) with different sets of organic beings. But
    my tables further show that, in any limited country, the species which
    are most common, that is abound most in individuals, and the species
    which are most widely diffused within their own country (and this is a
    different consideration from wide range, and to a certain extent from
    commonness), often give rise to varieties sufficiently well-marked to
    have been recorded in botanical works. Hence it is the most
    flourishing, or, as they may be called, the dominant species,—those
    which range widely over the world, are the most diffused in their own
    country, and are the most numerous in individuals,—which oftenest
    produce well-marked varieties, or, as I consider them, incipient
    species. And this, perhaps, might have been anticipated; for, as
    varieties, in order to become in any degree permanent, necessarily have
    to struggle with the other inhabitants of the country, the species
    which are already dominant will be the most likely to yield offspring
    which, though in some slight degree modified, will still inherit those
    advantages that enabled their parents to become dominant over their
    compatriots.

    If the plants inhabiting a country and described in any Flora be
    divided into two equal masses, all those in the larger genera being
    placed on one side, and all those in the smaller genera on the other
    side, a somewhat larger number of the very common and much diffused or
    dominant species will be found on the side of the larger genera. This,
    again, might have been anticipated; for the mere fact of many species
    of the same genus inhabiting any country, shows that there is something
    in the organic or inorganic conditions of that country favourable to
    the genus; and, consequently, we might have expected to have found in
    the larger genera, or those including many species, a large
    proportional number of dominant species. But so many causes tend to
    obscure this result, that I am surprised that my tables show even a
    small majority on the side of the larger genera. I will here allude to
    only two causes of obscurity. Fresh-water and salt-loving plants have
    generally very wide ranges and are much diffused, but this seems to be
    connected with the nature of the stations inhabited by them, and has
    little or no relation to the size of the genera to which the species
    belong. Again, plants low in the scale of organisation are
    generally much more widely diffused than plants higher in the scale;
    and here again there is no close relation to the size of the genera.
    The cause of lowly-organised plants ranging widely will be discussed in
    our chapter on geographical distribution.

    From looking at species as only strongly-marked and well-defined
    varieties, I was led to anticipate that the species of the larger
    genera in each country would oftener present varieties, than the
    species of the smaller genera; for wherever many closely related
    species (i.e. species of the same genus) have been formed, many
    varieties or incipient species ought, as a general rule, to be now
    forming. Where many large trees grow, we expect to find saplings. Where
    many species of a genus have been formed through variation,
    circumstances have been favourable for variation; and hence we might
    expect that the circumstances would generally be still favourable to
    variation. On the other hand, if we look at each species as a special
    act of creation, there is no apparent reason why more varieties should
    occur in a group having many species, than in one having few.

    To test the truth of this anticipation I have arranged the plants of
    twelve countries, and the coleopterous insects of two districts, into
    two nearly equal masses, the species of the larger genera on one side,
    and those of the smaller genera on the other side, and it has
    invariably proved to be the case that a larger proportion of the
    species on the side of the larger genera present varieties, than on the
    side of the smaller genera. Moreover, the species of the large genera
    which present any varieties, invariably present a larger average number
    of varieties than do the species of the small genera. Both these
    results follow when another division is made, and when all the smallest
    genera, with from only one to four species, are absolutely excluded
    from the tables. These
    facts are of plain signification on the view that species are only
    strongly marked and permanent varieties; for wherever many species of
    the same genus have been formed, or where, if we may use the
    expression, the manufactory of species has been active, we ought
    generally to find the manufactory still in action, more especially as
    we have every reason to believe the process of manufacturing new
    species to be a slow one. And this certainly is the case, if varieties
    be looked at as incipient species; for my tables clearly show as a
    general rule that, wherever many species of a genus have been formed,
    the species of that genus present a number of varieties, that is of
    incipient species, beyond the average. It is not that all large genera
    are now varying much, and are thus increasing in the number of their
    species, or that no small genera are now varying and increasing; for if
    this had been so, it would have been fatal to my theory; inasmuch as
    geology plainly tells us that small genera have in the lapse of time
    often increased greatly in size; and that large genera have often come
    to their maxima, declined, and disappeared. All that we want to show
    is, that where many species of a genus have been formed, on an average
    many are still forming; and this holds good.

    There are other relations between the species of large genera and their
    recorded varieties which deserve notice. We have seen that there is no
    infallible criterion by which to distinguish species and well-marked
    varieties; and in those cases in which intermediate links have not been
    found between doubtful forms, naturalists are compelled to come to a
    determination by the amount of difference between them, judging by
    analogy whether or not the amount suffices to raise one or both to the
    rank of species. Hence the amount of difference is one very important
    criterion in settling whether two forms should
    be ranked as species or varieties. Now Fries has remarked in regard to
    plants, and Westwood in regard to insects, that in large genera the
    amount of difference between the species is often exceedingly small. I
    have endeavoured to test this numerically by averages, and, as far as
    my imperfect results go, they always confirm the view. I have also
    consulted some sagacious and most experienced observers, and, after
    deliberation, they concur in this view. In this respect, therefore, the
    species of the larger genera resemble varieties, more than do the
    species of the smaller genera. Or the case may be put in another way,
    and it may be said, that in the larger genera, in which a number of
    varieties or incipient species greater than the average are now
    manufacturing, many of the species already manufactured still to a
    certain extent resemble varieties, for they differ from each other by a
    less than usual amount of difference.

    Moreover, the species of the large genera are related to each other, in
    the same manner as the varieties of any one species are related to each
    other. No naturalist pretends that all the species of a genus are
    equally distinct from each other; they may generally be divided into
    sub-genera, or sections, or lesser groups. As Fries has well remarked,
    little groups of species are generally clustered like satellites around
    certain other species. And what are varieties but groups of forms,
    unequally related to each other, and clustered round certain forms—that
    is, round their parent-species? Undoubtedly there is one most important
    point of difference between varieties and species; namely, that the
    amount of difference between varieties, when compared with each other
    or with their parent-species, is much less than that between the
    species of the same genus. But when we come to discuss the principle,
    as I call it, of Divergence of Character,
    we shall see how this may be explained, and how the lesser differences
    between varieties will tend to increase into the greater differences
    between species.

    There is one other point which seems to me worth notice. Varieties
    generally have much restricted ranges: this statement is indeed
    scarcely more than a truism, for if a variety were found to have a
    wider range than that of its supposed parent-species, their
    denominations ought to be reversed. But there is also reason to
    believe, that those species which are very closely allied to other
    species, and in so far resemble varieties, often have much restricted
    ranges. For instance, Mr. H. C. Watson has marked for me in the
    well-sifted London Catalogue of plants (4th edition) 63 plants which
    are therein ranked as species, but which he considers as so closely
    allied to other species as to be of doubtful value: these 63 reputed
    species range on an average over 6.9 of the provinces into which Mr.
    Watson has divided Great Britain. Now, in this same catalogue, 53
    acknowledged varieties are recorded, and these range over 7.7
    provinces; whereas, the species to which these varieties belong range
    over 14.3 provinces. So that the acknowledged varieties have very
    nearly the same restricted average range, as have those very closely
    allied forms, marked for me by Mr. Watson as doubtful species, but
    which are almost universally ranked by British botanists as good and
    true species.

    Finally, then, varieties have the same general characters as species,
    for they cannot be distinguished from species,—except, firstly, by the
    discovery of intermediate linking forms, and the occurrence of such
    links cannot affect the actual characters of the forms which they
    connect; and except, secondly, by a certain amount of
    difference, for two forms, if differing very little, are generally
    ranked as varieties, notwithstanding that intermediate linking forms
    have not been discovered; but the amount of difference considered
    necessary to give to two forms the rank of species is quite indefinite.
    In genera having more than the average number of species in any
    country, the species of these genera have more than the average number
    of varieties. In large genera the species are apt to be closely, but
    unequally, allied together, forming little clusters round certain
    species. Species very closely allied to other species apparently have
    restricted ranges. In all these several respects the species of large
    genera present a strong analogy with varieties. And we can clearly
    understand these analogies, if species have once existed as varieties,
    and have thus originated: whereas, these analogies are utterly
    inexplicable if each species has been independently created.

    We have, also, seen that it is the most flourishing and dominant
    species of the larger genera which on an average vary most; and
    varieties, as we shall hereafter see, tend to become converted into new
    and distinct species. The larger genera thus tend to become larger; and
    throughout nature the forms of life which are now dominant tend to
    become still more dominant by leaving many modified and dominant
    descendants. But by steps hereafter to be explained, the larger genera
    also tend to break up into smaller genera. And thus, the forms of life
    throughout the universe become divided into groups subordinate to
    groups.

    CHAPTER III.
    STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE.

    Bears on natural selection. The term used in a wide sense. Geometrical
    powers of increase. Rapid increase of naturalised animals and plants.
    Nature of the checks to increase. Competition universal. Effects of
    climate. Protection from the number of individuals. Complex relations
    of all animals and plants throughout nature. Struggle for life most
    severe between individuals and varieties of the same species; often
    severe between species of the same genus. The relation of organism to
    organism the most important of all relations.

    Before entering on the subject of this chapter, I must make a few
    preliminary remarks, to show how the struggle for existence bears on
    Natural Selection. It has been seen in the last chapter that amongst
    organic beings in a state of nature there is some individual
    variability; indeed I am not aware that this has ever been disputed. It
    is immaterial for us whether a multitude of doubtful forms be called
    species or sub-species or varieties; what rank, for instance, the two
    or three hundred doubtful forms of British plants are entitled to hold,
    if the existence of any well-marked varieties be admitted. But the mere
    existence of individual variability and of some few well-marked
    varieties, though necessary as the foundation for the work, helps us
    but little in understanding how species arise in nature. How have all
    those exquisite adaptations of one part of the organisation to another
    part, and to the conditions of life, and of one distinct organic being
    to another being, been perfected? We see these beautiful co-adaptations
    most plainly in the woodpecker and missletoe; and only a little less
    plainly in the humblest parasite which clings
    to the hairs of a quadruped or feathers of a bird; in the structure of
    the beetle which dives through the water; in the plumed seed which is
    wafted by the gentlest breeze; in short, we see beautiful adaptations
    everywhere and in every part of the organic world.

    Again, it may be asked, how is it that varieties, which I have called
    incipient species, become ultimately converted into good and distinct
    species, which in most cases obviously differ from each other far more
    than do the varieties of the same species? How do those groups of
    species, which constitute what are called distinct genera, and which
    differ from each other more than do the species of the same genus,
    arise? All these results, as we shall more fully see in the next
    chapter, follow inevitably from the struggle for life. Owing to this
    struggle for life, any variation, however slight and from whatever
    cause proceeding, if it be in any degree profitable to an individual of
    any species, in its infinitely complex relations to other organic
    beings and to external nature, will tend to the preservation of that
    individual, and will generally be inherited by its offspring. The
    offspring, also, will thus have a better chance of surviving, for, of
    the many individuals of any species which are periodically born, but a
    small number can survive. I have called this principle, by which each
    slight variation, if useful, is preserved, by the term of Natural
    Selection, in order to mark its relation to man’s power of selection.
    We have seen that man by selection can certainly produce great results,
    and can adapt organic beings to his own uses, through the accumulation
    of slight but useful variations, given to him by the hand of Nature.
    But Natural Selection, as we shall hereafter see, is a power
    incessantly ready for action, and is as immeasurably superior to man’s
    feeble efforts, as the works of Nature are to those of Art.

    We will now discuss in a little more detail the struggle for existence.
    In my future work this subject shall be treated, as it well deserves,
    at much greater length. The elder De Candolle and Lyell have largely
    and philosophically shown that all organic beings are exposed to severe
    competition. In regard to plants, no one has treated this subject with
    more spirit and ability than W. Herbert, Dean of Manchester, evidently
    the result of his great horticultural knowledge. Nothing is easier than
    to admit in words the truth of the universal struggle for life, or more
    difficult—at least I have found it so—than constantly to bear this
    conclusion in mind. Yet unless it be thoroughly engrained in the mind,
    I am convinced that the whole economy of nature, with every fact on
    distribution, rarity, abundance, extinction, and variation, will be
    dimly seen or quite misunderstood. We behold the face of nature bright
    with gladness, we often see superabundance of food; we do not see, or
    we forget, that the birds which are idly singing round us mostly live
    on insects or seeds, and are thus constantly destroying life; or we
    forget how largely these songsters, or their eggs, or their nestlings,
    are destroyed by birds and beasts of prey; we do not always bear in
    mind, that though food may be now superabundant, it is not so at all
    seasons of each recurring year.

    I should premise that I use the term Struggle for Existence in a large
    and metaphorical sense, including dependence of one being on another,
    and including (which is more important) not only the life of the
    individual, but success in leaving progeny. Two canine animals in a
    time of dearth, may be truly said to struggle with each other which
    shall get food and live. But a plant on the edge of a desert is said to
    struggle for life against the drought, though more properly it should
    be said to be dependent on the moisture. A
    plant which annually produces a thousand seeds, of which on an average
    only one comes to maturity, may be more truly said to struggle with the
    plants of the same and other kinds which already clothe the ground. The
    missletoe is dependent on the apple and a few other trees, but can only
    in a far-fetched sense be said to struggle with these trees, for if too
    many of these parasites grow on the same tree, it will languish and
    die. But several seedling missletoes, growing close together on the
    same branch, may more truly be said to struggle with each other. As the
    missletoe is disseminated by birds, its existence depends on birds; and
    it may metaphorically be said to struggle with other fruit-bearing
    plants, in order to tempt birds to devour and thus disseminate its
    seeds rather than those of other plants. In these several senses, which
    pass into each other, I use for convenience sake the general term of
    struggle for existence.

    A struggle for existence inevitably follows from the high rate at which
    all organic beings tend to increase. Every being, which during its
    natural lifetime produces several eggs or seeds, must suffer
    destruction during some period of its life, and during some season or
    occasional year, otherwise, on the principle of geometrical increase,
    its numbers would quickly become so inordinately great that no country
    could support the product. Hence, as more individuals are produced than
    can possibly survive, there must in every case be a struggle for
    existence, either one individual with another of the same species, or
    with the individuals of distinct species, or with the physical
    conditions of life. It is the doctrine of Malthus applied with manifold
    force to the whole animal and vegetable kingdoms; for in this case
    there can be no artificial increase of food, and no prudential
    restraint from marriage. Although some species may be
    now increasing, more or less rapidly, in numbers, all cannot do so, for
    the world would not hold them.

    There is no exception to the rule that every organic being naturally
    increases at so high a rate, that if not destroyed, the earth would
    soon be covered by the progeny of a single pair. Even slow-breeding man
    has doubled in twenty-five years, and at this rate, in a few thousand
    years, there would literally not be standing room for his progeny.
    Linnæus has calculated that if an annual plant produced only two
    seeds—and there is no plant so unproductive as this—and their seedlings
    next year produced two, and so on, then in twenty years there would be
    a million plants. The elephant is reckoned to be the slowest breeder of
    all known animals, and I have taken some pains to estimate its probable
    minimum rate of natural increase: it will be under the mark to assume
    that it breeds when thirty years old, and goes on breeding till ninety
    years old, bringing forth three pair of young in this interval; if this
    be so, at the end of the fifth century there would be alive fifteen
    million elephants, descended from the first pair.

    But we have better evidence on this subject than mere theoretical
    calculations, namely, the numerous recorded cases of the astonishingly
    rapid increase of various animals in a state of nature, when
    circumstances have been favourable to them during two or three
    following seasons. Still more striking is the evidence from our
    domestic animals of many kinds which have run wild in several parts of
    the world: if the statements of the rate of increase of slow-breeding
    cattle and horses in South America, and latterly in Australia, had not
    been well authenticated, they would have been quite incredible. So it
    is with plants: cases could be given of introduced plants which have
    become common throughout whole islands in a period of less than ten
    years. Several
    of the plants now most numerous over the wide plains of La Plata,
    clothing square leagues of surface almost to the exclusion of all other
    plants, have been introduced from Europe; and there are plants which
    now range in India, as I hear from Dr. Falconer, from Cape Comorin to
    the Himalaya, which have been imported from America since its
    discovery. In such cases, and endless instances could be given, no one
    supposes that the fertility of these animals or plants has been
    suddenly and temporarily increased in any sensible degree. The obvious
    explanation is that the conditions of life have been very favourable,
    and that there has consequently been less destruction of the old and
    young, and that nearly all the young have been enabled to breed. In
    such cases the geometrical ratio of increase, the result of which never
    fails to be surprising, simply explains the extraordinarily rapid
    increase and wide diffusion of naturalised productions in their new
    homes.

    In a state of nature almost every plant produces seed, and amongst
    animals there are very few which do not annually pair. Hence we may
    confidently assert, that all plants and animals are tending to increase
    at a geometrical ratio, that all would most rapidly stock every station
    in which they could any how exist, and that the geometrical tendency to
    increase must be checked by destruction at some period of life. Our
    familiarity with the larger domestic animals tends, I think, to mislead
    us: we see no great destruction falling on them, and we forget that
    thousands are annually slaughtered for food, and that in a state of
    nature an equal number would have somehow to be disposed of.

    The only difference between organisms which annually produce eggs or
    seeds by the thousand, and those which produce extremely few, is, that
    the slow-breeders would require a few more years to people, under
    favourable
    conditions, a whole district, let it be ever so large. The condor lays
    a couple of eggs and the ostrich a score, and yet in the same country
    the condor may be the more numerous of the two: the Fulmar petrel lays
    but one egg, yet it is believed to be the most numerous bird in the
    world. One fly deposits hundreds of eggs, and another, like the
    hippobosca, a single one; but this difference does not determine how
    many individuals of the two species can be supported in a district. A
    large number of eggs is of some importance to those species, which
    depend on a rapidly fluctuating amount of food, for it allows them
    rapidly to increase in number. But the real importance of a large
    number of eggs or seeds is to make up for much destruction at some
    period of life; and this period in the great majority of cases is an
    early one. If an animal can in any way protect its own eggs or young, a
    small number may be produced, and yet the average stock be fully kept
    up; but if many eggs or young are destroyed, many must be produced, or
    the species will become extinct. It would suffice to keep up the full
    number of a tree, which lived on an average for a thousand years, if a
    single seed were produced once in a thousand years, supposing that this
    seed were never destroyed, and could be ensured to germinate in a
    fitting place. So that in all cases, the average number of any animal
    or plant depends only indirectly on the number of its eggs or seeds.

    In looking at Nature, it is most necessary to keep the foregoing
    considerations always in mind—never to forget that every single organic
    being around us may be said to be striving to the utmost to increase in
    numbers; that each lives by a struggle at some period of its life; that
    heavy destruction inevitably falls either on the young or old, during
    each generation or at recurrent intervals. Lighten any check, mitigate
    the
    destruction ever so little, and the number of the species will almost
    instantaneously increase to any amount. The face of Nature may be
    compared to a yielding surface, with ten thousand sharp wedges packed
    close together and driven inwards by incessant blows, sometimes one
    wedge being struck, and then another with greater force.

    What checks the natural tendency of each species to increase in number
    is most obscure. Look at the most vigorous species; by as much as it
    swarms in numbers, by so much will its tendency to increase be still
    further increased. We know not exactly what the checks are in even one
    single instance. Nor will this surprise any one who reflects how
    ignorant we are on this head, even in regard to mankind, so
    incomparably better known than any other animal. This subject has been
    ably treated by several authors, and I shall, in my future work,
    discuss some of the checks at considerable length, more especially in
    regard to the feral animals of South America. Here I will make only a
    few remarks, just to recall to the reader’s mind some of the chief
    points. Eggs or very young animals seem generally to suffer most, but
    this is not invariably the case. With plants there is a vast
    destruction of seeds, but, from some observations which I have made, I
    believe that it is the seedlings which suffer most from germinating in
    ground already thickly stocked with other plants. Seedlings, also, are
    destroyed in vast numbers by various enemies; for instance, on a piece
    of ground three feet long and two wide, dug and cleared, and where
    there could be no choking from other plants, I marked all the seedlings
    of our native weeds as they came up, and out of the 357 no less than
    295 were destroyed, chiefly by slugs and insects. If turf which has
    long been mown, and the case would be the same with turf closely
    browsed by quadrupeds, be let to grow,
    the more vigorous plants gradually kill the less vigorous, though fully
    grown, plants: thus out of twenty species growing on a little plot of
    turf (three feet by four) nine species perished from the other species
    being allowed to grow up freely.

    The amount of food for each species of course gives the extreme limit
    to which each can increase; but very frequently it is not the obtaining
    food, but the serving as prey to other animals, which determines the
    average numbers of a species. Thus, there seems to be little doubt that
    the stock of partridges, grouse, and hares on any large estate depends
    chiefly on the destruction of vermin. If not one head of game were shot
    during the next twenty years in England, and, at the same time, if no
    vermin were destroyed, there would, in all probability, be less game
    than at present, although hundreds of thousands of game animals are now
    annually killed. On the other hand, in some cases, as with the elephant
    and rhinoceros, none are destroyed by beasts of prey: even the tiger in
    India most rarely dares to attack a young elephant protected by its
    dam.

    Climate plays an important part in determining the average numbers of a
    species, and periodical seasons of extreme cold or drought, I believe
    to be the most effective of all checks. I estimated that the winter of
    1854-55 destroyed four-fifths of the birds in my own grounds; and this
    is a tremendous destruction, when we remember that ten per cent. is an
    extraordinarily severe mortality from epidemics with man. The action of
    climate seems at first sight to be quite independent of the struggle
    for existence; but in so far as climate chiefly acts in reducing food,
    it brings on the most severe struggle between the individuals, whether
    of the same or of distinct species, which subsist on the same kind of
    food. Even when climate, for instance extreme
    cold, acts directly, it will be the least vigorous, or those which have
    got least food through the advancing winter, which will suffer most.
    When we travel from south to north, or from a damp region to a dry, we
    invariably see some species gradually getting rarer and rarer, and
    finally disappearing; and the change of climate being conspicuous, we
    are tempted to attribute the whole effect to its direct action. But
    this is a very false view: we forget that each species, even where it
    most abounds, is constantly suffering enormous destruction at some
    period of its life, from enemies or from competitors for the same place
    and food; and if these enemies or competitors be in the least degree
    favoured by any slight change of climate, they will increase in
    numbers, and, as each area is already fully stocked with inhabitants,
    the other species will decrease. When we travel southward and see a
    species decreasing in numbers, we may feel sure that the cause lies
    quite as much in other species being favoured, as in this one being
    hurt. So it is when we travel northward, but in a somewhat lesser
    degree, for the number of species of all kinds, and therefore of
    competitors, decreases northwards; hence in going northward, or in
    ascending a mountain, we far oftener meet with stunted forms, due to
    the directly injurious action of climate, than we do in proceeding
    southwards or in descending a mountain. When we reach the Arctic
    regions, or snow-capped summits, or absolute deserts, the struggle for
    life is almost exclusively with the elements.

    That climate acts in main part indirectly by favouring other species,
    we may clearly see in the prodigious number of plants in our gardens
    which can perfectly well endure our climate, but which never become
    naturalised, for they cannot compete with our native plants, nor resist
    destruction by our native animals.

    When a species, owing to highly favourable circumstances, increases
    inordinately in numbers in a small tract, epidemics—at least, this
    seems generally to occur with our game animals—often ensue: and here we
    have a limiting check independent of the struggle for life. But even
    some of these so-called epidemics appear to be due to parasitic worms,
    which have from some cause, possibly in part through facility of
    diffusion amongst the crowded animals, been disproportionably favoured:
    and here comes in a sort of struggle between the parasite and its prey.

    On the other hand, in many cases, a large stock of individuals of the
    same species, relatively to the numbers of its enemies, is absolutely
    necessary for its preservation. Thus we can easily raise plenty of corn
    and rape-seed, etc., in our fields, because the seeds are in great
    excess compared with the number of birds which feed on them; nor can
    the birds, though having a superabundance of food at this one season,
    increase in number proportionally to the supply of seed, as their
    numbers are checked during winter: but any one who has tried, knows how
    troublesome it is to get seed from a few wheat or other such plants in
    a garden; I have in this case lost every single seed. This view of the
    necessity of a large stock of the same species for its preservation,
    explains, I believe, some singular facts in nature, such as that of
    very rare plants being sometimes extremely abundant in the few spots
    where they do occur; and that of some social plants being social, that
    is, abounding in individuals, even on the extreme confines of their
    range. For in such cases, we may believe, that a plant could exist only
    where the conditions of its life were so favourable that many could
    exist together, and thus save each other from utter destruction. I
    should add that the good effects of frequent intercrossing, and the ill
    effects
    of close interbreeding, probably come into play in some of these cases;
    but on this intricate subject I will not here enlarge.

    Many cases are on record showing how complex and unexpected are the
    checks and relations between organic beings, which have to struggle
    together in the same country. I will give only a single instance,
    which, though a simple one, has interested me. In Staffordshire, on the
    estate of a relation where I had ample means of investigation, there
    was a large and extremely barren heath, which had never been touched by
    the hand of man; but several hundred acres of exactly the same nature
    had been enclosed twenty-five years previously and planted with Scotch
    fir. The change in the native vegetation of the planted part of the
    heath was most remarkable, more than is generally seen in passing from
    one quite different soil to another: not only the proportional numbers
    of the heath-plants were wholly changed, but twelve species of plants
    (not counting grasses and carices) flourished in the plantations, which
    could not be found on the heath. The effect on the insects must have
    been still greater, for six insectivorous birds were very common in the
    plantations, which were not to be seen on the heath; and the heath was
    frequented by two or three distinct insectivorous birds. Here we see
    how potent has been the effect of the introduction of a single tree,
    nothing whatever else having been done, with the exception that the
    land had been enclosed, so that cattle could not enter. But how
    important an element enclosure is, I plainly saw near Farnham, in
    Surrey. Here there are extensive heaths, with a few clumps of old
    Scotch firs on the distant hill-tops: within the last ten years large
    spaces have been enclosed, and self-sown firs are now springing up in
    multitudes, so close together that all cannot live.
    When I ascertained that these young trees had not been sown or planted,
    I was so much surprised at their numbers that I went to several points
    of view, whence I could examine hundreds of acres of the unenclosed
    heath, and literally I could not see a single Scotch fir, except the
    old planted clumps. But on looking closely between the stems of the
    heath, I found a multitude of seedlings and little trees, which had
    been perpetually browsed down by the cattle. In one square yard, at a
    point some hundred yards distant from one of the old clumps, I counted
    thirty-two little trees; and one of them, judging from the rings of
    growth, had during twenty-six years tried to raise its head above the
    stems of the heath, and had failed. No wonder that, as soon as the land
    was enclosed, it became thickly clothed with vigorously growing young
    firs. Yet the heath was so extremely barren and so extensive that no
    one would ever have imagined that cattle would have so closely and
    effectually searched it for food.

    Here we see that cattle absolutely determine the existence of the
    Scotch fir; but in several parts of the world insects determine the
    existence of cattle. Perhaps Paraguay offers the most curious instance
    of this; for here neither cattle nor horses nor dogs have ever run
    wild, though they swarm southward and northward in a feral state; and
    Azara and Rengger have shown that this is caused by the greater number
    in Paraguay of a certain fly, which lays its eggs in the navels of
    these animals when first born. The increase of these flies, numerous as
    they are, must be habitually checked by some means, probably by birds.
    Hence, if certain insectivorous birds (whose numbers are probably
    regulated by hawks or beasts of prey) were to increase in Paraguay, the
    flies would decrease—then cattle and horses would become feral, and
    this would certainly greatly alter (as
    indeed I have observed in parts of South America) the vegetation: this
    again would largely affect the insects; and this, as we just have seen
    in Staffordshire, the insectivorous birds, and so onwards in
    ever-increasing circles of complexity. We began this series by
    insectivorous birds, and we have ended with them. Not that in nature
    the relations can ever be as simple as this. Battle within battle must
    ever be recurring with varying success; and yet in the long-run the
    forces are so nicely balanced, that the face of nature remains uniform
    for long periods of time, though assuredly the merest trifle would
    often give the victory to one organic being over another. Nevertheless
    so profound is our ignorance, and so high our presumption, that we
    marvel when we hear of the extinction of an organic being; and as we do
    not see the cause, we invoke cataclysms to desolate the world, or
    invent laws on the duration of the forms of life!

    I am tempted to give one more instance showing how plants and animals,
    most remote in the scale of nature, are bound together by a web of
    complex relations. I shall hereafter have occasion to show that the
    exotic Lobelia fulgens, in this part of England, is never visited by
    insects, and consequently, from its peculiar structure, never can set a
    seed. Many of our orchidaceous plants absolutely require the visits of
    moths to remove their pollen-masses and thus to fertilise them. I have,
    also, reason to believe that humble-bees are indispensable to the
    fertilisation of the heartsease (Viola tricolor), for other bees do not
    visit this flower. From experiments which I have tried, I have found
    that the visits of bees, if not indispensable, are at least highly
    beneficial to the fertilisation of our clovers; but humble-bees alone
    visit the common red clover (Trifolium pratense), as other bees cannot
    reach the nectar. Hence I have very little doubt, that if the whole
    genus of humble-bees became
    extinct or very rare in England, the heartsease and red clover would
    become very rare, or wholly disappear. The number of humble-bees in any
    district depends in a great degree on the number of field-mice, which
    destroy their combs and nests; and Mr. H. Newman, who has long attended
    to the habits of humble-bees, believes that “more than two thirds of
    them are thus destroyed all over England.” Now the number of mice is
    largely dependent, as every one knows, on the number of cats; and Mr.
    Newman says, “Near villages and small towns I have found the nests of
    humble-bees more numerous than elsewhere, which I attribute to the
    number of cats that destroy the mice.” Hence it is quite credible that
    the presence of a feline animal in large numbers in a district might
    determine, through the intervention first of mice and then of bees, the
    frequency of certain flowers in that district!

    In the case of every species, many different checks, acting at
    different periods of life, and during different seasons or years,
    probably come into play; some one check or some few being generally the
    most potent, but all concurring in determining the average number or
    even the existence of the species. In some cases it can be shown that
    widely-different checks act on the same species in different districts.
    When we look at the plants and bushes clothing an entangled bank, we
    are tempted to attribute their proportional numbers and kinds to what
    we call chance. But how false a view is this! Every one has heard that
    when an American forest is cut down, a very different vegetation
    springs up; but it has been observed that the trees now growing on the
    ancient Indian mounds, in the Southern United States, display the same
    beautiful diversity and proportion of kinds as in the surrounding
    virgin forests. What a struggle between the several kinds of trees
    must here have gone on during long centuries, each annually scattering
    its seeds by the thousand; what war between insect and insect—between
    insects, snails, and other animals with birds and beasts of prey—all
    striving to increase, and all feeding on each other or on the trees or
    their seeds and seedlings, or on the other plants which first clothed
    the ground and thus checked the growth of the trees! Throw up a handful
    of feathers, and all must fall to the ground according to definite
    laws; but how simple is this problem compared to the action and
    reaction of the innumerable plants and animals which have determined,
    in the course of centuries, the proportional numbers and kinds of trees
    now growing on the old Indian ruins!

    The dependency of one organic being on another, as of a parasite on its
    prey, lies generally between beings remote in the scale of nature. This
    is often the case with those which may strictly be said to struggle
    with each other for existence, as in the case of locusts and
    grass-feeding quadrupeds. But the struggle almost invariably will be
    most severe between the individuals of the same species, for they
    frequent the same districts, require the same food, and are exposed to
    the same dangers. In the case of varieties of the same species, the
    struggle will generally be almost equally severe, and we sometimes see
    the contest soon decided: for instance, if several varieties of wheat
    be sown together, and the mixed seed be resown, some of the varieties
    which best suit the soil or climate, or are naturally the most fertile,
    will beat the others and so yield more seed, and will consequently in a
    few years quite supplant the other varieties. To keep up a mixed stock
    of even such extremely close varieties as the variously coloured
    sweet-peas, they must be each year harvested separately, and the seed
    then mixed in due proportion,
    otherwise the weaker kinds will steadily decrease in numbers and
    disappear. So again with the varieties of sheep: it has been asserted
    that certain mountain-varieties will starve out other
    mountain-varieties, so that they cannot be kept together. The same
    result has followed from keeping together different varieties of the
    medicinal leech. It may even be doubted whether the varieties of any
    one of our domestic plants or animals have so exactly the same
    strength, habits, and constitution, that the original proportions of a
    mixed stock could be kept up for half a dozen generations, if they were
    allowed to struggle together, like beings in a state of nature, and if
    the seed or young were not annually sorted.

    As species of the same genus have usually, though by no means
    invariably, some similarity in habits and constitution, and always in
    structure, the struggle will generally be more severe between species
    of the same genus, when they come into competition with each other,
    than between species of distinct genera. We see this in the recent
    extension over parts of the United States of one species of swallow
    having caused the decrease of another species. The recent increase of
    the missel-thrush in parts of Scotland has caused the decrease of the
    song-thrush. How frequently we hear of one species of rat taking the
    place of another species under the most different climates! In Russia
    the small Asiatic cockroach has everywhere driven before it its great
    congener. One species of charlock will supplant another, and so in
    other cases. We can dimly see why the competition should be most severe
    between allied forms, which fill nearly the same place in the economy
    of nature; but probably in no one case could we precisely say why one
    species has been victorious over another in the great battle of life.

    A corollary of the highest importance may be deduced from the foregoing
    remarks, namely, that the structure of every organic being is related,
    in the most essential yet often hidden manner, to that of all other
    organic beings, with which it comes into competition for food or
    residence, or from which it has to escape, or on which it preys. This
    is obvious in the structure of the teeth and talons of the tiger; and
    in that of the legs and claws of the parasite which clings to the hair
    on the tiger’s body. But in the beautifully plumed seed of the
    dandelion, and in the flattened and fringed legs of the water-beetle,
    the relation seems at first confined to the elements of air and water.
    Yet the advantage of plumed seeds no doubt stands in the closest
    relation to the land being already thickly clothed by other plants; so
    that the seeds may be widely distributed and fall on unoccupied ground.
    In the water-beetle, the structure of its legs, so well adapted for
    diving, allows it to compete with other aquatic insects, to hunt for
    its own prey, and to escape serving as prey to other animals.

    The store of nutriment laid up within the seeds of many plants seems at
    first sight to have no sort of relation to other plants. But from the
    strong growth of young plants produced from such seeds (as peas and
    beans), when sown in the midst of long grass, I suspect that the chief
    use of the nutriment in the seed is to favour the growth of the young
    seedling, whilst struggling with other plants growing vigorously all
    around.

    Look at a plant in the midst of its range, why does it not double or
    quadruple its numbers? We know that it can perfectly well withstand a
    little more heat or cold, dampness or dryness, for elsewhere it ranges
    into slightly hotter or colder, damper or drier districts. In this case
    we can clearly see that if we wished in imagination to give the plant
    the power of increasing in number, we should have to give it some
    advantage over its competitors, or over the animals which preyed on it.
    On the confines of its geographical range, a change of constitution
    with respect to climate would clearly be an advantage to our plant; but
    we have reason to believe that only a few plants or animals range so
    far, that they are destroyed by the rigour of the climate alone. Not
    until we reach the extreme confines of life, in the arctic regions or
    on the borders of an utter desert, will competition cease. The land may
    be extremely cold or dry, yet there will be competition between some
    few species, or between the individuals of the same species, for the
    warmest or dampest spots.

    Hence, also, we can see that when a plant or animal is placed in a new
    country amongst new competitors, though the climate may be exactly the
    same as in its former home, yet the conditions of its life will
    generally be changed in an essential manner. If we wished to increase
    its average numbers in its new home, we should have to modify it in a
    different way to what we should have done in its native country; for we
    should have to give it some advantage over a different set of
    competitors or enemies.

    It is good thus to try in our imagination to give any form some
    advantage over another. Probably in no single instance should we know
    what to do, so as to succeed. It will convince us of our ignorance on
    the mutual relations of all organic beings; a conviction as necessary,
    as it seems to be difficult to acquire. All that we can do, is to keep
    steadily in mind that each organic being is striving to increase at a
    geometrical
    ratio; that each at some period of its life, during some season of the
    year, during each generation or at intervals, has to struggle for life,
    and to suffer great destruction. When we reflect on this struggle, we
    may console ourselves with the full belief, that the war of nature is
    not incessant, that no fear is felt, that death is generally prompt,
    and that the vigorous, the healthy, and the happy survive and multiply.

    CHAPTER IV.
    NATURAL SELECTION.

    Natural Selection: its power compared with man’s selection, its power
    on characters of trifling importance, its power at all ages and on both
    sexes. Sexual Selection. On the generality of intercrosses between
    individuals of the same species. Circumstances favourable and
    unfavourable to Natural Selection, namely, intercrossing, isolation,
    number of individuals. Slow action. Extinction caused by Natural
    Selection. Divergence of Character, related to the diversity of
    inhabitants of any small area, and to naturalisation. Action of Natural
    Selection, through Divergence of Character and Extinction, on the
    descendants from a common parent. Explains the Grouping of all organic
    beings.

    How will the struggle for existence, discussed too briefly in the last
    chapter, act in regard to variation? Can the principle of selection,
    which we have seen is so potent in the hands of man, apply in nature? I
    think we shall see that it can act most effectually. Let it be borne in
    mind in what an endless number of strange peculiarities our domestic
    productions, and, in a lesser degree, those under nature, vary; and how
    strong the hereditary tendency is. Under domestication, it may be truly
    said that the whole organisation becomes in some degree plastic. Let it
    be borne in mind how infinitely complex and close-fitting are the
    mutual relations of all organic beings to each other and to their
    physical conditions of life. Can it, then, be thought improbable,
    seeing that variations useful to man have undoubtedly occurred, that
    other variations useful in some way to each being in the great and
    complex battle of life, should sometimes occur in the course of
    thousands of generations? If such do occur, can we doubt (remembering
    that many more individuals are born than can possibly survive) that
    individuals having any advantage, however slight, over others, would
    have the best chance of surviving and of procreating their kind? On the
    other hand, we may feel sure that any variation in the least degree
    injurious would be rigidly destroyed. This preservation of favourable
    variations and the rejection of injurious variations, I call Natural
    Selection. Variations neither useful nor injurious would not be
    affected by natural selection, and would be left a fluctuating element,
    as perhaps we see in the species called polymorphic.

    We shall best understand the probable course of natural selection by
    taking the case of a country undergoing some physical change, for
    instance, of climate. The proportional numbers of its inhabitants would
    almost immediately undergo a change, and some species might become
    extinct. We may conclude, from what we have seen of the intimate and
    complex manner in which the inhabitants of each country are bound
    together, that any change in the numerical proportions of some of the
    inhabitants, independently of the change of climate itself, would most
    seriously affect many of the others. If the country were open on its
    borders, new forms would certainly immigrate, and this also would
    seriously disturb the relations of some of the former inhabitants. Let
    it be remembered how powerful the influence of a single introduced tree
    or mammal has been shown to be. But in the case of an island, or of a
    country partly surrounded by barriers, into which new and better
    adapted forms could not freely enter, we should then have places in the
    economy of nature which would assuredly be better filled up, if some of
    the original inhabitants were in some manner modified; for, had the
    area been open to immigration, these same
    places would have been seized on by intruders. In such case, every
    slight modification, which in the course of ages chanced to arise, and
    which in any way favoured the individuals of any of the species, by
    better adapting them to their altered conditions, would tend to be
    preserved; and natural selection would thus have free scope for the
    work of improvement.

    We have reason to believe, as stated in the first chapter, that a
    change in the conditions of life, by specially acting on the
    reproductive system, causes or increases variability; and in the
    foregoing case the conditions of life are supposed to have undergone a
    change, and this would manifestly be favourable to natural selection,
    by giving a better chance of profitable variations occurring; and
    unless profitable variations do occur, natural selection can do
    nothing. Not that, as I believe, any extreme amount of variability is
    necessary; as man can certainly produce great results by adding up in
    any given direction mere individual differences, so could Nature, but
    far more easily, from having incomparably longer time at her disposal.
    Nor do I believe that any great physical change, as of climate, or any
    unusual degree of isolation to check immigration, is actually necessary
    to produce new and unoccupied places for natural selection to fill up
    by modifying and improving some of the varying inhabitants. For as all
    the inhabitants of each country are struggling together with nicely
    balanced forces, extremely slight modifications in the structure or
    habits of one inhabitant would often give it an advantage over others;
    and still further modifications of the same kind would often still
    further increase the advantage. No country can be named in which all
    the native inhabitants are now so perfectly adapted to each other and
    to the physical conditions under which they live, that none of
    them could anyhow be improved; for in all countries, the natives have
    been so far conquered by naturalised productions, that they have
    allowed foreigners to take firm possession of the land. And as
    foreigners have thus everywhere beaten some of the natives, we may
    safely conclude that the natives might have been modified with
    advantage, so as to have better resisted such intruders.

    As man can produce and certainly has produced a great result by his
    methodical and unconscious means of selection, what may not nature
    effect? Man can act only on external and visible characters: nature
    cares nothing for appearances, except in so far as they may be useful
    to any being. She can act on every internal organ, on every shade of
    constitutional difference, on the whole machinery of life. Man selects
    only for his own good; Nature only for that of the being which she
    tends. Every selected character is fully exercised by her; and the
    being is placed under well-suited conditions of life. Man keeps the
    natives of many climates in the same country; he seldom exercises each
    selected character in some peculiar and fitting manner; he feeds a long
    and a short beaked pigeon on the same food; he does not exercise a
    long-backed or long-legged quadruped in any peculiar manner; he exposes
    sheep with long and short wool to the same climate. He does not allow
    the most vigorous males to struggle for the females. He does not
    rigidly destroy all inferior animals, but protects during each varying
    season, as far as lies in his power, all his productions. He often
    begins his selection by some half-monstrous form; or at least by some
    modification prominent enough to catch his eye, or to be plainly useful
    to him. Under nature, the slightest difference of structure or
    constitution may well turn the nicely-balanced scale in the
    struggle for life, and so be preserved. How fleeting are the wishes and
    efforts of man! how short his time! and consequently how poor will his
    products be, compared with those accumulated by nature during whole
    geological periods. Can we wonder, then, that nature’s productions
    should be far “truer” in character than man’s productions; that they
    should be infinitely better adapted to the most complex conditions of
    life, and should plainly bear the stamp of far higher workmanship?

    It may be said that natural selection is daily and hourly scrutinising,
    throughout the world, every variation, even the slightest; rejecting
    that which is bad, preserving and adding up all that is good; silently
    and insensibly working, whenever and wherever opportunity offers, at
    the improvement of each organic being in relation to its organic and
    inorganic conditions of life. We see nothing of these slow changes in
    progress, until the hand of time has marked the long lapse of ages, and
    then so imperfect is our view into long past geological ages, that we
    only see that the forms of life are now different from what they
    formerly were.

    Although natural selection can act only through and for the good of
    each being, yet characters and structures, which we are apt to consider
    as of very trifling importance, may thus be acted on. When we see
    leaf-eating insects green, and bark-feeders mottled-grey; the alpine
    ptarmigan white in winter, the red-grouse the colour of heather, and
    the black-grouse that of peaty earth, we must believe that these tints
    are of service to these birds and insects in preserving them from
    danger. Grouse, if not destroyed at some period of their lives, would
    increase in countless numbers; they are known to suffer largely from
    birds of prey; and hawks are guided by eyesight to their prey,—so much
    so, that on
    parts of the Continent persons are warned not to keep white pigeons, as
    being the most liable to destruction. Hence I can see no reason to
    doubt that natural selection might be most effective in giving the
    proper colour to each kind of grouse, and in keeping that colour, when
    once acquired, true and constant. Nor ought we to think that the
    occasional destruction of an animal of any particular colour would
    produce little effect: we should remember how essential it is in a
    flock of white sheep to destroy every lamb with the faintest trace of
    black. In plants the down on the fruit and the colour of the flesh are
    considered by botanists as characters of the most trifling importance:
    yet we hear from an excellent horticulturist, Downing, that in the
    United States smooth-skinned fruits suffer far more from a beetle, a
    curculio, than those with down; that purple plums suffer far more from
    a certain disease than yellow plums; whereas another disease attacks
    yellow-fleshed peaches far more than those with other coloured flesh.
    If, with all the aids of art, these slight differences make a great
    difference in cultivating the several varieties, assuredly, in a state
    of nature, where the trees would have to struggle with other trees and
    with a host of enemies, such differences would effectually settle which
    variety, whether a smooth or downy, a yellow or purple fleshed fruit,
    should succeed.

    In looking at many small points of difference between species, which,
    as far as our ignorance permits us to judge, seem to be quite
    unimportant, we must not forget that climate, food, etc., probably
    produce some slight and direct effect. It is, however, far more
    necessary to bear in mind that there are many unknown laws of
    correlation of growth, which, when one part of the organisation is
    modified through variation, and the modifications are accumulated by
    natural selection for
    the good of the being, will cause other modifications, often of the
    most unexpected nature.

    As we see that those variations which under domestication appear at any
    particular period of life, tend to reappear in the offspring at the
    same period;—for instance, in the seeds of the many varieties of our
    culinary and agricultural plants; in the caterpillar and cocoon stages
    of the varieties of the silkworm; in the eggs of poultry, and in the
    colour of the down of their chickens; in the horns of our sheep and
    cattle when nearly adult;—so in a state of nature, natural selection
    will be enabled to act on and modify organic beings at any age, by the
    accumulation of profitable variations at that age, and by their
    inheritance at a corresponding age. If it profit a plant to have its
    seeds more and more widely disseminated by the wind, I can see no
    greater difficulty in this being effected through natural selection,
    than in the cotton-planter increasing and improving by selection the
    down in the pods on his cotton-trees. Natural selection may modify and
    adapt the larva of an insect to a score of contingencies, wholly
    different from those which concern the mature insect. These
    modifications will no doubt affect, through the laws of correlation,
    the structure of the adult; and probably in the case of those insects
    which live only for a few hours, and which never feed, a large part of
    their structure is merely the correlated result of successive changes
    in the structure of their larvæ. So, conversely, modifications in the
    adult will probably often affect the structure of the larva; but in all
    cases natural selection will ensure that modifications consequent on
    other modifications at a different period of life, shall not be in the
    least degree injurious: for if they became so, they would cause the
    extinction of the species.

    Natural selection will modify the structure of the
    young in relation to the parent, and of the parent in relation to the
    young. In social animals it will adapt the structure of each individual
    for the benefit of the community; if each in consequence profits by the
    selected change. What natural selection cannot do, is to modify the
    structure of one species, without giving it any advantage, for the good
    of another species; and though statements to this effect may be found
    in works of natural history, I cannot find one case which will bear
    investigation. A structure used only once in an animal’s whole life, if
    of high importance to it, might be modified to any extent by natural
    selection; for instance, the great jaws possessed by certain insects,
    and used exclusively for opening the cocoon—or the hard tip to the beak
    of nestling birds, used for breaking the egg. It has been asserted,
    that of the best short-beaked tumbler-pigeons more perish in the egg
    than are able to get out of it; so that fanciers assist in the act of
    hatching. Now, if nature had to make the beak of a full-grown pigeon
    very short for the bird’s own advantage, the process of modification
    would be very slow, and there would be simultaneously the most rigorous
    selection of the young birds within the egg, which had the most
    powerful and hardest beaks, for all with weak beaks would inevitably
    perish: or, more delicate and more easily broken shells might be
    selected, the thickness of the shell being known to vary like every
    other structure.

    Sexual Selection.—Inasmuch as peculiarities often appear under
    domestication in one sex and become hereditarily attached to that sex,
    the same fact probably occurs under nature, and if so, natural
    selection will be able to modify one sex in its functional relations to
    the other sex, or in relation to wholly different habits of life in the
    two sexes, as is sometimes the case
    with insects. And this leads me to say a few words on what I call
    Sexual Selection. This depends, not on a struggle for existence, but on
    a struggle between the males for possession of the females; the result
    is not death to the unsuccessful competitor, but few or no offspring.
    Sexual selection is, therefore, less rigorous than natural selection.
    Generally, the most vigorous males, those which are best fitted for
    their places in nature, will leave most progeny. But in many cases,
    victory will depend not on general vigour, but on having special
    weapons, confined to the male sex. A hornless stag or spurless cock
    would have a poor chance of leaving offspring. Sexual selection by
    always allowing the victor to breed might surely give indomitable
    courage, length to the spur, and strength to the wing to strike in the
    spurred leg, as well as the brutal cock-fighter, who knows well that he
    can improve his breed by careful selection of the best cocks. How low
    in the scale of nature this law of battle descends, I know not; male
    alligators have been described as fighting, bellowing, and whirling
    round, like Indians in a war-dance, for the possession of the females;
    male salmons have been seen fighting all day long; male stag-beetles
    often bear wounds from the huge mandibles of other males. The war is,
    perhaps, severest between the males of polygamous animals, and these
    seem oftenest provided with special weapons. The males of carnivorous
    animals are already well armed; though to them and to others, special
    means of defence may be given through means of sexual selection, as the
    mane to the lion, the shoulder-pad to the boar, and the hooked jaw to
    the male salmon; for the shield may be as important for victory, as the
    sword or spear.

    Amongst birds, the contest is often of a more peaceful character. All
    those who have attended to the subject,
    believe that there is the severest rivalry between the males of many
    species to attract by singing the females. The rock-thrush of Guiana,
    birds of Paradise, and some others, congregate; and successive males
    display their gorgeous plumage and perform strange antics before the
    females, which standing by as spectators, at last choose the most
    attractive partner. Those who have closely attended to birds in
    confinement well know that they often take individual preferences and
    dislikes: thus Sir R. Heron has described how one pied peacock was
    eminently attractive to all his hen birds. It may appear childish to
    attribute any effect to such apparently weak means: I cannot here enter
    on the details necessary to support this view; but if man can in a
    short time give elegant carriage and beauty to his bantams, according
    to his standard of beauty, I can see no good reason to doubt that
    female birds, by selecting, during thousands of generations, the most
    melodious or beautiful males, according to their standard of beauty,
    might produce a marked effect. I strongly suspect that some well-known
    laws with respect to the plumage of male and female birds, in
    comparison with the plumage of the young, can be explained on the view
    of plumage having been chiefly modified by sexual selection, acting
    when the birds have come to the breeding age or during the breeding
    season; the modifications thus produced being inherited at
    corresponding ages or seasons, either by the males alone, or by the
    males and females; but I have not space here to enter on this subject.

    Thus it is, as I believe, that when the males and females of any animal
    have the same general habits of life, but differ in structure, colour,
    or ornament, such differences have been mainly caused by sexual
    selection; that is, individual males have had, in successive
    generations, some slight advantage over other
    males, in their weapons, means of defence, or charms; and have
    transmitted these advantages to their male offspring. Yet, I would not
    wish to attribute all such sexual differences to this agency: for we
    see peculiarities arising and becoming attached to the male sex in our
    domestic animals (as the wattle in male carriers, horn-like
    protuberances in the cocks of certain fowls, etc.), which we cannot
    believe to be either useful to the males in battle, or attractive to
    the females. We see analogous cases under nature, for instance, the
    tuft of hair on the breast of the turkey-cock, which can hardly be
    either useful or ornamental to this bird;—indeed, had the tuft appeared
    under domestication, it would have been called a monstrosity.

    Illustrations of the action of Natural Selection.—In order to make it
    clear how, as I believe, natural selection acts, I must beg permission
    to give one or two imaginary illustrations. Let us take the case of a
    wolf, which preys on various animals, securing some by craft, some by
    strength, and some by fleetness; and let us suppose that the fleetest
    prey, a deer for instance, had from any change in the country increased
    in numbers, or that other prey had decreased in numbers, during that
    season of the year when the wolf is hardest pressed for food. I can
    under such circumstances see no reason to doubt that the swiftest and
    slimmest wolves would have the best chance of surviving, and so be
    preserved or selected,—provided always that they retained strength to
    master their prey at this or at some other period of the year, when
    they might be compelled to prey on other animals. I can see no more
    reason to doubt this, than that man can improve the fleetness of his
    greyhounds by careful and methodical selection, or by that unconscious
    selection which results from each man trying
    to keep the best dogs without any thought of modifying the breed.

    Even without any change in the proportional numbers of the animals on
    which our wolf preyed, a cub might be born with an innate tendency to
    pursue certain kinds of prey. Nor can this be thought very improbable;
    for we often observe great differences in the natural tendencies of our
    domestic animals; one cat, for instance, taking to catch rats, another
    mice; one cat, according to Mr. St. John, bringing home winged game,
    another hares or rabbits, and another hunting on marshy ground and
    almost nightly catching woodcocks or snipes. The tendency to catch rats
    rather than mice is known to be inherited. Now, if any slight innate
    change of habit or of structure benefited an individual wolf, it would
    have the best chance of surviving and of leaving offspring. Some of its
    young would probably inherit the same habits or structure, and by the
    repetition of this process, a new variety might be formed which would
    either supplant or coexist with the parent-form of wolf. Or, again, the
    wolves inhabiting a mountainous district, and those frequenting the
    lowlands, would naturally be forced to hunt different prey; and from
    the continued preservation of the individuals best fitted for the two
    sites, two varieties might slowly be formed. These varieties would
    cross and blend where they met; but to this subject of intercrossing we
    shall soon have to return. I may add, that, according to Mr. Pierce,
    there are two varieties of the wolf inhabiting the Catskill Mountains
    in the United States, one with a light greyhound-like form, which
    pursues deer, and the other more bulky, with shorter legs, which more
    frequently attacks the shepherd’s flocks.

    Let us now take a more complex case. Certain plants excrete a sweet
    juice, apparently for the sake of eliminating something injurious from
    their sap: this is
    effected by glands at the base of the stipules in some Leguminosæ, and
    at the back of the leaf of the common laurel. This juice, though small
    in quantity, is greedily sought by insects. Let us now suppose a little
    sweet juice or nectar to be excreted by the inner bases of the petals
    of a flower. In this case insects in seeking the nectar would get
    dusted with pollen, and would certainly often transport the pollen from
    one flower to the stigma of another flower. The flowers of two distinct
    individuals of the same species would thus get crossed; and the act of
    crossing, we have good reason to believe (as will hereafter be more
    fully alluded to), would produce very vigorous seedlings, which
    consequently would have the best chance of flourishing and surviving.
    Some of these seedlings would probably inherit the nectar-excreting
    power. Those individual flowers which had the largest glands or
    nectaries, and which excreted most nectar, would be oftenest visited by
    insects, and would be oftenest crossed; and so in the long-run would
    gain the upper hand. Those flowers, also, which had their stamens and
    pistils placed, in relation to the size and habits of the particular
    insects which visited them, so as to favour in any degree the
    transportal of their pollen from flower to flower, would likewise be
    favoured or selected. We might have taken the case of insects visiting
    flowers for the sake of collecting pollen instead of nectar; and as
    pollen is formed for the sole object of fertilisation, its destruction
    appears a simple loss to the plant; yet if a little pollen were
    carried, at first occasionally and then habitually, by the
    pollen-devouring insects from flower to flower, and a cross thus
    effected, although nine-tenths of the pollen were destroyed, it might
    still be a great gain to the plant; and those individuals which
    produced more and more pollen, and had larger and larger anthers, would
    be selected.

    When our plant, by this process of the continued preservation or
    natural selection of more and more attractive flowers, had been
    rendered highly attractive to insects, they would, unintentionally on
    their part, regularly carry pollen from flower to flower; and that they
    can most effectually do this, I could easily show by many striking
    instances. I will give only one—not as a very striking case, but as
    likewise illustrating one step in the separation of the sexes of
    plants, presently to be alluded to. Some holly-trees bear only male
    flowers, which have four stamens producing rather a small quantity of
    pollen, and a rudimentary pistil; other holly-trees bear only female
    flowers; these have a full-sized pistil, and four stamens with
    shrivelled anthers, in which not a grain of pollen can be detected.
    Having found a female tree exactly sixty yards from a male tree, I put
    the stigmas of twenty flowers, taken from different branches, under the
    microscope, and on all, without exception, there were pollen-grains,
    and on some a profusion of pollen. As the wind had set for several days
    from the female to the male tree, the pollen could not thus have been
    carried. The weather had been cold and boisterous, and therefore not
    favourable to bees, nevertheless every female flower which I examined
    had been effectually fertilised by the bees, accidentally dusted with
    pollen, having flown from tree to tree in search of nectar. But to
    return to our imaginary case: as soon as the plant had been rendered so
    highly attractive to insects that pollen was regularly carried from
    flower to flower, another process might commence. No naturalist doubts
    the advantage of what has been called the “physiological division of
    labour;” hence we may believe that it would be advantageous to a plant
    to produce stamens alone in one flower or on one whole plant, and
    pistils alone in
    another flower or on another plant. In plants under culture and placed
    under new conditions of life, sometimes the male organs and sometimes
    the female organs become more or less impotent; now if we suppose this
    to occur in ever so slight a degree under nature, then as pollen is
    already carried regularly from flower to flower, and as a more complete
    separation of the sexes of our plant would be advantageous on the
    principle of the division of labour, individuals with this tendency
    more and more increased, would be continually favoured or selected,
    until at last a complete separation of the sexes would be effected.

    Let us now turn to the nectar-feeding insects in our imaginary case: we
    may suppose the plant of which we have been slowly increasing the
    nectar by continued selection, to be a common plant; and that certain
    insects depended in main part on its nectar for food. I could give many
    facts, showing how anxious bees are to save time; for instance, their
    habit of cutting holes and sucking the nectar at the bases of certain
    flowers, which they can, with a very little more trouble, enter by the
    mouth. Bearing such facts in mind, I can see no reason to doubt that an
    accidental deviation in the size and form of the body, or in the
    curvature and length of the proboscis, etc., far too slight to be
    appreciated by us, might profit a bee or other insect, so that an
    individual so characterised would be able to obtain its food more
    quickly, and so have a better chance of living and leaving descendants.
    Its descendants would probably inherit a tendency to a similar slight
    deviation of structure. The tubes of the corollas of the common red and
    incarnate clovers (Trifolium pratense and incarnatum) do not on a hasty
    glance appear to differ in length; yet the hive-bee can easily suck the
    nectar out of the incarnate clover, but not out of the common red
    clover, which is visited by humble-bees alone; so that whole fields of
    the red clover offer in vain an abundant supply of precious nectar to
    the hive-bee. Thus it might be a great advantage to the hive-bee to
    have a slightly longer or differently constructed proboscis. On the
    other hand, I have found by experiment that the fertility of clover
    greatly depends on bees visiting and moving parts of the corolla, so as
    to push the pollen on to the stigmatic surface. Hence, again, if
    humble-bees were to become rare in any country, it might be a great
    advantage to the red clover to have a shorter or more deeply divided
    tube to its corolla, so that the hive-bee could visit its flowers. Thus
    I can understand how a flower and a bee might slowly become, either
    simultaneously or one after the other, modified and adapted in the most
    perfect manner to each other, by the continued preservation of
    individuals presenting mutual and slightly favourable deviations of
    structure.

    I am well aware that this doctrine of natural selection, exemplified in
    the above imaginary instances, is open to the same objections which
    were at first urged against Sir Charles Lyell’s noble views on “the
    modern changes of the earth, as illustrative of geology;” but we now
    very seldom hear the action, for instance, of the coast-waves, called a
    trifling and insignificant cause, when applied to the excavation of
    gigantic valleys or to the formation of the longest lines of inland
    cliffs. Natural selection can act only by the preservation and
    accumulation of infinitesimally small inherited modifications, each
    profitable to the preserved being; and as modern geology has almost
    banished such views as the excavation of a great valley by a single
    diluvial wave, so will natural selection, if it be a true principle,
    banish the belief of the continued creation of new organic
    beings, or of any great and sudden modification in their structure.

    On the Intercrossing of Individuals.—I must here introduce a short
    digression. In the case of animals and plants with separated sexes, it
    is of course obvious that two individuals must always unite for each
    birth; but in the case of hermaphrodites this is far from obvious.
    Nevertheless I am strongly inclined to believe that with all
    hermaphrodites two individuals, either occasionally or habitually,
    concur for the reproduction of their kind. This view, I may add, was
    first suggested by Andrew Knight. We shall presently see its
    importance; but I must here treat the subject with extreme brevity,
    though I have the materials prepared for an ample discussion. All
    vertebrate animals, all insects, and some other large groups of
    animals, pair for each birth. Modern research has much diminished the
    number of supposed hermaphrodites, and of real hermaphrodites a large
    number pair; that is, two individuals regularly unite for reproduction,
    which is all that concerns us. But still there are many hermaphrodite
    animals which certainly do not habitually pair, and a vast majority of
    plants are hermaphrodites. What reason, it may be asked, is there for
    supposing in these cases that two individuals ever concur in
    reproduction? As it is impossible here to enter on details, I must
    trust to some general considerations alone.

    In the first place, I have collected so large a body of facts, showing,
    in accordance with the almost universal belief of breeders, that with
    animals and plants a cross between different varieties, or between
    individuals of the same variety but of another strain, gives vigour and
    fertility to the offspring; and on the other hand, that close
    interbreeding diminishes vigour and fertility; that
    these facts alone incline me to believe that it is a general law of
    nature (utterly ignorant though we be of the meaning of the law) that
    no organic being self-fertilises itself for an eternity of generations;
    but that a cross with another individual is occasionally—perhaps at
    very long intervals—indispensable.

    On the belief that this is a law of nature, we can, I think, understand
    several large classes of facts, such as the following, which on any
    other view are inexplicable. Every hybridizer knows how unfavourable
    exposure to wet is to the fertilisation of a flower, yet what a
    multitude of flowers have their anthers and stigmas fully exposed to
    the weather! but if an occasional cross be indispensable, the fullest
    freedom for the entrance of pollen from another individual will explain
    this state of exposure, more especially as the plant’s own anthers and
    pistil generally stand so close together that self-fertilisation seems
    almost inevitable. Many flowers, on the other hand, have their organs
    of fructification closely enclosed, as in the great papilionaceous or
    pea-family; but in several, perhaps in all, such flowers, there is a
    very curious adaptation between the structure of the flower and the
    manner in which bees suck the nectar; for, in doing this, they either
    push the flower’s own pollen on the stigma, or bring pollen from
    another flower. So necessary are the visits of bees to papilionaceous
    flowers, that I have found, by experiments published elsewhere, that
    their fertility is greatly diminished if these visits be prevented.
    Now, it is scarcely possible that bees should fly from flower to
    flower, and not carry pollen from one to the other, to the great good,
    as I believe, of the plant. Bees will act like a camel-hair pencil, and
    it is quite sufficient just to touch the anthers of one flower and then
    the stigma of another with the same brush to ensure fertilisation; but
    it must not be
    supposed that bees would thus produce a multitude of hybrids between
    distinct species; for if you bring on the same brush a plant’s own
    pollen and pollen from another species, the former will have such a
    prepotent effect, that it will invariably and completely destroy, as
    has been shown by Gärtner, any influence from the foreign pollen.

    When the stamens of a flower suddenly spring towards the pistil, or
    slowly move one after the other towards it, the contrivance seems
    adapted solely to ensure self-fertilisation; and no doubt it is useful
    for this end: but, the agency of insects is often required to cause the
    stamens to spring forward, as Kölreuter has shown to be the case with
    the barberry; and curiously in this very genus, which seems to have a
    special contrivance for self-fertilisation, it is well known that if
    very closely-allied forms or varieties are planted near each other, it
    is hardly possible to raise pure seedlings, so largely do they
    naturally cross. In many other cases, far from there being any aids for
    self-fertilisation, there are special contrivances, as I could show
    from the writings of C. C. Sprengel and from my own observations, which
    effectually prevent the stigma receiving pollen from its own flower:
    for instance, in Lobelia fulgens, there is a really beautiful and
    elaborate contrivance by which every one of the infinitely numerous
    pollen-granules are swept out of the conjoined anthers of each flower,
    before the stigma of that individual flower is ready to receive them;
    and as this flower is never visited, at least in my garden, by insects,
    it never sets a seed, though by placing pollen from one flower on the
    stigma of another, I raised plenty of seedlings; and whilst another
    species of Lobelia growing close by, which is visited by bees, seeds
    freely. In very many other cases, though there be no special mechanical
    contrivance to prevent the stigma of a flower receiving its own pollen,
    yet, as
    C. C. Sprengel has shown, and as I can confirm, either the anthers
    burst before the stigma is ready for fertilisation, or the stigma is
    ready before the pollen of that flower is ready, so that these plants
    have in fact separated sexes, and must habitually be crossed. How
    strange are these facts! How strange that the pollen and stigmatic
    surface of the same flower, though placed so close together, as if for
    the very purpose of self-fertilisation, should in so many cases be
    mutually useless to each other! How simply are these facts explained on
    the view of an occasional cross with a distinct individual being
    advantageous or indispensable!

    If several varieties of the cabbage, radish, onion, and of some other
    plants, be allowed to seed near each other, a large majority, as I have
    found, of the seedlings thus raised will turn out mongrels: for
    instance, I raised 233 seedling cabbages from some plants of different
    varieties growing near each other, and of these only 78 were true to
    their kind, and some even of these were not perfectly true. Yet the
    pistil of each cabbage-flower is surrounded not only by its own six
    stamens, but by those of the many other flowers on the same plant. How,
    then, comes it that such a vast number of the seedlings are
    mongrelized? I suspect that it must arise from the pollen of a distinct
    variety having a prepotent effect over a flower’s own pollen; and
    that this is part of the general law of good being derived from the
    intercrossing of distinct individuals of the same species. When
    distinct species are crossed the case is directly the reverse, for a
    plant’s own pollen is always prepotent over foreign pollen; but to this
    subject we shall return in a future chapter.

    In the case of a gigantic tree covered with innumerable flowers, it may
    be objected that pollen could seldom be carried from tree to tree, and
    at most only from flower
    to flower on the same tree, and that flowers on the same tree can be
    considered as distinct individuals only in a limited sense. I believe
    this objection to be valid, but that nature has largely provided
    against it by giving to trees a strong tendency to bear flowers with
    separated sexes. When the sexes are separated, although the male and
    female flowers may be produced on the same tree, we can see that pollen
    must be regularly carried from flower to flower; and this will give a
    better chance of pollen being occasionally carried from tree to tree.
    That trees belonging to all Orders have their sexes more often
    separated than other plants, I find to be the case in this country; and
    at my request Dr. Hooker tabulated the trees of New Zealand, and Dr.
    Asa Gray those of the United States, and the result was as I
    anticipated. On the other hand, Dr. Hooker has recently informed me
    that he finds that the rule does not hold in Australia; and I have made
    these few remarks on the sexes of trees simply to call attention to the
    subject.

    Turning for a very brief space to animals: on the land there are some
    hermaphrodites, as land-mollusca and earth-worms; but these all pair.
    As yet I have not found a single case of a terrestrial animal which
    fertilises itself. We can understand this remarkable fact, which offers
    so strong a contrast with terrestrial plants, on the view of an
    occasional cross being indispensable, by considering the medium in
    which terrestrial animals live, and the nature of the fertilising
    element; for we know of no means, analogous to the action of insects
    and of the wind in the case of plants, by which an occasional cross
    could be effected with terrestrial animals without the concurrence of
    two individuals. Of aquatic animals, there are many self-fertilising
    hermaphrodites; but here currents in the water offer an obvious means
    for an occasional cross. And, as in the case of flowers, I have as yet
    failed, after consultation with one of the highest authorities, namely,
    Professor Huxley, to discover a single case of an hermaphrodite animal
    with the organs of reproduction so perfectly enclosed within the body,
    that access from without and the occasional influence of a distinct
    individual can be shown to be physically impossible. Cirripedes long
    appeared to me to present a case of very great difficulty under this
    point of view; but I have been enabled, by a fortunate chance,
    elsewhere to prove that two individuals, though both are
    self-fertilising hermaphrodites, do sometimes cross.

    It must have struck most naturalists as a strange anomaly that, in the
    case of both animals and plants, species of the same family and even of
    the same genus, though agreeing closely with each other in almost their
    whole organisation, yet are not rarely, some of them hermaphrodites,
    and some of them unisexual. But if, in fact, all hermaphrodites do
    occasionally intercross with other individuals, the difference between
    hermaphrodites and unisexual species, as far as function is concerned,
    becomes very small.

    From these several considerations and from the many special facts which
    I have collected, but which I am not here able to give, I am strongly
    inclined to suspect that, both in the vegetable and animal kingdoms, an
    occasional intercross with a distinct individual is a law of nature. I
    am well aware that there are, on this view, many cases of difficulty,
    some of which I am trying to investigate. Finally then, we may conclude
    that in many organic beings, a cross between two individuals is an
    obvious necessity for each birth; in many others it occurs perhaps only
    at long intervals; but in none, as I suspect, can self-fertilisation go
    on for perpetuity.

    Circumstances favourable to Natural Selection.—This
    is an extremely intricate subject. A large amount of inheritable and
    diversified variability is favourable, but I believe mere individual
    differences suffice for the work. A large number of individuals, by
    giving a better chance for the appearance within any given period of
    profitable variations, will compensate for a lesser amount of
    variability in each individual, and is, I believe, an extremely
    important element of success. Though nature grants vast periods of time
    for the work of natural selection, she does not grant an indefinite
    period; for as all organic beings are striving, it may be said, to
    seize on each place in the economy of nature, if any one species does
    not become modified and improved in a corresponding degree with its
    competitors, it will soon be exterminated.

    In man’s methodical selection, a breeder selects for some definite
    object, and free intercrossing will wholly stop his work. But when many
    men, without intending to alter the breed, have a nearly common
    standard of perfection, and all try to get and breed from the best
    animals, much improvement and modification surely but slowly follow
    from this unconscious process of selection, notwithstanding a large
    amount of crossing with inferior animals. Thus it will be in nature;
    for within a confined area, with some place in its polity not so
    perfectly occupied as might be, natural selection will always tend to
    preserve all the individuals varying in the right direction, though in
    different degrees, so as better to fill up the unoccupied place. But if
    the area be large, its several districts will almost certainly present
    different conditions of life; and then if natural selection be
    modifying and improving a species in the several districts, there will
    be intercrossing with the other individuals of the same species on the
    confines of each. And in this case the effects of intercrossing can
    hardly be counterbalanced
    by natural selection always tending to modify all the individuals in
    each district in exactly the same manner to the conditions of each; for
    in a continuous area, the conditions will generally graduate away
    insensibly from one district to another. The intercrossing will most
    affect those animals which unite for each birth, which wander much, and
    which do not breed at a very quick rate. Hence in animals of this
    nature, for instance in birds, varieties will generally be confined to
    separated countries; and this I believe to be the case. In
    hermaphrodite organisms which cross only occasionally, and likewise in
    animals which unite for each birth, but which wander little and which
    can increase at a very rapid rate, a new and improved variety might be
    quickly formed on any one spot, and might there maintain itself in a
    body, so that whatever intercrossing took place would be chiefly
    between the individuals of the same new variety. A local variety when
    once thus formed might subsequently slowly spread to other districts.
    On the above principle, nurserymen always prefer getting seed from a
    large body of plants of the same variety, as the chance of
    intercrossing with other varieties is thus lessened.

    Even in the case of slow-breeding animals, which unite for each birth,
    we must not overrate the effects of intercrosses in retarding natural
    selection; for I can bring a considerable catalogue of facts, showing
    that within the same area, varieties of the same animal can long remain
    distinct, from haunting different stations, from breeding at slightly
    different seasons, or from varieties of the same kind preferring to
    pair together.

    Intercrossing plays a very important part in nature in keeping the
    individuals of the same species, or of the same variety, true and
    uniform in character. It will obviously thus act far more efficiently
    with those animals
    which unite for each birth; but I have already attempted to show that
    we have reason to believe that occasional intercrosses take place with
    all animals and with all plants. Even if these take place only at long
    intervals, I am convinced that the young thus produced will gain so
    much in vigour and fertility over the offspring from long-continued
    self-fertilisation, that they will have a better chance of surviving
    and propagating their kind; and thus, in the long run, the influence of
    intercrosses, even at rare intervals, will be great. If there exist
    organic beings which never intercross, uniformity of character can be
    retained amongst them, as long as their conditions of life remain the
    same, only through the principle of inheritance, and through natural
    selection destroying any which depart from the proper type; but if
    their conditions of life change and they undergo modification,
    uniformity of character can be given to their modified offspring,
    solely by natural selection preserving the same favourable variations.

    Isolation, also, is an important element in the process of natural
    selection. In a confined or isolated area, if not very large, the
    organic and inorganic conditions of life will generally be in a great
    degree uniform; so that natural selection will tend to modify all the
    individuals of a varying species throughout the area in the same manner
    in relation to the same conditions. Intercrosses, also, with the
    individuals of the same species, which otherwise would have inhabited
    the surrounding and differently circumstanced districts, will be
    prevented. But isolation probably acts more efficiently in checking the
    immigration of better adapted organisms, after any physical change,
    such as of climate or elevation of the land, etc.; and thus new places
    in the natural economy of the country are left open for the old
    inhabitants to struggle for, and become adapted to, through
    modifications
    in their structure and constitution. Lastly, isolation, by checking
    immigration and consequently competition, will give time for any new
    variety to be slowly improved; and this may sometimes be of importance
    in the production of new species. If, however, an isolated area be very
    small, either from being surrounded by barriers, or from having very
    peculiar physical conditions, the total number of the individuals
    supported on it will necessarily be very small; and fewness of
    individuals will greatly retard the production of new species through
    natural selection, by decreasing the chance of the appearance of
    favourable variations.

    If we turn to nature to test the truth of these remarks, and look at
    any small isolated area, such as an oceanic island, although the total
    number of the species inhabiting it, will be found to be small, as we
    shall see in our chapter on geographical distribution; yet of these
    species a very large proportion are endemic,—that is, have been
    produced there, and nowhere else. Hence an oceanic island at first
    sight seems to have been highly favourable for the production of new
    species. But we may thus greatly deceive ourselves, for to ascertain
    whether a small isolated area, or a large open area like a continent,
    has been most favourable for the production of new organic forms, we
    ought to make the comparison within equal times; and this we are
    incapable of doing.

    Although I do not doubt that isolation is of considerable importance in
    the production of new species, on the whole I am inclined to believe
    that largeness of area is of more importance, more especially in the
    production of species, which will prove capable of enduring for a long
    period, and of spreading widely. Throughout a great and open area, not
    only will there be a better chance of favourable variations arising
    from the large number of individuals of the same species
    there supported, but the conditions of life are infinitely complex from
    the large number of already existing species; and if some of these many
    species become modified and improved, others will have to be improved
    in a corresponding degree or they will be exterminated. Each new form,
    also, as soon as it has been much improved, will be able to spread over
    the open and continuous area, and will thus come into competition with
    many others. Hence more new places will be formed, and the competition
    to fill them will be more severe, on a large than on a small and
    isolated area. Moreover, great areas, though now continuous, owing to
    oscillations of level, will often have recently existed in a broken
    condition, so that the good effects of isolation will generally, to a
    certain extent, have concurred. Finally, I conclude that, although
    small isolated areas probably have been in some respects highly
    favourable for the production of new species, yet that the course of
    modification will generally have been more rapid on large areas; and
    what is more important, that the new forms produced on large areas,
    which already have been victorious over many competitors, will be those
    that will spread most widely, will give rise to most new varieties and
    species, and will thus play an important part in the changing history
    of the organic world.

    We can, perhaps, on these views, understand some facts which will be
    again alluded to in our chapter on geographical distribution; for
    instance, that the productions of the smaller continent of Australia
    have formerly yielded, and apparently are now yielding, before those of
    the larger Europæo-Asiatic area. Thus, also, it is that continental
    productions have everywhere become so largely naturalised on islands.
    On a small island, the race for life will have been less severe, and
    there will have been less modification and less extermination.
    Hence, perhaps, it comes that the flora of Madeira, according to Oswald
    Heer, resembles the extinct tertiary flora of Europe. All fresh-water
    basins, taken together, make a small area compared with that of the sea
    or of the land; and, consequently, the competition between fresh-water
    productions will have been less severe than elsewhere; new forms will
    have been more slowly formed, and old forms more slowly exterminated.
    And it is in fresh water that we find seven genera of Ganoid fishes,
    remnants of a once preponderant order: and in fresh water we find some
    of the most anomalous forms now known in the world, as the
    Ornithorhynchus and Lepidosiren, which, like fossils, connect to a
    certain extent orders now widely separated in the natural scale. These
    anomalous forms may almost be called living fossils; they have endured
    to the present day, from having inhabited a confined area, and from
    having thus been exposed to less severe competition.

    To sum up the circumstances favourable and unfavourable to natural
    selection, as far as the extreme intricacy of the subject permits. I
    conclude, looking to the future, that for terrestrial productions a
    large continental area, which will probably undergo many oscillations
    of level, and which consequently will exist for long periods in a
    broken condition, will be the most favourable for the production of
    many new forms of life, likely to endure long and to spread widely. For
    the area will first have existed as a continent, and the inhabitants,
    at this period numerous in individuals and kinds, will have been
    subjected to very severe competition. When converted by subsidence into
    large separate islands, there will still exist many individuals of the
    same species on each island: intercrossing on the confines of the range
    of each species will thus be checked: after physical changes of any
    kind, immigration will be prevented,
    so that new places in the polity of each island will have to be filled
    up by modifications of the old inhabitants; and time will be allowed
    for the varieties in each to become well modified and perfected. When,
    by renewed elevation, the islands shall be re-converted into a
    continental area, there will again be severe competition: the most
    favoured or improved varieties will be enabled to spread: there will be
    much extinction of the less improved forms, and the relative
    proportional numbers of the various inhabitants of the renewed
    continent will again be changed; and again there will be a fair field
    for natural selection to improve still further the inhabitants, and
    thus produce new species.

    That natural selection will always act with extreme slowness, I fully
    admit. Its action depends on there being places in the polity of
    nature, which can be better occupied by some of the inhabitants of the
    country undergoing modification of some kind. The existence of such
    places will often depend on physical changes, which are generally very
    slow, and on the immigration of better adapted forms having been
    checked. But the action of natural selection will probably still
    oftener depend on some of the inhabitants becoming slowly modified; the
    mutual relations of many of the other inhabitants being thus disturbed.
    Nothing can be effected, unless favourable variations occur, and
    variation itself is apparently always a very slow process. The process
    will often be greatly retarded by free intercrossing. Many will exclaim
    that these several causes are amply sufficient wholly to stop the
    action of natural selection. I do not believe so. On the other hand, I
    do believe that natural selection will always act very slowly, often
    only at long intervals of time, and generally on only a very few of the
    inhabitants of the same region at the same time. I further believe,
    that this very slow, intermittent
    action of natural selection accords perfectly well with what geology
    tells us of the rate and manner at which the inhabitants of this world
    have changed.

    Slow though the process of selection may be, if feeble man can do much
    by his powers of artificial selection, I can see no limit to the amount
    of change, to the beauty and infinite complexity of the coadaptations
    between all organic beings, one with another and with their physical
    conditions of life, which may be effected in the long course of time by
    nature’s power of selection.

    Extinction.—This subject will be more fully discussed in our chapter
    on Geology; but it must be here alluded to from being intimately
    connected with natural selection. Natural selection acts solely through
    the preservation of variations in some way advantageous, which
    consequently endure. But as from the high geometrical powers of
    increase of all organic beings, each area is already fully stocked with
    inhabitants, it follows that as each selected and favoured form
    increases in number, so will the less favoured forms decrease and
    become rare. Rarity, as geology tells us, is the precursor to
    extinction. We can, also, see that any form represented by few
    individuals will, during fluctuations in the seasons or in the number
    of its enemies, run a good chance of utter extinction. But we may go
    further than this; for as new forms are continually and slowly being
    produced, unless we believe that the number of specific forms goes on
    perpetually and almost indefinitely increasing, numbers inevitably must
    become extinct. That the number of specific forms has not indefinitely
    increased, geology shows us plainly; and indeed we can see reason why
    they should not have thus increased, for the number of places in the
    polity of nature is not indefinitely great,—not that we
    have any means of knowing that any one region has as yet got its
    maximum of species. Probably no region is as yet fully stocked, for at
    the Cape of Good Hope, where more species of plants are crowded
    together than in any other quarter of the world, some foreign plants
    have become naturalised, without causing, as far as we know, the
    extinction of any natives.

    Furthermore, the species which are most numerous in individuals will
    have the best chance of producing within any given period favourable
    variations. We have evidence of this, in the facts given in the second
    chapter, showing that it is the common species which afford the
    greatest number of recorded varieties, or incipient species. Hence,
    rare species will be less quickly modified or improved within any given
    period, and they will consequently be beaten in the race for life by
    the modified descendants of the commoner species.

    From these several considerations I think it inevitably follows, that
    as new species in the course of time are formed through natural
    selection, others will become rarer and rarer, and finally extinct. The
    forms which stand in closest competition with those undergoing
    modification and improvement, will naturally suffer most. And we have
    seen in the chapter on the Struggle for Existence that it is the most
    closely-allied forms,—varieties of the same species, and species of the
    same genus or of related genera,—which, from having nearly the same
    structure, constitution, and habits, generally come into the severest
    competition with each other. Consequently, each new variety or species,
    during the progress of its formation, will generally press hardest on
    its nearest kindred, and tend to exterminate them. We see the same
    process of extermination amongst our domesticated productions, through
    the selection of improved forms by man. Many curious
    instances could be given showing how quickly new breeds of cattle,
    sheep, and other animals, and varieties of flowers, take the place of
    older and inferior kinds. In Yorkshire, it is historically known that
    the ancient black cattle were displaced by the long-horns, and that
    these “were swept away by the short-horns” (I quote the words of an
    agricultural writer) “as if by some murderous pestilence.”

    Divergence of Character.—The principle, which I have designated by
    this term, is of high importance on my theory, and explains, as I
    believe, several important facts. In the first place, varieties, even
    strongly-marked ones, though having somewhat of the character of
    species—as is shown by the hopeless doubts in many cases how to rank
    them—yet certainly differ from each other far less than do good and
    distinct species. Nevertheless, according to my view, varieties are
    species in the process of formation, or are, as I have called them,
    incipient species. How, then, does the lesser difference between
    varieties become augmented into the greater difference between species?
    That this does habitually happen, we must infer from most of the
    innumerable species throughout nature presenting well-marked
    differences; whereas varieties, the supposed prototypes and parents of
    future well-marked species, present slight and ill-defined differences.
    Mere chance, as we may call it, might cause one variety to differ in
    some character from its parents, and the offspring of this variety
    again to differ from its parent in the very same character and in a
    greater degree; but this alone would never account for so habitual and
    large an amount of difference as that between varieties of the same
    species and species of the same genus.

    As has always been my practice, let us seek light on
    this head from our domestic productions. We shall here find something
    analogous. A fancier is struck by a pigeon having a slightly shorter
    beak; another fancier is struck by a pigeon having a rather longer
    beak; and on the acknowledged principle that “fanciers do not and will
    not admire a medium standard, but like extremes,” they both go on (as
    has actually occurred with tumbler-pigeons) choosing and breeding from
    birds with longer and longer beaks, or with shorter and shorter beaks.
    Again, we may suppose that at an early period one man preferred swifter
    horses; another stronger and more bulky horses. The early differences
    would be very slight; in the course of time, from the continued
    selection of swifter horses by some breeders, and of stronger ones by
    others, the differences would become greater, and would be noted as
    forming two sub-breeds; finally, after the lapse of centuries, the
    sub-breeds would become converted into two well-established and
    distinct breeds. As the differences slowly become greater, the inferior
    animals with intermediate characters, being neither very swift nor very
    strong, will have been neglected, and will have tended to disappear.
    Here, then, we see in man’s productions the action of what may be
    called the principle of divergence, causing differences, at first
    barely appreciable, steadily to increase, and the breeds to diverge in
    character both from each other and from their common parent.

    But how, it may be asked, can any analogous principle apply in nature?
    I believe it can and does apply most efficiently, from the simple
    circumstance that the more diversified the descendants from any one
    species become in structure, constitution, and habits, by so much will
    they be better enabled to seize on many and widely diversified places
    in the polity of nature, and so be enabled to increase in numbers.

    We can clearly see this in the case of animals with simple habits. Take
    the case of a carnivorous quadruped, of which the number that can be
    supported in any country has long ago arrived at its full average. If
    its natural powers of increase be allowed to act, it can succeed in
    increasing (the country not undergoing any change in its conditions)
    only by its varying descendants seizing on places at present occupied
    by other animals: some of them, for instance, being enabled to feed on
    new kinds of prey, either dead or alive; some inhabiting new stations,
    climbing trees, frequenting water, and some perhaps becoming less
    carnivorous. The more diversified in habits and structure the
    descendants of our carnivorous animal became, the more places they
    would be enabled to occupy. What applies to one animal will apply
    throughout all time to all animals—that is, if they vary—for otherwise
    natural selection can do nothing. So it will be with plants. It has
    been experimentally proved, that if a plot of ground be sown with one
    species of grass, and a similar plot be sown with several distinct
    genera of grasses, a greater number of plants and a greater weight of
    dry herbage can thus be raised. The same has been found to hold good
    when first one variety and then several mixed varieties of wheat have
    been sown on equal spaces of ground. Hence, if any one species of grass
    were to go on varying, and those varieties were continually selected
    which differed from each other in at all the same manner as distinct
    species and genera of grasses differ from each other, a greater number
    of individual plants of this species of grass, including its modified
    descendants, would succeed in living on the same piece of ground. And
    we well know that each species and each variety of grass is annually
    sowing almost countless seeds; and thus, as it may be said, is striving
    its utmost to increase its numbers. Consequently,
    I cannot doubt that in the course of many thousands of generations, the
    most distinct varieties of any one species of grass would always have
    the best chance of succeeding and of increasing in numbers, and thus of
    supplanting the less distinct varieties; and varieties, when rendered
    very distinct from each other, take the rank of species.

    The truth of the principle, that the greatest amount of life can be
    supported by great diversification of structure, is seen under many
    natural circumstances. In an extremely small area, especially if freely
    open to immigration, and where the contest between individual and
    individual must be severe, we always find great diversity in its
    inhabitants. For instance, I found that a piece of turf, three feet by
    four in size, which had been exposed for many years to exactly the same
    conditions, supported twenty species of plants, and these belonged to
    eighteen genera and to eight orders, which shows how much these plants
    differed from each other. So it is with the plants and insects on small
    and uniform islets; and so in small ponds of fresh water. Farmers find
    that they can raise most food by a rotation of plants belonging to the
    most different orders: nature follows what may be called a simultaneous
    rotation. Most of the animals and plants which live close round any
    small piece of ground, could live on it (supposing it not to be in any
    way peculiar in its nature), and may be said to be striving to the
    utmost to live there; but, it is seen, that where they come into the
    closest competition with each other, the advantages of diversification
    of structure, with the accompanying differences of habit and
    constitution, determine that the inhabitants, which thus jostle each
    other most closely, shall, as a general rule, belong to what we call
    different genera and orders.

    The same principle is seen in the naturalisation of
    plants through man’s agency in foreign lands. It might have been
    expected that the plants which have succeeded in becoming naturalised
    in any land would generally have been closely allied to the indigenes;
    for these are commonly looked at as specially created and adapted for
    their own country. It might, also, perhaps have been expected that
    naturalised plants would have belonged to a few groups more especially
    adapted to certain stations in their new homes. But the case is very
    different; and Alph. De Candolle has well remarked in his great and
    admirable work, that floras gain by naturalisation, proportionally with
    the number of the native genera and species, far more in new genera
    than in new species. To give a single instance: in the last edition of
    Dr. Asa Gray’s ‘Manual of the Flora of the Northern United States,’ 260
    naturalised plants are enumerated, and these belong to 162 genera. We
    thus see that these naturalised plants are of a highly diversified
    nature. They differ, moreover, to a large extent from the indigenes,
    for out of the 162 genera, no less than 100 genera are not there
    indigenous, and thus a large proportional addition is made to the
    genera of these States.

    By considering the nature of the plants or animals which have struggled
    successfully with the indigenes of any country, and have there become
    naturalised, we can gain some crude idea in what manner some of the
    natives would have had to be modified, in order to have gained an
    advantage over the other natives; and we may, I think, at least safely
    infer that diversification of structure, amounting to new generic
    differences, would have been profitable to them.

    The advantage of diversification in the inhabitants of the same region
    is, in fact, the same as that of the physiological division of labour
    in the organs of the same individual body—a subject so well elucidated
    by
    Milne Edwards. No physiologist doubts that a stomach by being adapted
    to digest vegetable matter alone, or flesh alone, draws most nutriment
    from these substances. So in the general economy of any land, the more
    widely and perfectly the animals and plants are diversified for
    different habits of life, so will a greater number of individuals be
    capable of there supporting themselves. A set of animals, with their
    organisation but little diversified, could hardly compete with a set
    more perfectly diversified in structure. It may be doubted, for
    instance, whether the Australian marsupials, which are divided into
    groups differing but little from each other, and feebly representing,
    as Mr. Waterhouse and others have remarked, our carnivorous, ruminant,
    and rodent mammals, could successfully compete with these
    well-pronounced orders. In the Australian mammals, we see the process
    of diversification in an early and incomplete stage of development.
    After the foregoing discussion, which ought to have been much
    amplified, we may, I think, assume that the modified descendants of any
    one species will succeed by so much the better as they become more
    diversified in structure, and are thus enabled to encroach on places
    occupied by other beings. Now let us see how this principle of great
    benefit being derived from divergence of character, combined with the
    principles of natural selection and of extinction, will tend to act.

    The accompanying diagram will aid us in understanding this rather
    perplexing subject. Let A to L represent the species of a genus large
    in its own country; these species are supposed to resemble each other
    in unequal degrees, as is so generally the case in nature, and as is
    represented in the diagram by the letters standing at unequal
    distances. I have said a large genus, because we have seen in the
    second chapter,
    that on an average more of the species of large genera vary than of
    small genera; and the varying species of the large genera present a
    greater number of varieties. We have, also, seen that the species,
    which are the commonest and the most widely-diffused, vary more than
    rare species with restricted ranges. Let (A) be a common,
    widely-diffused, and varying species, belonging to a genus large in its
    own country. The little fan of diverging dotted lines of unequal
    lengths proceeding from (A), may represent its varying offspring. The
    variations are supposed to be extremely slight, but of the most
    diversified nature; they are not supposed all to appear simultaneously,
    but often after long intervals of time; nor are they all supposed to
    endure for equal periods. Only those variations which are in some way
    profitable will be preserved or naturally selected. And here the
    importance of the principle of benefit being derived from divergence of
    character comes in; for this will generally lead to the most different
    or divergent variations (represented by the outer dotted lines) being
    preserved and accumulated by natural selection. When a dotted line
    reaches one of the horizontal lines, and is there marked by a small
    numbered letter, a sufficient amount of variation is supposed to have
    been accumulated to have formed a fairly well-marked variety, such as
    would be thought worthy of record in a systematic work.

    The intervals between the horizontal lines in the diagram, may
    represent each a thousand generations; but it would have been better if
    each had represented ten thousand generations. After a thousand
    generations, species (A) is supposed to have produced two fairly
    well-marked varieties, namely _a_1 and _m_1. These two varieties will
    generally continue to be exposed to the same conditions which made
    their parents variable,
    and the tendency to variability is in itself hereditary, consequently
    they will tend to vary, and generally to vary in nearly the same manner
    as their parents varied. Moreover, these two varieties, being only
    slightly modified forms, will tend to inherit those advantages which
    made their common parent (A) more numerous than most of the other
    inhabitants of the same country; they will likewise partake of those
    more general advantages which made the genus to which the
    parent-species belonged, a large genus in its own country. And these
    circumstances we know to be favourable to the production of new
    varieties.

    If, then, these two varieties be variable, the most divergent of their
    variations will generally be preserved during the next thousand
    generations. And after this interval, variety _a_1 is supposed in the
    diagram to have produced variety _a_2, which will, owing to the
    principle of divergence, differ more from (A) than did variety _a_1.
    Variety _m_1 is supposed to have produced two varieties, namely _m_2
    and _s_2, differing from each other, and more considerably from their
    common parent (A). We may continue the process by similar steps for any
    length of time; some of the varieties, after each thousand generations,
    producing only a single variety, but in a more and more modified
    condition, some producing two or three varieties, and some failing to
    produce any. Thus the varieties or modified descendants, proceeding
    from the common parent (A), will generally go on increasing in number
    and diverging in character. In the diagram the process is represented
    up to the ten-thousandth generation, and under a condensed and
    simplified form up to the fourteen-thousandth generation.

    But I must here remark that I do not suppose that the process ever goes
    on so regularly as is represented in the diagram, though in itself made
    somewhat irregular.
    I am far from thinking that the most divergent varieties will
    invariably prevail and multiply: a medium form may often long endure,
    and may or may not produce more than one modified descendant; for
    natural selection will always act according to the nature of the places
    which are either unoccupied or not perfectly occupied by other beings;
    and this will depend on infinitely complex relations. But as a general
    rule, the more diversified in structure the descendants from any one
    species can be rendered, the more places they will be enabled to seize
    on, and the more their modified progeny will be increased. In our
    diagram the line of succession is broken at regular intervals by small
    numbered letters marking the successive forms which have become
    sufficiently distinct to be recorded as varieties. But these breaks are
    imaginary, and might have been inserted anywhere, after intervals long
    enough to have allowed the accumulation of a considerable amount of
    divergent variation.

    As all the modified descendants from a common and widely-diffused
    species, belonging to a large genus, will tend to partake of the same
    advantages which made their parent successful in life, they will
    generally go on multiplying in number as well as diverging in
    character: this is represented in the diagram by the several divergent
    branches proceeding from (A). The modified offspring from the later and
    more highly improved branches in the lines of descent, will, it is
    probable, often take the place of, and so destroy, the earlier and less
    improved branches: this is represented in the diagram by some of the
    lower branches not reaching to the upper horizontal lines. In some
    cases I do not doubt that the process of modification will be confined
    to a single line of descent, and the number of the descendants will not
    be increased; although the amount
    of divergent modification may have been increased in the successive
    generations. This case would be represented in the diagram, if all the
    lines proceeding from (A) were removed, excepting that from _a_1 to
    _a_10. In the same way, for instance, the English race-horse and
    English pointer have apparently both gone on slowly diverging in
    character from their original stocks, without either having given off
    any fresh branches or races.

    After ten thousand generations, species (A) is supposed to have
    produced three forms, _a_10, _f_10, and _m_10, which, from having
    diverged in character during the successive generations, will have come
    to differ largely, but perhaps unequally, from each other and from
    their common parent. If we suppose the amount of change between each
    horizontal line in our diagram to be excessively small, these three
    forms may still be only well-marked varieties; or they may have arrived
    at the doubtful category of sub-species; but we have only to suppose
    the steps in the process of modification to be more numerous or greater
    in amount, to convert these three forms into well-defined species: thus
    the diagram illustrates the steps by which the small differences
    distinguishing varieties are increased into the larger differences
    distinguishing species. By continuing the same process for a greater
    number of generations (as shown in the diagram in a condensed and
    simplified manner), we get eight species, marked by the letters between
    _a_14 and _m_14, all descended from (A). Thus, as I believe, species
    are multiplied and genera are formed.

    In a large genus it is probable that more than one species would vary.
    In the diagram I have assumed that a second species (I) has produced,
    by analogous steps, after ten thousand generations, either two
    well-marked varieties (_w_10 and _z_10) or two species, according to
    the amount of change supposed to be represented between
    the horizontal lines. After fourteen thousand generations, six new
    species, marked by the letters _n_14 to _z_14, are supposed to have
    been produced. In each genus, the species, which are already extremely
    different in character, will generally tend to produce the greatest
    number of modified descendants; for these will have the best chance of
    filling new and widely different places in the polity of nature: hence
    in the diagram I have chosen the extreme species (A), and the nearly
    extreme species (I), as those which have largely varied, and have given
    rise to new varieties and species. The other nine species (marked by
    capital letters) of our original genus, may for a long period continue
    transmitting unaltered descendants; and this is shown in the diagram by
    the dotted lines not prolonged far upwards from want of space.

    But during the process of modification, represented in the diagram,
    another of our principles, namely that of extinction, will have played
    an important part. As in each fully stocked country natural selection
    necessarily acts by the selected form having some advantage in the
    struggle for life over other forms, there will be a constant tendency
    in the improved descendants of any one species to supplant and
    exterminate in each stage of descent their predecessors and their
    original parent. For it should be remembered that the competition will
    generally be most severe between those forms which are most nearly
    related to each other in habits, constitution, and structure. Hence all
    the intermediate forms between the earlier and later states, that is
    between the less and more improved state of a species, as well as the
    original parent-species itself, will generally tend to become extinct.
    So it probably will be with many whole collateral lines of descent,
    which will be conquered by later and improved lines of descent. If,
    however, the
    modified offspring of a species get into some distinct country, or
    become quickly adapted to some quite new station, in which child and
    parent do not come into competition, both may continue to exist.

    If then our diagram be assumed to represent a considerable amount of
    modification, species (A) and all the earlier varieties will have
    become extinct, having been replaced by eight new species (_a_14 to
    _m_14); and (I) will have been replaced by six (_n_14 to _z_14) new
    species.

    But we may go further than this. The original species of our genus were
    supposed to resemble each other in unequal degrees, as is so generally
    the case in nature; species (A) being more nearly related to B, C, and
    D, than to the other species; and species (I) more to G, H, K, L, than
    to the others. These two species (A) and (I), were also supposed to be
    very common and widely diffused species, so that they must originally
    have had some advantage over most of the other species of the genus.
    Their modified descendants, fourteen in number at the
    fourteen-thousandth generation, will probably have inherited some of
    the same advantages: they have also been modified and improved in a
    diversified manner at each stage of descent, so as to have become
    adapted to many related places in the natural economy of their country.
    It seems, therefore, to me extremely probable that they will have taken
    the places of, and thus exterminated, not only their parents (A) and
    (I), but likewise some of the original species which were most nearly
    related to their parents. Hence very few of the original species will
    have transmitted offspring to the fourteen-thousandth generation. We
    may suppose that only one (F), of the two species which were least
    closely related to the other nine original species, has transmitted
    descendants to this late stage of descent.

    The new species in our diagram descended from the original eleven
    species, will now be fifteen in number. Owing to the divergent tendency
    of natural selection, the extreme amount of difference in character
    between species _a_14 and _z_14 will be much greater than that between
    the most different of the original eleven species. The new species,
    moreover, will be allied to each other in a widely different manner. Of
    the eight descendants from (A) the three marked _a_14, _q_14, _p_14,
    will be nearly related from having recently branched off from _a_10;
    _b_14 and _f_14, from having diverged at an earlier period from a5,
    will be in some degree distinct from the three first-named species; and
    lastly, _0_14, _e_4, and _m_14, will be nearly related one to the
    other, but from having diverged at the first commencement of the
    process of modification, will be widely different from the other five
    species, and may constitute a sub-genus or even a distinct genus.

    The six descendants from (I) will form two sub-genera or even genera.
    But as the original species (I) differed largely from (A), standing
    nearly at the extreme points of the original genus, the six descendants
    from (I) will, owing to inheritance, differ considerably from the eight
    descendants from (A); the two groups, moreover, are supposed to have
    gone on diverging in different directions. The intermediate species,
    also (and this is a very important consideration), which connected the
    original species (A) and (I), have all become, excepting (F), extinct,
    and have left no descendants. Hence the six new species descended from
    (I), and the eight descended from (A), will have to be ranked as very
    distinct genera, or even as distinct sub-families.

    Thus it is, as I believe, that two or more genera are produced by
    descent, with modification, from two or more species of the same genus.
    And the two or more
    parent-species are supposed to have descended from some one species of
    an earlier genus. In our diagram, this is indicated by the broken
    lines, beneath the capital letters, converging in sub-branches
    downwards towards a single point; this point representing a single
    species, the supposed single parent of our several new sub-genera and
    genera.

    It is worth while to reflect for a moment on the character of the new
    species F14, which is supposed not to have diverged much in character,
    but to have retained the form of (F), either unaltered or altered only
    in a slight degree. In this case, its affinities to the other fourteen
    new species will be of a curious and circuitous nature. Having
    descended from a form which stood between the two parent-species (A)
    and (I), now supposed to be extinct and unknown, it will be in some
    degree intermediate in character between the two groups descended from
    these species. But as these two groups have gone on diverging in
    character from the type of their parents, the new species (F14) will
    not be directly intermediate between them, but rather between types of
    the two groups; and every naturalist will be able to bring some such
    case before his mind.

    In the diagram, each horizontal line has hitherto been supposed to
    represent a thousand generations, but each may represent a million or
    hundred million generations, and likewise a section of the successive
    strata of the earth’s crust including extinct remains. We shall, when
    we come to our chapter on Geology, have to refer again to this subject,
    and I think we shall then see that the diagram throws light on the
    affinities of extinct beings, which, though generally belonging to the
    same orders, or families, or genera, with those now living, yet are
    often, in some degree, intermediate in character between existing
    groups; and we can understand this fact, for
    the extinct species lived at very ancient epochs when the branching
    lines of descent had diverged less.

    I see no reason to limit the process of modification, as now explained,
    to the formation of genera alone. If, in our diagram, we suppose the
    amount of change represented by each successive group of diverging
    dotted lines to be very great, the forms marked _a_14 to _p_14, those
    marked _b_14 and _f_14, and those marked _o_14 to _m_14, will form
    three very distinct genera. We shall also have two very distinct genera
    descended from (I) and as these latter two genera, both from continued
    divergence of character and from inheritance from a different parent,
    will differ widely from the three genera descended from (A), the two
    little groups of genera will form two distinct families, or even
    orders, according to the amount of divergent modification supposed to
    be represented in the diagram. And the two new families, or orders,
    will have descended from two species of the original genus; and these
    two species are supposed to have descended from one species of a still
    more ancient and unknown genus.

    We have seen that in each country it is the species of the larger
    genera which oftenest present varieties or incipient species. This,
    indeed, might have been expected; for as natural selection acts through
    one form having some advantage over other forms in the struggle for
    existence, it will chiefly act on those which already have some
    advantage; and the largeness of any group shows that its species have
    inherited from a common ancestor some advantage in common. Hence, the
    struggle for the production of new and modified descendants, will
    mainly lie between the larger groups, which are all trying to increase
    in number. One large group will slowly conquer another large group,
    reduce its numbers, and thus lessen its chance of further variation and
    improvement. Within the same large
    group, the later and more highly perfected sub-groups, from branching
    out and seizing on many new places in the polity of Nature, will
    constantly tend to supplant and destroy the earlier and less improved
    sub-groups. Small and broken groups and sub-groups will finally tend to
    disappear. Looking to the future, we can predict that the groups of
    organic beings which are now large and triumphant, and which are least
    broken up, that is, which as yet have suffered least extinction, will
    for a long period continue to increase. But which groups will
    ultimately prevail, no man can predict; for we well know that many
    groups, formerly most extensively developed, have now become extinct.
    Looking still more remotely to the future, we may predict that, owing
    to the continued and steady increase of the larger groups, a multitude
    of smaller groups will become utterly extinct, and leave no modified
    descendants; and consequently that of the species living at any one
    period, extremely few will transmit descendants to a remote futurity. I
    shall have to return to this subject in the chapter on Classification,
    but I may add that on this view of extremely few of the more ancient
    species having transmitted descendants, and on the view of all the
    descendants of the same species making a class, we can understand how
    it is that there exist but very few classes in each main division of
    the animal and vegetable kingdoms. Although extremely few of the most
    ancient species may now have living and modified descendants, yet at
    the most remote geological period, the earth may have been as well
    peopled with many species of many genera, families, orders, and
    classes, as at the present day.

    Summary of the Chapter.—If during the long course of ages and under
    varying conditions of life, organic beings
    vary at all in the several parts of their organisation, and I think
    this cannot be disputed; if there be, owing to the high geometrical
    powers of increase of each species, at some age, season, or year, a
    severe struggle for life, and this certainly cannot be disputed; then,
    considering the infinite complexity of the relations of all organic
    beings to each other and to their conditions of existence, causing an
    infinite diversity in structure, constitution, and habits, to be
    advantageous to them, I think it would be a most extraordinary fact if
    no variation ever had occurred useful to each being’s own welfare, in
    the same way as so many variations have occurred useful to man. But if
    variations useful to any organic being do occur, assuredly individuals
    thus characterised will have the best chance of being preserved in the
    struggle for life; and from the strong principle of inheritance they
    will tend to produce offspring similarly characterised. This principle
    of preservation, I have called, for the sake of brevity, Natural
    Selection. Natural selection, on the principle of qualities being
    inherited at corresponding ages, can modify the egg, seed, or young, as
    easily as the adult. Amongst many animals, sexual selection will give
    its aid to ordinary selection, by assuring to the most vigorous and
    best adapted males the greatest number of offspring. Sexual selection
    will also give characters useful to the males alone, in their struggles
    with other males.

    Whether natural selection has really thus acted in nature, in modifying
    and adapting the various forms of life to their several conditions and
    stations, must be judged of by the general tenour and balance of
    evidence given in the following chapters. But we already see how it
    entails extinction; and how largely extinction has acted in the world’s
    history, geology plainly declares. Natural selection, also, leads to
    divergence of
    character; for more living beings can be supported on the same area the
    more they diverge in structure, habits, and constitution, of which we
    see proof by looking at the inhabitants of any small spot or at
    naturalised productions. Therefore during the modification of the
    descendants of any one species, and during the incessant struggle of
    all species to increase in numbers, the more diversified these
    descendants become, the better will be their chance of succeeding in
    the battle of life. Thus the small differences distinguishing varieties
    of the same species, will steadily tend to increase till they come to
    equal the greater differences between species of the same genus, or
    even of distinct genera.

    We have seen that it is the common, the widely-diffused, and
    widely-ranging species, belonging to the larger genera, which vary
    most; and these will tend to transmit to their modified offspring that
    superiority which now makes them dominant in their own countries.
    Natural selection, as has just been remarked, leads to divergence of
    character and to much extinction of the less improved and intermediate
    forms of life. On these principles, I believe, the nature of the
    affinities of all organic beings may be explained. It is a truly
    wonderful fact—the wonder of which we are apt to overlook from
    familiarity—that all animals and all plants throughout all time and
    space should be related to each other in group subordinate to group, in
    the manner which we everywhere behold—namely, varieties of the same
    species most closely related together, species of the same genus less
    closely and unequally related together, forming sections and
    sub-genera, species of distinct genera much less closely related, and
    genera related in different degrees, forming sub-families, families,
    orders, sub-classes, and classes. The several subordinate groups in any
    class cannot be
    ranked in a single file, but seem rather to be clustered round points,
    and these round other points, and so on in almost endless cycles. On
    the view that each species has been independently created, I can see no
    explanation of this great fact in the classification of all organic
    beings; but, to the best of my judgment, it is explained through
    inheritance and the complex action of natural selection, entailing
    extinction and divergence of character, as we have seen illustrated in
    the diagram.

    The affinities of all the beings of the same class have sometimes been
    represented by a great tree. I believe this simile largely speaks the
    truth. The green and budding twigs may represent existing species; and
    those produced during each former year may represent the long
    succession of extinct species. At each period of growth all the growing
    twigs have tried to branch out on all sides, and to overtop and kill
    the surrounding twigs and branches, in the same manner as species and
    groups of species have tried to overmaster other species in the great
    battle for life. The limbs divided into great branches, and these into
    lesser and lesser branches, were themselves once, when the tree was
    small, budding twigs; and this connexion of the former and present buds
    by ramifying branches may well represent the classification of all
    extinct and living species in groups subordinate to groups. Of the many
    twigs which flourished when the tree was a mere bush, only two or
    three, now grown into great branches, yet survive and bear all the
    other branches; so with the species which lived during long-past
    geological periods, very few now have living and modified descendants.
    From the first growth of the tree, many a limb and branch has decayed
    and dropped off; and these lost branches of various sizes may represent
    those whole orders, families, and genera which have now no living
    representatives, and
    which are known to us only from having been found in a fossil state. As
    we here and there see a thin straggling branch springing from a fork
    low down in a tree, and which by some chance has been favoured and is
    still alive on its summit, so we occasionally see an animal like the
    Ornithorhynchus or Lepidosiren, which in some small degree connects by
    its affinities two large branches of life, and which has apparently
    been saved from fatal competition by having inhabited a protected
    station. As buds give rise by growth to fresh buds, and these, if
    vigorous, branch out and overtop on all sides many a feebler branch, so
    by generation I believe it has been with the great Tree of Life, which
    fills with its dead and broken branches the crust of the earth, and
    covers the surface with its ever branching and beautiful ramifications.

    CHAPTER V.
    LAWS OF VARIATION.

    Effects of external conditions. Use and disuse, combined with natural
    selection; organs of flight and of vision. Acclimatisation. Correlation
    of growth. Compensation and economy of growth. False correlations.
    Multiple, rudimentary, and lowly organised structures variable. Parts
    developed in an unusual manner are highly variable: specific characters
    more variable than generic: secondary sexual characters variable.
    Species of the same genus vary in an analogous manner. Reversions to
    long lost characters. Summary.

    I have hitherto sometimes spoken as if the variations—so common and
    multiform in organic beings under domestication, and in a lesser degree
    in those in a state of nature—had been due to chance. This, of course,
    is a wholly incorrect expression, but it serves to acknowledge plainly
    our ignorance of the cause of each particular variation. Some authors
    believe it to be as much the function of the reproductive system to
    produce individual differences, or very slight deviations of structure,
    as to make the child like its parents. But the much greater
    variability, as well as the greater frequency of monstrosities, under
    domestication or cultivation, than under nature, leads me to believe
    that deviations of structure are in some way due to the nature of the
    conditions of life, to which the parents and their more remote
    ancestors have been exposed during several generations. I have remarked
    in the first chapter—but a long catalogue of facts which cannot be here
    given would be necessary to show the truth of the remark—that the
    reproductive system is eminently susceptible to changes in the
    conditions of life; and to
    this system being functionally disturbed in the parents, I chiefly
    attribute the varying or plastic condition of the offspring. The male
    and female sexual elements seem to be affected before that union takes
    place which is to form a new being. In the case of “sporting” plants,
    the bud, which in its earliest condition does not apparently differ
    essentially from an ovule, is alone affected. But why, because the
    reproductive system is disturbed, this or that part should vary more or
    less, we are profoundly ignorant. Nevertheless, we can here and there
    dimly catch a faint ray of light, and we may feel sure that there must
    be some cause for each deviation of structure, however slight.

    How much direct effect difference of climate, food, etc., produces on
    any being is extremely doubtful. My impression is, that the effect is
    extremely small in the case of animals, but perhaps rather more in that
    of plants. We may, at least, safely conclude that such influences
    cannot have produced the many striking and complex co-adaptations of
    structure between one organic being and another, which we see
    everywhere throughout nature. Some little influence may be attributed
    to climate, food, etc.: thus, E. Forbes speaks confidently that shells
    at their southern limit, and when living in shallow water, are more
    brightly coloured than those of the same species further north or from
    greater depths. Gould believes that birds of the same species are more
    brightly coloured under a clear atmosphere, than when living on islands
    or near the coast. So with insects, Wollaston is convinced that
    residence near the sea affects their colours. Moquin-Tandon gives a
    list of plants which when growing near the sea-shore have their leaves
    in some degree fleshy, though not elsewhere fleshy. Several other such
    cases could be given.

    The fact of varieties of one species, when they range
    into the zone of habitation of other species, often acquiring in a very
    slight degree some of the characters of such species, accords with our
    view that species of all kinds are only well-marked and permanent
    varieties. Thus the species of shells which are confined to tropical
    and shallow seas are generally brighter-coloured than those confined to
    cold and deeper seas. The birds which are confined to continents are,
    according to Mr. Gould, brighter-coloured than those of islands. The
    insect-species confined to sea-coasts, as every collector knows, are
    often brassy or lurid. Plants which live exclusively on the sea-side
    are very apt to have fleshy leaves. He who believes in the creation of
    each species, will have to say that this shell, for instance, was
    created with bright colours for a warm sea; but that this other shell
    became bright-coloured by variation when it ranged into warmer or
    shallower waters.

    When a variation is of the slightest use to a being, we cannot tell how
    much of it to attribute to the accumulative action of natural
    selection, and how much to the conditions of life. Thus, it is well
    known to furriers that animals of the same species have thicker and
    better fur the more severe the climate is under which they have lived;
    but who can tell how much of this difference may be due to the
    warmest-clad individuals having been favoured and preserved during many
    generations, and how much to the direct action of the severe climate?
    for it would appear that climate has some direct action on the hair of
    our domestic quadrupeds.

    Instances could be given of the same variety being produced under
    conditions of life as different as can well be conceived; and, on the
    other hand, of different varieties being produced from the same species
    under the same conditions. Such facts show how indirectly into the zone
    of habitation of other species, often acquiring in a very slight degree
    some of the characters of such species, accords with our view that
    species of all kinds are only well-marked and permanent varieties. Thus
    the species of shells which are confined to tropical and shallow seas
    are generally brighter-coloured than those confined to cold and deeper
    seas. The birds which are confined to continents are, according to Mr.
    Gould, brighter-coloured than those of islands. The insect-species
    confined to sea-coasts, as every collector knows, are often brassy or
    lurid. Plants which live exclusively on the sea-side are very apt to
    have fleshy leaves. He who believes in the creation of each species,
    will have to say that this shell, for instance, was created with bright
    colours for a warm sea; but that this other shell became
    bright-coloured by variation when it ranged into warmer or shallower
    waters.
    the conditions of life must act. Again, innumerable instances are known
    to every naturalist of species keeping true, or not varying at all,
    although living under the most opposite climates. Such considerations
    as these incline me to lay very little weight on the direct action of
    the conditions of life. Indirectly, as already remarked, they seem to
    play an important part in affecting the reproductive system, and in
    thus inducing variability; and natural selection will then accumulate
    all profitable variations, however slight, until they become plainly
    developed and appreciable by us.

    Effects of Use and Disuse.—From the facts alluded to in the first
    chapter, I think there can be little doubt that use in our domestic
    animals strengthens and enlarges certain parts, and disuse diminishes
    them; and that such modifications are inherited. Under free nature, we
    can have no standard of comparison, by which to judge of the effects of
    long-continued use or disuse, for we know not the parent-forms; but
    many animals have structures which can be explained by the effects of
    disuse. As Professor Owen has remarked, there is no greater anomaly in
    nature than a bird that cannot fly; yet there are several in this
    state. The logger-headed duck of South America can only flap along the
    surface of the water, and has its wings in nearly the same condition as
    the domestic Aylesbury duck. As the larger ground-feeding birds seldom
    take flight except to escape danger, I believe that the nearly wingless
    condition of several birds, which now inhabit or have lately inhabited
    several oceanic islands, tenanted by no beast of prey, has been caused
    by disuse. The ostrich indeed inhabits continents and is exposed to
    danger from which it cannot escape by flight, but by kicking it can
    defend itself from enemies, as well as any of the smaller
    quadrupeds. We may imagine that the early progenitor of the ostrich had
    habits like those of a bustard, and that as natural selection increased
    in successive generations the size and weight of its body, its legs
    were used more, and its wings less, until they became incapable of
    flight.

    Kirby has remarked (and I have observed the same fact) that the
    anterior tarsi, or feet, of many male dung-feeding beetles are very
    often broken off; he examined seventeen specimens in his own
    collection, and not one had even a relic left. In the Onites apelles
    the tarsi are so habitually lost, that the insect has been described as
    not having them. In some other genera they are present, but in a
    rudimentary condition. In the Ateuchus or sacred beetle of the
    Egyptians, they are totally deficient. There is not sufficient evidence
    to induce us to believe that mutilations are ever inherited; and I
    should prefer explaining the entire absence of the anterior tarsi in
    Ateuchus, and their rudimentary condition in some other genera, by the
    long-continued effects of disuse in their progenitors; for as the tarsi
    are almost always lost in many dung-feeding beetles, they must be lost
    early in life, and therefore cannot be much used by these insects.

    In some cases we might easily put down to disuse modifications of
    structure which are wholly, or mainly, due to natural selection. Mr.
    Wollaston has discovered the remarkable fact that 200 beetles, out of
    the 550 species inhabiting Madeira, are so far deficient in wings that
    they cannot fly; and that of the twenty-nine endemic genera, no less
    than twenty-three genera have all their species in this condition!
    Several facts, namely, that beetles in many parts of the world are very
    frequently blown to sea and perish; that the beetles in Madeira, as
    observed by Mr. Wollaston, lie much concealed,
    until the wind lulls and the sun shines; that the proportion of
    wingless beetles is larger on the exposed Dezertas than in Madeira
    itself; and especially the extraordinary fact, so strongly insisted on
    by Mr. Wollaston, of the almost entire absence of certain large groups
    of beetles, elsewhere excessively numerous, and which groups have
    habits of life almost necessitating frequent flight;—these several
    considerations have made me believe that the wingless condition of so
    many Madeira beetles is mainly due to the action of natural selection,
    but combined probably with disuse. For during thousands of successive
    generations each individual beetle which flew least, either from its
    wings having been ever so little less perfectly developed or from
    indolent habit, will have had the best chance of surviving from not
    being blown out to sea; and, on the other hand, those beetles which
    most readily took to flight will oftenest have been blown to sea and
    thus have been destroyed.

    The insects in Madeira which are not ground-feeders, and which, as the
    flower-feeding coleoptera and lepidoptera, must habitually use their
    wings to gain their subsistence, have, as Mr. Wollaston suspects, their
    wings not at all reduced, but even enlarged. This is quite compatible
    with the action of natural selection. For when a new insect first
    arrived on the island, the tendency of natural selection to enlarge or
    to reduce the wings, would depend on whether a greater number of
    individuals were saved by successfully battling with the winds, or by
    giving up the attempt and rarely or never flying. As with mariners
    shipwrecked near a coast, it would have been better for the good
    swimmers if they had been able to swim still further, whereas it would
    have been better for the bad swimmers if they had not been able to swim
    at all and had stuck to the wreck.

    The eyes of moles and of some burrowing rodents are rudimentary in
    size, and in some cases are quite covered up by skin and fur. This
    state of the eyes is probably due to gradual reduction from disuse, but
    aided perhaps by natural selection. In South America, a burrowing
    rodent, the tuco-tuco, or Ctenomys, is even more subterranean in its
    habits than the mole; and I was assured by a Spaniard, who had often
    caught them, that they were frequently blind; one which I kept alive
    was certainly in this condition, the cause, as appeared on dissection,
    having been inflammation of the nictitating membrane. As frequent
    inflammation of the eyes must be injurious to any animal, and as eyes
    are certainly not indispensable to animals with subterranean habits, a
    reduction in their size with the adhesion of the eyelids and growth of
    fur over them, might in such case be an advantage; and if so, natural
    selection would constantly aid the effects of disuse.

    It is well known that several animals, belonging to the most different
    classes, which inhabit the caves of Styria and of Kentucky, are blind.
    In some of the crabs the foot-stalk for the eye remains, though the eye
    is gone; the stand for the telescope is there, though the telescope
    with its glasses has been lost. As it is difficult to imagine that
    eyes, though useless, could be in any way injurious to animals living
    in darkness, I attribute their loss wholly to disuse. In one of the
    blind animals, namely, the cave-rat, the eyes are of immense size; and
    Professor Silliman thought that it regained, after living some days in
    the light, some slight power of vision. In the same manner as in
    Madeira the wings of some of the insects have been enlarged, and the
    wings of others have been reduced by natural selection aided by use and
    disuse, so in the case of the cave-rat natural selection seems to have
    struggled with the loss of light and
    to have increased the size of the eyes; whereas with all the other
    inhabitants of the caves, disuse by itself seems to have done its work.

    It is difficult to imagine conditions of life more similar than deep
    limestone caverns under a nearly similar climate; so that on the common
    view of the blind animals having been separately created for the
    American and European caverns, close similarity in their organisation
    and affinities might have been expected; but, as Schiödte and others
    have remarked, this is not the case, and the cave-insects of the two
    continents are not more closely allied than might have been anticipated
    from the general resemblance of the other inhabitants of North America
    and Europe. On my view we must suppose that American animals, having
    ordinary powers of vision, slowly migrated by successive generations
    from the outer world into the deeper and deeper recesses of the
    Kentucky caves, as did European animals into the caves of Europe. We
    have some evidence of this gradation of habit; for, as Schiödte
    remarks, “animals not far remote from ordinary forms, prepare the
    transition from light to darkness. Next follow those that are
    constructed for twilight; and, last of all, those destined for total
    darkness.” By the time that an animal had reached, after numberless
    generations, the deepest recesses, disuse will on this view have more
    or less perfectly obliterated its eyes, and natural selection will
    often have effected other changes, such as an increase in the length of
    the antennæ or palpi, as a compensation for blindness. Notwithstanding
    such modifications, we might expect still to see in the cave-animals of
    America, affinities to the other inhabitants of that continent, and in
    those of Europe, to the inhabitants of the European continent. And this
    is the case with some of the American cave-animals, as I hear from
    Professor Dana; and some of the European cave-insects are very closely
    allied to those of the surrounding country. It would be most difficult
    to give any rational explanation of the affinities of the blind
    cave-animals to the other inhabitants of the two continents on the
    ordinary view of their independent creation. That several of the
    inhabitants of the caves of the Old and New Worlds should be closely
    related, we might expect from the well-known relationship of most of
    their other productions. Far from feeling any surprise that some of the
    cave-animals should be very anomalous, as Agassiz has remarked in
    regard to the blind fish, the Amblyopsis, and as is the case with the
    blind Proteus with reference to the reptiles of Europe, I am only
    surprised that more wrecks of ancient life have not been preserved,
    owing to the less severe competition to which the inhabitants of these
    dark abodes will probably have been exposed.

    Acclimatisation.—Habit is hereditary with plants, as in the period of
    flowering, in the amount of rain requisite for seeds to germinate, in
    the time of sleep, etc., and this leads me to say a few words on
    acclimatisation. As it is extremely common for species of the same
    genus to inhabit very hot and very cold countries, and as I believe
    that all the species of the same genus have descended from a single
    parent, if this view be correct, acclimatisation must be readily
    effected during long-continued descent. It is notorious that each
    species is adapted to the climate of its own home: species from an
    arctic or even from a temperate region cannot endure a tropical
    climate, or conversely. So again, many succulent plants cannot endure a
    damp climate. But the degree of adaptation of species to the climates
    under which they live is often overrated.
    We may infer this from our frequent inability to predict whether or not
    an imported plant will endure our climate, and from the number of
    plants and animals brought from warmer countries which here enjoy good
    health. We have reason to believe that species in a state of nature are
    limited in their ranges by the competition of other organic beings
    quite as much as, or more than, by adaptation to particular climates.
    But whether or not the adaptation be generally very close, we have
    evidence, in the case of some few plants, of their becoming, to a
    certain extent, naturally habituated to different temperatures, or
    becoming acclimatised: thus the pines and rhododendrons, raised from
    seed collected by Dr. Hooker from trees growing at different heights on
    the Himalaya, were found in this country to possess different
    constitutional powers of resisting cold. Mr. Thwaites informs me that
    he has observed similar facts in Ceylon, and analogous observations
    have been made by Mr. H. C. Watson on European species of plants
    brought from the Azores to England. In regard to animals, several
    authentic cases could be given of species within historical times
    having largely extended their range from warmer to cooler latitudes,
    and conversely; but we do not positively know that these animals were
    strictly adapted to their native climate, but in all ordinary cases we
    assume such to be the case; nor do we know that they have subsequently
    become acclimatised to their new homes.

    As I believe that our domestic animals were originally chosen by
    uncivilised man because they were useful and bred readily under
    confinement, and not because they were subsequently found capable of
    far-extended transportation, I think the common and extraordinary
    capacity in our domestic animals of not only withstanding the most
    different climates but of being perfectly
    fertile (a far severer test) under them, may be used as an argument
    that a large proportion of other animals, now in a state of nature,
    could easily be brought to bear widely different climates. We must not,
    however, push the foregoing argument too far, on account of the
    probable origin of some of our domestic animals from several wild
    stocks: the blood, for instance, of a tropical and arctic wolf or wild
    dog may perhaps be mingled in our domestic breeds. The rat and mouse
    cannot be considered as domestic animals, but they have been
    transported by man to many parts of the world, and now have a far wider
    range than any other rodent, living free under the cold climate of
    Faroe in the north and of the Falklands in the south, and on many
    islands in the torrid zones. Hence I am inclined to look at adaptation
    to any special climate as a quality readily grafted on an innate wide
    flexibility of constitution, which is common to most animals. On this
    view, the capacity of enduring the most different climates by man
    himself and by his domestic animals, and such facts as that former
    species of the elephant and rhinoceros were capable of enduring a
    glacial climate, whereas the living species are now all tropical or
    sub-tropical in their habits, ought not to be looked at as anomalies,
    but merely as examples of a very common flexibility of constitution,
    brought, under peculiar circumstances, into play.

    How much of the acclimatisation of species to any peculiar climate is
    due to mere habit, and how much to the natural selection of varieties
    having different innate constitutions, and how much to both means
    combined, is a very obscure question. That habit or custom has some
    influence I must believe, both from analogy, and from the incessant
    advice given in agricultural works, even in the ancient Encyclopædias
    of China, to be very cautious
    in transposing animals from one district to another; for it is not
    likely that man should have succeeded in selecting so many breeds and
    sub-breeds with constitutions specially fitted for their own districts:
    the result must, I think, be due to habit. On the other hand, I can see
    no reason to doubt that natural selection will continually tend to
    preserve those individuals which are born with constitutions best
    adapted to their native countries. In treatises on many kinds of
    cultivated plants, certain varieties are said to withstand certain
    climates better than others: this is very strikingly shown in works on
    fruit trees published in the United States, in which certain varieties
    are habitually recommended for the northern, and others for the
    southern States; and as most of these varieties are of recent origin,
    they cannot owe their constitutional differences to habit. The case of
    the Jerusalem artichoke, which is never propagated by seed, and of
    which consequently new varieties have not been produced, has even been
    advanced—for it is now as tender as ever it was—as proving that
    acclimatisation cannot be effected! The case, also, of the kidney-bean
    has been often cited for a similar purpose, and with much greater
    weight; but until some one will sow, during a score of generations, his
    kidney-beans so early that a very large proportion are destroyed by
    frost, and then collect seed from the few survivors, with care to
    prevent accidental crosses, and then again get seed from these
    seedlings, with the same precautions, the experiment cannot be said to
    have been even tried. Nor let it be supposed that no differences in the
    constitution of seedling kidney-beans ever appear, for an account has
    been published how much more hardy some seedlings appeared to be than
    others.

    On the whole, I think we may conclude that habit,
    use, and disuse, have, in some cases, played a considerable part in the
    modification of the constitution, and of the structure of various
    organs; but that the effects of use and disuse have often been largely
    combined with, and sometimes overmastered by, the natural selection of
    innate differences.

    Correlation of Growth.—I mean by this expression that the whole
    organisation is so tied together during its growth and development,
    that when slight variations in any one part occur, and are accumulated
    through natural selection, other parts become modified. This is a very
    important subject, most imperfectly understood. The most obvious case
    is, that modifications accumulated solely for the good of the young or
    larva, will, it may safely be concluded, affect the structure of the
    adult; in the same manner as any malconformation affecting the early
    embryo, seriously affects the whole organisation of the adult. The
    several parts of the body which are homologous, and which, at an early
    embryonic period, are alike, seem liable to vary in an allied manner:
    we see this in the right and left sides of the body varying in the same
    manner; in the front and hind legs, and even in the jaws and limbs,
    varying together, for the lower jaw is believed to be homologous with
    the limbs. These tendencies, I do not doubt, may be mastered more or
    less completely by natural selection: thus a family of stags once
    existed with an antler only on one side; and if this had been of any
    great use to the breed it might probably have been rendered permanent
    by natural selection.

    Homologous parts, as has been remarked by some authors, tend to cohere;
    this is often seen in monstrous plants; and nothing is more common than
    the union of homologous parts in normal structures, as the union of
    the petals of the corolla into a tube. Hard parts seem to affect the
    form of adjoining soft parts; it is believed by some authors that the
    diversity in the shape of the pelvis in birds causes the remarkable
    diversity in the shape of their kidneys. Others believe that the shape
    of the pelvis in the human mother influences by pressure the shape of
    the head of the child. In snakes, according to Schlegel, the shape of
    the body and the manner of swallowing determine the position of several
    of the most important viscera.

    The nature of the bond of correlation is very frequently quite obscure.
    M. Is. Geoffroy St. Hilaire has forcibly remarked, that certain
    malconformations very frequently, and that others rarely coexist,
    without our being able to assign any reason. What can be more singular
    than the relation between blue eyes and deafness in cats, and the
    tortoise-shell colour with the female sex; the feathered feet and skin
    between the outer toes in pigeons, and the presence of more or less
    down on the young birds when first hatched, with the future colour of
    their plumage; or, again, the relation between the hair and teeth in
    the naked Turkish dog, though here probably homology comes into play?
    With respect to this latter case of correlation, I think it can hardly
    be accidental, that if we pick out the two orders of mammalia which are
    most abnormal in their dermal coverings, viz. Cetacea (whales) and
    Edentata (armadilloes, scaly ant-eaters, etc.), that these are likewise
    the most abnormal in their teeth.

    I know of no case better adapted to show the importance of the laws of
    correlation in modifying important structures, independently of utility
    and, therefore, of natural selection, than that of the difference
    between the outer and inner flowers in some Compositous and
    Umbelliferous plants. Every one knows the
    difference in the ray and central florets of, for instance, the daisy,
    and this difference is often accompanied with the abortion of parts of
    the flower. But, in some Compositous plants, the seeds also differ in
    shape and sculpture; and even the ovary itself, with its accessory
    parts, differs, as has been described by Cassini. These differences
    have been attributed by some authors to pressure, and the shape of the
    seeds in the ray-florets in some Compositæ countenances this idea; but,
    in the case of the corolla of the Umbelliferæ, it is by no means, as
    Dr. Hooker informs me, in species with the densest heads that the inner
    and outer flowers most frequently differ. It might have been thought
    that the development of the ray-petals by drawing nourishment from
    certain other parts of the flower had caused their abortion; but in
    some Compositæ there is a difference in the seeds of the outer and
    inner florets without any difference in the corolla. Possibly, these
    several differences may be connected with some difference in the flow
    of nutriment towards the central and external flowers: we know, at
    least, that in irregular flowers, those nearest to the axis are
    oftenest subject to peloria, and become regular. I may add, as an
    instance of this, and of a striking case of correlation, that I have
    recently observed in some garden pelargoniums, that the central flower
    of the truss often loses the patches of darker colour in the two upper
    petals; and that when this occurs, the adherent nectary is quite
    aborted; when the colour is absent from only one of the two upper
    petals, the nectary is only much shortened.

    With respect to the difference in the corolla of the central and
    exterior flowers of a head or umbel, I do not feel at all sure that C.
    C. Sprengel’s idea that the ray-florets serve to attract insects, whose
    agency is highly advantageous in the fertilisation of plants of
    these two orders, is so far-fetched, as it may at first appear: and if
    it be advantageous, natural selection may have come into play. But in
    regard to the differences both in the internal and external structure
    of the seeds, which are not always correlated with any differences in
    the flowers, it seems impossible that they can be in any way
    advantageous to the plant: yet in the Umbelliferæ these differences are
    of such apparent importance—the seeds being in some cases, according to
    Tausch, orthospermous in the exterior flowers and coelospermous in the
    central flowers,—that the elder De Candolle founded his main divisions
    of the order on analogous differences. Hence we see that modifications
    of structure, viewed by systematists as of high value, may be wholly
    due to unknown laws of correlated growth, and without being, as far as
    we can see, of the slightest service to the species.

    We may often falsely attribute to correlation of growth, structures
    which are common to whole groups of species, and which in truth are
    simply due to inheritance; for an ancient progenitor may have acquired
    through natural selection some one modification in structure, and,
    after thousands of generations, some other and independent
    modification; and these two modifications, having been transmitted to a
    whole group of descendants with diverse habits, would naturally be
    thought to be correlated in some necessary manner. So, again, I do not
    doubt that some apparent correlations, occurring throughout whole
    orders, are entirely due to the manner alone in which natural selection
    can act. For instance, Alph. De Candolle has remarked that winged seeds
    are never found in fruits which do not open: I should explain the rule
    by the fact that seeds could not gradually become winged through
    natural selection, except in fruits which opened; so that the
    individual plants producing
    seeds which were a little better fitted to be wafted further, might get
    an advantage over those producing seed less fitted for dispersal; and
    this process could not possibly go on in fruit which did not open.

    The elder Geoffroy and Goethe propounded, at about the same period,
    their law of compensation or balancement of growth; or, as Goethe
    expressed it, “in order to spend on one side, nature is forced to
    economise on the other side.” I think this holds true to a certain
    extent with our domestic productions: if nourishment flows to one part
    or organ in excess, it rarely flows, at least in excess, to another
    part; thus it is difficult to get a cow to give much milk and to fatten
    readily. The same varieties of the cabbage do not yield abundant and
    nutritious foliage and a copious supply of oil-bearing seeds. When the
    seeds in our fruits become atrophied, the fruit itself gains largely in
    size and quality. In our poultry, a large tuft of feathers on the head
    is generally accompanied by a diminished comb, and a large beard by
    diminished wattles. With species in a state of nature it can hardly be
    maintained that the law is of universal application; but many good
    observers, more especially botanists, believe in its truth. I will not,
    however, here give any instances, for I see hardly any way of
    distinguishing between the effects, on the one hand, of a part being
    largely developed through natural selection and another and adjoining
    part being reduced by this same process or by disuse, and, on the other
    hand, the actual withdrawal of nutriment from one part owing to the
    excess of growth in another and adjoining part.

    I suspect, also, that some of the cases of compensation which have been
    advanced, and likewise some other facts, may be merged under a more
    general principle, namely, that natural selection is continually trying
    to economise in every part of the organisation. If under
    changed conditions of life a structure before useful becomes less
    useful, any diminution, however slight, in its development, will be
    seized on by natural selection, for it will profit the individual not
    to have its nutriment wasted in building up an useless structure. I can
    thus only understand a fact with which I was much struck when examining
    cirripedes, and of which many other instances could be given: namely,
    that when a cirripede is parasitic within another and is thus
    protected, it loses more or less completely its own shell or carapace.
    This is the case with the male Ibla, and in a truly extraordinary
    manner with the Proteolepas: for the carapace in all other cirripedes
    consists of the three highly-important anterior segments of the head
    enormously developed, and furnished with great nerves and muscles; but
    in the parasitic and protected Proteolepas, the whole anterior part of
    the head is reduced to the merest rudiment attached to the bases of the
    prehensile antennæ. Now the saving of a large and complex structure,
    when rendered superfluous by the parasitic habits of the Proteolepas,
    though effected by slow steps, would be a decided advantage to each
    successive individual of the species; for in the struggle for life to
    which every animal is exposed, each individual Proteolepas would have a
    better chance of supporting itself, by less nutriment being wasted in
    developing a structure now become useless.

    Thus, as I believe, natural selection will always succeed in the long
    run in reducing and saving every part of the organisation, as soon as
    it is rendered superfluous, without by any means causing some other
    part to be largely developed in a corresponding degree. And,
    conversely, that natural selection may perfectly well succeed in
    largely developing any organ, without requiring as a necessary
    compensation the reduction of some adjoining part.

    It seems to be a rule, as remarked by Is. Geoffroy St. Hilaire, both in
    varieties and in species, that when any part or organ is repeated many
    times in the structure of the same individual (as the vertebræ in
    snakes, and the stamens in polyandrous flowers) the number is variable;
    whereas the number of the same part or organ, when it occurs in lesser
    numbers, is constant. The same author and some botanists have further
    remarked that multiple parts are also very liable to variation in
    structure. Inasmuch as this “vegetative repetition,” to use Professor
    Owen’s expression, seems to be a sign of low organisation; the
    foregoing remark seems connected with the very general opinion of
    naturalists, that beings low in the scale of nature are more variable
    than those which are higher. I presume that lowness in this case means
    that the several parts of the organisation have been but little
    specialised for particular functions; and as long as the same part has
    to perform diversified work, we can perhaps see why it should remain
    variable, that is, why natural selection should have preserved or
    rejected each little deviation of form less carefully than when the
    part has to serve for one special purpose alone. In the same way that a
    knife which has to cut all sorts of things may be of almost any shape;
    whilst a tool for some particular object had better be of some
    particular shape. Natural selection, it should never be forgotten, can
    act on each part of each being, solely through and for its advantage.

    Rudimentary parts, it has been stated by some authors, and I believe
    with truth, are apt to be highly variable. We shall have to recur to
    the general subject of rudimentary and aborted organs; and I will here
    only add that their variability seems to be owing to their uselessness,
    and therefore to natural selection having no power to check deviations
    in their structure. Thus
    rudimentary parts are left to the free play of the various laws of
    growth, to the effects of long-continued disuse, and to the tendency to
    reversion.

    A part developed in any species in an extraordinary degree or manner, in comparison with the same part in allied species, tends to be highly variable.—Several years ago I was much struck with a remark, nearly to
    the above effect, published by Mr. Waterhouse. I infer also from an
    observation made by Professor Owen, with respect to the length of the
    arms of the ourang-outang, that he has come to a nearly similar
    conclusion. It is hopeless to attempt to convince any one of the truth
    of this proposition without giving the long array of facts which I have
    collected, and which cannot possibly be here introduced. I can only
    state my conviction that it is a rule of high generality. I am aware of
    several causes of error, but I hope that I have made due allowance for
    them. It should be understood that the rule by no means applies to any
    part, however unusually developed, unless it be unusually developed in
    comparison with the same part in closely allied species. Thus, the
    bat’s wing is a most abnormal structure in the class mammalia; but the
    rule would not here apply, because there is a whole group of bats
    having wings; it would apply only if some one species of bat had its
    wings developed in some remarkable manner in comparison with the other
    species of the same genus. The rule applies very strongly in the case
    of secondary sexual characters, when displayed in any unusual manner.
    The term, secondary sexual characters, used by Hunter, applies to
    characters which are attached to one sex, but are not directly
    connected with the act of reproduction. The rule applies to males and
    females; but as females more rarely offer remarkable secondary sexual
    characters, it applies
    more rarely to them. The rule being so plainly applicable in the case
    of secondary sexual characters, may be due to the great variability of
    these characters, whether or not displayed in any unusual manner—of
    which fact I think there can be little doubt. But that our rule is not
    confined to secondary sexual characters is clearly shown in the case of
    hermaphrodite cirripedes; and I may here add, that I particularly
    attended to Mr. Waterhouse’s remark, whilst investigating this Order,
    and I am fully convinced that the rule almost invariably holds good
    with cirripedes. I shall, in my future work, give a list of the more
    remarkable cases; I will here only briefly give one, as it illustrates
    the rule in its largest application. The opercular valves of sessile
    cirripedes (rock barnacles) are, in every sense of the word, very
    important structures, and they differ extremely little even in
    different genera; but in the several species of one genus, Pyrgoma,
    these valves present a marvellous amount of diversification: the
    homologous valves in the different species being sometimes wholly
    unlike in shape; and the amount of variation in the individuals of
    several of the species is so great, that it is no exaggeration to state
    that the varieties differ more from each other in the characters of
    these important valves than do other species of distinct genera.

    As birds within the same country vary in a remarkably small degree, I
    have particularly attended to them, and the rule seems to me certainly
    to hold good in this class. I cannot make out that it applies to
    plants, and this would seriously have shaken my belief in its truth,
    had not the great variability in plants made it particularly difficult
    to compare their relative degrees of variability.

    When we see any part or organ developed in a remarkable degree or
    manner in any species, the fair
    presumption is that it is of high importance to that species;
    nevertheless the part in this case is eminently liable to variation.
    Why should this be so? On the view that each species has been
    independently created, with all its parts as we now see them, I can see
    no explanation. But on the view that groups of species have descended
    from other species, and have been modified through natural selection, I
    think we can obtain some light. In our domestic animals, if any part,
    or the whole animal, be neglected and no selection be applied, that
    part (for instance, the comb in the Dorking fowl) or the whole breed
    will cease to have a nearly uniform character. The breed will then be
    said to have degenerated. In rudimentary organs, and in those which
    have been but little specialised for any particular purpose, and
    perhaps in polymorphic groups, we see a nearly parallel natural case;
    for in such cases natural selection either has not or cannot come into
    full play, and thus the organisation is left in a fluctuating
    condition. But what here more especially concerns us is, that in our
    domestic animals those points, which at the present time are undergoing
    rapid change by continued selection, are also eminently liable to
    variation. Look at the breeds of the pigeon; see what a prodigious
    amount of difference there is in the beak of the different tumblers, in
    the beak and wattle of the different carriers, in the carriage and tail
    of our fantails, etc., these being the points now mainly attended to by
    English fanciers. Even in the sub-breeds, as in the short-faced
    tumbler, it is notoriously difficult to breed them nearly to
    perfection, and frequently individuals are born which depart widely
    from the standard. There may be truly said to be a constant struggle
    going on between, on the one hand, the tendency to reversion to a less
    modified state, as well as an innate tendency to further
    variability of all kinds, and, on the other hand, the power of steady
    selection to keep the breed true. In the long run selection gains the
    day, and we do not expect to fail so far as to breed a bird as coarse
    as a common tumbler from a good short-faced strain. But as long as
    selection is rapidly going on, there may always be expected to be much
    variability in the structure undergoing modification. It further
    deserves notice that these variable characters, produced by man’s
    selection, sometimes become attached, from causes quite unknown to us,
    more to one sex than to the other, generally to the male sex, as with
    the wattle of carriers and the enlarged crop of pouters.

    Now let us turn to nature. When a part has been developed in an
    extraordinary manner in any one species, compared with the other
    species of the same genus, we may conclude that this part has undergone
    an extraordinary amount of modification, since the period when the
    species branched off from the common progenitor of the genus. This
    period will seldom be remote in any extreme degree, as species very
    rarely endure for more than one geological period. An extraordinary
    amount of modification implies an unusually large and long-continued
    amount of variability, which has continually been accumulated by
    natural selection for the benefit of the species. But as the
    variability of the extraordinarily-developed part or organ has been so
    great and long-continued within a period not excessively remote, we
    might, as a general rule, expect still to find more variability in such
    parts than in other parts of the organisation, which have remained for
    a much longer period nearly constant. And this, I am convinced, is the
    case. That the struggle between natural selection on the one hand, and
    the tendency to reversion and variability on the other hand, will in
    the
    course of time cease; and that the most abnormally developed organs may
    be made constant, I can see no reason to doubt. Hence when an organ,
    however abnormal it may be, has been transmitted in approximately the
    same condition to many modified descendants, as in the case of the wing
    of the bat, it must have existed, according to my theory, for an
    immense period in nearly the same state; and thus it comes to be no
    more variable than any other structure. It is only in those cases in
    which the modification has been comparatively recent and
    extraordinarily great that we ought to find the generative variability, as it may be called, still present in a high degree. For
    in this case the variability will seldom as yet have been fixed by the
    continued selection of the individuals varying in the required manner
    and degree, and by the continued rejection of those tending to revert
    to a former and less modified condition.

    The principle included in these remarks may be extended. It is
    notorious that specific characters are more variable than generic. To
    explain by a simple example what is meant. If some species in a large
    genus of plants had blue flowers and some had red, the colour would be
    only a specific character, and no one would be surprised at one of the
    blue species varying into red, or conversely; but if all the species
    had blue flowers, the colour would become a generic character, and its
    variation would be a more unusual circumstance. I have chosen this
    example because an explanation is not in this case applicable, which
    most naturalists would advance, namely, that specific characters are
    more variable than generic, because they are taken from parts of less
    physiological importance than those commonly used for classing genera.
    I believe this explanation is partly, yet only indirectly, true; I
    shall, however, have to return
    to this subject in our chapter on Classification. It would be almost
    superfluous to adduce evidence in support of the above statement, that
    specific characters are more variable than generic; but I have
    repeatedly noticed in works on natural history, that when an author has
    remarked with surprise that some important organ or part, which is
    generally very constant throughout large groups of species, has
    differed considerably in closely-allied species, that it has, also,
    been variable in the individuals of some of the species. And this
    fact shows that a character, which is generally of generic value, when
    it sinks in value and becomes only of specific value, often becomes
    variable, though its physiological importance may remain the same.
    Something of the same kind applies to monstrosities: at least Is.
    Geoffroy St. Hilaire seems to entertain no doubt, that the more an
    organ normally differs in the different species of the same group, the
    more subject it is to individual anomalies.

    On the ordinary view of each species having been independently created,
    why should that part of the structure, which differs from the same part
    in other independently-created species of the same genus, be more
    variable than those parts which are closely alike in the several
    species? I do not see that any explanation can be given. But on the
    view of species being only strongly marked and fixed varieties, we
    might surely expect to find them still often continuing to vary in
    those parts of their structure which have varied within a moderately
    recent period, and which have thus come to differ. Or to state the case
    in another manner:—the points in which all the species of a genus
    resemble each other, and in which they differ from the species of some
    other genus, are called generic characters; and these characters in
    common I attribute to inheritance from a common
    progenitor, for it can rarely have happened that natural selection will
    have modified several species, fitted to more or less widely-different
    habits, in exactly the same manner: and as these so-called generic
    characters have been inherited from a remote period, since that period
    when the species first branched off from their common progenitor, and
    subsequently have not varied or come to differ in any degree, or only
    in a slight degree, it is not probable that they should vary at the
    present day. On the other hand, the points in which species differ from
    other species of the same genus, are called specific characters; and as
    these specific characters have varied and come to differ within the
    period of the branching off of the species from a common progenitor, it
    is probable that they should still often be in some degree variable,—at
    least more variable than those parts of the organisation which have for
    a very long period remained constant.

    In connexion with the present subject, I will make only two other
    remarks. I think it will be admitted, without my entering on details,
    that secondary sexual characters are very variable; I think it also
    will be admitted that species of the same group differ from each other
    more widely in their secondary sexual characters, than in other parts
    of their organisation; compare, for instance, the amount of difference
    between the males of gallinaceous birds, in which secondary sexual
    characters are strongly displayed, with the amount of difference
    between their females; and the truth of this proposition will be
    granted. The cause of the original variability of secondary sexual
    characters is not manifest; but we can see why these characters should
    not have been rendered as constant and uniform as other parts of the
    organisation; for secondary sexual characters have been accumulated by
    sexual selection, which
    is less rigid in its action than ordinary selection, as it does not
    entail death, but only gives fewer offspring to the less favoured
    males. Whatever the cause may be of the variability of secondary sexual
    characters, as they are highly variable, sexual selection will have had
    a wide scope for action, and may thus readily have succeeded in giving
    to the species of the same group a greater amount of difference in
    their sexual characters, than in other parts of their structure.

    It is a remarkable fact, that the secondary sexual differences between
    the two sexes of the same species are generally displayed in the very
    same parts of the organisation in which the different species of the
    same genus differ from each other. Of this fact I will give in
    illustration two instances, the first which happen to stand on my list;
    and as the differences in these cases are of a very unusual nature, the
    relation can hardly be accidental. The same number of joints in the
    tarsi is a character generally common to very large groups of beetles,
    but in the Engidæ, as Westwood has remarked, the number varies greatly;
    and the number likewise differs in the two sexes of the same species:
    again in fossorial hymenoptera, the manner of neuration of the wings is
    a character of the highest importance, because common to large groups;
    but in certain genera the neuration differs in the different species,
    and likewise in the two sexes of the same species. This relation has a
    clear meaning on my view of the subject: I look at all the species of
    the same genus as having as certainly descended from the same
    progenitor, as have the two sexes of any one of the species.
    Consequently, whatever part of the structure of the common progenitor,
    or of its early descendants, became variable; variations of this part
    would it is highly probable, be taken advantage of by natural and
    sexual selection, in
    order to fit the several species to their several places in the economy
    of nature, and likewise to fit the two sexes of the same species to
    each other, or to fit the males and females to different habits of
    life, or the males to struggle with other males for the possession of
    the females.

    Finally, then, I conclude that the greater variability of specific
    characters, or those which distinguish species from species, than of
    generic characters, or those which the species possess in common;—that
    the frequent extreme variability of any part which is developed in a
    species in an extraordinary manner in comparison with the same part in
    its congeners; and the not great degree of variability in a part,
    however extraordinarily it may be developed, if it be common to a whole
    group of species;—that the great variability of secondary sexual
    characters, and the great amount of difference in these same characters
    between closely allied species;—that secondary sexual and ordinary
    specific differences are generally displayed in the same parts of the
    organisation,—are all principles closely connected together. All being
    mainly due to the species of the same group having descended from a
    common progenitor, from whom they have inherited much in common,—to
    parts which have recently and largely varied being more likely still to
    go on varying than parts which have long been inherited and have not
    varied,—to natural selection having more or less completely, according
    to the lapse of time, overmastered the tendency to reversion and to
    further variability,—to sexual selection being less rigid than ordinary
    selection,—and to variations in the same parts having been accumulated
    by natural and sexual selection, and thus adapted for secondary sexual,
    and for ordinary specific purposes.

    Distinct species present analogous variations; and a variety of one species often assumes some of the characters of an allied species, or reverts to some of the characters of an early progenitor.—These
    propositions will be most readily understood by looking to our domestic
    races. The most distinct breeds of pigeons, in countries most widely
    apart, present sub-varieties with reversed feathers on the head and
    feathers on the feet,—characters not possessed by the aboriginal
    rock-pigeon; these then are analogous variations in two or more
    distinct races. The frequent presence of fourteen or even sixteen
    tail-feathers in the pouter, may be considered as a variation
    representing the normal structure of another race, the fantail. I
    presume that no one will doubt that all such analogous variations are
    due to the several races of the pigeon having inherited from a common
    parent the same constitution and tendency to variation, when acted on
    by similar unknown influences. In the vegetable kingdom we have a case
    of analogous variation, in the enlarged stems, or roots as commonly
    called, of the Swedish turnip and Ruta baga, plants which several
    botanists rank as varieties produced by cultivation from a common
    parent: if this be not so, the case will then be one of analogous
    variation in two so-called distinct species; and to these a third may
    be added, namely, the common turnip. According to the ordinary view of
    each species having been independently created, we should have to
    attribute this similarity in the enlarged stems of these three plants,
    not to the vera causa of community of descent, and a consequent
    tendency to vary in a like manner, but to three separate yet closely
    related acts of creation.

    With pigeons, however, we have another case, namely, the occasional
    appearance in all the breeds, of slaty-blue birds with two black bars
    on the wings, a white
    rump, a bar at the end of the tail, with the outer feathers externally
    edged near their bases with white. As all these marks are
    characteristic of the parent rock-pigeon, I presume that no one will
    doubt that this is a case of reversion, and not of a new yet analogous
    variation appearing in the several breeds. We may I think confidently
    come to this conclusion, because, as we have seen, these coloured marks
    are eminently liable to appear in the crossed offspring of two distinct
    and differently coloured breeds; and in this case there is nothing in
    the external conditions of life to cause the reappearance of the
    slaty-blue, with the several marks, beyond the influence of the mere
    act of crossing on the laws of inheritance.

    No doubt it is a very surprising fact that characters should reappear
    after having been lost for many, perhaps for hundreds of generations.
    But when a breed has been crossed only once by some other breed, the
    offspring occasionally show a tendency to revert in character to the
    foreign breed for many generations—some say, for a dozen or even a
    score of generations. After twelve generations, the proportion of
    blood, to use a common expression, of any one ancestor, is only 1 in
    2048; and yet, as we see, it is generally believed that a tendency to
    reversion is retained by this very small proportion of foreign blood.
    In a breed which has not been crossed, but in which both parents have
    lost some character which their progenitor possessed, the tendency,
    whether strong or weak, to reproduce the lost character might be, as
    was formerly remarked, for all that we can see to the contrary,
    transmitted for almost any number of generations. When a character
    which has been lost in a breed, reappears after a great number of
    generations, the most probable hypothesis is, not that the offspring
    suddenly takes after an ancestor some hundred generations
    distant, but that in each successive generation there has been a
    tendency to reproduce the character in question, which at last, under
    unknown favourable conditions, gains an ascendancy. For instance, it is
    probable that in each generation of the barb-pigeon, which produces
    most rarely a blue and black-barred bird, there has been a tendency in
    each generation in the plumage to assume this colour. This view is
    hypothetical, but could be supported by some facts; and I can see no
    more abstract improbability in a tendency to produce any character
    being inherited for an endless number of generations, than in quite
    useless or rudimentary organs being, as we all know them to be, thus
    inherited. Indeed, we may sometimes observe a mere tendency to produce
    a rudiment inherited: for instance, in the common snapdragon
    (Antirrhinum) a rudiment of a fifth stamen so often appears, that this
    plant must have an inherited tendency to produce it.

    As all the species of the same genus are supposed, on my theory, to
    have descended from a common parent, it might be expected that they
    would occasionally vary in an analogous manner; so that a variety of
    one species would resemble in some of its characters another species;
    this other species being on my view only a well-marked and permanent
    variety. But characters thus gained would probably be of an unimportant
    nature, for the presence of all important characters will be governed
    by natural selection, in accordance with the diverse habits of the
    species, and will not be left to the mutual action of the conditions of
    life and of a similar inherited constitution. It might further be
    expected that the species of the same genus would occasionally exhibit
    reversions to lost ancestral characters. As, however, we never know the
    exact character of the common ancestor of a group, we could not
    distinguish these two
    cases: if, for instance, we did not know that the rock-pigeon was not
    feather-footed or turn-crowned, we could not have told, whether these
    characters in our domestic breeds were reversions or only analogous
    variations; but we might have inferred that the blueness was a case of
    reversion, from the number of the markings, which are correlated with
    the blue tint, and which it does not appear probable would all appear
    together from simple variation. More especially we might have inferred
    this, from the blue colour and marks so often appearing when distinct
    breeds of diverse colours are crossed. Hence, though under nature it
    must generally be left doubtful, what cases are reversions to an
    anciently existing character, and what are new but analogous
    variations, yet we ought, on my theory, sometimes to find the varying
    offspring of a species assuming characters (either from reversion or
    from analogous variation) which already occur in some other members of
    the same group. And this undoubtedly is the case in nature.

    A considerable part of the difficulty in recognising a variable species
    in our systematic works, is due to its varieties mocking, as it were,
    some of the other species of the same genus. A considerable catalogue,
    also, could be given of forms intermediate between two other forms,
    which themselves must be doubtfully ranked as either varieties or
    species; and this shows, unless all these forms be considered as
    independently created species, that the one in varying has assumed some
    of the characters of the other, so as to produce the intermediate form.
    But the best evidence is afforded by parts or organs of an important
    and uniform nature occasionally varying so as to acquire, in some
    degree, the character of the same part or organ in an allied species. I
    have collected a long list of such cases; but
    here, as before, I lie under a great disadvantage in not being able to
    give them. I can only repeat that such cases certainly do occur, and
    seem to me very remarkable.

    I will, however, give one curious and complex case, not indeed as
    affecting any important character, but from occurring in several
    species of the same genus, partly under domestication and partly under
    nature. It is a case apparently of reversion. The ass not rarely has
    very distinct transverse bars on its legs, like those on the legs of a
    zebra: it has been asserted that these are plainest in the foal, and
    from inquiries which I have made, I believe this to be true. It has
    also been asserted that the stripe on each shoulder is sometimes
    double. The shoulder stripe is certainly very variable in length and
    outline. A white ass, but not an albino, has been described without
    either spinal or shoulder-stripe; and these stripes are sometimes very
    obscure, or actually quite lost, in dark-coloured asses. The koulan of
    Pallas is said to have been seen with a double shoulder-stripe. The
    hemionus has no shoulder-stripe; but traces of it, as stated by Mr.
    Blyth and others, occasionally appear: and I have been informed by
    Colonel Poole that the foals of this species are generally striped on
    the legs, and faintly on the shoulder. The quagga, though so plainly
    barred like a zebra over the body, is without bars on the legs; but Dr.
    Gray has figured one specimen with very distinct zebra-like bars on the
    hocks.

    With respect to the horse, I have collected cases in England of the
    spinal stripe in horses of the most distinct breeds, and of all
    colours; transverse bars on the legs are not rare in duns, mouse-duns,
    and in one instance in a chestnut: a faint shoulder-stripe may
    sometimes be seen in duns, and I have seen a trace in a
    bay horse. My son made a careful examination and sketch for me of a dun
    Belgian cart-horse with a double stripe on each shoulder and with
    leg-stripes; and a man, whom I can implicitly trust, has examined for
    me a small dun Welch pony with three short parallel stripes on each
    shoulder.

    In the north-west part of India the Kattywar breed of horses is so
    generally striped, that, as I hear from Colonel Poole, who examined the
    breed for the Indian Government, a horse without stripes is not
    considered as purely-bred. The spine is always striped; the legs are
    generally barred; and the shoulder-stripe, which is sometimes double
    and sometimes treble, is common; the side of the face, moreover, is
    sometimes striped. The stripes are plainest in the foal; and sometimes
    quite disappear in old horses. Colonel Poole has seen both gray and bay
    Kattywar horses striped when first foaled. I have, also, reason to
    suspect, from information given me by Mr. W. W. Edwards, that with the
    English race-horse the spinal stripe is much commoner in the foal than
    in the full-grown animal. Without here entering on further details, I
    may state that I have collected cases of leg and shoulder stripes in
    horses of very different breeds, in various countries from Britain to
    Eastern China; and from Norway in the north to the Malay Archipelago in
    the south. In all parts of the world these stripes occur far oftenest
    in duns and mouse-duns; by the term dun a large range of colour is
    included, from one between brown and black to a close approach to
    cream-colour.

    I am aware that Colonel Hamilton Smith, who has written on this
    subject, believes that the several breeds of the horse have descended
    from several aboriginal species—one of which, the dun, was striped; and
    that the above-described appearances are all due to ancient
    crosses with the dun stock. But I am not at all satisfied with this
    theory, and should be loth to apply it to breeds so distinct as the
    heavy Belgian cart-horse, Welch ponies, cobs, the lanky Kattywar race,
    etc., inhabiting the most distant parts of the world.

    Now let us turn to the effects of crossing the several species of the
    horse-genus. Rollin asserts, that the common mule from the ass and
    horse is particularly apt to have bars on its legs. I once saw a mule
    with its legs so much striped that any one at first would have thought
    that it must have been the product of a zebra; and Mr. W. C. Martin, in
    his excellent treatise on the horse, has given a figure of a similar
    mule. In four coloured drawings, which I have seen, of hybrids between
    the ass and zebra, the legs were much more plainly barred than the rest
    of the body; and in one of them there was a double shoulder-stripe. In
    Lord Moreton’s famous hybrid from a chestnut mare and male quagga, the
    hybrid, and even the pure offspring subsequently produced from the mare
    by a black Arabian sire, were much more plainly barred across the legs
    than is even the pure quagga. Lastly, and this is another most
    remarkable case, a hybrid has been figured by Dr. Gray (and he informs
    me that he knows of a second case) from the ass and the hemionus; and
    this hybrid, though the ass seldom has stripes on its legs and the
    hemionus has none and has not even a shoulder-stripe, nevertheless had
    all four legs barred, and had three short shoulder-stripes, like those
    on the dun Welch pony, and even had some zebra-like stripes on the
    sides of its face. With respect to this last fact, I was so convinced
    that not even a stripe of colour appears from what would commonly be
    called an accident, that I was led solely from the occurrence of the
    face-stripes on this hybrid from the ass and hemionus,
    to ask Colonel Poole whether such face-stripes ever occur in the
    eminently striped Kattywar breed of horses, and was, as we have seen,
    answered in the affirmative.

    What now are we to say to these several facts? We see several very
    distinct species of the horse-genus becoming, by simple variation,
    striped on the legs like a zebra, or striped on the shoulders like an
    ass. In the horse we see this tendency strong whenever a dun tint
    appears—a tint which approaches to that of the general colouring of the
    other species of the genus. The appearance of the stripes is not
    accompanied by any change of form or by any other new character. We see
    this tendency to become striped most strongly displayed in hybrids from
    between several of the most distinct species. Now observe the case of
    the several breeds of pigeons: they are descended from a pigeon
    (including two or three sub-species or geographical races) of a bluish
    colour, with certain bars and other marks; and when any breed assumes
    by simple variation a bluish tint, these bars and other marks
    invariably reappear; but without any other change of form or character.
    When the oldest and truest breeds of various colours are crossed, we
    see a strong tendency for the blue tint and bars and marks to reappear
    in the mongrels. I have stated that the most probable hypothesis to
    account for the reappearance of very ancient characters, is—that there
    is a tendency in the young of each successive generation to produce
    the long-lost character, and that this tendency, from unknown causes,
    sometimes prevails. And we have just seen that in several species of
    the horse-genus the stripes are either plainer or appear more commonly
    in the young than in the old. Call the breeds of pigeons, some of which
    have bred true for centuries, species; and how exactly parallel is the
    case with that of the species of the horse-genus!
    For myself, I venture confidently to look back thousands on thousands
    of generations, and I see an animal striped like a zebra, but perhaps
    otherwise very differently constructed, the common parent of our
    domestic horse, whether or not it be descended from one or more wild
    stocks, of the ass, the hemionus, quagga, and zebra.

    He who believes that each equine species was independently created,
    will, I presume, assert that each species has been created with a
    tendency to vary, both under nature and under domestication, in this
    particular manner, so as often to become striped like other species of
    the genus; and that each has been created with a strong tendency, when
    crossed with species inhabiting distant quarters of the world, to
    produce hybrids resembling in their stripes, not their own parents, but
    other species of the genus. To admit this view is, as it seems to me,
    to reject a real for an unreal, or at least for an unknown, cause. It
    makes the works of God a mere mockery and deception; I would almost as
    soon believe with the old and ignorant cosmogonists, that fossil shells
    had never lived, but had been created in stone so as to mock the shells
    now living on the sea-shore.

    Summary.—Our ignorance of the laws of variation is profound. Not in
    one case out of a hundred can we pretend to assign any reason why this
    or that part differs, more or less, from the same part in the parents.
    But whenever we have the means of instituting a comparison, the same
    laws appear to have acted in producing the lesser differences between
    varieties of the same species, and the greater differences between
    species of the same genus. The external conditions of life, as climate
    and food, etc., seem to have induced some slight modifications. Habit
    in producing constitutional differences,
    and use in strengthening, and disuse in weakening and diminishing
    organs, seem to have been more potent in their effects. Homologous
    parts tend to vary in the same way, and homologous parts tend to
    cohere. Modifications in hard parts and in external parts sometimes
    affect softer and internal parts. When one part is largely developed,
    perhaps it tends to draw nourishment from the adjoining parts; and
    every part of the structure which can be saved without detriment to the
    individual, will be saved. Changes of structure at an early age will
    generally affect parts subsequently developed; and there are very many
    other correlations of growth, the nature of which we are utterly unable
    to understand. Multiple parts are variable in number and in structure,
    perhaps arising from such parts not having been closely specialised to
    any particular function, so that their modifications have not been
    closely checked by natural selection. It is probably from this same
    cause that organic beings low in the scale of nature are more variable
    than those which have their whole organisation more specialised, and
    are higher in the scale. Rudimentary organs, from being useless, will
    be disregarded by natural selection, and hence probably are variable.
    Specific characters—that is, the characters which have come to differ
    since the several species of the same genus branched off from a common
    parent—are more variable than generic characters, or those which have
    long been inherited, and have not differed within this same period. In
    these remarks we have referred to special parts or organs being still
    variable, because they have recently varied and thus come to differ;
    but we have also seen in the second Chapter that the same principle
    applies to the whole individual; for in a district where many species
    of any genus are found—that is, where there has been much former
    variation and differentiation, or where the manufactory of new specific
    forms has been actively at work—there, on an average, we now find most
    varieties or incipient species. Secondary sexual characters are highly
    variable, and such characters differ much in the species of the same
    group. Variability in the same parts of the organisation has generally
    been taken advantage of in giving secondary sexual differences to the
    sexes of the same species, and specific differences to the several
    species of the same genus. Any part or organ developed to an
    extraordinary size or in an extraordinary manner, in comparison with
    the same part or organ in the allied species, must have gone through an
    extraordinary amount of modification since the genus arose; and thus we
    can understand why it should often still be variable in a much higher
    degree than other parts; for variation is a long-continued and slow
    process, and natural selection will in such cases not as yet have had
    time to overcome the tendency to further variability and to reversion
    to a less modified state. But when a species with any
    extraordinarily-developed organ has become the parent of many modified
    descendants—which on my view must be a very slow process, requiring a
    long lapse of time—in this case, natural selection may readily have
    succeeded in giving a fixed character to the organ, in however
    extraordinary a manner it may be developed. Species inheriting nearly
    the same constitution from a common parent and exposed to similar
    influences will naturally tend to present analogous variations, and
    these same species may occasionally revert to some of the characters of
    their ancient progenitors. Although new and important modifications may
    not arise from reversion and analogous variation, such modifications
    will add to the beautiful and harmonious diversity of nature.

    Whatever the cause may be of each slight difference in the offspring
    from their parents—and a cause for each must exist—it is the steady
    accumulation, through natural selection, of such differences, when
    beneficial to the individual, that gives rise to all the more important
    modifications of structure, by which the innumerable beings on the face
    of this earth are enabled to struggle with each other, and the best
    adapted to survive.

    CHAPTER VI.
    DIFFICULTIES ON THEORY.

    Difficulties on the theory of descent with modification. Transitions.
    Absence or rarity of transitional varieties. Transitions in habits of
    life. Diversified habits in the same species. Species with habits
    widely different from those of their allies. Organs of extreme
    perfection. Means of transition. Cases of difficulty. Natura non facit
    saltum. Organs of small importance. Organs not in all cases absolutely
    perfect. The law of Unity of Type and of the Conditions of Existence
    embraced by the theory of Natural Selection.

    Long before having arrived at this part of my work, a crowd of
    difficulties will have occurred to the reader. Some of them are so
    grave that to this day I can never reflect on them without being
    staggered; but, to the best of my judgment, the greater number are only
    apparent, and those that are real are not, I think, fatal to my theory.

    These difficulties and objections may be classed under the following
    heads:—

    Firstly, why, if species have descended from other species by
    insensibly fine gradations, do we not everywhere see innumerable
    transitional forms? Why is not all nature in confusion instead of the
    species being, as we see them, well defined?

    Secondly, is it possible that an animal having, for instance, the
    structure and habits of a bat, could have been formed by the
    modification of some animal with wholly different habits? Can we
    believe that natural selection could produce, on the one hand, organs
    of trifling importance, such as the tail of a giraffe, which serves as
    a fly-flapper, and, on the other hand, organs of
    such wonderful structure, as the eye, of which we hardly as yet fully
    understand the inimitable perfection?

    Thirdly, can instincts be acquired and modified through natural
    selection? What shall we say to so marvellous an instinct as that which
    leads the bee to make cells, which have practically anticipated the
    discoveries of profound mathematicians?

    Fourthly, how can we account for species, when crossed, being sterile
    and producing sterile offspring, whereas, when varieties are crossed,
    their fertility is unimpaired?

    The two first heads shall be here discussed—Instinct and Hybridism in
    separate chapters.

    On the absence or rarity of transitional varieties.—As natural
    selection acts solely by the preservation of profitable modifications,
    each new form will tend in a fully-stocked country to take the place
    of, and finally to exterminate, its own less improved parent or other
    less-favoured forms with which it comes into competition. Thus
    extinction and natural selection will, as we have seen, go hand in
    hand. Hence, if we look at each species as descended from some other
    unknown form, both the parent and all the transitional varieties will
    generally have been exterminated by the very process of formation and
    perfection of the new form.

    But, as by this theory innumerable transitional forms must have
    existed, why do we not find them embedded in countless numbers in the
    crust of the earth? It will be much more convenient to discuss this
    question in the chapter on the Imperfection of the geological record;
    and I will here only state that I believe the answer mainly lies in the
    record being incomparably less perfect than is generally supposed; the
    imperfection of the record being chiefly due to organic beings not
    inhabiting
    profound depths of the sea, and to their remains being embedded and
    preserved to a future age only in masses of sediment sufficiently thick
    and extensive to withstand an enormous amount of future degradation;
    and such fossiliferous masses can be accumulated only where much
    sediment is deposited on the shallow bed of the sea, whilst it slowly
    subsides. These contingencies will concur only rarely, and after
    enormously long intervals. Whilst the bed of the sea is stationary or
    is rising, or when very little sediment is being deposited, there will
    be blanks in our geological history. The crust of the earth is a vast
    museum; but the natural collections have been made only at intervals of
    time immensely remote.

    But it may be urged that when several closely-allied species inhabit
    the same territory we surely ought to find at the present time many
    transitional forms. Let us take a simple case: in travelling from north
    to south over a continent, we generally meet at successive intervals
    with closely allied or representative species, evidently filling nearly
    the same place in the natural economy of the land. These representative
    species often meet and interlock; and as the one becomes rarer and
    rarer, the other becomes more and more frequent, till the one replaces
    the other. But if we compare these species where they intermingle, they
    are generally as absolutely distinct from each other in every detail of
    structure as are specimens taken from the metropolis inhabited by each.
    By my theory these allied species have descended from a common parent;
    and during the process of modification, each has become adapted to the
    conditions of life of its own region, and has supplanted and
    exterminated its original parent and all the transitional varieties
    between its past and present states. Hence we ought not to expect at
    the
    present time to meet with numerous transitional varieties in each
    region, though they must have existed there, and may be embedded there
    in a fossil condition. But in the intermediate region, having
    intermediate conditions of life, why do we not now find closely-linking
    intermediate varieties? This difficulty for a long time quite
    confounded me. But I think it can be in large part explained.

    In the first place we should be extremely cautious in inferring,
    because an area is now continuous, that it has been continuous during a
    long period. Geology would lead us to believe that almost every
    continent has been broken up into islands even during the later
    tertiary periods; and in such islands distinct species might have been
    separately formed without the possibility of intermediate varieties
    existing in the intermediate zones. By changes in the form of the land
    and of climate, marine areas now continuous must often have existed
    within recent times in a far less continuous and uniform condition than
    at present. But I will pass over this way of escaping from the
    difficulty; for I believe that many perfectly defined species have been
    formed on strictly continuous areas; though I do not doubt that the
    formerly broken condition of areas now continuous has played an
    important part in the formation of new species, more especially with
    freely-crossing and wandering animals.

    In looking at species as they are now distributed over a wide area, we
    generally find them tolerably numerous over a large territory, then
    becoming somewhat abruptly rarer and rarer on the confines, and finally
    disappearing. Hence the neutral territory between two representative
    species is generally narrow in comparison with the territory proper to
    each. We see the same fact in ascending mountains, and sometimes
    it is quite remarkable how abruptly, as Alph. De Candolle has observed,
    a common alpine species disappears. The same fact has been noticed by
    Forbes in sounding the depths of the sea with the dredge. To those who
    look at climate and the physical conditions of life as the
    all-important elements of distribution, these facts ought to cause
    surprise, as climate and height or depth graduate away insensibly. But
    when we bear in mind that almost every species, even in its metropolis,
    would increase immensely in numbers, were it not for other competing
    species; that nearly all either prey on or serve as prey for others; in
    short, that each organic being is either directly or indirectly related
    in the most important manner to other organic beings, we must see that
    the range of the inhabitants of any country by no means exclusively
    depends on insensibly changing physical conditions, but in large part
    on the presence of other species, on which it depends, or by which it
    is destroyed, or with which it comes into competition; and as these
    species are already defined objects (however they may have become so),
    not blending one into another by insensible gradations, the range of
    any one species, depending as it does on the range of others, will tend
    to be sharply defined. Moreover, each species on the confines of its
    range, where it exists in lessened numbers, will, during fluctuations
    in the number of its enemies or of its prey, or in the seasons, be
    extremely liable to utter extermination; and thus its geographical
    range will come to be still more sharply defined.

    If I am right in believing that allied or representative species, when
    inhabiting a continuous area, are generally so distributed that each
    has a wide range, with a comparatively narrow neutral territory between
    them, in which they become rather suddenly rarer and rarer; then, as
    varieties do not essentially differ from species,
    the same rule will probably apply to both; and if we in imagination
    adapt a varying species to a very large area, we shall have to adapt
    two varieties to two large areas, and a third variety to a narrow
    intermediate zone. The intermediate variety, consequently, will exist
    in lesser numbers from inhabiting a narrow and lesser area; and
    practically, as far as I can make out, this rule holds good with
    varieties in a state of nature. I have met with striking instances of
    the rule in the case of varieties intermediate between well-marked
    varieties in the genus Balanus. And it would appear from information
    given me by Mr. Watson, Dr. Asa Gray, and Mr. Wollaston, that generally
    when varieties intermediate between two other forms occur, they are
    much rarer numerically than the forms which they connect. Now, if we
    may trust these facts and inferences, and therefore conclude that
    varieties linking two other varieties together have generally existed
    in lesser numbers than the forms which they connect, then, I think, we
    can understand why intermediate varieties should not endure for very
    long periods;—why as a general rule they should be exterminated and
    disappear, sooner than the forms which they originally linked together.

    For any form existing in lesser numbers would, as already remarked, run
    a greater chance of being exterminated than one existing in large
    numbers; and in this particular case the intermediate form would be
    eminently liable to the inroads of closely allied forms existing on
    both sides of it. But a far more important consideration, as I believe,
    is that, during the process of further modification, by which two
    varieties are supposed on my theory to be converted and perfected into
    two distinct species, the two which exist in larger numbers from
    inhabiting larger areas, will have a great advantage over the
    intermediate variety, which exists
    in smaller numbers in a narrow and intermediate zone. For forms
    existing in larger numbers will always have a better chance, within any
    given period, of presenting further favourable variations for natural
    selection to seize on, than will the rarer forms which exist in lesser
    numbers. Hence, the more common forms, in the race for life, will tend
    to beat and supplant the less common forms, for these will be more
    slowly modified and improved. It is the same principle which, as I
    believe, accounts for the common species in each country, as shown in
    the second chapter, presenting on an average a greater number of
    well-marked varieties than do the rarer species. I may illustrate what
    I mean by supposing three varieties of sheep to be kept, one adapted to
    an extensive mountainous region; a second to a comparatively narrow,
    hilly tract; and a third to wide plains at the base; and that the
    inhabitants are all trying with equal steadiness and skill to improve
    their stocks by selection; the chances in this case will be strongly in
    favour of the great holders on the mountains or on the plains improving
    their breeds more quickly than the small holders on the intermediate
    narrow, hilly tract; and consequently the improved mountain or plain
    breed will soon take the place of the less improved hill breed; and
    thus the two breeds, which originally existed in greater numbers, will
    come into close contact with each other, without the interposition of
    the supplanted, intermediate hill-variety.

    To sum up, I believe that species come to be tolerably well-defined
    objects, and do not at any one period present an inextricable chaos of
    varying and intermediate links: firstly, because new varieties are very
    slowly formed, for variation is a very slow process, and natural
    selection can do nothing until favourable variations chance to occur,
    and until a place in the natural polity
    of the country can be better filled by some modification of some one or
    more of its inhabitants. And such new places will depend on slow
    changes of climate, or on the occasional immigration of new
    inhabitants, and, probably, in a still more important degree, on some
    of the old inhabitants becoming slowly modified, with the new forms
    thus produced and the old ones acting and reacting on each other. So
    that, in any one region and at any one time, we ought only to see a few
    species presenting slight modifications of structure in some degree
    permanent; and this assuredly we do see.

    Secondly, areas now continuous must often have existed within the
    recent period in isolated portions, in which many forms, more
    especially amongst the classes which unite for each birth and wander
    much, may have separately been rendered sufficiently distinct to rank
    as representative species. In this case, intermediate varieties between
    the several representative species and their common parent, must
    formerly have existed in each broken portion of the land, but these
    links will have been supplanted and exterminated during the process of
    natural selection, so that they will no longer exist in a living state.

    Thirdly, when two or more varieties have been formed in different
    portions of a strictly continuous area, intermediate varieties will, it
    is probable, at first have been formed in the intermediate zones, but
    they will generally have had a short duration. For these intermediate
    varieties will, from reasons already assigned (namely from what we know
    of the actual distribution of closely allied or representative species,
    and likewise of acknowledged varieties), exist in the intermediate
    zones in lesser numbers than the varieties which they tend to connect.
    From this cause alone the intermediate
    varieties will be liable to accidental extermination; and during the
    process of further modification through natural selection, they will
    almost certainly be beaten and supplanted by the forms which they
    connect; for these from existing in greater numbers will, in the
    aggregate, present more variation, and thus be further improved through
    natural selection and gain further advantages.

    Lastly, looking not to any one time, but to all time, if my theory be
    true, numberless intermediate varieties, linking most closely all the
    species of the same group together, must assuredly have existed; but
    the very process of natural selection constantly tends, as has been so
    often remarked, to exterminate the parent forms and the intermediate
    links. Consequently evidence of their former existence could be found
    only amongst fossil remains, which are preserved, as we shall in a
    future chapter attempt to show, in an extremely imperfect and
    intermittent record.

    On the origin and transitions of organic beings with peculiar habits and structure.—It has been asked by the opponents of such views as I
    hold, how, for instance, a land carnivorous animal could have been
    converted into one with aquatic habits; for how could the animal in its
    transitional state have subsisted? It would be easy to show that within
    the same group carnivorous animals exist having every intermediate
    grade between truly aquatic and strictly terrestrial habits; and as
    each exists by a struggle for life, it is clear that each is well
    adapted in its habits to its place in nature. Look at the Mustela vison
    of North America, which has webbed feet and which resembles an otter in
    its fur, short legs, and form of tail; during summer this animal dives
    for and preys on fish, but during the long winter
    it leaves the frozen waters, and preys like other polecats on mice and
    land animals. If a different case had been taken, and it had been asked
    how an insectivorous quadruped could possibly have been converted into
    a flying bat, the question would have been far more difficult, and I
    could have given no answer. Yet I think such difficulties have very
    little weight.

    Here, as on other occasions, I lie under a heavy disadvantage, for out
    of the many striking cases which I have collected, I can give only one
    or two instances of transitional habits and structures in closely
    allied species of the same genus; and of diversified habits, either
    constant or occasional, in the same species. And it seems to me that
    nothing less than a long list of such cases is sufficient to lessen the
    difficulty in any particular case like that of the bat.

    Look at the family of squirrels; here we have the finest gradation from
    animals with their tails only slightly flattened, and from others, as
    Sir J. Richardson has remarked, with the posterior part of their bodies
    rather wide and with the skin on their flanks rather full, to the
    so-called flying squirrels; and flying squirrels have their limbs and
    even the base of the tail united by a broad expanse of skin, which
    serves as a parachute and allows them to glide through the air to an
    astonishing distance from tree to tree. We cannot doubt that each
    structure is of use to each kind of squirrel in its own country, by
    enabling it to escape birds or beasts of prey, or to collect food more
    quickly, or, as there is reason to believe, by lessening the danger
    from occasional falls. But it does not follow from this fact that the
    structure of each squirrel is the best that it is possible to conceive
    under all natural conditions. Let the climate and vegetation change,
    let other competing rodents or new beasts of prey immigrate, or old
    ones
    become modified, and all analogy would lead us to believe that some at
    least of the squirrels would decrease in numbers or become
    exterminated, unless they also became modified and improved in
    structure in a corresponding manner. Therefore, I can see no
    difficulty, more especially under changing conditions of life, in the
    continued preservation of individuals with fuller and fuller
    flank-membranes, each modification being useful, each being propagated,
    until by the accumulated effects of this process of natural selection,
    a perfect so-called flying squirrel was produced.

    Now look at the Galeopithecus or flying lemur, which formerly was
    falsely ranked amongst bats. It has an extremely wide flank-membrane,
    stretching from the corners of the jaw to the tail, and including the
    limbs and the elongated fingers: the flank membrane is, also, furnished
    with an extensor muscle. Although no graduated links of structure,
    fitted for gliding through the air, now connect the Galeopithecus with
    the other Lemuridæ, yet I can see no difficulty in supposing that such
    links formerly existed, and that each had been formed by the same steps
    as in the case of the less perfectly gliding squirrels; and that each
    grade of structure had been useful to its possessor. Nor can I see any
    insuperable difficulty in further believing it possible that the
    membrane-connected fingers and fore-arm of the Galeopithecus might be
    greatly lengthened by natural selection; and this, as far as the organs
    of flight are concerned, would convert it into a bat. In bats which
    have the wing-membrane extended from the top of the shoulder to the
    tail, including the hind-legs, we perhaps see traces of an apparatus
    originally constructed for gliding through the air rather than for
    flight.

    If about a dozen genera of birds had become extinct or were unknown,
    who would have ventured to have
    surmised that birds might have existed which used their wings solely as
    flappers, like the logger-headed duck (Micropterus of Eyton); as fins
    in the water and front legs on the land, like the penguin; as sails,
    like the ostrich; and functionally for no purpose, like the Apteryx.
    Yet the structure of each of these birds is good for it, under the
    conditions of life to which it is exposed, for each has to live by a
    struggle; but it is not necessarily the best possible under all
    possible conditions. It must not be inferred from these remarks that
    any of the grades of wing-structure here alluded to, which perhaps may
    all have resulted from disuse, indicate the natural steps by which
    birds have acquired their perfect power of flight; but they serve, at
    least, to show what diversified means of transition are possible.

    Seeing that a few members of such water-breathing classes as the
    Crustacea and Mollusca are adapted to live on the land, and seeing that
    we have flying birds and mammals, flying insects of the most
    diversified types, and formerly had flying reptiles, it is conceivable
    that flying-fish, which now glide far through the air, slightly rising
    and turning by the aid of their fluttering fins, might have been
    modified into perfectly winged animals. If this had been effected, who
    would have ever imagined that in an early transitional state they had
    been inhabitants of the open ocean, and had used their incipient organs
    of flight exclusively, as far as we know, to escape being devoured by
    other fish?

    When we see any structure highly perfected for any particular habit, as
    the wings of a bird for flight, we should bear in mind that animals
    displaying early transitional grades of the structure will seldom
    continue to exist to the present day, for they will have been
    supplanted by the very process of perfection through natural selection.
    Furthermore, we may conclude that transitional
    grades between structures fitted for very different habits of life will
    rarely have been developed at an early period in great numbers and
    under many subordinate forms. Thus, to return to our imaginary
    illustration of the flying-fish, it does not seem probable that fishes
    capable of true flight would have been developed under many subordinate
    forms, for taking prey of many kinds in many ways, on the land and in
    the water, until their organs of flight had come to a high stage of
    perfection, so as to have given them a decided advantage over other
    animals in the battle for life. Hence the chance of discovering species
    with transitional grades of structure in a fossil condition will always
    be less, from their having existed in lesser numbers, than in the case
    of species with fully developed structures.

    I will now give two or three instances of diversified and of changed
    habits in the individuals of the same species. When either case occurs,
    it would be easy for natural selection to fit the animal, by some
    modification of its structure, for its changed habits, or exclusively
    for one of its several different habits. But it is difficult to tell,
    and immaterial for us, whether habits generally change first and
    structure afterwards; or whether slight modifications of structure lead
    to changed habits; both probably often change almost simultaneously. Of
    cases of changed habits it will suffice merely to allude to that of the
    many British insects which now feed on exotic plants, or exclusively on
    artificial substances. Of diversified habits innumerable instances
    could be given: I have often watched a tyrant flycatcher (Saurophagus
    sulphuratus) in South America, hovering over one spot and then
    proceeding to another, like a kestrel, and at other times standing
    stationary on the margin of water, and then dashing like a kingfisher
    at a fish. In our own country the larger titmouse (Parus major) may be
    seen climbing branches, almost like a creeper; it often, like a shrike,
    kills small birds by blows on the head; and I have many times seen and
    heard it hammering the seeds of the yew on a branch, and thus breaking
    them like a nuthatch. In North America the black bear was seen by
    Hearne swimming for hours with widely open mouth, thus catching, like a
    whale, insects in the water. Even in so extreme a case as this, if the
    supply of insects were constant, and if better adapted competitors did
    not already exist in the country, I can see no difficulty in a race of
    bears being rendered, by natural selection, more and more aquatic in
    their structure and habits, with larger and larger mouths, till a
    creature was produced as monstrous as a whale.

    As we sometimes see individuals of a species following habits widely
    different from those both of their own species and of the other species
    of the same genus, we might expect, on my theory, that such individuals
    would occasionally have given rise to new species, having anomalous
    habits, and with their structure either slightly or considerably
    modified from that of their proper type. And such instances do occur in
    nature. Can a more striking instance of adaptation be given than that
    of a woodpecker for climbing trees and for seizing insects in the
    chinks of the bark? Yet in North America there are woodpeckers which
    feed largely on fruit, and others with elongated wings which chase
    insects on the wing; and on the plains of La Plata, where not a tree
    grows, there is a woodpecker, which in every essential part of its
    organisation, even in its colouring, in the harsh tone of its voice,
    and undulatory flight, told me plainly of its close blood-relationship
    to our common species; yet it is a woodpecker which never climbs a
    tree!

    Petrels are the most aërial and oceanic of birds, yet in the quiet
    Sounds of Tierra del Fuego, the Puffinuria
    berardi, in its general habits, in its astonishing power of diving, its
    manner of swimming, and of flying when unwillingly it takes flight,
    would be mistaken by any one for an auk or grebe; nevertheless, it is
    essentially a petrel, but with many parts of its organisation
    profoundly modified. On the other hand, the acutest observer by
    examining the dead body of the water-ouzel would never have suspected
    its sub-aquatic habits; yet this anomalous member of the strictly
    terrestrial thrush family wholly subsists by diving,—grasping the
    stones with its feet and using its wings under water.

    He who believes that each being has been created as we now see it, must
    occasionally have felt surprise when he has met with an animal having
    habits and structure not at all in agreement. What can be plainer than
    that the webbed feet of ducks and geese are formed for swimming? yet
    there are upland geese with webbed feet which rarely or never go near
    the water; and no one except Audubon has seen the frigate-bird, which
    has all its four toes webbed, alight on the surface of the sea. On the
    other hand, grebes and coots are eminently aquatic, although their toes
    are only bordered by membrane. What seems plainer than that the long
    toes of grallatores are formed for walking over swamps and floating
    plants, yet the water-hen is nearly as aquatic as the coot; and the
    landrail nearly as terrestrial as the quail or partridge. In such
    cases, and many others could be given, habits have changed without a
    corresponding change of structure. The webbed feet of the upland goose
    may be said to have become rudimentary in function, though not in
    structure. In the frigate-bird, the deeply-scooped membrane between the
    toes shows that structure has begun to change.

    He who believes in separate and innumerable acts of creation will say,
    that in these cases it has pleased the
    Creator to cause a being of one type to take the place of one of
    another type; but this seems to me only restating the fact in dignified
    language. He who believes in the struggle for existence and in the
    principle of natural selection, will acknowledge that every organic
    being is constantly endeavouring to increase in numbers; and that if
    any one being vary ever so little, either in habits or structure, and
    thus gain an advantage over some other inhabitant of the country, it
    will seize on the place of that inhabitant, however different it may be
    from its own place. Hence it will cause him no surprise that there
    should be geese and frigate-birds with webbed feet, either living on
    the dry land or most rarely alighting on the water; that there should
    be long-toed corncrakes living in meadows instead of in swamps; that
    there should be woodpeckers where not a tree grows; that there should
    be diving thrushes, and petrels with the habits of auks.

    Organs of extreme perfection and complication.—To suppose that the
    eye, with all its inimitable contrivances for adjusting the focus to
    different distances, for admitting different amounts of light, and for
    the correction of spherical and chromatic aberration, could have been
    formed by natural selection, seems, I freely confess, absurd in the
    highest possible degree. Yet reason tells me, that if numerous
    gradations from a perfect and complex eye to one very imperfect and
    simple, each grade being useful to its possessor, can be shown to
    exist; if further, the eye does vary ever so slightly, and the
    variations be inherited, which is certainly the case; and if any
    variation or modification in the organ be ever useful to an animal
    under changing conditions of life, then the difficulty of believing
    that a perfect and complex eye could be formed by natural
    selection, though insuperable by our imagination, can hardly be
    considered real. How a nerve comes to be sensitive to light, hardly
    concerns us more than how life itself first originated; but I may
    remark that several facts make me suspect that any sensitive nerve may
    be rendered sensitive to light, and likewise to those coarser
    vibrations of the air which produce sound.

    In looking for the gradations by which an organ in any species has been
    perfected, we ought to look exclusively to its lineal ancestors; but
    this is scarcely ever possible, and we are forced in each case to look
    to species of the same group, that is to the collateral descendants
    from the same original parent-form, in order to see what gradations are
    possible, and for the chance of some gradations having been transmitted
    from the earlier stages of descent, in an unaltered or little altered
    condition. Amongst existing Vertebrata, we find but a small amount of
    gradation in the structure of the eye, and from fossil species we can
    learn nothing on this head. In this great class we should probably have
    to descend far beneath the lowest known fossiliferous stratum to
    discover the earlier stages, by which the eye has been perfected.

    In the Articulata we can commence a series with an optic nerve merely
    coated with pigment, and without any other mechanism; and from this low
    stage, numerous gradations of structure, branching off in two
    fundamentally different lines, can be shown to exist, until we reach a
    moderately high stage of perfection. In certain crustaceans, for
    instance, there is a double cornea, the inner one divided into facets,
    within each of which there is a lens-shaped swelling. In other
    crustaceans the transparent cones which are coated by pigment, and
    which properly act only by excluding lateral pencils of light, are
    convex at their upper ends
    and must act by convergence; and at their lower ends there seems to be
    an imperfect vitreous substance. With these facts, here far too briefly
    and imperfectly given, which show that there is much graduated
    diversity in the eyes of living crustaceans, and bearing in mind how
    small the number of living animals is in proportion to those which have
    become extinct, I can see no very great difficulty (not more than in
    the case of many other structures) in believing that natural selection
    has converted the simple apparatus of an optic nerve merely coated with
    pigment and invested by transparent membrane, into an optical
    instrument as perfect as is possessed by any member of the great
    Articulate class.

    He who will go thus far, if he find on finishing this treatise that
    large bodies of facts, otherwise inexplicable, can be explained by the
    theory of descent, ought not to hesitate to go further, and to admit
    that a structure even as perfect as the eye of an eagle might be formed
    by natural selection, although in this case he does not know any of the
    transitional grades. His reason ought to conquer his imagination;
    though I have felt the difficulty far too keenly to be surprised at any
    degree of hesitation in extending the principle of natural selection to
    such startling lengths.

    It is scarcely possible to avoid comparing the eye to a telescope. We
    know that this instrument has been perfected by the long-continued
    efforts of the highest human intellects; and we naturally infer that
    the eye has been formed by a somewhat analogous process. But may not
    this inference be presumptuous? Have we any right to assume that the
    Creator works by intellectual powers like those of man? If we must
    compare the eye to an optical instrument, we ought in imagination to
    take a thick layer of transparent tissue, with a nerve sensitive to
    light beneath, and then suppose every
    part of this layer to be continually changing slowly in density, so as
    to separate into layers of different densities and thicknesses, placed
    at different distances from each other, and with the surfaces of each
    layer slowly changing in form. Further we must suppose that there is a
    power always intently watching each slight accidental alteration in the
    transparent layers; and carefully selecting each alteration which,
    under varied circumstances, may in any way, or in any degree, tend to
    produce a distincter image. We must suppose each new state of the
    instrument to be multiplied by the million; and each to be preserved
    till a better be produced, and then the old ones to be destroyed. In
    living bodies, variation will cause the slight alterations, generation
    will multiply them almost infinitely, and natural selection will pick
    out with unerring skill each improvement. Let this process go on for
    millions on millions of years; and during each year on millions of
    individuals of many kinds; and may we not believe that a living optical
    instrument might thus be formed as superior to one of glass, as the
    works of the Creator are to those of man?

    If it could be demonstrated that any complex organ existed, which could
    not possibly have been formed by numerous, successive, slight
    modifications, my theory would absolutely break down. But I can find
    out no such case. No doubt many organs exist of which we do not know
    the transitional grades, more especially if we look to much-isolated
    species, round which, according to my theory, there has been much
    extinction. Or again, if we look to an organ common to all the members
    of a large class, for in this latter case the organ must have been
    first formed at an extremely remote period, since which all the many
    members of the class have been developed; and in order to discover the
    early transitional grades through which the organ has
    passed, we should have to look to very ancient ancestral forms, long
    since become extinct.

    We should be extremely cautious in concluding that an organ could not
    have been formed by transitional gradations of some kind. Numerous
    cases could be given amongst the lower animals of the same organ
    performing at the same time wholly distinct functions; thus the
    alimentary canal respires, digests, and excretes in the larva of the
    dragon-fly and in the fish Cobites. In the Hydra, the animal may be
    turned inside out, and the exterior surface will then digest and the
    stomach respire. In such cases natural selection might easily
    specialise, if any advantage were thus gained, a part or organ, which
    had performed two functions, for one function alone, and thus wholly
    change its nature by insensible steps. Two distinct organs sometimes
    perform simultaneously the same function in the same individual; to
    give one instance, there are fish with gills or branchiæ that breathe
    the air dissolved in the water, at the same time that they breathe free
    air in their swimbladders, this latter organ having a ductus
    pneumaticus for its supply, and being divided by highly vascular
    partitions. In these cases, one of the two organs might with ease be
    modified and perfected so as to perform all the work by itself, being
    aided during the process of modification by the other organ; and then
    this other organ might be modified for some other and quite distinct
    purpose, or be quite obliterated.

    The illustration of the swimbladder in fishes is a good one, because it
    shows us clearly the highly important fact that an organ originally
    constructed for one purpose, namely flotation, may be converted into
    one for a wholly different purpose, namely respiration. The swimbladder
    has, also, been worked in as an accessory to the auditory organs of
    certain fish, or, for I do not know which
    view is now generally held, a part of the auditory apparatus has been
    worked in as a complement to the swimbladder. All physiologists admit
    that the swimbladder is homologous, or “ideally similar,” in position
    and structure with the lungs of the higher vertebrate animals: hence
    there seems to me to be no great difficulty in believing that natural
    selection has actually converted a swimbladder into a lung, or organ
    used exclusively for respiration.

    I can, indeed, hardly doubt that all vertebrate animals having true
    lungs have descended by ordinary generation from an ancient prototype,
    of which we know nothing, furnished with a floating apparatus or
    swimbladder. We can thus, as I infer from Professor Owen’s interesting
    description of these parts, understand the strange fact that every
    particle of food and drink which we swallow has to pass over the
    orifice of the trachea, with some risk of falling into the lungs,
    notwithstanding the beautiful contrivance by which the glottis is
    closed. In the higher Vertebrata the branchiæ have wholly
    disappeared—the slits on the sides of the neck and the loop-like course
    of the arteries still marking in the embryo their former position. But
    it is conceivable that the now utterly lost branchiæ might have been
    gradually worked in by natural selection for some quite distinct
    purpose: in the same manner as, on the view entertained by some
    naturalists that the branchiæ and dorsal scales of Annelids are
    homologous with the wings and wing-covers of insects, it is probable
    that organs which at a very ancient period served for respiration have
    been actually converted into organs of flight.

    In considering transitions of organs, it is so important to bear in
    mind the probability of conversion from one function to another, that I
    will give one more instance. Pedunculated cirripedes have two minute
    folds of skin,
    called by me the ovigerous frena, which serve, through the means of a
    sticky secretion, to retain the eggs until they are hatched within the
    sack. These cirripedes have no branchiæ, the whole surface of the body
    and sack, including the small frena, serving for respiration. The
    Balanidæ or sessile cirripedes, on the other hand, have no ovigerous
    frena, the eggs lying loose at the bottom of the sack, in the
    well-enclosed shell; but they have large folded branchiæ. Now I think
    no one will dispute that the ovigerous frena in the one family are
    strictly homologous with the branchiæ of the other family; indeed, they
    graduate into each other. Therefore I do not doubt that little folds of
    skin, which originally served as ovigerous frena, but which, likewise,
    very slightly aided the act of respiration, have been gradually
    converted by natural selection into branchiæ, simply through an
    increase in their size and the obliteration of their adhesive glands.
    If all pedunculated cirripedes had become extinct, and they have
    already suffered far more extinction than have sessile cirripedes, who
    would ever have imagined that the branchiæ in this latter family had
    originally existed as organs for preventing the ova from being washed
    out of the sack?

    Although we must be extremely cautious in concluding that any organ
    could not possibly have been produced by successive transitional
    gradations, yet, undoubtedly, grave cases of difficulty occur, some of
    which will be discussed in my future work.

    One of the gravest is that of neuter insects, which are often very
    differently constructed from either the males or fertile females; but
    this case will be treated of in the next chapter. The electric organs
    of fishes offer another case of special difficulty; it is impossible to
    conceive by what steps these wondrous organs have been produced; but,
    as Owen and others have remarked,
    their intimate structure closely resembles that of common muscle; and
    as it has lately been shown that Rays have an organ closely analogous
    to the electric apparatus, and yet do not, as Matteuchi asserts,
    discharge any electricity, we must own that we are far too ignorant to
    argue that no transition of any kind is possible.

    The electric organs offer another and even more serious difficulty; for
    they occur in only about a dozen fishes, of which several are widely
    remote in their affinities. Generally when the same organ appears in
    several members of the same class, especially if in members having very
    different habits of life, we may attribute its presence to inheritance
    from a common ancestor; and its absence in some of the members to its
    loss through disuse or natural selection. But if the electric organs
    had been inherited from one ancient progenitor thus provided, we might
    have expected that all electric fishes would have been specially
    related to each other. Nor does geology at all lead to the belief that
    formerly most fishes had electric organs, which most of their modified
    descendants have lost. The presence of luminous organs in a few
    insects, belonging to different families and orders, offers a parallel
    case of difficulty. Other cases could be given; for instance in plants,
    the very curious contrivance of a mass of pollen-grains, borne on a
    foot-stalk with a sticky gland at the end, is the same in Orchis and
    Asclepias,—genera almost as remote as possible amongst flowering
    plants. In all these cases of two very distinct species furnished with
    apparently the same anomalous organ, it should be observed that,
    although the general appearance and function of the organ may be the
    same, yet some fundamental difference can generally be detected. I am
    inclined to believe that in nearly the same way as two men have
    sometimes independently hit on
    the very same invention, so natural selection, working for the good of
    each being and taking advantage of analogous variations, has sometimes
    modified in very nearly the same manner two parts in two organic
    beings, which owe but little of their structure in common to
    inheritance from the same ancestor.

    Although in many cases it is most difficult to conjecture by what
    transitions an organ could have arrived at its present state; yet,
    considering that the proportion of living and known forms to the
    extinct and unknown is very small, I have been astonished how rarely an
    organ can be named, towards which no transitional grade is known to
    lead. The truth of this remark is indeed shown by that old canon in
    natural history of “Natura non facit saltum.” We meet with this
    admission in the writings of almost every experienced naturalist; or,
    as Milne Edwards has well expressed it, nature is prodigal in variety,
    but niggard in innovation. Why, on the theory of Creation, should this
    be so? Why should all the parts and organs of many independent beings,
    each supposed to have been separately created for its proper place in
    nature, be so invariably linked together by graduated steps? Why should
    not Nature have taken a leap from structure to structure? On the theory
    of natural selection, we can clearly understand why she should not; for
    natural selection can act only by taking advantage of slight successive
    variations; she can never take a leap, but must advance by the shortest
    and slowest steps.

    Organs of little apparent importance.—As natural selection acts by
    life and death,—by the preservation of individuals with any favourable
    variation, and by the destruction of those with any unfavourable
    deviation of structure,—I have sometimes felt much difficulty in
    understanding the origin of simple parts, of which the importance does
    not seem sufficient to cause the preservation of successively varying
    individuals. I have sometimes felt as much difficulty, though of a very
    different kind, on this head, as in the case of an organ as perfect and
    complex as the eye.

    In the first place, we are much too ignorant in regard to the whole
    economy of any one organic being, to say what slight modifications
    would be of importance or not. In a former chapter I have given
    instances of most trifling characters, such as the down on fruit and
    the colour of the flesh, which, from determining the attacks of insects
    or from being correlated with constitutional differences, might
    assuredly be acted on by natural selection. The tail of the giraffe
    looks like an artificially constructed fly-flapper; and it seems at
    first incredible that this could have been adapted for its present
    purpose by successive slight modifications, each better and better, for
    so trifling an object as driving away flies; yet we should pause before
    being too positive even in this case, for we know that the distribution
    and existence of cattle and other animals in South America absolutely
    depends on their power of resisting the attacks of insects: so that
    individuals which could by any means defend themselves from these small
    enemies, would be able to range into new pastures and thus gain a great
    advantage. It is not that the larger quadrupeds are actually destroyed
    (except in some rare cases) by the flies, but they are incessantly
    harassed and their strength reduced, so that they are more subject to
    disease, or not so well enabled in a coming dearth to search for food,
    or to escape from beasts of prey.

    Organs now of trifling importance have probably in some cases been of
    high importance to an early progenitor, and, after having been slowly
    perfected at a
    former period, have been transmitted in nearly the same state, although
    now become of very slight use; and any actually injurious deviations in
    their structure will always have been checked by natural selection.
    Seeing how important an organ of locomotion the tail is in most aquatic
    animals, its general presence and use for many purposes in so many land
    animals, which in their lungs or modified swim-bladders betray their
    aquatic origin, may perhaps be thus accounted for. A well-developed
    tail having been formed in an aquatic animal, it might subsequently
    come to be worked in for all sorts of purposes, as a fly-flapper, an
    organ of prehension, or as an aid in turning, as with the dog, though
    the aid must be slight, for the hare, with hardly any tail, can double
    quickly enough.

    In the second place, we may sometimes attribute importance to
    characters which are really of very little importance, and which have
    originated from quite secondary causes, independently of natural
    selection. We should remember that climate, food, etc., probably have
    some little direct influence on the organisation; that characters
    reappear from the law of reversion; that correlation of growth will
    have had a most important influence in modifying various structures;
    and finally, that sexual selection will often have largely modified the
    external characters of animals having a will, to give one male an
    advantage in fighting with another or in charming the females. Moreover
    when a modification of structure has primarily arisen from the above or
    other unknown causes, it may at first have been of no advantage to the
    species, but may subsequently have been taken advantage of by the
    descendants of the species under new conditions of life and with newly
    acquired habits.

    To give a few instances to illustrate these latter
    remarks. If green woodpeckers alone had existed, and we did not know
    that there were many black and pied kinds, I dare say that we should
    have thought that the green colour was a beautiful adaptation to hide
    this tree-frequenting bird from its enemies; and consequently that it
    was a character of importance and might have been acquired through
    natural selection; as it is, I have no doubt that the colour is due to
    some quite distinct cause, probably to sexual selection. A trailing
    bamboo in the Malay Archipelago climbs the loftiest trees by the aid of
    exquisitely constructed hooks clustered around the ends of the
    branches, and this contrivance, no doubt, is of the highest service to
    the plant; but as we see nearly similar hooks on many trees which are
    not climbers, the hooks on the bamboo may have arisen from unknown laws
    of growth, and have been subsequently taken advantage of by the plant
    undergoing further modification and becoming a climber. The naked skin
    on the head of a vulture is generally looked at as a direct adaptation
    for wallowing in putridity; and so it may be, or it may possibly be due
    to the direct action of putrid matter; but we should be very cautious
    in drawing any such inference, when we see that the skin on the head of
    the clean-feeding male turkey is likewise naked. The sutures in the
    skulls of young mammals have been advanced as a beautiful adaptation
    for aiding parturition, and no doubt they facilitate, or may be
    indispensable for this act; but as sutures occur in the skulls of young
    birds and reptiles, which have only to escape from a broken egg, we may
    infer that this structure has arisen from the laws of growth, and has
    been taken advantage of in the parturition of the higher animals.

    We are profoundly ignorant of the causes producing slight and
    unimportant variations; and we are immediately
    made conscious of this by reflecting on the differences in the breeds
    of our domesticated animals in different countries,—more especially in
    the less civilized countries where there has been but little artificial
    selection. Careful observers are convinced that a damp climate affects
    the growth of the hair, and that with the hair the horns are
    correlated. Mountain breeds always differ from lowland breeds; and a
    mountainous country would probably affect the hind limbs from
    exercising them more, and possibly even the form of the pelvis; and
    then by the law of homologous variation, the front limbs and even the
    head would probably be affected. The shape, also, of the pelvis might
    affect by pressure the shape of the head of the young in the womb. The
    laborious breathing necessary in high regions would, we have some
    reason to believe, increase the size of the chest; and again
    correlation would come into play. Animals kept by savages in different
    countries often have to struggle for their own subsistence, and would
    be exposed to a certain extent to natural selection, and individuals
    with slightly different constitutions would succeed best under
    different climates; and there is reason to believe that constitution
    and colour are correlated. A good observer, also, states that in cattle
    susceptibility to the attacks of flies is correlated with colour, as is
    the liability to be poisoned by certain plants; so that colour would be
    thus subjected to the action of natural selection. But we are far too
    ignorant to speculate on the relative importance of the several known
    and unknown laws of variation; and I have here alluded to them only to
    show that, if we are unable to account for the characteristic
    differences of our domestic breeds, which nevertheless we generally
    admit to have arisen through ordinary generation, we ought not to lay
    too much stress on our
    ignorance of the precise cause of the slight analogous differences
    between species. I might have adduced for this same purpose the
    differences between the races of man, which are so strongly marked; I
    may add that some little light can apparently be thrown on the origin
    of these differences, chiefly through sexual selection of a particular
    kind, but without here entering on copious details my reasoning would
    appear frivolous.

    The foregoing remarks lead me to say a few words on the protest lately
    made by some naturalists, against the utilitarian doctrine that every
    detail of structure has been produced for the good of its possessor.
    They believe that very many structures have been created for beauty in
    the eyes of man, or for mere variety. This doctrine, if true, would be
    absolutely fatal to my theory. Yet I fully admit that many structures
    are of no direct use to their possessors. Physical conditions probably
    have had some little effect on structure, quite independently of any
    good thus gained. Correlation of growth has no doubt played a most
    important part, and a useful modification of one part will often have
    entailed on other parts diversified changes of no direct use. So again
    characters which formerly were useful, or which formerly had arisen
    from correlation of growth, or from other unknown cause, may reappear
    from the law of reversion, though now of no direct use. The effects of
    sexual selection, when displayed in beauty to charm the females, can be
    called useful only in rather a forced sense. But by far the most
    important consideration is that the chief part of the organisation of
    every being is simply due to inheritance; and consequently, though each
    being assuredly is well fitted for its place in nature, many structures
    now have no direct relation to the habits of life of each species.
    Thus, we can hardly believe that the webbed feet of the upland
    goose or of the frigate-bird are of special use to these birds; we
    cannot believe that the same bones in the arm of the monkey, in the
    fore leg of the horse, in the wing of the bat, and in the flipper of
    the seal, are of special use to these animals. We may safely attribute
    these structures to inheritance. But to the progenitor of the upland
    goose and of the frigate-bird, webbed feet no doubt were as useful as
    they now are to the most aquatic of existing birds. So we may believe
    that the progenitor of the seal had not a flipper, but a foot with five
    toes fitted for walking or grasping; and we may further venture to
    believe that the several bones in the limbs of the monkey, horse, and
    bat, which have been inherited from a common progenitor, were formerly
    of more special use to that progenitor, or its progenitors, than they
    now are to these animals having such widely diversified habits.
    Therefore we may infer that these several bones might have been
    acquired through natural selection, subjected formerly, as now, to the
    several laws of inheritance, reversion, correlation of growth, etc.
    Hence every detail of structure in every living creature (making some
    little allowance for the direct action of physical conditions) may be
    viewed, either as having been of special use to some ancestral form, or
    as being now of special use to the descendants of this form—either
    directly, or indirectly through the complex laws of growth.

    Natural selection cannot possibly produce any modification in any one
    species exclusively for the good of another species; though throughout
    nature one species incessantly takes advantage of, and profits by, the
    structure of another. But natural selection can and does often produce
    structures for the direct injury of other species, as we see in the
    fang of the adder, and in the ovipositor of the ichneumon, by which its
    eggs are deposited
    in the living bodies of other insects. If it could be proved that any
    part of the structure of any one species had been formed for the
    exclusive good of another species, it would annihilate my theory, for
    such could not have been produced through natural selection. Although
    many statements may be found in works on natural history to this
    effect, I cannot find even one which seems to me of any weight. It is
    admitted that the rattlesnake has a poison-fang for its own defence and
    for the destruction of its prey; but some authors suppose that at the
    same time this snake is furnished with a rattle for its own injury,
    namely, to warn its prey to escape. I would almost as soon believe that
    the cat curls the end of its tail when preparing to spring, in order to
    warn the doomed mouse. But I have not space here to enter on this and
    other such cases.

    Natural selection will never produce in a being anything injurious to
    itself, for natural selection acts solely by and for the good of each.
    No organ will be formed, as Paley has remarked, for the purpose of
    causing pain or for doing an injury to its possessor. If a fair balance
    be struck between the good and evil caused by each part, each will be
    found on the whole advantageous. After the lapse of time, under
    changing conditions of life, if any part comes to be injurious, it will
    be modified; or if it be not so, the being will become extinct, as
    myriads have become extinct.

    Natural selection tends only to make each organic being as perfect as,
    or slightly more perfect than, the other inhabitants of the same
    country with which it has to struggle for existence. And we see that
    this is the degree of perfection attained under nature. The endemic
    productions of New Zealand, for instance, are perfect one compared with
    another; but they are now rapidly yielding before the advancing legions
    of plants
    and animals introduced from Europe. Natural selection will not produce
    absolute perfection, nor do we always meet, as far as we can judge,
    with this high standard under nature. The correction for the aberration
    of light is said, on high authority, not to be perfect even in that
    most perfect organ, the eye. If our reason leads us to admire with
    enthusiasm a multitude of inimitable contrivances in nature, this same
    reason tells us, though we may easily err on both sides, that some
    other contrivances are less perfect. Can we consider the sting of the
    wasp or of the bee as perfect, which, when used against many attacking
    animals, cannot be withdrawn, owing to the backward serratures, and so
    inevitably causes the death of the insect by tearing out its viscera?

    If we look at the sting of the bee, as having originally existed in a
    remote progenitor as a boring and serrated instrument, like that in so
    many members of the same great order, and which has been modified but
    not perfected for its present purpose, with the poison originally
    adapted to cause galls subsequently intensified, we can perhaps
    understand how it is that the use of the sting should so often cause
    the insect’s own death: for if on the whole the power of stinging be
    useful to the community, it will fulfil all the requirements of natural
    selection, though it may cause the death of some few members. If we
    admire the truly wonderful power of scent by which the males of many
    insects find their females, can we admire the production for this
    single purpose of thousands of drones, which are utterly useless to the
    community for any other end, and which are ultimately slaughtered by
    their industrious and sterile sisters? It may be difficult, but we
    ought to admire the savage instinctive hatred of the queen-bee, which
    urges her instantly to destroy the
    young queens her daughters as soon as born, or to perish herself in the
    combat; for undoubtedly this is for the good of the community; and
    maternal love or maternal hatred, though the latter fortunately is most
    rare, is all the same to the inexorable principle of natural selection.
    If we admire the several ingenious contrivances, by which the flowers
    of the orchis and of many other plants are fertilised through insect
    agency, can we consider as equally perfect the elaboration by our
    fir-trees of dense clouds of pollen, in order that a few granules may
    be wafted by a chance breeze on to the ovules?

    Summary of Chapter.—We have in this chapter discussed some of the
    difficulties and objections which may be urged against my theory. Many
    of them are very grave; but I think that in the discussion light has
    been thrown on several facts, which on the theory of independent acts
    of creation are utterly obscure. We have seen that species at any one
    period are not indefinitely variable, and are not linked together by a
    multitude of intermediate gradations, partly because the process of
    natural selection will always be very slow, and will act, at any one
    time, only on a very few forms; and partly because the very process of
    natural selection almost implies the continual supplanting and
    extinction of preceding and intermediate gradations. Closely allied
    species, now living on a continuous area, must often have been formed
    when the area was not continuous, and when the conditions of life did
    not insensibly graduate away from one part to another. When two
    varieties are formed in two districts of a continuous area, an
    intermediate variety will often be formed, fitted for an intermediate
    zone; but from reasons assigned, the intermediate variety will usually
    exist in lesser numbers than
    the two forms which it connects; consequently the two latter, during
    the course of further modification, from existing in greater numbers,
    will have a great advantage over the less numerous intermediate
    variety, and will thus generally succeed in supplanting and
    exterminating it.

    We have seen in this chapter how cautious we should be in concluding
    that the most different habits of life could not graduate into each
    other; that a bat, for instance, could not have been formed by natural
    selection from an animal which at first could only glide through the
    air.

    We have seen that a species may under new conditions of life change its
    habits, or have diversified habits, with some habits very unlike those
    of its nearest congeners. Hence we can understand, bearing in mind that
    each organic being is trying to live wherever it can live, how it has
    arisen that there are upland geese with webbed feet, ground
    woodpeckers, diving thrushes, and petrels with the habits of auks.

    Although the belief that an organ so perfect as the eye could have been
    formed by natural selection, is more than enough to stagger any one;
    yet in the case of any organ, if we know of a long series of gradations
    in complexity, each good for its possessor, then, under changing
    conditions of life, there is no logical impossibility in the
    acquirement of any conceivable degree of perfection through natural
    selection. In the cases in which we know of no intermediate or
    transitional states, we should be very cautious in concluding that none
    could have existed, for the homologies of many organs and their
    intermediate states show that wonderful metamorphoses in function are
    at least possible. For instance, a swim-bladder has apparently been
    converted into an air-breathing lung. The same organ having performed
    simultaneously very different functions, and then having been
    specialised for one function; and two very distinct organs having
    performed at the same time the same function, the one having been
    perfected whilst aided by the other, must often have largely
    facilitated transitions.

    We are far too ignorant, in almost every case, to be enabled to assert
    that any part or organ is so unimportant for the welfare of a species,
    that modifications in its structure could not have been slowly
    accumulated by means of natural selection. But we may confidently
    believe that many modifications, wholly due to the laws of growth, and
    at first in no way advantageous to a species, have been subsequently
    taken advantage of by the still further modified descendants of this
    species. We may, also, believe that a part formerly of high importance
    has often been retained (as the tail of an aquatic animal by its
    terrestrial descendants), though it has become of such small importance
    that it could not, in its present state, have been acquired by natural
    selection,—a power which acts solely by the preservation of profitable
    variations in the struggle for life.

    Natural selection will produce nothing in one species for the exclusive
    good or injury of another; though it may well produce parts, organs,
    and excretions highly useful or even indispensable, or highly injurious
    to another species, but in all cases at the same time useful to the
    owner. Natural selection in each well-stocked country, must act chiefly
    through the competition of the inhabitants one with another, and
    consequently will produce perfection, or strength in the battle for
    life, only according to the standard of that country. Hence the
    inhabitants of one country, generally the smaller one, will often
    yield, as we see they do yield, to the inhabitants of another and
    generally larger country. For in
    the larger country there will have existed more individuals, and more
    diversified forms, and the competition will have been severer, and thus
    the standard of perfection will have been rendered higher. Natural
    selection will not necessarily produce absolute perfection; nor, as far
    as we can judge by our limited faculties, can absolute perfection be
    everywhere found.

    On the theory of natural selection we can clearly understand the full
    meaning of that old canon in natural history, “Natura non facit
    saltum.” This canon, if we look only to the present inhabitants of the
    world, is not strictly correct, but if we include all those of past
    times, it must by my theory be strictly true.

    It is generally acknowledged that all organic beings have been formed
    on two great laws—Unity of Type, and the Conditions of Existence. By
    unity of type is meant that fundamental agreement in structure, which
    we see in organic beings of the same class, and which is quite
    independent of their habits of life. On my theory, unity of type is
    explained by unity of descent. The expression of conditions of
    existence, so often insisted on by the illustrious Cuvier, is fully
    embraced by the principle of natural selection. For natural selection
    acts by either now adapting the varying parts of each being to its
    organic and inorganic conditions of life; or by having adapted them
    during long-past periods of time: the adaptations being aided in some
    cases by use and disuse, being slightly affected by the direct action
    of the external conditions of life, and being in all cases subjected to
    the several laws of growth. Hence, in fact, the law of the Conditions
    of Existence is the higher law; as it includes, through the inheritance
    of former adaptations, that of Unity of Type.

    CHAPTER VII.
    INSTINCT.

    Instincts comparable with habits, but different in their origin.
    Instincts graduated. Aphides and ants. Instincts variable. Domestic
    instincts, their origin. Natural instincts of the cuckoo, ostrich, and
    parasitic bees. Slave-making ants. Hive-bee, its cell-making instinct.
    Difficulties on the theory of the Natural Selection of instincts.
    Neuter or sterile insects. Summary.

    The subject of instinct might have been worked into the previous
    chapters; but I have thought that it would be more convenient to treat
    the subject separately, especially as so wonderful an instinct as that
    of the hive-bee making its cells will probably have occurred to many
    readers, as a difficulty sufficient to overthrow my whole theory. I
    must premise, that I have nothing to do with the origin of the primary
    mental powers, any more than I have with that of life itself. We are
    concerned only with the diversities of instinct and of the other mental
    qualities of animals within the same class.

    I will not attempt any definition of instinct. It would be easy to show
    that several distinct mental actions are commonly embraced by this
    term; but every one understands what is meant, when it is said that
    instinct impels the cuckoo to migrate and to lay her eggs in other
    birds’ nests. An action, which we ourselves should require experience
    to enable us to perform, when performed by an animal, more especially
    by a very young one, without any experience, and when performed by many
    individuals in the same way, without their knowing for what purpose it
    is performed, is usually said to be instinctive.
    But I could show that none of these characters of instinct are
    universal. A little dose, as Pierre Huber expresses it, of judgment or
    reason, often comes into play, even in animals very low in the scale of
    nature.

    Frederick Cuvier and several of the older metaphysicians have compared
    instinct with habit. This comparison gives, I think, a remarkably
    accurate notion of the frame of mind under which an instinctive action
    is performed, but not of its origin. How unconsciously many habitual
    actions are performed, indeed not rarely in direct opposition to our
    conscious will! yet they may be modified by the will or reason. Habits
    easily become associated with other habits, and with certain periods of
    time and states of the body. When once acquired, they often remain
    constant throughout life. Several other points of resemblance between
    instincts and habits could be pointed out. As in repeating a well-known
    song, so in instincts, one action follows another by a sort of rhythm;
    if a person be interrupted in a song, or in repeating anything by rote,
    he is generally forced to go back to recover the habitual train of
    thought: so P. Huber found it was with a caterpillar, which makes a
    very complicated hammock; for if he took a caterpillar which had
    completed its hammock up to, say, the sixth stage of construction, and
    put it into a hammock completed up only to the third stage, the
    caterpillar simply re-performed the fourth, fifth, and sixth stages of
    construction. If, however, a caterpillar were taken out of a hammock
    made up, for instance, to the third stage, and were put into one
    finished up to the sixth stage, so that much of its work was already
    done for it, far from feeling the benefit of this, it was much
    embarrassed, and, in order to complete its hammock, seemed forced to
    start from the third stage, where it had left off, and thus tried to
    complete the already finished work.

    If we suppose any habitual action to become inherited—and I think it
    can be shown that this does sometimes happen—then the resemblance
    between what originally was a habit and an instinct becomes so close as
    not to be distinguished. If Mozart, instead of playing the pianoforte
    at three years old with wonderfully little practice, had played a tune
    with no practice at all, he might truly be said to have done so
    instinctively. But it would be the most serious error to suppose that
    the greater number of instincts have been acquired by habit in one
    generation, and then transmitted by inheritance to succeeding
    generations. It can be clearly shown that the most wonderful instincts
    with which we are acquainted, namely, those of the hive-bee and of many
    ants, could not possibly have been thus acquired.

    It will be universally admitted that instincts are as important as
    corporeal structure for the welfare of each species, under its present
    conditions of life. Under changed conditions of life, it is at least
    possible that slight modifications of instinct might be profitable to a
    species; and if it can be shown that instincts do vary ever so little,
    then I can see no difficulty in natural selection preserving and
    continually accumulating variations of instinct to any extent that may
    be profitable. It is thus, as I believe, that all the most complex and
    wonderful instincts have originated. As modifications of corporeal
    structure arise from, and are increased by, use or habit, and are
    diminished or lost by disuse, so I do not doubt it has been with
    instincts. But I believe that the effects of habit are of quite
    subordinate importance to the effects of the natural selection of what
    may be called accidental variations of instincts;—that is of variations
    produced by the same unknown causes which produce slight deviations of
    bodily structure.

    No complex instinct can possibly be produced through
    natural selection, except by the slow and gradual accumulation of
    numerous, slight, yet profitable, variations. Hence, as in the case of
    corporeal structures, we ought to find in nature, not the actual
    transitional gradations by which each complex instinct has been
    acquired—for these could be found only in the lineal ancestors of each
    species—but we ought to find in the collateral lines of descent some
    evidence of such gradations; or we ought at least to be able to show
    that gradations of some kind are possible; and this we certainly can
    do. I have been surprised to find, making allowance for the instincts
    of animals having been but little observed except in Europe and North
    America, and for no instinct being known amongst extinct species, how
    very generally gradations, leading to the most complex instincts, can
    be discovered. The canon of “Natura non facit saltum” applies with
    almost equal force to instincts as to bodily organs. Changes of
    instinct may sometimes be facilitated by the same species having
    different instincts at different periods of life, or at different
    seasons of the year, or when placed under different circumstances,
    etc.; in which case either one or the other instinct might be preserved
    by natural selection. And such instances of diversity of instinct in
    the same species can be shown to occur in nature.

    Again as in the case of corporeal structure, and conformably with my
    theory, the instinct of each species is good for itself, but has never,
    as far as we can judge, been produced for the exclusive good of others.
    One of the strongest instances of an animal apparently performing an
    action for the sole good of another, with which I am acquainted, is
    that of aphides voluntarily yielding their sweet excretion to ants:
    that they do so voluntarily, the following facts show. I removed all
    the ants from a group of about a dozen aphides on a dock-plant,
    and prevented their attendance during several hours. After this
    interval, I felt sure that the aphides would want to excrete. I watched
    them for some time through a lens, but not one excreted; I then tickled
    and stroked them with a hair in the same manner, as well as I could, as
    the ants do with their antennæ; but not one excreted. Afterwards I
    allowed an ant to visit them, and it immediately seemed, by its eager
    way of running about, to be well aware what a rich flock it had
    discovered; it then began to play with its antennæ on the abdomen first
    of one aphis and then of another; and each aphis, as soon as it felt
    the antennæ, immediately lifted up its abdomen and excreted a limpid
    drop of sweet juice, which was eagerly devoured by the ant. Even the
    quite young aphides behaved in this manner, showing that the action was
    instinctive, and not the result of experience. But as the excretion is
    extremely viscid, it is probably a convenience to the aphides to have
    it removed; and therefore probably the aphides do not instinctively
    excrete for the sole good of the ants. Although I do not believe that
    any animal in the world performs an action for the exclusive good of
    another of a distinct species, yet each species tries to take advantage
    of the instincts of others, as each takes advantage of the weaker
    bodily structure of others. So again, in some few cases, certain
    instincts cannot be considered as absolutely perfect; but as details on
    this and other such points are not indispensable, they may be here
    passed over.

    As some degree of variation in instincts under a state of nature, and
    the inheritance of such variations, are indispensable for the action of
    natural selection, as many instances as possible ought to have been
    here given; but want of space prevents me. I can only assert, that
    instincts certainly do vary—for instance,
    the migratory instinct, both in extent and direction, and in its total
    loss. So it is with the nests of birds, which vary partly in dependence
    on the situations chosen, and on the nature and temperature of the
    country inhabited, but often from causes wholly unknown to us: Audubon
    has given several remarkable cases of differences in nests of the same
    species in the northern and southern United States. Fear of any
    particular enemy is certainly an instinctive quality, as may be seen in
    nestling birds, though it is strengthened by experience, and by the
    sight of fear of the same enemy in other animals. But fear of man is
    slowly acquired, as I have elsewhere shown, by various animals
    inhabiting desert islands; and we may see an instance of this, even in
    England, in the greater wildness of all our large birds than of our
    small birds; for the large birds have been most persecuted by man. We
    may safely attribute the greater wildness of our large birds to this
    cause; for in uninhabited islands large birds are not more fearful than
    small; and the magpie, so wary in England, is tame in Norway, as is the
    hooded crow in Egypt.

    That the general disposition of individuals of the same species, born
    in a state of nature, is extremely diversified, can be shown by a
    multitude of facts. Several cases also, could be given, of occasional
    and strange habits in certain species, which might, if advantageous to
    the species, give rise, through natural selection, to quite new
    instincts. But I am well aware that these general statements, without
    facts given in detail, can produce but a feeble effect on the reader’s
    mind. I can only repeat my assurance, that I do not speak without good
    evidence.

    The possibility, or even probability, of inherited variations of
    instinct in a state of nature will be strengthened by briefly
    considering a few cases under
    domestication. We shall thus also be enabled to see the respective
    parts which habit and the selection of so-called accidental variations
    have played in modifying the mental qualities of our domestic animals.
    A number of curious and authentic instances could be given of the
    inheritance of all shades of disposition and tastes, and likewise of
    the oddest tricks, associated with certain frames of mind or periods of
    time. But let us look to the familiar case of the several breeds of
    dogs: it cannot be doubted that young pointers (I have myself seen a
    striking instance) will sometimes point and even back other dogs the
    very first time that they are taken out; retrieving is certainly in
    some degree inherited by retrievers; and a tendency to run round,
    instead of at, a flock of sheep, by shepherd-dogs. I cannot see that
    these actions, performed without experience by the young, and in nearly
    the same manner by each individual, performed with eager delight by
    each breed, and without the end being known,—for the young pointer can
    no more know that he points to aid his master, than the white butterfly
    knows why she lays her eggs on the leaf of the cabbage,—I cannot see
    that these actions differ essentially from true instincts. If we were
    to see one kind of wolf, when young and without any training, as soon
    as it scented its prey, stand motionless like a statue, and then slowly
    crawl forward with a peculiar gait; and another kind of wolf rushing
    round, instead of at, a herd of deer, and driving them to a distant
    point, we should assuredly call these actions instinctive. Domestic
    instincts, as they may be called, are certainly far less fixed or
    invariable than natural instincts; but they have been acted on by far
    less rigorous selection, and have been transmitted for an incomparably
    shorter period, under less fixed conditions of life.

    How strongly these domestic instincts, habits, and dispositions
    are inherited, and how curiously they become mingled, is well shown
    when different breeds of dogs are crossed. Thus it is known that a
    cross with a bull-dog has affected for many generations the courage and
    obstinacy of greyhounds; and a cross with a greyhound has given to a
    whole family of shepherd-dogs a tendency to hunt hares. These domestic
    instincts, when thus tested by crossing, resemble natural instincts,
    which in a like manner become curiously blended together, and for a
    long period exhibit traces of the instincts of either parent: for
    example, Le Roy describes a dog, whose great-grandfather was a wolf,
    and this dog showed a trace of its wild parentage only in one way, by
    not coming in a straight line to his master when called.

    Domestic instincts are sometimes spoken of as actions which have become
    inherited solely from long-continued and compulsory habit, but this, I
    think, is not true. No one would ever have thought of teaching, or
    probably could have taught, the tumbler-pigeon to tumble,—an action
    which, as I have witnessed, is performed by young birds, that have
    never seen a pigeon tumble. We may believe that some one pigeon showed
    a slight tendency to this strange habit, and that the long-continued
    selection of the best individuals in successive generations made
    tumblers what they now are; and near Glasgow there are house-tumblers,
    as I hear from Mr. Brent, which cannot fly eighteen inches high without
    going head over heels. It may be doubted whether any one would have
    thought of training a dog to point, had not some one dog naturally
    shown a tendency in this line; and this is known occasionally to
    happen, as I once saw in a pure terrier. When the first tendency was
    once displayed, methodical selection and the inherited effects of
    compulsory training in each successive generation would soon complete
    the work; and unconscious
    selection is still at work, as each man tries to procure, without
    intending to improve the breed, dogs which will stand and hunt best. On
    the other hand, habit alone in some cases has sufficed; no animal is
    more difficult to tame than the young of the wild rabbit; scarcely any
    animal is tamer than the young of the tame rabbit; but I do not suppose
    that domestic rabbits have ever been selected for tameness; and I
    presume that we must attribute the whole of the inherited change from
    extreme wildness to extreme tameness, simply to habit and
    long-continued close confinement.

    Natural instincts are lost under domestication: a remarkable instance
    of this is seen in those breeds of fowls which very rarely or never
    become “broody,” that is, never wish to sit on their eggs. Familiarity
    alone prevents our seeing how universally and largely the minds of our
    domestic animals have been modified by domestication. It is scarcely
    possible to doubt that the love of man has become instinctive in the
    dog. All wolves, foxes, jackals, and species of the cat genus, when
    kept tame, are most eager to attack poultry, sheep, and pigs; and this
    tendency has been found incurable in dogs which have been brought home
    as puppies from countries, such as Tierra del Fuego and Australia,
    where the savages do not keep these domestic animals. How rarely, on
    the other hand, do our civilised dogs, even when quite young, require
    to be taught not to attack poultry, sheep, and pigs! No doubt they
    occasionally do make an attack, and are then beaten; and if not cured,
    they are destroyed; so that habit, with some degree of selection, has
    probably concurred in civilising by inheritance our dogs. On the other
    hand, young chickens have lost, wholly by habit, that fear of the dog
    and cat which no doubt was originally instinctive in them, in the same
    way as it is so plainly instinctive in
    young pheasants, though reared under a hen. It is not that chickens
    have lost all fear, but fear only of dogs and cats, for if the hen
    gives the danger-chuckle, they will run (more especially young turkeys)
    from under her, and conceal themselves in the surrounding grass or
    thickets; and this is evidently done for the instinctive purpose of
    allowing, as we see in wild ground-birds, their mother to fly away. But
    this instinct retained by our chickens has become useless under
    domestication, for the mother-hen has almost lost by disuse the power
    of flight.

    Hence, we may conclude, that domestic instincts have been acquired and
    natural instincts have been lost partly by habit, and partly by man
    selecting and accumulating during successive generations, peculiar
    mental habits and actions, which at first appeared from what we must in
    our ignorance call an accident. In some cases compulsory habit alone
    has sufficed to produce such inherited mental changes; in other cases
    compulsory habit has done nothing, and all has been the result of
    selection, pursued both methodically and unconsciously; but in most
    cases, probably, habit and selection have acted together.

    We shall, perhaps, best understand how instincts in a state of nature
    have become modified by selection, by considering a few cases. I will
    select only three, out of the several which I shall have to discuss in
    my future work,—namely, the instinct which leads the cuckoo to lay her
    eggs in other birds’ nests; the slave-making instinct of certain ants;
    and the comb-making power of the hive-bee: these two latter instincts
    have generally, and most justly, been ranked by naturalists as the most
    wonderful of all known instincts.

    It is now commonly admitted that the more immediate and final cause of
    the cuckoo’s instinct is, that
    she lays her eggs, not daily, but at intervals of two or three days; so
    that, if she were to make her own nest and sit on her own eggs, those
    first laid would have to be left for some time unincubated, or there
    would be eggs and young birds of different ages in the same nest. If
    this were the case, the process of laying and hatching might be
    inconveniently long, more especially as she has to migrate at a very
    early period; and the first hatched young would probably have to be fed
    by the male alone. But the American cuckoo is in this predicament; for
    she makes her own nest and has eggs and young successively hatched, all
    at the same time. It has been asserted that the American cuckoo
    occasionally lays her eggs in other birds’ nests; but I hear on the
    high authority of Dr. Brewer, that this is a mistake. Nevertheless, I
    could give several instances of various birds which have been known
    occasionally to lay their eggs in other birds’ nests. Now let us
    suppose that the ancient progenitor of our European cuckoo had the
    habits of the American cuckoo; but that occasionally she laid an egg in
    another bird’s nest. If the old bird profited by this occasional habit,
    or if the young were made more vigorous by advantage having been taken
    of the mistaken maternal instinct of another bird, than by their own
    mother’s care, encumbered as she can hardly fail to be by having eggs
    and young of different ages at the same time; then the old birds or the
    fostered young would gain an advantage. And analogy would lead me to
    believe, that the young thus reared would be apt to follow by
    inheritance the occasional and aberrant habit of their mother, and in
    their turn would be apt to lay their eggs in other birds’ nests, and
    thus be successful in rearing their young. By a continued process of
    this nature, I believe that the strange instinct of our cuckoo could
    be, and has been,
    generated. I may add that, according to Dr. Gray and to some other
    observers, the European cuckoo has not utterly lost all maternal love
    and care for her own offspring.

    The occasional habit of birds laying their eggs in other birds’ nests,
    either of the same or of a distinct species, is not very uncommon with
    the Gallinaceæ; and this perhaps explains the origin of a singular
    instinct in the allied group of ostriches. For several hen ostriches,
    at least in the case of the American species, unite and lay first a few
    eggs in one nest and then in another; and these are hatched by the
    males. This instinct may probably be accounted for by the fact of the
    hens laying a large number of eggs; but, as in the case of the cuckoo,
    at intervals of two or three days. This instinct, however, of the
    American ostrich has not as yet been perfected; for a surprising number
    of eggs lie strewed over the plains, so that in one day’s hunting I
    picked up no less than twenty lost and wasted eggs.

    Many bees are parasitic, and always lay their eggs in the nests of bees
    of other kinds. This case is more remarkable than that of the cuckoo;
    for these bees have not only their instincts but their structure
    modified in accordance with their parasitic habits; for they do not
    possess the pollen-collecting apparatus which would be necessary if
    they had to store food for their own young. Some species, likewise, of
    Sphegidæ (wasp-like insects) are parasitic on other species; and M.
    Fabre has lately shown good reason for believing that although the
    Tachytes nigra generally makes its own burrow and stores it with
    paralysed prey for its own larvæ to feed on, yet that when this insect
    finds a burrow already made and stored by another sphex, it takes
    advantage of the prize, and becomes for the occasion parasitic. In this
    case, as with the supposed case of the cuckoo, I can
    see no difficulty in natural selection making an occasional habit
    permanent, if of advantage to the species, and if the insect whose nest
    and stored food are thus feloniously appropriated, be not thus
    exterminated.

    Slave-making instinct.—This remarkable instinct was first discovered
    in the Formica (Polyerges) rufescens by Pierre Huber, a better observer
    even than his celebrated father. This ant is absolutely dependent on
    its slaves; without their aid, the species would certainly become
    extinct in a single year. The males and fertile females do no work. The
    workers or sterile females, though most energetic and courageous in
    capturing slaves, do no other work. They are incapable of making their
    own nests, or of feeding their own larvæ. When the old nest is found
    inconvenient, and they have to migrate, it is the slaves which
    determine the migration, and actually carry their masters in their
    jaws. So utterly helpless are the masters, that when Huber shut up
    thirty of them without a slave, but with plenty of the food which they
    like best, and with their larvæ and pupæ to stimulate them to work,
    they did nothing; they could not even feed themselves, and many
    perished of hunger. Huber then introduced a single slave (F. fusca),
    and she instantly set to work, fed and saved the survivors; made some
    cells and tended the larvæ, and put all to rights. What can be more
    extraordinary than these well-ascertained facts? If we had not known of
    any other slave-making ant, it would have been hopeless to have
    speculated how so wonderful an instinct could have been perfected.

    Formica sanguinea was likewise first discovered by P. Huber to be a
    slave-making ant. This species is found in the southern parts of
    England, and its habits have been attended to by Mr. F. Smith, of the
    British
    Museum, to whom I am much indebted for information on this and other
    subjects. Although fully trusting to the statements of Huber and Mr.
    Smith, I tried to approach the subject in a sceptical frame of mind, as
    any one may well be excused for doubting the truth of so extraordinary
    and odious an instinct as that of making slaves. Hence I will give the
    observations which I have myself made, in some little detail. I opened
    fourteen nests of F. sanguinea, and found a few slaves in all. Males
    and fertile females of the slave-species are found only in their own
    proper communities, and have never been observed in the nests of F.
    sanguinea. The slaves are black and not above half the size of their
    red masters, so that the contrast in their appearance is very great.
    When the nest is slightly disturbed, the slaves occasionally come out,
    and like their masters are much agitated and defend the nest: when the
    nest is much disturbed and the larvæ and pupæ are exposed, the slaves
    work energetically with their masters in carrying them away to a place
    of safety. Hence, it is clear, that the slaves feel quite at home.
    During the months of June and July, on three successive years, I have
    watched for many hours several nests in Surrey and Sussex, and never
    saw a slave either leave or enter a nest. As, during these months, the
    slaves are very few in number, I thought that they might behave
    differently when more numerous; but Mr. Smith informs me that he has
    watched the nests at various hours during May, June and August, both in
    Surrey and Hampshire, and has never seen the slaves, though present in
    large numbers in August, either leave or enter the nest. Hence he
    considers them as strictly household slaves. The masters, on the other
    hand, may be constantly seen bringing in materials for the nest, and
    food of all kinds. During the present year, however, in the month
    of July, I came across a community with an unusually large stock of
    slaves, and I observed a few slaves mingled with their masters leaving
    the nest, and marching along the same road to a tall Scotch-fir-tree,
    twenty-five yards distant, which they ascended together, probably in
    search of aphides or cocci. According to Huber, who had ample
    opportunities for observation, in Switzerland the slaves habitually
    work with their masters in making the nest, and they alone open and
    close the doors in the morning and evening; and, as Huber expressly
    states, their principal office is to search for aphides. This
    difference in the usual habits of the masters and slaves in the two
    countries, probably depends merely on the slaves being captured in
    greater numbers in Switzerland than in England.

    One day I fortunately chanced to witness a migration from one nest to
    another, and it was a most interesting spectacle to behold the masters
    carefully carrying, as Huber has described, their slaves in their jaws.
    Another day my attention was struck by about a score of the
    slave-makers haunting the same spot, and evidently not in search of
    food; they approached and were vigorously repulsed by an independent
    community of the slave species (F. fusca); sometimes as many as three
    of these ants clinging to the legs of the slave-making F. sanguinea.
    The latter ruthlessly killed their small opponents, and carried their
    dead bodies as food to their nest, twenty-nine yards distant; but they
    were prevented from getting any pupæ to rear as slaves. I then dug up a
    small parcel of the pupæ of F. fusca from another nest, and put them
    down on a bare spot near the place of combat; they were eagerly seized,
    and carried off by the tyrants, who perhaps fancied that, after all,
    they had been victorious in their late combat.

    At the same time I laid on the same place a small parcel of the pupæ of
    another species, F. flava, with a few of these little yellow ants still
    clinging to the fragments of the nest. This species is sometimes,
    though rarely, made into slaves, as has been described by Mr. Smith.
    Although so small a species, it is very courageous, and I have seen it
    ferociously attack other ants. In one instance I found to my surprise
    an independent community of F. flava under a stone beneath a nest of
    the slave-making F. sanguinea; and when I had accidentally disturbed
    both nests, the little ants attacked their big neighbours with
    surprising courage. Now I was curious to ascertain whether F. sanguinea
    could distinguish the pupæ of F. fusca, which they habitually make into
    slaves, from those of the little and furious F. flava, which they
    rarely capture, and it was evident that they did at once distinguish
    them: for we have seen that they eagerly and instantly seized the pupæ
    of F. fusca, whereas they were much terrified when they came across the
    pupæ, or even the earth from the nest of F. flava, and quickly ran
    away; but in about a quarter of an hour, shortly after all the little
    yellow ants had crawled away, they took heart and carried off the pupæ.

    One evening I visited another community of F. sanguinea, and found a
    number of these ants entering their nest, carrying the dead bodies of
    F. fusca (showing that it was not a migration) and numerous pupæ. I
    traced the returning file burthened with booty, for about forty yards,
    to a very thick clump of heath, whence I saw the last individual of F.
    sanguinea emerge, carrying a pupa; but I was not able to find the
    desolated nest in the thick heath. The nest, however, must have been
    close at hand, for two or three individuals of F. fusca were rushing
    about in the greatest agitation, and one was
    perched motionless with its own pupa in its mouth on the top of a spray
    of heath over its ravaged home.

    Such are the facts, though they did not need confirmation by me, in
    regard to the wonderful instinct of making slaves. Let it be observed
    what a contrast the instinctive habits of F. sanguinea present with
    those of the F. rufescens. The latter does not build its own nest, does
    not determine its own migrations, does not collect food for itself or
    its young, and cannot even feed itself: it is absolutely dependent on
    its numerous slaves. Formica sanguinea, on the other hand, possesses
    much fewer slaves, and in the early part of the summer extremely few.
    The masters determine when and where a new nest shall be formed, and
    when they migrate, the masters carry the slaves. Both in Switzerland
    and England the slaves seem to have the exclusive care of the larvæ,
    and the masters alone go on slave-making expeditions. In Switzerland
    the slaves and masters work together, making and bringing materials for
    the nest: both, but chiefly the slaves, tend, and milk as it may be
    called, their aphides; and thus both collect food for the community. In
    England the masters alone usually leave the nest to collect building
    materials and food for themselves, their slaves and larvæ. So that the
    masters in this country receive much less service from their slaves
    than they do in Switzerland.

    By what steps the instinct of F. sanguinea originated I will not
    pretend to conjecture. But as ants, which are not slave-makers, will,
    as I have seen, carry off pupæ of other species, if scattered near
    their nests, it is possible that pupæ originally stored as food might
    become developed; and the ants thus unintentionally reared would then
    follow their proper instincts, and do what work they could. If their
    presence proved useful to the species which had seized them—if it were
    more advantageous
    to this species to capture workers than to procreate them—the habit of
    collecting pupæ originally for food might by natural selection be
    strengthened and rendered permanent for the very different purpose of
    raising slaves. When the instinct was once acquired, if carried out to
    a much less extent even than in our British F. sanguinea, which, as we
    have seen, is less aided by its slaves than the same species in
    Switzerland, I can see no difficulty in natural selection increasing
    and modifying the instinct—always supposing each modification to be of
    use to the species—until an ant was formed as abjectly dependent on its
    slaves as is the Formica rufescens.

    Cell-making instinct of the Hive-Bee.—I will not here enter on minute
    details on this subject, but will merely give an outline of the
    conclusions at which I have arrived. He must be a dull man who can
    examine the exquisite structure of a comb, so beautifully adapted to
    its end, without enthusiastic admiration. We hear from mathematicians
    that bees have practically solved a recondite problem, and have made
    their cells of the proper shape to hold the greatest possible amount of
    honey, with the least possible consumption of precious wax in their
    construction. It has been remarked that a skilful workman, with fitting
    tools and measures, would find it very difficult to make cells of wax
    of the true form, though this is perfectly effected by a crowd of bees
    working in a dark hive. Grant whatever instincts you please, and it
    seems at first quite inconceivable how they can make all the necessary
    angles and planes, or even perceive when they are correctly made. But
    the difficulty is not nearly so great as it at first appears: all this
    beautiful work can be shown, I think, to follow from a few very simple
    instincts.

    I was led to investigate this subject by Mr. Waterhouse, who has shown
    that the form of the cell stands in close relation to the presence of
    adjoining cells; and the following view may, perhaps, be considered
    only as a modification of his theory. Let us look to the great
    principle of gradation, and see whether Nature does not reveal to us
    her method of work. At one end of a short series we have humble-bees,
    which use their old cocoons to hold honey, sometimes adding to them
    short tubes of wax, and likewise making separate and very irregular
    rounded cells of wax. At the other end of the series we have the cells
    of the hive-bee, placed in a double layer: each cell, as is well known,
    is an hexagonal prism, with the basal edges of its six sides bevelled
    so as to join on to a pyramid, formed of three rhombs. These rhombs
    have certain angles, and the three which form the pyramidal base of a
    single cell on one side of the comb, enter into the composition of the
    bases of three adjoining cells on the opposite side. In the series
    between the extreme perfection of the cells of the hive-bee and the
    simplicity of those of the humble-bee, we have the cells of the Mexican
    Melipona domestica, carefully described and figured by Pierre Huber.
    The Melipona itself is intermediate in structure between the hive and
    humble bee, but more nearly related to the latter: it forms a nearly
    regular waxen comb of cylindrical cells, in which the young are
    hatched, and, in addition, some large cells of wax for holding honey.
    These latter cells are nearly spherical and of nearly equal sizes, and
    are aggregated into an irregular mass. But the important point to
    notice, is that these cells are always made at that degree of nearness
    to each other, that they would have intersected or broken into each
    other, if the spheres had been completed; but this is never permitted,
    the bees building perfectly flat walls of wax between the spheres
    which thus tend to intersect. Hence each cell consists of an outer
    spherical portion and of two, three, or more perfectly flat surfaces,
    according as the cell adjoins two, three or more other cells. When one
    cell comes into contact with three other cells, which, from the spheres
    being nearly of the same size, is very frequently and necessarily the
    case, the three flat surfaces are united into a pyramid; and this
    pyramid, as Huber has remarked, is manifestly a gross imitation of the
    three-sided pyramidal basis of the cell of the hive-bee. As in the
    cells of the hive-bee, so here, the three plane surfaces in any one
    cell necessarily enter into the construction of three adjoining cells.
    It is obvious that the Melipona saves wax by this manner of building;
    for the flat walls between the adjoining cells are not double, but are
    of the same thickness as the outer spherical portions, and yet each
    flat portion forms a part of two cells.

    Reflecting on this case, it occurred to me that if the Melipona had
    made its spheres at some given distance from each other, and had made
    them of equal sizes and had arranged them symmetrically in a double
    layer, the resulting structure would probably have been as perfect as
    the comb of the hive-bee. Accordingly I wrote to Professor Miller, of
    Cambridge, and this geometer has kindly read over the following
    statement, drawn up from his information, and tells me that it is
    strictly correct:—

    If a number of equal spheres be described with their centres placed in
    two parallel layers; with the centre of each sphere at the distance of
    radius x the square root of 2 or radius x 1.41421 (or at some lesser
    distance), from the centres of the six surrounding spheres in the same
    layer; and at the same distance from the centres of the adjoining
    spheres in the other and parallel layer; then, if planes of
    intersection between the several spheres in
    both layers be formed, there will result a double layer of hexagonal
    prisms united together by pyramidal bases formed of three rhombs; and
    the rhombs and the sides of the hexagonal prisms will have every angle
    identically the same with the best measurements which have been made of
    the cells of the hive-bee.

    Hence we may safely conclude that if we could slightly modify the
    instincts already possessed by the Melipona, and in themselves not very
    wonderful, this bee would make a structure as wonderfully perfect as
    that of the hive-bee. We must suppose the Melipona to make her cells
    truly spherical, and of equal sizes; and this would not be very
    surprising, seeing that she already does so to a certain extent, and
    seeing what perfectly cylindrical burrows in wood many insects can
    make, apparently by turning round on a fixed point. We must suppose the
    Melipona to arrange her cells in level layers, as she already does her
    cylindrical cells; and we must further suppose, and this is the
    greatest difficulty, that she can somehow judge accurately at what
    distance to stand from her fellow-labourers when several are making
    their spheres; but she is already so far enabled to judge of distance,
    that she always describes her spheres so as to intersect largely; and
    then she unites the points of intersection by perfectly flat surfaces.
    We have further to suppose, but this is no difficulty, that after
    hexagonal prisms have been formed by the intersection of adjoining
    spheres in the same layer, she can prolong the hexagon to any length
    requisite to hold the stock of honey; in the same way as the rude
    humble-bee adds cylinders of wax to the circular mouths of her old
    cocoons. By such modifications of instincts in themselves not very
    wonderful,—hardly more wonderful than those which guide a bird to make
    its nest,—I believe that the hive-bee
    has acquired, through natural selection, her inimitable architectural
    powers.

    But this theory can be tested by experiment. Following the example of
    Mr. Tegetmeier, I separated two combs, and put between them a long,
    thick, square strip of wax: the bees instantly began to excavate minute
    circular pits in it; and as they deepened these little pits, they made
    them wider and wider until they were converted into shallow basins,
    appearing to the eye perfectly true or parts of a sphere, and of about
    the diameter of a cell. It was most interesting to me to observe that
    wherever several bees had begun to excavate these basins near together,
    they had begun their work at such a distance from each other, that by
    the time the basins had acquired the above stated width (i.e. about
    the width of an ordinary cell), and were in depth about one sixth of
    the diameter of the sphere of which they formed a part, the rims of the
    basins intersected or broke into each other. As soon as this occurred,
    the bees ceased to excavate, and began to build up flat walls of wax on
    the lines of intersection between the basins, so that each hexagonal
    prism was built upon the festooned edge of a smooth basin, instead of
    on the straight edges of a three-sided pyramid as in the case of
    ordinary cells.

    I then put into the hive, instead of a thick, square piece of wax, a
    thin and narrow, knife-edged ridge, coloured with vermilion. The bees
    instantly began on both sides to excavate little basins near to each
    other, in the same way as before; but the ridge of wax was so thin,
    that the bottoms of the basins, if they had been excavated to the same
    depth as in the former experiment, would have broken into each other
    from the opposite sides. The bees, however, did not suffer this to
    happen, and they stopped their excavations in due
    time; so that the basins, as soon as they had been a little deepened,
    came to have flat bottoms; and these flat bottoms, formed by thin
    little plates of the vermilion wax having been left ungnawed, were
    situated, as far as the eye could judge, exactly along the planes of
    imaginary intersection between the basins on the opposite sides of the
    ridge of wax. In parts, only little bits, in other parts, large
    portions of a rhombic plate had been left between the opposed basins,
    but the work, from the unnatural state of things, had not been neatly
    performed. The bees must have worked at very nearly the same rate on
    the opposite sides of the ridge of vermilion wax, as they circularly
    gnawed away and deepened the basins on both sides, in order to have
    succeeded in thus leaving flat plates between the basins, by stopping
    work along the intermediate planes or planes of intersection.

    Considering how flexible thin wax is, I do not see that there is any
    difficulty in the bees, whilst at work on the two sides of a strip of
    wax, perceiving when they have gnawed the wax away to the proper
    thinness, and then stopping their work. In ordinary combs it has
    appeared to me that the bees do not always succeed in working at
    exactly the same rate from the opposite sides; for I have noticed
    half-completed rhombs at the base of a just-commenced cell, which were
    slightly concave on one side, where I suppose that the bees had
    excavated too quickly, and convex on the opposed side, where the bees
    had worked less quickly. In one well-marked instance, I put the comb
    back into the hive, and allowed the bees to go on working for a short
    time, and again examined the cell, and I found that the rhombic plate
    had been completed, and had become perfectly flat: it was absolutely
    impossible, from the extreme thinness of the little rhombic plate, that
    they could have effected
    this by gnawing away the convex side; and I suspect that the bees in
    such cases stand in the opposed cells and push and bend the ductile and
    warm wax (which as I have tried is easily done) into its proper
    intermediate plane, and thus flatten it.

    From the experiment of the ridge of vermilion wax, we can clearly see
    that if the bees were to build for themselves a thin wall of wax, they
    could make their cells of the proper shape, by standing at the proper
    distance from each other, by excavating at the same rate, and by
    endeavouring to make equal spherical hollows, but never allowing the
    spheres to break into each other. Now bees, as may be clearly seen by
    examining the edge of a growing comb, do make a rough, circumferential
    wall or rim all round the comb; and they gnaw into this from the
    opposite sides, always working circularly as they deepen each cell.
    They do not make the whole three-sided pyramidal base of any one cell
    at the same time, but only the one rhombic plate which stands on the
    extreme growing margin, or the two plates, as the case may be; and they
    never complete the upper edges of the rhombic plates, until the
    hexagonal walls are commenced. Some of these statements differ from
    those made by the justly celebrated elder Huber, but I am convinced of
    their accuracy; and if I had space, I could show that they are
    conformable with my theory.

    Huber’s statement that the very first cell is excavated out of a little
    parallel-sided wall of wax, is not, as far as I have seen, strictly
    correct; the first commencement having always been a little hood of
    wax; but I will not here enter on these details. We see how important a
    part excavation plays in the construction of the cells; but it would be
    a great error to suppose that the bees cannot build up a rough wall of
    wax in the proper
    position—that is, along the plane of intersection between two adjoining
    spheres. I have several specimens showing clearly that they can do
    this. Even in the rude circumferential rim or wall of wax round a
    growing comb, flexures may sometimes be observed, corresponding in
    position to the planes of the rhombic basal plates of future cells. But
    the rough wall of wax has in every case to be finished off, by being
    largely gnawed away on both sides. The manner in which the bees build
    is curious; they always make the first rough wall from ten to twenty
    times thicker than the excessively thin finished wall of the cell,
    which will ultimately be left. We shall understand how they work, by
    supposing masons first to pile up a broad ridge of cement, and then to
    begin cutting it away equally on both sides near the ground, till a
    smooth, very thin wall is left in the middle; the masons always piling
    up the cut-away cement, and adding fresh cement, on the summit of the
    ridge. We shall thus have a thin wall steadily growing upward; but
    always crowned by a gigantic coping. From all the cells, both those
    just commenced and those completed, being thus crowned by a strong
    coping of wax, the bees can cluster and crawl over the comb without
    injuring the delicate hexagonal walls, which are only about one
    four-hundredth of an inch in thickness; the plates of the pyramidal
    basis being about twice as thick. By this singular manner of building,
    strength is continually given to the comb, with the utmost ultimate
    economy of wax.

    It seems at first to add to the difficulty of understanding how the
    cells are made, that a multitude of bees all work together; one bee
    after working a short time at one cell going to another, so that, as
    Huber has stated, a score of individuals work even at the commencement
    of the first cell. I was able practically to show this fact, by
    covering the edges of the hexagonal walls
    of a single cell, or the extreme margin of the circumferential rim of a
    growing comb, with an extremely thin layer of melted vermilion wax; and
    I invariably found that the colour was most delicately diffused by the
    bees—as delicately as a painter could have done with his brush—by atoms
    of the coloured wax having been taken from the spot on which it had
    been placed, and worked into the growing edges of the cells all round.
    The work of construction seems to be a sort of balance struck between
    many bees, all instinctively standing at the same relative distance
    from each other, all trying to sweep equal spheres, and then building
    up, or leaving ungnawed, the planes of intersection between these
    spheres. It was really curious to note in cases of difficulty, as when
    two pieces of comb met at an angle, how often the bees would entirely
    pull down and rebuild in different ways the same cell, sometimes
    recurring to a shape which they had at first rejected.

    When bees have a place on which they can stand in their proper
    positions for working,—for instance, on a slip of wood, placed directly
    under the middle of a comb growing downwards so that the comb has to be
    built over one face of the slip—in this case the bees can lay the
    foundations of one wall of a new hexagon, in its strictly proper place,
    projecting beyond the other completed cells. It suffices that the bees
    should be enabled to stand at their proper relative distances from each
    other and from the walls of the last completed cells, and then, by
    striking imaginary spheres, they can build up a wall intermediate
    between two adjoining spheres; but, as far as I have seen, they never
    gnaw away and finish off the angles of a cell till a large part both of
    that cell and of the adjoining cells has been built. This capacity in
    bees of laying down under certain circumstances a rough wall in its
    proper place between two just-commenced
    cells, is important, as it bears on a fact, which seems at first quite
    subversive of the foregoing theory; namely, that the cells on the
    extreme margin of wasp-combs are sometimes strictly hexagonal; but I
    have not space here to enter on this subject. Nor does there seem to me
    any great difficulty in a single insect (as in the case of a
    queen-wasp) making hexagonal cells, if she work alternately on the
    inside and outside of two or three cells commenced at the same time,
    always standing at the proper relative distance from the parts of the
    cells just begun, sweeping spheres or cylinders, and building up
    intermediate planes. It is even conceivable that an insect might, by
    fixing on a point at which to commence a cell, and then moving outside,
    first to one point, and then to five other points, at the proper
    relative distances from the central point and from each other, strike
    the planes of intersection, and so make an isolated hexagon: but I am
    not aware that any such case has been observed; nor would any good be
    derived from a single hexagon being built, as in its construction more
    materials would be required than for a cylinder.

    As natural selection acts only by the accumulation of slight
    modifications of structure or instinct, each profitable to the
    individual under its conditions of life, it may reasonably be asked,
    how a long and graduated succession of modified architectural
    instincts, all tending towards the present perfect plan of
    construction, could have profited the progenitors of the hive-bee? I
    think the answer is not difficult: it is known that bees are often hard
    pressed to get sufficient nectar; and I am informed by Mr. Tegetmeier
    that it has been experimentally found that no less than from twelve to
    fifteen pounds of dry sugar are consumed by a hive of bees for the
    secretion of each pound of wax; so that a prodigious quantity of fluid
    nectar must be collected and consumed by the bees in a hive for
    the secretion of the wax necessary for the construction of their combs.
    Moreover, many bees have to remain idle for many days during the
    process of secretion. A large store of honey is indispensable to
    support a large stock of bees during the winter; and the security of
    the hive is known mainly to depend on a large number of bees being
    supported. Hence the saving of wax by largely saving honey must be a
    most important element of success in any family of bees. Of course the
    success of any species of bee may be dependent on the number of its
    parasites or other enemies, or on quite distinct causes, and so be
    altogether independent of the quantity of honey which the bees could
    collect. But let us suppose that this latter circumstance determined,
    as it probably often does determine, the numbers of a humble-bee which
    could exist in a country; and let us further suppose that the community
    lived throughout the winter, and consequently required a store of
    honey: there can in this case be no doubt that it would be an advantage
    to our humble-bee, if a slight modification of her instinct led her to
    make her waxen cells near together, so as to intersect a little; for a
    wall in common even to two adjoining cells, would save some little wax.
    Hence it would continually be more and more advantageous to our
    humble-bee, if she were to make her cells more and more regular, nearer
    together, and aggregated into a mass, like the cells of the Melipona;
    for in this case a large part of the bounding surface of each cell
    would serve to bound other cells, and much wax would be saved. Again,
    from the same cause, it would be advantageous to the Melipona, if she
    were to make her cells closer together, and more regular in every way
    than at present; for then, as we have seen, the spherical surfaces
    would wholly disappear, and would all be replaced by plane surfaces;
    and the Melipona
    would make a comb as perfect as that of the hive-bee. Beyond this stage
    of perfection in architecture, natural selection could not lead; for
    the comb of the hive-bee, as far as we can see, is absolutely perfect
    in economising wax.

    Thus, as I believe, the most wonderful of all known instincts, that of
    the hive-bee, can be explained by natural selection having taken
    advantage of numerous, successive, slight modifications of simpler
    instincts; natural selection having by slow degrees, more and more
    perfectly, led the bees to sweep equal spheres at a given distance from
    each other in a double layer, and to build up and excavate the wax
    along the planes of intersection. The bees, of course, no more knowing
    that they swept their spheres at one particular distance from each
    other, than they know what are the several angles of the hexagonal
    prisms and of the basal rhombic plates. The motive power of the process
    of natural selection having been economy of wax; that individual swarm
    which wasted least honey in the secretion of wax, having succeeded
    best, and having transmitted by inheritance its newly acquired
    economical instinct to new swarms, which in their turn will have had
    the best chance of succeeding in the struggle for existence.

    No doubt many instincts of very difficult explanation could be opposed
    to the theory of natural selection,—cases, in which we cannot see how
    an instinct could possibly have originated; cases, in which no
    intermediate gradations are known to exist; cases of instinct of
    apparently such trifling importance, that they could hardly have been
    acted on by natural selection; cases of instincts almost identically
    the same in animals so remote in the scale of nature, that we cannot
    account
    for their similarity by inheritance from a common parent, and must
    therefore believe that they have been acquired by independent acts of
    natural selection. I will not here enter on these several cases, but
    will confine myself to one special difficulty, which at first appeared
    to me insuperable, and actually fatal to my whole theory. I allude to
    the neuters or sterile females in insect-communities: for these neuters
    often differ widely in instinct and in structure from both the males
    and fertile females, and yet, from being sterile, they cannot propagate
    their kind.

    The subject well deserves to be discussed at great length, but I will
    here take only a single case, that of working or sterile ants. How the
    workers have been rendered sterile is a difficulty; but not much
    greater than that of any other striking modification of structure; for
    it can be shown that some insects and other articulate animals in a
    state of nature occasionally become sterile; and if such insects had
    been social, and it had been profitable to the community that a number
    should have been annually born capable of work, but incapable of
    procreation, I can see no very great difficulty in this being effected
    by natural selection. But I must pass over this preliminary difficulty.
    The great difficulty lies in the working ants differing widely from
    both the males and the fertile females in structure, as in the shape of
    the thorax and in being destitute of wings and sometimes of eyes, and
    in instinct. As far as instinct alone is concerned, the prodigious
    difference in this respect between the workers and the perfect females,
    would have been far better exemplified by the hive-bee. If a working
    ant or other neuter insect had been an animal in the ordinary state, I
    should have unhesitatingly assumed that all its characters had been
    slowly acquired through natural selection; namely, by an individual
    having been born with some slight profitable modification of structure,
    this being inherited by its offspring, which again varied and were
    again selected, and so onwards. But with the working ant we have an
    insect differing greatly from its parents, yet absolutely sterile; so
    that it could never have transmitted successively acquired
    modifications of structure or instinct to its progeny. It may well be
    asked how is it possible to reconcile this case with the theory of
    natural selection?

    First, let it be remembered that we have innumerable instances, both in
    our domestic productions and in those in a state of nature, of all
    sorts of differences of structure which have become correlated to
    certain ages, and to either sex. We have differences correlated not
    only to one sex, but to that short period alone when the reproductive
    system is active, as in the nuptial plumage of many birds, and in the
    hooked jaws of the male salmon. We have even slight differences in the
    horns of different breeds of cattle in relation to an artificially
    imperfect state of the male sex; for oxen of certain breeds have longer
    horns than in other breeds, in comparison with the horns of the bulls
    or cows of these same breeds. Hence I can see no real difficulty in any
    character having become correlated with the sterile condition of
    certain members of insect-communities: the difficulty lies in
    understanding how such correlated modifications of structure could have
    been slowly accumulated by natural selection.

    This difficulty, though appearing insuperable, is lessened, or, as I
    believe, disappears, when it is remembered that selection may be
    applied to the family, as well as to the individual, and may thus gain
    the desired end. Thus, a well-flavoured vegetable is cooked, and the
    individual is destroyed; but the horticulturist sows seeds of the same
    stock, and confidently expects to
    get nearly the same variety; breeders of cattle wish the flesh and fat
    to be well marbled together; the animal has been slaughtered, but the
    breeder goes with confidence to the same family. I have such faith in
    the powers of selection, that I do not doubt that a breed of cattle,
    always yielding oxen with extraordinarily long horns, could be slowly
    formed by carefully watching which individual bulls and cows, when
    matched, produced oxen with the longest horns; and yet no one ox could
    ever have propagated its kind. Thus I believe it has been with social
    insects: a slight modification of structure, or instinct, correlated
    with the sterile condition of certain members of the community, has
    been advantageous to the community: consequently the fertile males and
    females of the same community flourished, and transmitted to their
    fertile offspring a tendency to produce sterile members having the same
    modification. And I believe that this process has been repeated, until
    that prodigious amount of difference between the fertile and sterile
    females of the same species has been produced, which we see in many
    social insects.

    But we have not as yet touched on the climax of the difficulty; namely,
    the fact that the neuters of several ants differ, not only from the
    fertile females and males, but from each other, sometimes to an almost
    incredible degree, and are thus divided into two or even three castes.
    The castes, moreover, do not generally graduate into each other, but
    are perfectly well defined; being as distinct from each other, as are
    any two species of the same genus, or rather as any two genera of the
    same family. Thus in Eciton, there are working and soldier neuters,
    with jaws and instincts extraordinarily different: in Cryptocerus, the
    workers of one caste alone carry a wonderful sort of shield on their
    heads, the use of which is quite unknown: in the Mexican Myrmecocystus,
    the workers of one caste never leave the nest; they are fed by the
    workers of another caste, and they have an enormously developed abdomen
    which secretes a sort of honey, supplying the place of that excreted by
    the aphides, or the domestic cattle as they may be called, which our
    European ants guard or imprison.

    It will indeed be thought that I have an overweening confidence in the
    principle of natural selection, when I do not admit that such wonderful
    and well-established facts at once annihilate my theory. In the simpler
    case of neuter insects all of one caste or of the same kind, which have
    been rendered by natural selection, as I believe to be quite possible,
    different from the fertile males and females,—in this case, we may
    safely conclude from the analogy of ordinary variations, that each
    successive, slight, profitable modification did not probably at first
    appear in all the individual neuters in the same nest, but in a few
    alone; and that by the long-continued selection of the fertile parents
    which produced most neuters with the profitable modification, all the
    neuters ultimately came to have the desired character. On this view we
    ought occasionally to find neuter-insects of the same species, in the
    same nest, presenting gradations of structure; and this we do find,
    even often, considering how few neuter-insects out of Europe have been
    carefully examined. Mr. F. Smith has shown how surprisingly the neuters
    of several British ants differ from each other in size and sometimes in
    colour; and that the extreme forms can sometimes be perfectly linked
    together by individuals taken out of the same nest: I have myself
    compared perfect gradations of this kind. It often happens that the
    larger or the smaller sized workers are the most numerous; or that both
    large and small are numerous, with those of an intermediate size scanty
    in numbers. Formica flava has larger and
    smaller workers, with some of intermediate size; and, in this species,
    as Mr. F. Smith has observed, the larger workers have simple eyes
    (ocelli), which though small can be plainly distinguished, whereas the
    smaller workers have their ocelli rudimentary. Having carefully
    dissected several specimens of these workers, I can affirm that the
    eyes are far more rudimentary in the smaller workers than can be
    accounted for merely by their proportionally lesser size; and I fully
    believe, though I dare not assert so positively, that the workers of
    intermediate size have their ocelli in an exactly intermediate
    condition. So that we here have two bodies of sterile workers in the
    same nest, differing not only in size, but in their organs of vision,
    yet connected by some few members in an intermediate condition. I may
    digress by adding, that if the smaller workers had been the most useful
    to the community, and those males and females had been continually
    selected, which produced more and more of the smaller workers, until
    all the workers had come to be in this condition; we should then have
    had a species of ant with neuters very nearly in the same condition
    with those of Myrmica. For the workers of Myrmica have not even
    rudiments of ocelli, though the male and female ants of this genus have
    well-developed ocelli.

    I may give one other case: so confidently did I expect to find
    gradations in important points of structure between the different
    castes of neuters in the same species, that I gladly availed myself of
    Mr. F. Smith’s offer of numerous specimens from the same nest of the
    driver ant (Anomma) of West Africa. The reader will perhaps best
    appreciate the amount of difference in these workers, by my giving not
    the actual measurements, but a strictly accurate illustration: the
    difference was the same as if we were to see a set of workmen building
    a house of whom many were five feet four inches high, and many sixteen
    feet high; but we must suppose that the larger workmen had heads four
    instead of three times as big as those of the smaller men, and jaws
    nearly five times as big. The jaws, moreover, of the working ants of
    the several sizes differed wonderfully in shape, and in the form and
    number of the teeth. But the important fact for us is, that though the
    workers can be grouped into castes of different sizes, yet they
    graduate insensibly into each other, as does the widely-different
    structure of their jaws. I speak confidently on this latter point, as
    Mr. Lubbock made drawings for me with the camera lucida of the jaws
    which I had dissected from the workers of the several sizes.

    With these facts before me, I believe that natural selection, by acting
    on the fertile parents, could form a species which should regularly
    produce neuters, either all of large size with one form of jaw, or all
    of small size with jaws having a widely different structure; or lastly,
    and this is our climax of difficulty, one set of workers of one size
    and structure, and simultaneously another set of workers of a different
    size and structure;—a graduated series having been first formed, as in
    the case of the driver ant, and then the extreme forms, from being the
    most useful to the community, having been produced in greater and
    greater numbers through the natural selection of the parents which
    generated them; until none with an intermediate structure were
    produced.

    Thus, as I believe, the wonderful fact of two distinctly defined castes
    of sterile workers existing in the same nest, both widely different
    from each other and from their parents, has originated. We can see how
    useful their production may have been to a social community of insects,
    on the same principle that the division of
    labour is useful to civilised man. As ants work by inherited instincts
    and by inherited tools or weapons, and not by acquired knowledge and
    manufactured instruments, a perfect division of labour could be
    effected with them only by the workers being sterile; for had they been
    fertile, they would have intercrossed, and their instincts and
    structure would have become blended. And nature has, as I believe,
    effected this admirable division of labour in the communities of ants,
    by the means of natural selection. But I am bound to confess, that,
    with all my faith in this principle, I should never have anticipated
    that natural selection could have been efficient in so high a degree,
    had not the case of these neuter insects convinced me of the fact. I
    have, therefore, discussed this case, at some little but wholly
    insufficient length, in order to show the power of natural selection,
    and likewise because this is by far the most serious special
    difficulty, which my theory has encountered. The case, also, is very
    interesting, as it proves that with animals, as with plants, any amount
    of modification in structure can be effected by the accumulation of
    numerous, slight, and as we must call them accidental, variations,
    which are in any manner profitable, without exercise or habit having
    come into play. For no amount of exercise, or habit, or volition, in
    the utterly sterile members of a community could possibly have affected
    the structure or instincts of the fertile members, which alone leave
    descendants. I am surprised that no one has advanced this demonstrative
    case of neuter insects, against the well-known doctrine of Lamarck.

    Summary.—I have endeavoured briefly in this chapter to show that the
    mental qualities of our domestic animals vary, and that the variations
    are inherited. Still more briefly I have attempted to show that
    instincts
    vary slightly in a state of nature. No one will dispute that instincts
    are of the highest importance to each animal. Therefore I can see no
    difficulty, under changing conditions of life, in natural selection
    accumulating slight modifications of instinct to any extent, in any
    useful direction. In some cases habit or use and disuse have probably
    come into play. I do not pretend that the facts given in this chapter
    strengthen in any great degree my theory; but none of the cases of
    difficulty, to the best of my judgment, annihilate it. On the other
    hand, the fact that instincts are not always absolutely perfect and are
    liable to mistakes;—that no instinct has been produced for the
    exclusive good of other animals, but that each animal takes advantage
    of the instincts of others;—that the canon in natural history, of
    “natura non facit saltum” is applicable to instincts as well as to
    corporeal structure, and is plainly explicable on the foregoing views,
    but is otherwise inexplicable,—all tend to corroborate the theory of
    natural selection.

    This theory is, also, strengthened by some few other facts in regard to
    instincts; as by that common case of closely allied, but certainly
    distinct, species, when inhabiting distant parts of the world and
    living under considerably different conditions of life, yet often
    retaining nearly the same instincts. For instance, we can understand on
    the principle of inheritance, how it is that the thrush of South
    America lines its nest with mud, in the same peculiar manner as does
    our British thrush: how it is that the male wrens (Troglodytes) of
    North America, build “cock-nests,” to roost in, like the males of our
    distinct Kitty-wrens,—a habit wholly unlike that of any other known
    bird. Finally, it may not be a logical deduction, but to my imagination
    it is far more satisfactory to look at such instincts as the young
    cuckoo ejecting its foster-brothers,—ants making slaves,—the larvæ of
    ichneumonidæ feeding within the live bodies of caterpillars,—not as
    specially endowed or created instincts, but as small consequences of
    one general law, leading to the advancement of all organic beings,
    namely, multiply, vary, let the strongest live and the weakest die.

    CHAPTER VIII.
    HYBRIDISM.

    Distinction between the sterility of first crosses and of hybrids.
    Sterility various in degree, not universal, affected by close
    interbreeding, removed by domestication. Laws governing the sterility
    of hybrids. Sterility not a special endowment, but incidental on other
    differences. Causes of the sterility of first crosses and of hybrids.
    Parallelism between the effects of changed conditions of life and
    crossing. Fertility of varieties when crossed and of their mongrel
    offspring not universal. Hybrids and mongrels compared independently of
    their fertility. Summary.

    The view generally entertained by naturalists is that species, when
    intercrossed, have been specially endowed with the quality of
    sterility, in order to prevent the confusion of all organic forms. This
    view certainly seems at first probable, for species within the same
    country could hardly have kept distinct had they been capable of
    crossing freely. The importance of the fact that hybrids are very
    generally sterile, has, I think, been much underrated by some late
    writers. On the theory of natural selection the case is especially
    important, inasmuch as the sterility of hybrids could not possibly be
    of any advantage to them, and therefore could not have been acquired by
    the continued preservation of successive profitable degrees of
    sterility. I hope, however, to be able to show that sterility is not a
    specially acquired or endowed quality, but is incidental on other
    acquired differences.

    In treating this subject, two classes of facts, to a large extent
    fundamentally different, have generally been confounded together;
    namely, the sterility of two
    species when first crossed, and the sterility of the hybrids produced
    from them.

    Pure species have of course their organs of reproduction in a perfect
    condition, yet when intercrossed they produce either few or no
    offspring. Hybrids, on the other hand, have their reproductive organs
    functionally impotent, as may be clearly seen in the state of the male
    element in both plants and animals; though the organs themselves are
    perfect in structure, as far as the microscope reveals. In the first
    case the two sexual elements which go to form the embryo are perfect;
    in the second case they are either not at all developed, or are
    imperfectly developed. This distinction is important, when the cause of
    the sterility, which is common to the two cases, has to be considered.
    The distinction has probably been slurred over, owing to the sterility
    in both cases being looked on as a special endowment, beyond the
    province of our reasoning powers.

    The fertility of varieties, that is of the forms known or believed to
    have descended from common parents, when intercrossed, and likewise the
    fertility of their mongrel offspring, is, on my theory, of equal
    importance with the sterility of species; for it seems to make a broad
    and clear distinction between varieties and species.

    First, for the sterility of species when crossed and of their hybrid
    offspring. It is impossible to study the several memoirs and works of
    those two conscientious and admirable observers, Kölreuter and Gärtner,
    who almost devoted their lives to this subject, without being deeply
    impressed with the high generality of some degree of sterility.
    Kölreuter makes the rule universal; but then he cuts the knot, for in
    ten cases in which he found two forms, considered by most authors as
    distinct species, quite fertile together, he
    unhesitatingly ranks them as varieties. Gärtner, also, makes the rule
    equally universal; and he disputes the entire fertility of Kölreuter’s
    ten cases. But in these and in many other cases, Gärtner is obliged
    carefully to count the seeds, in order to show that there is any degree
    of sterility. He always compares the maximum number of seeds produced
    by two species when crossed and by their hybrid offspring, with the
    average number produced by both pure parent-species in a state of
    nature. But a serious cause of error seems to me to be here introduced:
    a plant to be hybridised must be castrated, and, what is often more
    important, must be secluded in order to prevent pollen being brought to
    it by insects from other plants. Nearly all the plants experimentised
    on by Gärtner were potted, and apparently were kept in a chamber in his
    house. That these processes are often injurious to the fertility of a
    plant cannot be doubted; for Gärtner gives in his table about a score
    of cases of plants which he castrated, and artificially fertilised with
    their own pollen, and (excluding all cases such as the Leguminosæ, in
    which there is an acknowledged difficulty in the manipulation) half of
    these twenty plants had their fertility in some degree impaired.
    Moreover, as Gärtner during several years repeatedly crossed the
    primrose and cowslip, which we have such good reason to believe to be
    varieties, and only once or twice succeeded in getting fertile seed; as
    he found the common red and blue pimpernels (Anagallis arvensis and
    coerulea), which the best botanists rank as varieties, absolutely
    sterile together; and as he came to the same conclusion in several
    other analogous cases; it seems to me that we may well be permitted to
    doubt whether many other species are really so sterile, when
    intercrossed, as Gärtner believes.

    It is certain, on the one hand, that the sterility of various species
    when crossed is so different in degree and graduates away so
    insensibly, and, on the other hand, that the fertility of pure species
    is so easily affected by various circumstances, that for all practical
    purposes it is most difficult to say where perfect fertility ends and
    sterility begins. I think no better evidence of this can be required
    than that the two most experienced observers who have ever lived,
    namely, Kölreuter and Gärtner, should have arrived at diametrically
    opposite conclusions in regard to the very same species. It is also
    most instructive to compare—but I have not space here to enter on
    details—the evidence advanced by our best botanists on the question
    whether certain doubtful forms should be ranked as species or
    varieties, with the evidence from fertility adduced by different
    hybridisers, or by the same author, from experiments made during
    different years. It can thus be shown that neither sterility nor
    fertility affords any clear distinction between species and varieties;
    but that the evidence from this source graduates away, and is doubtful
    in the same degree as is the evidence derived from other constitutional
    and structural differences.

    In regard to the sterility of hybrids in successive generations; though
    Gärtner was enabled to rear some hybrids, carefully guarding them from
    a cross with either pure parent, for six or seven, and in one case for
    ten generations, yet he asserts positively that their fertility never
    increased, but generally greatly decreased. I do not doubt that this is
    usually the case, and that the fertility often suddenly decreases in
    the first few generations. Nevertheless I believe that in all these
    experiments the fertility has been diminished by an independent cause,
    namely, from close interbreeding. I have collected so large a body of
    facts, showing
    that close interbreeding lessens fertility, and, on the other hand,
    that an occasional cross with a distinct individual or variety
    increases fertility, that I cannot doubt the correctness of this almost
    universal belief amongst breeders. Hybrids are seldom raised by
    experimentalists in great numbers; and as the parent-species, or other
    allied hybrids, generally grow in the same garden, the visits of
    insects must be carefully prevented during the flowering season: hence
    hybrids will generally be fertilised during each generation by their
    own individual pollen; and I am convinced that this would be injurious
    to their fertility, already lessened by their hybrid origin. I am
    strengthened in this conviction by a remarkable statement repeatedly
    made by Gärtner, namely, that if even the less fertile hybrids be
    artificially fertilised with hybrid pollen of the same kind, their
    fertility, notwithstanding the frequent ill effects of manipulation,
    sometimes decidedly increases, and goes on increasing. Now, in
    artificial fertilisation pollen is as often taken by chance (as I know
    from my own experience) from the anthers of another flower, as from the
    anthers of the flower itself which is to be fertilised; so that a cross
    between two flowers, though probably on the same plant, would be thus
    effected. Moreover, whenever complicated experiments are in progress,
    so careful an observer as Gärtner would have castrated his hybrids, and
    this would have insured in each generation a cross with the pollen from
    a distinct flower, either from the same plant or from another plant of
    the same hybrid nature. And thus, the strange fact of the increase of
    fertility in the successive generations of artificially fertilised
    hybrids may, I believe, be accounted for by close interbreeding having
    been avoided.

    Now let us turn to the results arrived at by the third most experienced
    hybridiser, namely, the Honourable and
    Reverend W. Herbert. He is as emphatic in his conclusion that some
    hybrids are perfectly fertile—as fertile as the pure parent-species—as
    are Kölreuter and Gärtner that some degree of sterility between
    distinct species is a universal law of nature. He experimentised on
    some of the very same species as did Gärtner. The difference in their
    results may, I think, be in part accounted for by Herbert’s great
    horticultural skill, and by his having hothouses at his command. Of his
    many important statements I will here give only a single one as an
    example, namely, that “every ovule in a pod of Crinum capense
    fertilised by C. revolutum produced a plant, which (he says) I never
    saw to occur in a case of its natural fecundation.” So that we here
    have perfect, or even more than commonly perfect, fertility in a first
    cross between two distinct species.

    This case of the Crinum leads me to refer to a most singular fact,
    namely, that there are individual plants, as with certain species of
    Lobelia, and with all the species of the genus Hippeastrum, which can
    be far more easily fertilised by the pollen of another and distinct
    species, than by their own pollen. For these plants have been found to
    yield seed to the pollen of a distinct species, though quite sterile
    with their own pollen, notwithstanding that their own pollen was found
    to be perfectly good, for it fertilised distinct species. So that
    certain individual plants and all the individuals of certain species
    can actually be hybridised much more readily than they can be
    self-fertilised! For instance, a bulb of Hippeastrum aulicum produced
    four flowers; three were fertilised by Herbert with their own pollen,
    and the fourth was subsequently fertilised by the pollen of a compound
    hybrid descended from three other and distinct species: the result was
    that “the ovaries of the three first flowers soon ceased to grow, and
    after a
    few days perished entirely, whereas the pod impregnated by the pollen
    of the hybrid made vigorous growth and rapid progress to maturity, and
    bore good seed, which vegetated freely.” In a letter to me, in 1839,
    Mr. Herbert told me that he had then tried the experiment during five
    years, and he continued to try it during several subsequent years, and
    always with the same result. This result has, also, been confirmed by
    other observers in the case of Hippeastrum with its sub-genera, and in
    the case of some other genera, as Lobelia, Passiflora and Verbascum.
    Although the plants in these experiments appeared perfectly healthy,
    and although both the ovules and pollen of the same flower were
    perfectly good with respect to other species, yet as they were
    functionally imperfect in their mutual self-action, we must infer that
    the plants were in an unnatural state. Nevertheless these facts show on
    what slight and mysterious causes the lesser or greater fertility of
    species when crossed, in comparison with the same species when
    self-fertilised, sometimes depends.

    The practical experiments of horticulturists, though not made with
    scientific precision, deserve some notice. It is notorious in how
    complicated a manner the species of Pelargonium, Fuchsia, Calceolaria,
    Petunia, Rhododendron, etc., have been crossed, yet many of these
    hybrids seed freely. For instance, Herbert asserts that a hybrid from
    Calceolaria integrifolia and plantaginea, species most widely
    dissimilar in general habit, “reproduced itself as perfectly as if it
    had been a natural species from the mountains of Chile.” I have taken
    some pains to ascertain the degree of fertility of some of the complex
    crosses of Rhododendrons, and I am assured that many of them are
    perfectly fertile. Mr. C. Noble, for instance, informs me that he
    raises stocks for grafting from a hybrid
    between Rhododendron Ponticum and Catawbiense, and that this hybrid
    “seeds as freely as it is possible to imagine.” Had hybrids, when
    fairly treated, gone on decreasing in fertility in each successive
    generation, as Gärtner believes to be the case, the fact would have
    been notorious to nurserymen. Horticulturists raise large beds of the
    same hybrids, and such alone are fairly treated, for by insect agency
    the several individuals of the same hybrid variety are allowed to
    freely cross with each other, and the injurious influence of close
    interbreeding is thus prevented. Any one may readily convince himself
    of the efficiency of insect-agency by examining the flowers of the more
    sterile kinds of hybrid rhododendrons, which produce no pollen, for he
    will find on their stigmas plenty of pollen brought from other flowers.

    In regard to animals, much fewer experiments have been carefully tried
    than with plants. If our systematic arrangements can be trusted, that
    is if the genera of animals are as distinct from each other, as are the
    genera of plants, then we may infer that animals more widely separated
    in the scale of nature can be more easily crossed than in the case of
    plants; but the hybrids themselves are, I think, more sterile. I doubt
    whether any case of a perfectly fertile hybrid animal can be considered
    as thoroughly well authenticated. It should, however, be borne in mind
    that, owing to few animals breeding freely under confinement, few
    experiments have been fairly tried: for instance, the canary-bird has
    been crossed with nine other finches, but as not one of these nine
    species breeds freely in confinement, we have no right to expect that
    the first crosses between them and the canary, or that their hybrids,
    should be perfectly fertile. Again, with respect to the fertility in
    successive generations of the more fertile
    hybrid animals, I hardly know of an instance in which two families of
    the same hybrid have been raised at the same time from different
    parents, so as to avoid the ill effects of close interbreeding. On the
    contrary, brothers and sisters have usually been crossed in each
    successive generation, in opposition to the constantly repeated
    admonition of every breeder. And in this case, it is not at all
    surprising that the inherent sterility in the hybrids should have gone
    on increasing. If we were to act thus, and pair brothers and sisters in
    the case of any pure animal, which from any cause had the least
    tendency to sterility, the breed would assuredly be lost in a very few
    generations.

    Although I do not know of any thoroughly well-authenticated cases of
    perfectly fertile hybrid animals, I have some reason to believe that
    the hybrids from Cervulus vaginalis and Reevesii, and from Phasianus
    colchicus with P. torquatus and with P. versicolor are perfectly
    fertile. The hybrids from the common and Chinese geese (A. cygnoides),
    species which are so different that they are generally ranked in
    distinct genera, have often bred in this country with either pure
    parent, and in one single instance they have bred inter se. This was
    effected by Mr. Eyton, who raised two hybrids from the same parents but
    from different hatches; and from these two birds he raised no less than
    eight hybrids (grandchildren of the pure geese) from one nest. In
    India, however, these cross-bred geese must be far more fertile; for I
    am assured by two eminently capable judges, namely Mr. Blyth and Capt.
    Hutton, that whole flocks of these crossed geese are kept in various
    parts of the country; and as they are kept for profit, where neither
    pure parent-species exists, they must certainly be highly fertile.

    A doctrine which originated with Pallas, has been
    largely accepted by modern naturalists; namely, that most of our
    domestic animals have descended from two or more aboriginal species,
    since commingled by intercrossing. On this view, the aboriginal species
    must either at first have produced quite fertile hybrids, or the
    hybrids must have become in subsequent generations quite fertile under
    domestication. This latter alternative seems to me the most probable,
    and I am inclined to believe in its truth, although it rests on no
    direct evidence. I believe, for instance, that our dogs have descended
    from several wild stocks; yet, with perhaps the exception of certain
    indigenous domestic dogs of South America, all are quite fertile
    together; and analogy makes me greatly doubt, whether the several
    aboriginal species would at first have freely bred together and have
    produced quite fertile hybrids. So again there is reason to believe
    that our European and the humped Indian cattle are quite fertile
    together; but from facts communicated to me by Mr. Blyth, I think they
    must be considered as distinct species. On this view of the origin of
    many of our domestic animals, we must either give up the belief of the
    almost universal sterility of distinct species of animals when crossed;
    or we must look at sterility, not as an indelible characteristic, but
    as one capable of being removed by domestication.

    Finally, looking to all the ascertained facts on the intercrossing of
    plants and animals, it may be concluded that some degree of sterility,
    both in first crosses and in hybrids,is an extremely general result;
    but that it cannot, under our present state of knowledge, be considered
    as absolutely universal.

    Laws governing the Sterility of first Crosses and of Hybrids.—We will
    now consider a little more in detail the
    circumstances and rules governing the sterility of first crosses and of
    hybrids. Our chief object will be to see whether or not the rules
    indicate that species have specially been endowed with this quality, in
    order to prevent their crossing and blending together in utter
    confusion. The following rules and conclusions are chiefly drawn up
    from Gärtner’s admirable work on the hybridisation of plants. I have
    taken much pains to ascertain how far the rules apply to animals, and
    considering how scanty our knowledge is in regard to hybrid animals, I
    have been surprised to find how generally the same rules apply to both
    kingdoms.

    It has been already remarked, that the degree of fertility, both of
    first crosses and of hybrids, graduates from zero to perfect fertility.
    It is surprising in how many curious ways this gradation can be shown
    to exist; but only the barest outline of the facts can here be given.
    When pollen from a plant of one family is placed on the stigma of a
    plant of a distinct family, it exerts no more influence than so much
    inorganic dust. From this absolute zero of fertility, the pollen of
    different species of the same genus applied to the stigma of some one
    species, yields a perfect gradation in the number of seeds produced, up
    to nearly complete or even quite complete fertility; and, as we have
    seen, in certain abnormal cases, even to an excess of fertility, beyond
    that which the plant’s own pollen will produce. So in hybrids
    themselves, there are some which never have produced, and probably
    never would produce, even with the pollen of either pure parent, a
    single fertile seed: but in some of these cases a first trace of
    fertility may be detected, by the pollen of one of the pure
    parent-species causing the flower of the hybrid to wither earlier than
    it otherwise would have done; and the early withering of the flower is
    well known to be a sign
    of incipient fertilisation. From this extreme degree of sterility we
    have self-fertilised hybrids producing a greater and greater number of
    seeds up to perfect fertility.

    Hybrids from two species which are very difficult to cross, and which
    rarely produce any offspring, are generally very sterile; but the
    parallelism between the difficulty of making a first cross, and the
    sterility of the hybrids thus produced—two classes of facts which are
    generally confounded together—is by no means strict. There are many
    cases, in which two pure species can be united with unusual facility,
    and produce numerous hybrid-offspring, yet these hybrids are remarkably
    sterile. On the other hand, there are species which can be crossed very
    rarely, or with extreme difficulty, but the hybrids, when at last
    produced, are very fertile. Even within the limits of the same genus,
    for instance in Dianthus, these two opposite cases occur.

    The fertility, both of first crosses and of hybrids, is more easily
    affected by unfavourable conditions, than is the fertility of pure
    species. But the degree of fertility is likewise innately variable; for
    it is not always the same when the same two species are crossed under
    the same circumstances, but depends in part upon the constitution of
    the individuals which happen to have been chosen for the experiment. So
    it is with hybrids, for their degree of fertility is often found to
    differ greatly in the several individuals raised from seed out of the
    same capsule and exposed to exactly the same conditions.

    By the term systematic affinity is meant, the resemblance between
    species in structure and in constitution, more especially in the
    structure of parts which are of high physiological importance and which
    differ little in the allied species. Now the fertility of first crosses
    between species, and of the hybrids produced from them, is largely
    governed by their systematic affinity. This is clearly shown by hybrids
    never having been raised between species ranked by systematists in
    distinct families; and on the other hand, by very closely allied
    species generally uniting with facility. But the correspondence between
    systematic affinity and the facility of crossing is by no means strict.
    A multitude of cases could be given of very closely allied species
    which will not unite, or only with extreme difficulty; and on the other
    hand of very distinct species which unite with the utmost facility. In
    the same family there may be a genus, as Dianthus, in which very many
    species can most readily be crossed; and another genus, as Silene, in
    which the most persevering efforts have failed to produce between
    extremely close species a single hybrid. Even within the limits of the
    same genus, we meet with this same difference; for instance, the many
    species of Nicotiana have been more largely crossed than the species of
    almost any other genus; but Gärtner found that N. acuminata, which is
    not a particularly distinct species, obstinately failed to fertilise,
    or to be fertilised by, no less than eight other species of Nicotiana.
    Very many analogous facts could be given.

    No one has been able to point out what kind, or what amount, of
    difference in any recognisable character is sufficient to prevent two
    species crossing. It can be shown that plants most widely different in
    habit and general appearance, and having strongly marked differences in
    every part of the flower, even in the pollen, in the fruit, and in the
    cotyledons, can be crossed. Annual and perennial plants, deciduous and
    evergreen trees, plants inhabiting different stations and fitted for
    extremely different climates, can often be crossed with ease.

    By a reciprocal cross between two species, I mean the case, for
    instance, of a stallion-horse being first crossed with a female-ass,
    and then a male-ass with a mare: these two species may then be said to
    have been reciprocally crossed. There is often the widest possible
    difference in the facility of making reciprocal crosses. Such cases are
    highly important, for they prove that the capacity in any two species
    to cross is often completely independent of their systematic affinity,
    or of any recognisable difference in their whole organisation. On the
    other hand, these cases clearly show that the capacity for crossing is
    connected with constitutional differences imperceptible by us, and
    confined to the reproductive system. This difference in the result of
    reciprocal crosses between the same two species was long ago observed
    by Kölreuter. To give an instance: Mirabilis jalappa can easily be
    fertilised by the pollen of M. longiflora, and the hybrids thus
    produced are sufficiently fertile; but Kölreuter tried more than two
    hundred times, during eight following years, to fertilise reciprocally
    M. longiflora with the pollen of M. jalappa, and utterly failed.
    Several other equally striking cases could be given. Thuret has
    observed the same fact with certain sea-weeds or Fuci. Gärtner,
    moreover, found that this difference of facility in making reciprocal
    crosses is extremely common in a lesser degree. He has observed it even
    between forms so closely related (as Matthiola annua and glabra) that
    many botanists rank them only as varieties. It is also a remarkable
    fact, that hybrids raised from reciprocal crosses, though of course
    compounded of the very same two species, the one species having first
    been used as the father and then as the mother, generally differ in
    fertility in a small, and occasionally in a high degree.

    Several other singular rules could be given from
    Gärtner: for instance, some species have a remarkable power of crossing
    with other species; other species of the same genus have a remarkable
    power of impressing their likeness on their hybrid offspring; but these
    two powers do not at all necessarily go together. There are certain
    hybrids which instead of having, as is usual, an intermediate character
    between their two parents, always closely resemble one of them; and
    such hybrids, though externally so like one of their pure
    parent-species, are with rare exceptions extremely sterile. So again
    amongst hybrids which are usually intermediate in structure between
    their parents, exceptional and abnormal individuals sometimes are born,
    which closely resemble one of their pure parents; and these hybrids are
    almost always utterly sterile, even when the other hybrids raised from
    seed from the same capsule have a considerable degree of fertility.
    These facts show how completely fertility in the hybrid is independent
    of its external resemblance to either pure parent.

    Considering the several rules now given, which govern the fertility of
    first crosses and of hybrids, we see that when forms, which must be
    considered as good and distinct species, are united, their fertility
    graduates from zero to perfect fertility, or even to fertility under
    certain conditions in excess. That their fertility, besides being
    eminently susceptible to favourable and unfavourable conditions, is
    innately variable. That it is by no means always the same in degree in
    the first cross and in the hybrids produced from this cross. That the
    fertility of hybrids is not related to the degree in which they
    resemble in external appearance either parent. And lastly, that the
    facility of making a first cross between any two species is not always
    governed by their systematic affinity or
    degree of resemblance to each other. This latter statement is clearly
    proved by reciprocal crosses between the same two species, for
    according as the one species or the other is used as the father or the
    mother, there is generally some difference, and occasionally the widest
    possible difference, in the facility of effecting an union. The
    hybrids, moreover, produced from reciprocal crosses often differ in
    fertility.

    Now do these complex and singular rules indicate that species have been
    endowed with sterility simply to prevent their becoming confounded in
    nature? I think not. For why should the sterility be so extremely
    different in degree, when various species are crossed, all of which we
    must suppose it would be equally important to keep from blending
    together? Why should the degree of sterility be innately variable in
    the individuals of the same species? Why should some species cross with
    facility, and yet produce very sterile hybrids; and other species cross
    with extreme difficulty, and yet produce fairly fertile hybrids? Why
    should there often be so great a difference in the result of a
    reciprocal cross between the same two species? Why, it may even be
    asked, has the production of hybrids been permitted? to grant to
    species the special power of producing hybrids, and then to stop their
    further propagation by different degrees of sterility, not strictly
    related to the facility of the first union between their parents, seems
    to be a strange arrangement.

    The foregoing rules and facts, on the other hand, appear to me clearly
    to indicate that the sterility both of first crosses and of hybrids is
    simply incidental or dependent on unknown differences, chiefly in the
    reproductive systems, of the species which are crossed. The differences
    being of so peculiar and limited a nature,
    that, in reciprocal crosses between two species the male sexual element
    of the one will often freely act on the female sexual element of the
    other, but not in a reversed direction. It will be advisable to explain
    a little more fully by an example what I mean by sterility being
    incidental on other differences, and not a specially endowed quality.
    As the capacity of one plant to be grafted or budded on another is so
    entirely unimportant for its welfare in a state of nature, I presume
    that no one will suppose that this capacity is a specially endowed
    quality, but will admit that it is incidental on differences in the
    laws of growth of the two plants. We can sometimes see the reason why
    one tree will not take on another, from differences in their rate of
    growth, in the hardness of their wood, in the period of the flow or
    nature of their sap, etc.; but in a multitude of cases we can assign no
    reason whatever. Great diversity in the size of two plants, one being
    woody and the other herbaceous, one being evergreen and the other
    deciduous, and adaptation to widely different climates, does not always
    prevent the two grafting together. As in hybridisation, so with
    grafting, the capacity is limited by systematic affinity, for no one
    has been able to graft trees together belonging to quite distinct
    families; and, on the other hand, closely allied species, and varieties
    of the same species, can usually, but not invariably, be grafted with
    ease. But this capacity, as in hybridisation, is by no means absolutely
    governed by systematic affinity. Although many distinct genera within
    the same family have been grafted together, in other cases species of
    the same genus will not take on each other. The pear can be grafted far
    more readily on the quince, which is ranked as a distinct genus, than
    on the apple, which is a member of the same genus. Even different
    varieties of the pear take
    with different degrees of facility on the quince; so do different
    varieties of the apricot and peach on certain varieties of the plum.

    As Gärtner found that there was sometimes an innate difference in
    different individuals of the same two species in crossing; so Sagaret
    believes this to be the case with different individuals of the same two
    species in being grafted together. As in reciprocal crosses, the
    facility of effecting an union is often very far from equal, so it
    sometimes is in grafting; the common gooseberry, for instance, cannot
    be grafted on the currant, whereas the currant will take, though with
    difficulty, on the gooseberry.

    We have seen that the sterility of hybrids, which have their
    reproductive organs in an imperfect condition, is a very different case
    from the difficulty of uniting two pure species, which have their
    reproductive organs perfect; yet these two distinct cases run to a
    certain extent parallel. Something analogous occurs in grafting; for
    Thouin found that three species of Robinia, which seeded freely on
    their own roots, and which could be grafted with no great difficulty on
    another species, when thus grafted were rendered barren. On the other
    hand, certain species of Sorbus, when grafted on other species, yielded
    twice as much fruit as when on their own roots. We are reminded by this
    latter fact of the extraordinary case of Hippeastrum, Lobelia, etc.,
    which seeded much more freely when fertilised with the pollen of
    distinct species, than when self-fertilised with their own pollen.

    We thus see, that although there is a clear and fundamental difference
    between the mere adhesion of grafted stocks, and the union of the male
    and female elements in the act of reproduction, yet that there is a
    rude degree of parallelism in the results of grafting and
    of crossing distinct species. And as we must look at the curious and
    complex laws governing the facility with which trees can be grafted on
    each other as incidental on unknown differences in their vegetative
    systems, so I believe that the still more complex laws governing the
    facility of first crosses, are incidental on unknown differences,
    chiefly in their reproductive systems. These differences, in both
    cases, follow to a certain extent, as might have been expected,
    systematic affinity, by which every kind of resemblance and
    dissimilarity between organic beings is attempted to be expressed. The
    facts by no means seem to me to indicate that the greater or lesser
    difficulty of either grafting or crossing together various species has
    been a special endowment; although in the case of crossing, the
    difficulty is as important for the endurance and stability of specific
    forms, as in the case of grafting it is unimportant for their welfare.

    Causes of the Sterility of first Crosses and of Hybrids.—We may now
    look a little closer at the probable causes of the sterility of first
    crosses and of hybrids. These two cases are fundamentally different,
    for, as just remarked, in the union of two pure species the male and
    female sexual elements are perfect, whereas in hybrids they are
    imperfect. Even in first crosses, the greater or lesser difficulty in
    effecting a union apparently depends on several distinct causes. There
    must sometimes be a physical impossibility in the male element reaching
    the ovule, as would be the case with a plant having a pistil too long
    for the pollen-tubes to reach the ovarium. It has also been observed
    that when pollen of one species is placed on the stigma of a distantly
    allied species, though the pollen-tubes protrude, they do not penetrate
    the stigmatic surface. Again, the
    male element may reach the female element, but be incapable of causing
    an embryo to be developed, as seems to have been the case with some of
    Thuret’s experiments on Fuci. No explanation can be given of these
    facts, any more than why certain trees cannot be grafted on others.
    Lastly, an embryo may be developed, and then perish at an early period.
    This latter alternative has not been sufficiently attended to; but I
    believe, from observations communicated to me by Mr. Hewitt, who has
    had great experience in hybridising gallinaceous birds, that the early
    death of the embryo is a very frequent cause of sterility in first
    crosses. I was at first very unwilling to believe in this view; as
    hybrids, when once born, are generally healthy and long-lived, as we
    see in the case of the common mule. Hybrids, however, are differently
    circumstanced before and after birth: when born and living in a country
    where their two parents can live, they are generally placed under
    suitable conditions of life. But a hybrid partakes of only half of the
    nature and constitution of its mother, and therefore before birth, as
    long as it is nourished within its mother’s womb or within the egg or
    seed produced by the mother, it may be exposed to conditions in some
    degree unsuitable, and consequently be liable to perish at an early
    period; more especially as all very young beings seem eminently
    sensitive to injurious or unnatural conditions of life.

    In regard to the sterility of hybrids, in which the sexual elements are
    imperfectly developed, the case is very different. I have more than
    once alluded to a large body of facts, which I have collected, showing
    that when animals and plants are removed from their natural conditions,
    they are extremely liable to have their reproductive systems seriously
    affected. This, in fact, is
    the great bar to the domestication of animals. Between the sterility
    thus superinduced and that of hybrids, there are many points of
    similarity. In both cases the sterility is independent of general
    health, and is often accompanied by excess of size or great luxuriance.
    In both cases, the sterility occurs in various degrees; in both, the
    male element is the most liable to be affected; but sometimes the
    female more than the male. In both, the tendency goes to a certain
    extent with systematic affinity, for whole groups of animals and plants
    are rendered impotent by the same unnatural conditions; and whole
    groups of species tend to produce sterile hybrids. On the other hand,
    one species in a group will sometimes resist great changes of
    conditions with unimpaired fertility; and certain species in a group
    will produce unusually fertile hybrids. No one can tell, till he tries,
    whether any particular animal will breed under confinement or any plant
    seed freely under culture; nor can he tell, till he tries, whether any
    two species of a genus will produce more or less sterile hybrids.
    Lastly, when organic beings are placed during several generations under
    conditions not natural to them, they are extremely liable to vary,
    which is due, as I believe, to their reproductive systems having been
    specially affected, though in a lesser degree than when sterility
    ensues. So it is with hybrids, for hybrids in successive generations
    are eminently liable to vary, as every experimentalist has observed.

    Thus we see that when organic beings are placed under new and unnatural
    conditions, and when hybrids are produced by the unnatural crossing of
    two species, the reproductive system, independently of the general
    state of health, is affected by sterility in a very similar manner. In
    the one case, the conditions of life have been disturbed, though often
    in so slight a degree as to
    be inappreciable by us; in the other case, or that of hybrids, the
    external conditions have remained the same, but the organisation has
    been disturbed by two different structures and constitutions having
    been blended into one. For it is scarcely possible that two
    organisations should be compounded into one, without some disturbance
    occurring in the development, or periodical action, or mutual relation
    of the different parts and organs one to another, or to the conditions
    of life. When hybrids are able to breed inter se, they transmit to
    their offspring from generation to generation the same compounded
    organisation, and hence we need not be surprised that their sterility,
    though in some degree variable, rarely diminishes.

    It must, however, be confessed that we cannot understand, excepting on
    vague hypotheses, several facts with respect to the sterility of
    hybrids; for instance, the unequal fertility of hybrids produced from
    reciprocal crosses; or the increased sterility in those hybrids which
    occasionally and exceptionally resemble closely either pure parent. Nor
    do I pretend that the foregoing remarks go to the root of the matter:
    no explanation is offered why an organism, when placed under unnatural
    conditions, is rendered sterile. All that I have attempted to show, is
    that in two cases, in some respects allied, sterility is the common
    result,—in the one case from the conditions of life having been
    disturbed, in the other case from the organisation having been
    disturbed by two organisations having been compounded into one.

    It may seem fanciful, but I suspect that a similar parallelism extends
    to an allied yet very different class of facts. It is an old and almost
    universal belief, founded, I think, on a considerable body of evidence,
    that slight changes in the conditions of life are beneficial to all
    living things. We see this acted on by
    farmers and gardeners in their frequent exchanges of seed, tubers,
    etc., from one soil or climate to another, and back again. During the
    convalescence of animals, we plainly see that great benefit is derived
    from almost any change in the habits of life. Again, both with plants
    and animals, there is abundant evidence, that a cross between very
    distinct individuals of the same species, that is between members of
    different strains or sub-breeds, gives vigour and fertility to the
    offspring. I believe, indeed, from the facts alluded to in our fourth
    chapter, that a certain amount of crossing is indispensable even with
    hermaphrodites; and that close interbreeding continued during several
    generations between the nearest relations, especially if these be kept
    under the same conditions of life, always induces weakness and
    sterility in the progeny.

    Hence it seems that, on the one hand, slight changes in the conditions
    of life benefit all organic beings, and on the other hand, that slight
    crosses, that is crosses between the males and females of the same
    species which have varied and become slightly different, give vigour
    and fertility to the offspring. But we have seen that greater changes,
    or changes of a particular nature, often render organic beings in some
    degree sterile; and that greater crosses, that is crosses between males
    and females which have become widely or specifically different, produce
    hybrids which are generally sterile in some degree. I cannot persuade
    myself that this parallelism is an accident or an illusion. Both series
    of facts seem to be connected together by some common but unknown bond,
    which is essentially related to the principle of life.

    Fertility of Varieties when crossed, and of their Mongrel offspring.—It may be urged, as a most forcible argument,
    that there must be some essential distinction between species and
    varieties, and that there must be some error in all the foregoing
    remarks, inasmuch as varieties, however much they may differ from each
    other in external appearance, cross with perfect facility, and yield
    perfectly fertile offspring. I fully admit that this is almost
    invariably the case. But if we look to varieties produced under nature,
    we are immediately involved in hopeless difficulties; for if two
    hitherto reputed varieties be found in any degree sterile together,
    they are at once ranked by most naturalists as species. For instance,
    the blue and red pimpernel, the primrose and cowslip, which are
    considered by many of our best botanists as varieties, are said by
    Gärtner not to be quite fertile when crossed, and he consequently ranks
    them as undoubted species. If we thus argue in a circle, the fertility
    of all varieties produced under nature will assuredly have to be
    granted.

    If we turn to varieties, produced, or supposed to have been produced,
    under domestication, we are still involved in doubt. For when it is
    stated, for instance, that the German Spitz dog unites more easily than
    other dogs with foxes, or that certain South American indigenous
    domestic dogs do not readily cross with European dogs, the explanation
    which will occur to everyone, and probably the true one, is that these
    dogs have descended from several aboriginally distinct species.
    Nevertheless the perfect fertility of so many domestic varieties,
    differing widely from each other in appearance, for instance of the
    pigeon or of the cabbage, is a remarkable fact; more especially when we
    reflect how many species there are, which, though resembling each other
    most closely, are utterly sterile when intercrossed. Several
    considerations, however, render the fertility of domestic varieties
    less remarkable than
    at first appears. It can, in the first place, be clearly shown that
    mere external dissimilarity between two species does not determine
    their greater or lesser degree of sterility when crossed; and we may
    apply the same rule to domestic varieties. In the second place, some
    eminent naturalists believe that a long course of domestication tends
    to eliminate sterility in the successive generations of hybrids, which
    were at first only slightly sterile; and if this be so, we surely ought
    not to expect to find sterility both appearing and disappearing under
    nearly the same conditions of life. Lastly, and this seems to me by far
    the most important consideration, new races of animals and plants are
    produced under domestication by man’s methodical and unconscious power
    of selection, for his own use and pleasure: he neither wishes to
    select, nor could select, slight differences in the reproductive
    system, or other constitutional differences correlated with the
    reproductive system. He supplies his several varieties with the same
    food; treats them in nearly the same manner, and does not wish to alter
    their general habits of life. Nature acts uniformly and slowly during
    vast periods of time on the whole organisation, in any way which may be
    for each creature’s own good; and thus she may, either directly, or
    more probably indirectly, through correlation, modify the reproductive
    system in the several descendants from any one species. Seeing this
    difference in the process of selection, as carried on by man and
    nature, we need not be surprised at some difference in the result.

    I have as yet spoken as if the varieties of the same species were
    invariably fertile when intercrossed. But it seems to me impossible to
    resist the evidence of the existence of a certain amount of sterility
    in the few following cases, which I will briefly abstract. The evidence
    is at least as good as that from which we believe
    in the sterility of a multitude of species. The evidence is, also,
    derived from hostile witnesses, who in all other cases consider
    fertility and sterility as safe criterions of specific distinction.
    Gärtner kept during several years a dwarf kind of maize with yellow
    seeds, and a tall variety with red seeds, growing near each other in
    his garden; and although these plants have separated sexes, they never
    naturally crossed. He then fertilised thirteen flowers of the one with
    the pollen of the other; but only a single head produced any seed, and
    this one head produced only five grains. Manipulation in this case
    could not have been injurious, as the plants have separated sexes. No
    one, I believe, has suspected that these varieties of maize are
    distinct species; and it is important to notice that the hybrid plants
    thus raised were themselves perfectly fertile; so that even Gärtner
    did not venture to consider the two varieties as specifically distinct.

    Girou de Buzareingues crossed three varieties of gourd, which like the
    maize has separated sexes, and he asserts that their mutual
    fertilisation is by so much the less easy as their differences are
    greater. How far these experiments may be trusted, I know not; but the
    forms experimentised on, are ranked by Sagaret, who mainly founds his
    classification by the test of infertility, as varieties.

    The following case is far more remarkable, and seems at first quite
    incredible; but it is the result of an astonishing number of
    experiments made during many years on nine species of Verbascum, by so
    good an observer and so hostile a witness, as Gärtner: namely, that
    yellow and white varieties of the same species of Verbascum when
    intercrossed produce less seed, than do either coloured varieties when
    fertilised with pollen from their own coloured flowers. Moreover, he
    asserts that when
    yellow and white varieties of one species are crossed with yellow and
    white varieties of a distinct species, more seed is produced by the
    crosses between the same coloured flowers, than between those which are
    differently coloured. Yet these varieties of Verbascum present no other
    difference besides the mere colour of the flower; and one variety can
    sometimes be raised from the seed of the other.

    From observations which I have made on certain varieties of hollyhock,
    I am inclined to suspect that they present analogous facts.

    Kölreuter, whose accuracy has been confirmed by every subsequent
    observer, has proved the remarkable fact, that one variety of the
    common tobacco is more fertile, when crossed with a widely distinct
    species, than are the other varieties. He experimentised on five forms,
    which are commonly reputed to be varieties, and which he tested by the
    severest trial, namely, by reciprocal crosses, and he found their
    mongrel offspring perfectly fertile. But one of these five varieties,
    when used either as father or mother, and crossed with the Nicotiana
    glutinosa, always yielded hybrids not so sterile as those which were
    produced from the four other varieties when crossed with N. glutinosa.
    Hence the reproductive system of this one variety must have been in
    some manner and in some degree modified.

    From these facts; from the great difficulty of ascertaining the
    infertility of varieties in a state of nature, for a supposed variety
    if infertile in any degree would generally be ranked as species; from
    man selecting only external characters in the production of the most
    distinct domestic varieties, and from not wishing or being able to
    produce recondite and functional differences in the reproductive
    system; from these several considerations and facts, I do not think
    that the very general
    fertility of varieties can be proved to be of universal occurrence, or
    to form a fundamental distinction between varieties and species. The
    general fertility of varieties does not seem to me sufficient to
    overthrow the view which I have taken with respect to the very general,
    but not invariable, sterility of first crosses and of hybrids, namely,
    that it is not a special endowment, but is incidental on slowly
    acquired modifications, more especially in the reproductive systems of
    the forms which are crossed.

    Hybrids and Mongrels compared, independently of their fertility.—Independently of the question of fertility, the offspring
    of species when crossed and of varieties when crossed may be compared
    in several other respects. Gärtner, whose strong wish was to draw a
    marked line of distinction between species and varieties, could find
    very few and, as it seems to me, quite unimportant differences between
    the so-called hybrid offspring of species, and the so-called mongrel
    offspring of varieties. And, on the other hand, they agree most closely
    in very many important respects.

    I shall here discuss this subject with extreme brevity. The most
    important distinction is, that in the first generation mongrels are
    more variable than hybrids; but Gärtner admits that hybrids from
    species which have long been cultivated are often variable in the first
    generation; and I have myself seen striking instances of this fact.
    Gärtner further admits that hybrids between very closely allied species
    are more variable than those from very distinct species; and this shows
    that the difference in the degree of variability graduates away. When
    mongrels and the more fertile hybrids are propagated for several
    generations an extreme amount of variability in their offspring is
    notorious;
    but some few cases both of hybrids and mongrels long retaining
    uniformity of character could be given. The variability, however, in
    the successive generations of mongrels is, perhaps, greater than in
    hybrids.

    This greater variability of mongrels than of hybrids does not seem to
    me at all surprising. For the parents of mongrels are varieties, and
    mostly domestic varieties (very few experiments having been tried on
    natural varieties), and this implies in most cases that there has been
    recent variability; and therefore we might expect that such variability
    would often continue and be super-added to that arising from the mere
    act of crossing. The slight degree of variability in hybrids from the
    first cross or in the first generation, in contrast with their extreme
    variability in the succeeding generations, is a curious fact and
    deserves attention. For it bears on and corroborates the view which I
    have taken on the cause of ordinary variability; namely, that it is due
    to the reproductive system being eminently sensitive to any change in
    the conditions of life, being thus often rendered either impotent or at
    least incapable of its proper function of producing offspring identical
    with the parent-form. Now hybrids in the first generation are descended
    from species (excluding those long cultivated) which have not had their
    reproductive systems in any way affected, and they are not variable;
    but hybrids themselves have their reproductive systems seriously
    affected, and their descendants are highly variable.

    But to return to our comparison of mongrels and hybrids: Gärtner states
    that mongrels are more liable than hybrids to revert to either
    parent-form; but this, if it be true, is certainly only a difference in
    degree. Gärtner further insists that when any two species, although
    most closely allied to each other, are
    crossed with a third species, the hybrids are widely different from
    each other; whereas if two very distinct varieties of one species are
    crossed with another species, the hybrids do not differ much. But this
    conclusion, as far as I can make out, is founded on a single
    experiment; and seems directly opposed to the results of several
    experiments made by Kölreuter.

    These alone are the unimportant differences, which Gärtner is able to
    point out, between hybrid and mongrel plants. On the other hand, the
    resemblance in mongrels and in hybrids to their respective parents,
    more especially in hybrids produced from nearly related species,
    follows according to Gärtner the same laws. When two species are
    crossed, one has sometimes a prepotent power of impressing its likeness
    on the hybrid; and so I believe it to be with varieties of plants. With
    animals one variety certainly often has this prepotent power over
    another variety. Hybrid plants produced from a reciprocal cross,
    generally resemble each other closely; and so it is with mongrels from
    a reciprocal cross. Both hybrids and mongrels can be reduced to either
    pure parent-form, by repeated crosses in successive generations with
    either parent.

    These several remarks are apparently applicable to animals; but the
    subject is here excessively complicated, partly owing to the existence
    of secondary sexual characters; but more especially owing to prepotency
    in transmitting likeness running more strongly in one sex than in the
    other, both when one species is crossed with another, and when one
    variety is crossed with another variety. For instance, I think those
    authors are right, who maintain that the ass has a prepotent power over
    the horse, so that both the mule and the hinny more resemble the ass
    than the horse; but that the prepotency runs more strongly in the
    male-ass than in
    the female, so that the mule, which is the offspring of the male-ass
    and mare, is more like an ass, than is the hinny, which is the
    offspring of the female-ass and stallion.

    Much stress has been laid by some authors on the supposed fact, that
    mongrel animals alone are born closely like one of their parents; but
    it can be shown that this does sometimes occur with hybrids; yet I
    grant much less frequently with hybrids than with mongrels. Looking to
    the cases which I have collected of cross-bred animals closely
    resembling one parent, the resemblances seem chiefly confined to
    characters almost monstrous in their nature, and which have suddenly
    appeared—such as albinism, melanism, deficiency of tail or horns, or
    additional fingers and toes; and do not relate to characters which have
    been slowly acquired by selection. Consequently, sudden reversions to
    the perfect character of either parent would be more likely to occur
    with mongrels, which are descended from varieties often suddenly
    produced and semi-monstrous in character, than with hybrids, which are
    descended from species slowly and naturally produced. On the whole I
    entirely agree with Dr. Prosper Lucas, who, after arranging an enormous
    body of facts with respect to animals, comes to the conclusion, that
    the laws of resemblance of the child to its parents are the same,
    whether the two parents differ much or little from each other, namely
    in the union of individuals of the same variety, or of different
    varieties, or of distinct species.

    Laying aside the question of fertility and sterility, in all other
    respects there seems to be a general and close similarity in the
    offspring of crossed species, and of crossed varieties. If we look at
    species as having been specially created, and at varieties as having
    been produced by secondary laws, this similarity would be an
    astonishing fact. But it harmonises perfectly with the view that there
    is no essential distinction between species and varieties.

    Summary of Chapter.—First crosses between forms sufficiently distinct
    to be ranked as species, and their hybrids, are very generally, but not
    universally, sterile. The sterility is of all degrees, and is often so
    slight that the two most careful experimentalists who have ever lived,
    have come to diametrically opposite conclusions in ranking forms by
    this test. The sterility is innately variable in individuals of the
    same species, and is eminently susceptible of favourable and
    unfavourable conditions. The degree of sterility does not strictly
    follow systematic affinity, but is governed by several curious and
    complex laws. It is generally different, and sometimes widely
    different, in reciprocal crosses between the same two species. It is
    not always equal in degree in a first cross and in the hybrid produced
    from this cross.

    In the same manner as in grafting trees, the capacity of one species or
    variety to take on another, is incidental on generally unknown
    differences in their vegetative systems, so in crossing, the greater or
    less facility of one species to unite with another, is incidental on
    unknown differences in their reproductive systems. There is no more
    reason to think that species have been specially endowed with various
    degrees of sterility to prevent them crossing and blending in nature,
    than to think that trees have been specially endowed with various and
    somewhat analogous degrees of difficulty in being grafted together in
    order to prevent them becoming inarched in our forests.

    The sterility of first crosses between pure species, which have their
    reproductive systems perfect, seems
    to depend on several circumstances; in some cases largely on the early
    death of the embryo. The sterility of hybrids, which have their
    reproductive systems imperfect, and which have had this system and
    their whole organisation disturbed by being compounded of two distinct
    species, seems closely allied to that sterility which so frequently
    affects pure species, when their natural conditions of life have been
    disturbed. This view is supported by a parallelism of another
    kind;—namely, that the crossing of forms only slightly different is
    favourable to the vigour and fertility of their offspring; and that
    slight changes in the conditions of life are apparently favourable to
    the vigour and fertility of all organic beings. It is not surprising
    that the degree of difficulty in uniting two species, and the degree of
    sterility of their hybrid-offspring should generally correspond, though
    due to distinct causes; for both depend on the amount of difference of
    some kind between the species which are crossed. Nor is it surprising
    that the facility of effecting a first cross, the fertility of the
    hybrids produced, and the capacity of being grafted together—though
    this latter capacity evidently depends on widely different
    circumstances—should all run, to a certain extent, parallel with the
    systematic affinity of the forms which are subjected to experiment; for
    systematic affinity attempts to express all kinds of resemblance
    between all species.

    First crosses between forms known to be varieties, or sufficiently
    alike to be considered as varieties, and their mongrel offspring, are
    very generally, but not quite universally, fertile. Nor is this nearly
    general and perfect fertility surprising, when we remember how liable
    we are to argue in a circle with respect to varieties in a state of
    nature; and when we remember that the greater number of varieties have
    been produced under domestication
    by the selection of mere external differences, and not of differences
    in the reproductive system. In all other respects, excluding fertility,
    there is a close general resemblance between hybrids and mongrels.
    Finally, then, the facts briefly given in this chapter do not seem to
    me opposed to, but even rather to support the view, that there is no
    fundamental distinction between species and varieties.

    CHAPTER IX.
    ON THE IMPERFECTION OF THE GEOLOGICAL RECORD.

    On the absence of intermediate varieties at the present day. On the
    nature of extinct intermediate varieties; on their number. On the vast
    lapse of time, as inferred from the rate of deposition and of
    denudation. On the poorness of our palæontological collections. On the
    intermittence of geological formations. On the absence of intermediate
    varieties in any one formation. On the sudden appearance of groups of
    species. On their sudden appearance in the lowest known fossiliferous
    strata.

    In the sixth chapter I enumerated the chief objections which might be
    justly urged against the views maintained in this volume. Most of them
    have now been discussed. One, namely the distinctness of specific
    forms, and their not being blended together by innumerable transitional
    links, is a very obvious difficulty. I assigned reasons why such links
    do not commonly occur at the present day, under the circumstances
    apparently most favourable for their presence, namely on an extensive
    and continuous area with graduated physical conditions. I endeavoured
    to show, that the life of each species depends in a more important
    manner on the presence of other already defined organic forms, than on
    climate; and, therefore, that the really governing conditions of life
    do not graduate away quite insensibly like heat or moisture. I
    endeavoured, also, to show that intermediate varieties, from existing
    in lesser numbers than the forms which they connect, will generally be
    beaten out and exterminated during the course of further modification
    and improvement. The main cause, however, of innumerable intermediate
    links not now occurring everywhere throughout nature depends
    on the very process of natural selection, through which new varieties
    continually take the places of and exterminate their parent-forms. But
    just in proportion as this process of extermination has acted on an
    enormous scale, so must the number of intermediate varieties, which
    have formerly existed on the earth, be truly enormous. Why then is not
    every geological formation and every stratum full of such intermediate
    links? Geology assuredly does not reveal any such finely graduated
    organic chain; and this, perhaps, is the most obvious and gravest
    objection which can be urged against my theory. The explanation lies,
    as I believe, in the extreme imperfection of the geological record.

    In the first place it should always be borne in mind what sort of
    intermediate forms must, on my theory, have formerly existed. I have
    found it difficult, when looking at any two species, to avoid picturing
    to myself, forms directly intermediate between them. But this is a
    wholly false view; we should always look for forms intermediate between
    each species and a common but unknown progenitor; and the progenitor
    will generally have differed in some respects from all its modified
    descendants. To give a simple illustration: the fantail and pouter
    pigeons have both descended from the rock-pigeon; if we possessed all
    the intermediate varieties which have ever existed, we should have an
    extremely close series between both and the rock-pigeon; but we should
    have no varieties directly intermediate between the fantail and pouter;
    none, for instance, combining a tail somewhat expanded with a crop
    somewhat enlarged, the characteristic features of these two breeds.
    These two breeds, moreover, have become so much modified, that if we
    had no historical or indirect evidence regarding their origin, it would
    not have been possible to have
    determined from a mere comparison of their structure with that of the
    rock-pigeon, whether they had descended from this species or from some
    other allied species, such as C. oenas.

    So with natural species, if we look to forms very distinct, for
    instance to the horse and tapir, we have no reason to suppose that
    links ever existed directly intermediate between them, but between each
    and an unknown common parent. The common parent will have had in its
    whole organisation much general resemblance to the tapir and to the
    horse; but in some points of structure may have differed considerably
    from both, even perhaps more than they differ from each other. Hence in
    all such cases, we should be unable to recognise the parent-form of any
    two or more species, even if we closely compared the structure of the
    parent with that of its modified descendants, unless at the same time
    we had a nearly perfect chain of the intermediate links.

    It is just possible by my theory, that one of two living forms might
    have descended from the other; for instance, a horse from a tapir; and
    in this case direct intermediate links will have existed between
    them. But such a case would imply that one form had remained for a very
    long period unaltered, whilst its descendants had undergone a vast
    amount of change; and the principle of competition between organism and
    organism, between child and parent, will render this a very rare event;
    for in all cases the new and improved forms of life will tend to
    supplant the old and unimproved forms.

    By the theory of natural selection all living species have been
    connected with the parent-species of each genus, by differences not
    greater than we see between the varieties of the same species at the
    present
    day; and these parent-species, now generally extinct, have in their
    turn been similarly connected with more ancient species; and so on
    backwards, always converging to the common ancestor of each great
    class. So that the number of intermediate and transitional links,
    between all living and extinct species, must have been inconceivably
    great. But assuredly, if this theory be true, such have lived upon this
    earth.

    On the lapse of Time.—Independently of our not finding fossil remains
    of such infinitely numerous connecting links, it may be objected, that
    time will not have sufficed for so great an amount of organic change,
    all changes having been effected very slowly through natural selection.
    It is hardly possible for me even to recall to the reader, who may not
    be a practical geologist, the facts leading the mind feebly to
    comprehend the lapse of time. He who can read Sir Charles Lyell’s grand
    work on the Principles of Geology, which the future historian will
    recognise as having produced a revolution in natural science, yet does
    not admit how incomprehensibly vast have been the past periods of time,
    may at once close this volume. Not that it suffices to study the
    Principles of Geology, or to read special treatises by different
    observers on separate formations, and to mark how each author attempts
    to give an inadequate idea of the duration of each formation or even
    each stratum. A man must for years examine for himself great piles of
    superimposed strata, and watch the sea at work grinding down old rocks
    and making fresh sediment, before he can hope to comprehend anything of
    the lapse of time, the monuments of which we see around us.

    It is good to wander along lines of sea-coast, when formed of
    moderately hard rocks, and mark the
    process of degradation. The tides in most cases reach the cliffs only
    for a short time twice a day, and the waves eat into them only when
    they are charged with sand or pebbles; for there is reason to believe
    that pure water can effect little or nothing in wearing away rock. At
    last the base of the cliff is undermined, huge fragments fall down, and
    these remaining fixed, have to be worn away, atom by atom, until
    reduced in size they can be rolled about by the waves, and then are
    more quickly ground into pebbles, sand, or mud. But how often do we see
    along the bases of retreating cliffs rounded boulders, all thickly
    clothed by marine productions, showing how little they are abraded and
    how seldom they are rolled about! Moreover, if we follow for a few
    miles any line of rocky cliff, which is undergoing degradation, we find
    that it is only here and there, along a short length or round a
    promontory, that the cliffs are at the present time suffering. The
    appearance of the surface and the vegetation show that elsewhere years
    have elapsed since the waters washed their base.

    He who most closely studies the action of the sea on our shores, will,
    I believe, be most deeply impressed with the slowness with which rocky
    coasts are worn away. The observations on this head by Hugh Miller, and
    by that excellent observer Mr. Smith of Jordan Hill, are most
    impressive. With the mind thus impressed, let any one examine beds of
    conglomerate many thousand feet in thickness, which, though probably
    formed at a quicker rate than many other deposits, yet, from being
    formed of worn and rounded pebbles, each of which bears the stamp of
    time, are good to show how slowly the mass has been accumulated. Let
    him remember Lyell’s profound remark, that the thickness and extent of
    sedimentary formations
    are the result and measure of the degradation which the earth’s crust
    has elsewhere suffered. And what an amount of degradation is implied by
    the sedimentary deposits of many countries! Professor Ramsay has given
    me the maximum thickness, in most cases from actual measurement, in a
    few cases from estimate, of each formation in different parts of Great
    Britain; and this is the result:—

                                                      Feet
     Palæozoic strata (not including igneous beds)...57,154. Secondary
     strata................................13,190. Tertiary
     strata..................................2,240.

    —making altogether 72,584 feet; that is, very nearly thirteen and
    three-quarters British miles. Some of these formations, which are
    represented in England by thin beds, are thousands of feet in thickness
    on the Continent. Moreover, between each successive formation, we have,
    in the opinion of most geologists, enormously long blank periods. So
    that the lofty pile of sedimentary rocks in Britain, gives but an
    inadequate idea of the time which has elapsed during their
    accumulation; yet what time this must have consumed! Good observers
    have estimated that sediment is deposited by the great Mississippi
    river at the rate of only 600 feet in a hundred thousand years. This
    estimate may be quite erroneous; yet, considering over what wide spaces
    very fine sediment is transported by the currents of the sea, the
    process of accumulation in any one area must be extremely slow.

    But the amount of denudation which the strata have in many places
    suffered, independently of the rate of accumulation of the degraded
    matter, probably offers the best evidence of the lapse of time. I
    remember having been much struck with the evidence of denudation, when
    viewing volcanic islands, which have been
    worn by the waves and pared all round into perpendicular cliffs of one
    or two thousand feet in height; for the gentle slope of the
    lava-streams, due to their formerly liquid state, showed at a glance
    how far the hard, rocky beds had once extended into the open ocean. The
    same story is still more plainly told by faults,—those great cracks
    along which the strata have been upheaved on one side, or thrown down
    on the other, to the height or depth of thousands of feet; for since
    the crust cracked, the surface of the land has been so completely
    planed down by the action of the sea, that no trace of these vast
    dislocations is externally visible.

    The Craven fault, for instance, extends for upwards of 30 miles, and
    along this line the vertical displacement of the strata has varied from
    600 to 3000 feet. Professor Ramsay has published an account of a
    downthrow in Anglesea of 2300 feet; and he informs me that he fully
    believes there is one in Merionethshire of 12,000 feet; yet in these
    cases there is nothing on the surface to show such prodigious
    movements; the pile of rocks on the one or other side having been
    smoothly swept away. The consideration of these facts impresses my mind
    almost in the same manner as does the vain endeavour to grapple with
    the idea of eternity.

    I am tempted to give one other case, the well-known one of the
    denudation of the Weald. Though it must be admitted that the denudation
    of the Weald has been a mere trifle, in comparison with that which has
    removed masses of our palæozoic strata, in parts ten thousand feet in
    thickness, as shown in Professor Ramsay’s masterly memoir on this
    subject. Yet it is an admirable lesson to stand on the North Downs and
    to look at the distant South Downs; for, remembering that at no great
    distance to the west the northern and southern escarpments meet and
    close, one can safely picture to
    oneself the great dome of rocks which must have covered up the Weald
    within so limited a period as since the latter part of the Chalk
    formation. The distance from the northern to the southern Downs is
    about 22 miles, and the thickness of the several formations is on an
    average about 1100 feet, as I am informed by Professor Ramsay. But if,
    as some geologists suppose, a range of older rocks underlies the Weald,
    on the flanks of which the overlying sedimentary deposits might have
    accumulated in thinner masses than elsewhere, the above estimate would
    be erroneous; but this source of doubt probably would not greatly
    affect the estimate as applied to the western extremity of the
    district. If, then, we knew the rate at which the sea commonly wears
    away a line of cliff of any given height, we could measure the time
    requisite to have denuded the Weald. This, of course, cannot be done;
    but we may, in order to form some crude notion on the subject, assume
    that the sea would eat into cliffs 500 feet in height at the rate of
    one inch in a century. This will at first appear much too small an
    allowance; but it is the same as if we were to assume a cliff one yard
    in height to be eaten back along a whole line of coast at the rate of
    one yard in nearly every twenty-two years. I doubt whether any rock,
    even as soft as chalk, would yield at this rate excepting on the most
    exposed coasts; though no doubt the degradation of a lofty cliff would
    be more rapid from the breakage of the fallen fragments. On the other
    hand, I do not believe that any line of coast, ten or twenty miles in
    length, ever suffers degradation at the same time along its whole
    indented length; and we must remember that almost all strata contain
    harder layers or nodules, which from long resisting attrition form a
    breakwater at the base. Hence, under ordinary circumstances, I conclude
    that for a cliff 500 feet in height, a denudation
    of one inch per century for the whole length would be an ample
    allowance. At this rate, on the above data, the denudation of the Weald
    must have required 306,662,400 years; or say three hundred million
    years.

    The action of fresh water on the gently inclined Wealden district, when
    upraised, could hardly have been great, but it would somewhat reduce
    the above estimate. On the other hand, during oscillations of level,
    which we know this area has undergone, the surface may have existed for
    millions of years as land, and thus have escaped the action of the sea:
    when deeply submerged for perhaps equally long periods, it would,
    likewise, have escaped the action of the coast-waves. So that in all
    probability a far longer period than 300 million years has elapsed
    since the latter part of the Secondary period.

    I have made these few remarks because it is highly important for us to
    gain some notion, however imperfect, of the lapse of years. During each
    of these years, over the whole world, the land and the water has been
    peopled by hosts of living forms. What an infinite number of
    generations, which the mind cannot grasp, must have succeeded each
    other in the long roll of years! Now turn to our richest geological
    museums, and what a paltry display we behold!

    On the poorness of our Palæontological collections.—That our
    palæontological collections are very imperfect, is admitted by every
    one. The remark of that admirable palæontologist, the late Edward
    Forbes, should not be forgotten, namely, that numbers of our fossil
    species are known and named from single and often broken specimens, or
    from a few specimens collected on some one spot. Only a small portion
    of the surface of the earth has been geologically explored, and no part
    with
    sufficient care, as the important discoveries made every year in Europe
    prove. No organism wholly soft can be preserved. Shells and bones will
    decay and disappear when left on the bottom of the sea, where sediment
    is not accumulating. I believe we are continually taking a most
    erroneous view, when we tacitly admit to ourselves that sediment is
    being deposited over nearly the whole bed of the sea, at a rate
    sufficiently quick to embed and preserve fossil remains. Throughout an
    enormously large proportion of the ocean, the bright blue tint of the
    water bespeaks its purity. The many cases on record of a formation
    conformably covered, after an enormous interval of time, by another and
    later formation, without the underlying bed having suffered in the
    interval any wear and tear, seem explicable only on the view of the
    bottom of the sea not rarely lying for ages in an unaltered condition.
    The remains which do become embedded, if in sand or gravel, will when
    the beds are upraised generally be dissolved by the percolation of
    rain-water. I suspect that but few of the very many animals which live
    on the beach between high and low watermark are preserved. For
    instance, the several species of the Chthamalinæ (a sub-family of
    sessile cirripedes) coat the rocks all over the world in infinite
    numbers: they are all strictly littoral, with the exception of a single
    Mediterranean species, which inhabits deep water and has been found
    fossil in Sicily, whereas not one other species has hitherto been found
    in any tertiary formation: yet it is now known that the genus
    Chthamalus existed during the chalk period. The molluscan genus Chiton
    offers a partially analogous case.

    With respect to the terrestrial productions which lived during the
    Secondary and Palæozoic periods, it is superfluous to state that our
    evidence from fossil
    remains is fragmentary in an extreme degree. For instance, not a land
    shell is known belonging to either of these vast periods, with one
    exception discovered by Sir C. Lyell in the carboniferous strata of
    North America. In regard to mammiferous remains, a single glance at the
    historical table published in the Supplement to Lyell’s Manual, will
    bring home the truth, how accidental and rare is their preservation,
    far better than pages of detail. Nor is their rarity surprising, when
    we remember how large a proportion of the bones of tertiary mammals
    have been discovered either in caves or in lacustrine deposits; and
    that not a cave or true lacustrine bed is known belonging to the age of
    our secondary or palæozoic formations.

    But the imperfection in the geological record mainly results from
    another and more important cause than any of the foregoing; namely,
    from the several formations being separated from each other by wide
    intervals of time. When we see the formations tabulated in written
    works, or when we follow them in nature, it is difficult to avoid
    believing that they are closely consecutive. But we know, for instance,
    from Sir R. Murchison’s great work on Russia, what wide gaps there are
    in that country between the superimposed formations; so it is in North
    America, and in many other parts of the world. The most skilful
    geologist, if his attention had been exclusively confined to these
    large territories, would never have suspected that during the periods
    which were blank and barren in his own country, great piles of
    sediment, charged with new and peculiar forms of life, had elsewhere
    been accumulated. And if in each separate territory, hardly any idea
    can be formed of the length of time which has elapsed between the
    consecutive formations, we may infer that this could nowhere be
    ascertained. The frequent
    and great changes in the mineralogical composition of consecutive
    formations, generally implying great changes in the geography of the
    surrounding lands, whence the sediment has been derived, accords with
    the belief of vast intervals of time having elapsed between each
    formation.

    But we can, I think, see why the geological formations of each region
    are almost invariably intermittent; that is, have not followed each
    other in close sequence. Scarcely any fact struck me more when
    examining many hundred miles of the South American coasts, which have
    been upraised several hundred feet within the recent period, than the
    absence of any recent deposits sufficiently extensive to last for even
    a short geological period. Along the whole west coast, which is
    inhabited by a peculiar marine fauna, tertiary beds are so scantily
    developed, that no record of several successive and peculiar marine
    faunas will probably be preserved to a distant age. A little reflection
    will explain why along the rising coast of the western side of South
    America, no extensive formations with recent or tertiary remains can
    anywhere be found, though the supply of sediment must for ages have
    been great, from the enormous degradation of the coast-rocks and from
    muddy streams entering the sea. The explanation, no doubt, is, that the
    littoral and sub-littoral deposits are continually worn away, as soon
    as they are brought up by the slow and gradual rising of the land
    within the grinding action of the coast-waves.

    We may, I think, safely conclude that sediment must be accumulated in
    extremely thick, solid, or extensive masses, in order to withstand the
    incessant action of the waves, when first upraised and during
    subsequent oscillations of level. Such thick and extensive
    accumulations of sediment may be formed in two ways; either,
    in profound depths of the sea, in which case, judging from the
    researches of E. Forbes, we may conclude that the bottom will be
    inhabited by extremely few animals, and the mass when upraised will
    give a most imperfect record of the forms of life which then existed;
    or, sediment may be accumulated to any thickness and extent over a
    shallow bottom, if it continue slowly to subside. In this latter case,
    as long as the rate of subsidence and supply of sediment nearly balance
    each other, the sea will remain shallow and favourable for life, and
    thus a fossiliferous formation thick enough, when upraised, to resist
    any amount of degradation, may be formed.

    I am convinced that all our ancient formations, which are rich in
    fossils, have thus been formed during subsidence. Since publishing my
    views on this subject in 1845, I have watched the progress of Geology,
    and have been surprised to note how author after author, in treating of
    this or that great formation, has come to the conclusion that it was
    accumulated during subsidence. I may add, that the only ancient
    tertiary formation on the west coast of South America, which has been
    bulky enough to resist such degradation as it has as yet suffered, but
    which will hardly last to a distant geological age, was certainly
    deposited during a downward oscillation of level, and thus gained
    considerable thickness.

    All geological facts tell us plainly that each area has undergone
    numerous slow oscillations of level, and apparently these oscillations
    have affected wide spaces. Consequently formations rich in fossils and
    sufficiently thick and extensive to resist subsequent degradation, may
    have been formed over wide spaces during periods of subsidence, but
    only where the supply of sediment was sufficient to keep the sea
    shallow and to embed and
    preserve the remains before they had time to decay. On the other hand,
    as long as the bed of the sea remained stationary, thick deposits
    could not have been accumulated in the shallow parts, which are the
    most favourable to life. Still less could this have happened during the
    alternate periods of elevation; or, to speak more accurately, the beds
    which were then accumulated will have been destroyed by being upraised
    and brought within the limits of the coast-action.

    Thus the geological record will almost necessarily be rendered
    intermittent. I feel much confidence in the truth of these views, for
    they are in strict accordance with the general principles inculcated by
    Sir C. Lyell; and E. Forbes independently arrived at a similar
    conclusion.

    One remark is here worth a passing notice. During periods of elevation
    the area of the land and of the adjoining shoal parts of the sea will
    be increased, and new stations will often be formed;—all circumstances
    most favourable, as previously explained, for the formation of new
    varieties and species; but during such periods there will generally be
    a blank in the geological record. On the other hand, during subsidence,
    the inhabited area and number of inhabitants will decrease (excepting
    the productions on the shores of a continent when first broken up into
    an archipelago), and consequently during subsidence, though there will
    be much extinction, fewer new varieties or species will be formed; and
    it is during these very periods of subsidence, that our great deposits
    rich in fossils have been accumulated. Nature may almost be said to
    have guarded against the frequent discovery of her transitional or
    linking forms.

    From the foregoing considerations it cannot be doubted that the
    geological record, viewed as a whole, is extremely imperfect; but if we
    confine our attention to any one formation, it becomes more difficult
    to understand,
    why we do not therein find closely graduated varieties between the
    allied species which lived at its commencement and at its close. Some
    cases are on record of the same species presenting distinct varieties
    in the upper and lower parts of the same formation, but, as they are
    rare, they may be here passed over. Although each formation has
    indisputably required a vast number of years for its deposition, I can
    see several reasons why each should not include a graduated series of
    links between the species which then lived; but I can by no means
    pretend to assign due proportional weight to the following
    considerations.

    Although each formation may mark a very long lapse of years, each
    perhaps is short compared with the period requisite to change one
    species into another. I am aware that two palæontologists, whose
    opinions are worthy of much deference, namely Bronn and Woodward, have
    concluded that the average duration of each formation is twice or
    thrice as long as the average duration of specific forms. But
    insuperable difficulties, as it seems to me, prevent us coming to any
    just conclusion on this head. When we see a species first appearing in
    the middle of any formation, it would be rash in the extreme to infer
    that it had not elsewhere previously existed. So again when we find a
    species disappearing before the uppermost layers have been deposited,
    it would be equally rash to suppose that it then became wholly extinct.
    We forget how small the area of Europe is compared with the rest of the
    world; nor have the several stages of the same formation throughout
    Europe been correlated with perfect accuracy.

    With marine animals of all kinds, we may safely infer a large amount of
    migration during climatal and other changes; and when we see a species
    first appearing in any formation, the probability is that it
    only then first immigrated into that area. It is well known, for
    instance, that several species appeared somewhat earlier in the
    palæozoic beds of North America than in those of Europe; time having
    apparently been required for their migration from the American to the
    European seas. In examining the latest deposits of various quarters of
    the world, it has everywhere been noted, that some few still existing
    species are common in the deposit, but have become extinct in the
    immediately surrounding sea; or, conversely, that some are now abundant
    in the neighbouring sea, but are rare or absent in this particular
    deposit. It is an excellent lesson to reflect on the ascertained amount
    of migration of the inhabitants of Europe during the Glacial period,
    which forms only a part of one whole geological period; and likewise to
    reflect on the great changes of level, on the inordinately great change
    of climate, on the prodigious lapse of time, all included within this
    same glacial period. Yet it may be doubted whether in any quarter of
    the world, sedimentary deposits, including fossil remains, have gone
    on accumulating within the same area during the whole of this period.
    It is not, for instance, probable that sediment was deposited during
    the whole of the glacial period near the mouth of the Mississippi,
    within that limit of depth at which marine animals can flourish; for we
    know what vast geographical changes occurred in other parts of America
    during this space of time. When such beds as were deposited in shallow
    water near the mouth of the Mississippi during some part of the glacial
    period shall have been upraised, organic remains will probably first
    appear and disappear at different levels, owing to the migration of
    species and to geographical changes. And in the distant future, a
    geologist examining these beds, might be tempted to conclude that the
    average duration of life
    of the embedded fossils had been less than that of the glacial period,
    instead of having been really far greater, that is extending from
    before the glacial epoch to the present day.

    In order to get a perfect gradation between two forms in the upper and
    lower parts of the same formation, the deposit must have gone on
    accumulating for a very long period, in order to have given sufficient
    time for the slow process of variation; hence the deposit will
    generally have to be a very thick one; and the species undergoing
    modification will have had to live on the same area throughout this
    whole time. But we have seen that a thick fossiliferous formation can
    only be accumulated during a period of subsidence; and to keep the
    depth approximately the same, which is necessary in order to enable the
    same species to live on the same space, the supply of sediment must
    nearly have counterbalanced the amount of subsidence. But this same
    movement of subsidence will often tend to sink the area whence the
    sediment is derived, and thus diminish the supply whilst the downward
    movement continues. In fact, this nearly exact balancing between the
    supply of sediment and the amount of subsidence is probably a rare
    contingency; for it has been observed by more than one palæontologist,
    that very thick deposits are usually barren of organic remains, except
    near their upper or lower limits.

    It would seem that each separate formation, like the whole pile of
    formations in any country, has generally been intermittent in its
    accumulation. When we see, as is so often the case, a formation
    composed of beds of different mineralogical composition, we may
    reasonably suspect that the process of deposition has been much
    interrupted, as a change in the currents of the sea and a supply of
    sediment of a different nature will
    generally have been due to geographical changes requiring much time.
    Nor will the closest inspection of a formation give any idea of the
    time which its deposition has consumed. Many instances could be given
    of beds only a few feet in thickness, representing formations,
    elsewhere thousands of feet in thickness, and which must have required
    an enormous period for their accumulation; yet no one ignorant of this
    fact would have suspected the vast lapse of time represented by the
    thinner formation. Many cases could be given of the lower beds of a
    formation having been upraised, denuded, submerged, and then re-covered
    by the upper beds of the same formation,—facts, showing what wide, yet
    easily overlooked, intervals have occurred in its accumulation. In
    other cases we have the plainest evidence in great fossilised trees,
    still standing upright as they grew, of many long intervals of time and
    changes of level during the process of deposition, which would never
    even have been suspected, had not the trees chanced to have been
    preserved: thus, Messrs. Lyell and Dawson found carboniferous beds 1400
    feet thick in Nova Scotia, with ancient root-bearing strata, one above
    the other, at no less than sixty-eight different levels. Hence, when
    the same species occur at the bottom, middle, and top of a formation,
    the probability is that they have not lived on the same spot during the
    whole period of deposition, but have disappeared and reappeared,
    perhaps many times, during the same geological period. So that if such
    species were to undergo a considerable amount of modification during
    any one geological period, a section would not probably include all the
    fine intermediate gradations which must on my theory have existed
    between them, but abrupt, though perhaps very slight, changes of form.

    It is all-important to remember that naturalists have
    no golden rule by which to distinguish species and varieties; they
    grant some little variability to each species, but when they meet with
    a somewhat greater amount of difference between any two forms, they
    rank both as species, unless they are enabled to connect them together
    by close intermediate gradations. And this from the reasons just
    assigned we can seldom hope to effect in any one geological section.
    Supposing B and C to be two species, and a third, A, to be found in an
    underlying bed; even if A were strictly intermediate between B and C,
    it would simply be ranked as a third and distinct species, unless at
    the same time it could be most closely connected with either one or
    both forms by intermediate varieties. Nor should it be forgotten, as
    before explained, that A might be the actual progenitor of B and C, and
    yet might not at all necessarily be strictly intermediate between them
    in all points of structure. So that we might obtain the parent-species
    and its several modified descendants from the lower and upper beds of a
    formation, and unless we obtained numerous transitional gradations, we
    should not recognise their relationship, and should consequently be
    compelled to rank them all as distinct species.

    It is notorious on what excessively slight differences many
    palæontologists have founded their species; and they do this the more
    readily if the specimens come from different sub-stages of the same
    formation. Some experienced conchologists are now sinking many of the
    very fine species of D’Orbigny and others into the rank of varieties;
    and on this view we do find the kind of evidence of change which on my
    theory we ought to find. Moreover, if we look to rather wider
    intervals, namely, to distinct but consecutive stages of the same great
    formation, we find that the embedded fossils, though almost universally
    ranked as specifically different,
    yet are far more closely allied to each other than are the species
    found in more widely separated formations; but to this subject I shall
    have to return in the following chapter.

    One other consideration is worth notice: with animals and plants that
    can propagate rapidly and are not highly locomotive, there is reason to
    suspect, as we have formerly seen, that their varieties are generally
    at first local; and that such local varieties do not spread widely and
    supplant their parent-forms until they have been modified and perfected
    in some considerable degree. According to this view, the chance of
    discovering in a formation in any one country all the early stages of
    transition between any two forms, is small, for the successive changes
    are supposed to have been local or confined to some one spot. Most
    marine animals have a wide range; and we have seen that with plants it
    is those which have the widest range, that oftenest present varieties;
    so that with shells and other marine animals, it is probably those
    which have had the widest range, far exceeding the limits of the known
    geological formations of Europe, which have oftenest given rise, first
    to local varieties and ultimately to new species; and this again would
    greatly lessen the chance of our being able to trace the stages of
    transition in any one geological formation.

    It should not be forgotten, that at the present day, with perfect
    specimens for examination, two forms can seldom be connected by
    intermediate varieties and thus proved to be the same species, until
    many specimens have been collected from many places; and in the case of
    fossil species this could rarely be effected by palæontologists. We
    shall, perhaps, best perceive the improbability of our being enabled to
    connect species by numerous, fine, intermediate, fossil links, by
    asking
    ourselves whether, for instance, geologists at some future period will
    be able to prove, that our different breeds of cattle, sheep, horses,
    and dogs have descended from a single stock or from several aboriginal
    stocks; or, again, whether certain sea-shells inhabiting the shores of
    North America, which are ranked by some conchologists as distinct
    species from their European representatives, and by other conchologists
    as only varieties, are really varieties or are, as it is called,
    specifically distinct. This could be effected only by the future
    geologist discovering in a fossil state numerous intermediate
    gradations; and such success seems to me improbable in the highest
    degree.

    Geological research, though it has added numerous species to existing
    and extinct genera, and has made the intervals between some few groups
    less wide than they otherwise would have been, yet has done scarcely
    anything in breaking down the distinction between species, by
    connecting them together by numerous, fine, intermediate varieties; and
    this not having been effected, is probably the gravest and most obvious
    of all the many objections which may be urged against my views. Hence
    it will be worth while to sum up the foregoing remarks, under an
    imaginary illustration. The Malay Archipelago is of about the size of
    Europe from the North Cape to the Mediterranean, and from Britain to
    Russia; and therefore equals all the geological formations which have
    been examined with any accuracy, excepting those of the United States
    of America. I fully agree with Mr. Godwin-Austen, that the present
    condition of the Malay Archipelago, with its numerous large islands
    separated by wide and shallow seas, probably represents the former
    state of Europe, when most of our formations were accumulating. The
    Malay Archipelago is one of the richest regions of the
    whole world in organic beings; yet if all the species were to be
    collected which have ever lived there, how imperfectly would they
    represent the natural history of the world!

    But we have every reason to believe that the terrestrial productions of
    the archipelago would be preserved in an excessively imperfect manner
    in the formations which we suppose to be there accumulating. I suspect
    that not many of the strictly littoral animals, or of those which lived
    on naked submarine rocks, would be embedded; and those embedded in
    gravel or sand, would not endure to a distant epoch. Wherever sediment
    did not accumulate on the bed of the sea, or where it did not
    accumulate at a sufficient rate to protect organic bodies from decay,
    no remains could be preserved.

    In our archipelago, I believe that fossiliferous formations could be
    formed of sufficient thickness to last to an age, as distant in
    futurity as the secondary formations lie in the past, only during
    periods of subsidence. These periods of subsidence would be separated
    from each other by enormous intervals, during which the area would be
    either stationary or rising; whilst rising, each fossiliferous
    formation would be destroyed, almost as soon as accumulated, by the
    incessant coast-action, as we now see on the shores of South America.
    During the periods of subsidence there would probably be much
    extinction of life; during the periods of elevation, there would be
    much variation, but the geological record would then be least perfect.

    It may be doubted whether the duration of any one great period of
    subsidence over the whole or part of the archipelago, together with a
    contemporaneous accumulation of sediment, would exceed the average
    duration of the same specific forms; and these contingencies are
    indispensable for the preservation of all the transitional gradations
    between any two or more species. If such gradations were not fully
    preserved, transitional varieties would merely appear as so many
    distinct species. It is, also, probable that each great period of
    subsidence would be interrupted by oscillations of level, and that
    slight climatal changes would intervene during such lengthy periods;
    and in these cases the inhabitants of the archipelago would have to
    migrate, and no closely consecutive record of their modifications could
    be preserved in any one formation.

    Very many of the marine inhabitants of the archipelago now range
    thousands of miles beyond its confines; and analogy leads me to believe
    that it would be chiefly these far-ranging species which would oftenest
    produce new varieties; and the varieties would at first generally be
    local or confined to one place, but if possessed of any decided
    advantage, or when further modified and improved, they would slowly
    spread and supplant their parent-forms. When such varieties returned to
    their ancient homes, as they would differ from their former state, in a
    nearly uniform, though perhaps extremely slight degree, they would,
    according to the principles followed by many palæontologists, be ranked
    as new and distinct species.

    If then, there be some degree of truth in these remarks, we have no
    right to expect to find in our geological formations, an infinite
    number of those fine transitional forms, which on my theory assuredly
    have connected all the past and present species of the same group into
    one long and branching chain of life. We ought only to look for a few
    links, some more closely, some more distantly related to each other;
    and these links, let them be ever so close, if found in different
    stages of the same formation, would, by most palæontologists,
    be ranked as distinct species. But I do not pretend that I should ever
    have suspected how poor a record of the mutations of life, the best
    preserved geological section presented, had not the difficulty of our
    not discovering innumerable transitional links between the species
    which appeared at the commencement and close of each formation, pressed
    so hardly on my theory.

    On the sudden appearance of whole groups of Allied Species.—The
    abrupt manner in which whole groups of species suddenly appear in
    certain formations, has been urged by several palæontologists, for
    instance, by Agassiz, Pictet, and by none more forcibly than by
    Professor Sedgwick, as a fatal objection to the belief in the
    transmutation of species. If numerous species, belonging to the same
    genera or families, have really started into life all at once, the fact
    would be fatal to the theory of descent with slow modification through
    natural selection. For the development of a group of forms, all of
    which have descended from some one progenitor, must have been an
    extremely slow process; and the progenitors must have lived long ages
    before their modified descendants. But we continually over-rate the
    perfection of the geological record, and falsely infer, because certain
    genera or families have not been found beneath a certain stage, that
    they did not exist before that stage. We continually forget how large
    the world is, compared with the area over which our geological
    formations have been carefully examined; we forget that groups of
    species may elsewhere have long existed and have slowly multiplied
    before they invaded the ancient archipelagoes of Europe and of the
    United States. We do not make due allowance for the enormous intervals
    of time, which have
    probably elapsed between our consecutive formations,—longer perhaps in
    some cases than the time required for the accumulation of each
    formation. These intervals will have given time for the multiplication
    of species from some one or some few parent-forms; and in the
    succeeding formation such species will appear as if suddenly created.

    I may here recall a remark formerly made, namely that it might require
    a long succession of ages to adapt an organism to some new and peculiar
    line of life, for instance to fly through the air; but that when this
    had been effected, and a few species had thus acquired a great
    advantage over other organisms, a comparatively short time would be
    necessary to produce many divergent forms, which would be able to
    spread rapidly and widely throughout the world.

    I will now give a few examples to illustrate these remarks; and to show
    how liable we are to error in supposing that whole groups of species
    have suddenly been produced. I may recall the well-known fact that in
    geological treatises, published not many years ago, the great class of
    mammals was always spoken of as having abruptly come in at the
    commencement of the tertiary series. And now one of the richest known
    accumulations of fossil mammals belongs to the middle of the secondary
    series; and one true mammal has been discovered in the new red
    sandstone at nearly the commencement of this great series. Cuvier used
    to urge that no monkey occurred in any tertiary stratum; but now
    extinct species have been discovered in India, South America, and in
    Europe even as far back as the eocene stage. The most striking case,
    however, is that of the Whale family; as these animals have huge bones,
    are marine, and range over the world, the fact of not a single bone of
    a whale having been discovered in
    any secondary formation, seemed fully to justify the belief that this
    great and distinct order had been suddenly produced in the interval
    between the latest secondary and earliest tertiary formation. But now
    we may read in the Supplement to Lyell’s ‘Manual,’ published in 1858,
    clear evidence of the existence of whales in the upper greensand, some
    time before the close of the secondary period.

    I may give another instance, which from having passed under my own eyes
    has much struck me. In a memoir on Fossil Sessile Cirripedes, I have
    stated that, from the number of existing and extinct tertiary species;
    from the extraordinary abundance of the individuals of many species all
    over the world, from the Arctic regions to the equator, inhabiting
    various zones of depths from the upper tidal limits to 50 fathoms; from
    the perfect manner in which specimens are preserved in the oldest
    tertiary beds; from the ease with which even a fragment of a valve can
    be recognised; from all these circumstances, I inferred that had
    sessile cirripedes existed during the secondary periods, they would
    certainly have been preserved and discovered; and as not one species
    had been discovered in beds of this age, I concluded that this great
    group had been suddenly developed at the commencement of the tertiary
    series. This was a sore trouble to me, adding as I thought one more
    instance of the abrupt appearance of a great group of species. But my
    work had hardly been published, when a skilful palæontologist, M.
    Bosquet, sent me a drawing of a perfect specimen of an unmistakeable
    sessile cirripede, which he had himself extracted from the chalk of
    Belgium. And, as if to make the case as striking as possible, this
    sessile cirripede was a Chthamalus, a very common, large, and
    ubiquitous genus, of which not one specimen has as yet been found even
    in any tertiary
    stratum. Hence we now positively know that sessile cirripedes existed
    during the secondary period; and these cirripedes might have been the
    progenitors of our many tertiary and existing species.

    The case most frequently insisted on by palæontologists of the
    apparently sudden appearance of a whole group of species, is that of
    the teleostean fishes, low down in the Chalk period. This group
    includes the large majority of existing species. Lately, Professor
    Pictet has carried their existence one sub-stage further back; and some
    palæontologists believe that certain much older fishes, of which the
    affinities are as yet imperfectly known, are really teleostean.
    Assuming, however, that the whole of them did appear, as Agassiz
    believes, at the commencement of the chalk formation, the fact would
    certainly be highly remarkable; but I cannot see that it would be an
    insuperable difficulty on my theory, unless it could likewise be shown
    that the species of this group appeared suddenly and simultaneously
    throughout the world at this same period. It is almost superfluous to
    remark that hardly any fossil-fish are known from south of the equator;
    and by running through Pictet’s Palæontology it will be seen that very
    few species are known from several formations in Europe. Some few
    families of fish now have a confined range; the teleostean fish might
    formerly have had a similarly confined range, and after having been
    largely developed in some one sea, might have spread widely. Nor have
    we any right to suppose that the seas of the world have always been so
    freely open from south to north as they are at present. Even at this
    day, if the Malay Archipelago were converted into land, the tropical
    parts of the Indian Ocean would form a large and perfectly enclosed
    basin, in which any great group of marine animals might be multiplied;
    and
    here they would remain confined, until some of the species became
    adapted to a cooler climate, and were enabled to double the southern
    capes of Africa or Australia, and thus reach other and distant seas.

    From these and similar considerations, but chiefly from our ignorance
    of the geology of other countries beyond the confines of Europe and the
    United States; and from the revolution in our palæontological ideas on
    many points, which the discoveries of even the last dozen years have
    effected, it seems to me to be about as rash in us to dogmatize on the
    succession of organic beings throughout the world, as it would be for a
    naturalist to land for five minutes on some one barren point in
    Australia, and then to discuss the number and range of its productions.

    On the sudden appearance of groups of Allied Species in the lowest known fossiliferous strata.—There is another and allied difficulty,
    which is much graver. I allude to the manner in which numbers of
    species of the same group, suddenly appear in the lowest known
    fossiliferous rocks. Most of the arguments which have convinced me that
    all the existing species of the same group have descended from one
    progenitor, apply with nearly equal force to the earliest known
    species. For instance, I cannot doubt that all the Silurian trilobites
    have descended from some one crustacean, which must have lived long
    before the Silurian age, and which probably differed greatly from any
    known animal. Some of the most ancient Silurian animals, as the
    Nautilus, Lingula, etc., do not differ much from living species; and it
    cannot on my theory be supposed, that these old species were the
    progenitors of all the species of the orders to which they belong, for
    they do not present characters in any degree intermediate between them.
    If, moreover, they had been the progenitors of these orders, they would
    almost certainly have been long ago supplanted and exterminated by
    their numerous and improved descendants.

    Consequently, if my theory be true, it is indisputable that before the
    lowest Silurian stratum was deposited, long periods elapsed, as long
    as, or probably far longer than, the whole interval from the Silurian
    age to the present day; and that during these vast, yet quite unknown,
    periods of time, the world swarmed with living creatures.

    To the question why we do not find records of these vast primordial
    periods, I can give no satisfactory answer. Several of the most eminent
    geologists, with Sir R. Murchison at their head, are convinced that we
    see in the organic remains of the lowest Silurian stratum the dawn of
    life on this planet. Other highly competent judges, as Lyell and the
    late E. Forbes, dispute this conclusion. We should not forget that only
    a small portion of the world is known with accuracy. M. Barrande has
    lately added another and lower stage to the Silurian system, abounding
    with new and peculiar species. Traces of life have been detected in the
    Longmynd beds beneath Barrande’s so-called primordial zone. The
    presence of phosphatic nodules and bituminous matter in some of the
    lowest azoic rocks, probably indicates the former existence of life at
    these periods. But the difficulty of understanding the absence of vast
    piles of fossiliferous strata, which on my theory no doubt were
    somewhere accumulated before the Silurian epoch, is very great. If
    these most ancient beds had been wholly worn away by denudation, or
    obliterated by metamorphic action, we ought to find only small remnants
    of the formations next succeeding them in age, and these ought to be
    very generally in
    a metamorphosed condition. But the descriptions which we now possess of
    the Silurian deposits over immense territories in Russia and in North
    America, do not support the view, that the older a formation is, the
    more it has suffered the extremity of denudation and metamorphism.

    The case at present must remain inexplicable; and may be truly urged as
    a valid argument against the views here entertained. To show that it
    may hereafter receive some explanation, I will give the following
    hypothesis. From the nature of the organic remains, which do not appear
    to have inhabited profound depths, in the several formations of Europe
    and of the United States; and from the amount of sediment, miles in
    thickness, of which the formations are composed, we may infer that from
    first to last large islands or tracts of land, whence the sediment was
    derived, occurred in the neighbourhood of the existing continents of
    Europe and North America. But we do not know what was the state of
    things in the intervals between the successive formations; whether
    Europe and the United States during these intervals existed as dry
    land, or as a submarine surface near land, on which sediment was not
    deposited, or again as the bed of an open and unfathomable sea.

    Looking to the existing oceans, which are thrice as extensive as the
    land, we see them studded with many islands; but not one oceanic island
    is as yet known to afford even a remnant of any palæozoic or secondary
    formation. Hence we may perhaps infer, that during the palæozoic and
    secondary periods, neither continents nor continental islands existed
    where our oceans now extend; for had they existed there, palæozoic and
    secondary formations would in all probability have been accumulated
    from sediment derived from their wear and
    tear; and would have been at least partially upheaved by the
    oscillations of level, which we may fairly conclude must have
    intervened during these enormously long periods. If then we may infer
    anything from these facts, we may infer that where our oceans now
    extend, oceans have extended from the remotest period of which we have
    any record; and on the other hand, that where continents now exist,
    large tracts of land have existed, subjected no doubt to great
    oscillations of level, since the earliest silurian period. The coloured
    map appended to my volume on Coral Reefs, led me to conclude that the
    great oceans are still mainly areas of subsidence, the great
    archipelagoes still areas of oscillations of level, and the continents
    areas of elevation. But have we any right to assume that things have
    thus remained from eternity? Our continents seem to have been formed by
    a preponderance, during many oscillations of level, of the force of
    elevation; but may not the areas of preponderant movement have changed
    in the lapse of ages? At a period immeasurably antecedent to the
    silurian epoch, continents may have existed where oceans are now spread
    out; and clear and open oceans may have existed where our continents
    now stand. Nor should we be justified in assuming that if, for
    instance, the bed of the Pacific Ocean were now converted into a
    continent, we should there find formations older than the silurian
    strata, supposing such to have been formerly deposited; for it might
    well happen that strata which had subsided some miles nearer to the
    centre of the earth, and which had been pressed on by an enormous
    weight of superincumbent water, might have undergone far more
    metamorphic action than strata which have always remained nearer to the
    surface. The immense areas in some parts of the world, for instance in
    South America, of bare metamorphic rocks, which
    must have been heated under great pressure, have always seemed to me to
    require some special explanation; and we may perhaps believe that we
    see in these large areas, the many formations long anterior to the
    silurian epoch in a completely metamorphosed condition.

    The several difficulties here discussed, namely our not finding in the
    successive formations infinitely numerous transitional links between
    the many species which now exist or have existed; the sudden manner in
    which whole groups of species appear in our European formations; the
    almost entire absence, as at present known, of fossiliferous formations
    beneath the Silurian strata, are all undoubtedly of the gravest nature.
    We see this in the plainest manner by the fact that all the most
    eminent palæontologists, namely Cuvier, Owen, Agassiz, Barrande,
    Falconer, E. Forbes, etc., and all our greatest geologists, as Lyell,
    Murchison, Sedgwick, etc., have unanimously, often vehemently,
    maintained the immutability of species. But I have reason to believe
    that one great authority, Sir Charles Lyell, from further reflexion
    entertains grave doubts on this subject. I feel how rash it is to
    differ from these great authorities, to whom, with others, we owe all
    our knowledge. Those who think the natural geological record in any
    degree perfect, and who do not attach much weight to the facts and
    arguments of other kinds given in this volume, will undoubtedly at once
    reject my theory. For my part, following out Lyell’s metaphor, I look
    at the natural geological record, as a history of the world imperfectly
    kept, and written in a changing dialect; of this history we possess the
    last volume alone, relating only to two or three countries. Of this
    volume, only here and there a short chapter has
    been preserved; and of each page, only here and there a few lines. Each
    word of the slowly-changing language, in which the history is supposed
    to be written, being more or less different in the interrupted
    succession of chapters, may represent the apparently abruptly changed
    forms of life, entombed in our consecutive, but widely separated
    formations. On this view, the difficulties above discussed are greatly
    diminished, or even disappear.

    CHAPTER X.
    ON THE GEOLOGICAL SUCCESSION OF ORGANIC BEINGS.

    On the slow and successive appearance of new species. On their
    different rates of change. Species once lost do not reappear. Groups of
    species follow the same general rules in their appearance and
    disappearance as do single species. On Extinction. On simultaneous
    changes in the forms of life throughout the world. On the affinities of
    extinct species to each other and to living species. On the state of
    development of ancient forms. On the succession of the same types
    within the same areas. Summary of preceding and present chapters.

    Let us now see whether the several facts and rules relating to the
    geological succession of organic beings, better accord with the common
    view of the immutability of species, or with that of their slow and
    gradual modification, through descent and natural selection.

    New species have appeared very slowly, one after another, both on the
    land and in the waters. Lyell has shown that it is hardly possible to
    resist the evidence on this head in the case of the several tertiary
    stages; and every year tends to fill up the blanks between them, and to
    make the percentage system of lost and new forms more gradual. In some
    of the most recent beds, though undoubtedly of high antiquity if
    measured by years, only one or two species are lost forms, and only one
    or two are new forms, having here appeared for the first time, either
    locally, or, as far as we know, on the face of the earth. If we may
    trust the observations of Philippi in Sicily, the successive changes in
    the marine inhabitants of that island have been many and most gradual.
    The secondary formations are more broken; but, as Bronn has remarked,
    neither the appearance
    nor disappearance of their many now extinct species has been
    simultaneous in each separate formation.

    Species of different genera and classes have not changed at the same
    rate, or in the same degree. In the oldest tertiary beds a few living
    shells may still be found in the midst of a multitude of extinct forms.
    Falconer has given a striking instance of a similar fact, in an
    existing crocodile associated with many strange and lost mammals and
    reptiles in the sub-Himalayan deposits. The Silurian Lingula differs
    but little from the living species of this genus; whereas most of the
    other Silurian Molluscs and all the Crustaceans have changed greatly.
    The productions of the land seem to change at a quicker rate than those
    of the sea, of which a striking instance has lately been observed in
    Switzerland. There is some reason to believe that organisms, considered
    high in the scale of nature, change more quickly than those that are
    low: though there are exceptions to this rule. The amount of organic
    change, as Pictet has remarked, does not strictly correspond with the
    succession of our geological formations; so that between each two
    consecutive formations, the forms of life have seldom changed in
    exactly the same degree. Yet if we compare any but the most closely
    related formations, all the species will be found to have undergone
    some change. When a species has once disappeared from the face of the
    earth, we have reason to believe that the same identical form never
    reappears. The strongest apparent exception to this latter rule, is
    that of the so-called “colonies” of M. Barrande, which intrude for a
    period in the midst of an older formation, and then allow the
    pre-existing fauna to reappear; but Lyell’s explanation, namely, that
    it is a case of temporary migration from a distinct geographical
    province, seems to me satisfactory.

    These several facts accord well with my theory. I believe in no fixed
    law of development, causing all the inhabitants of a country to change
    abruptly, or simultaneously, or to an equal degree. The process of
    modification must be extremely slow. The variability of each species is
    quite independent of that of all others. Whether such variability be
    taken advantage of by natural selection, and whether the variations be
    accumulated to a greater or lesser amount, thus causing a greater or
    lesser amount of modification in the varying species, depends on many
    complex contingencies,—on the variability being of a beneficial nature,
    on the power of intercrossing, on the rate of breeding, on the slowly
    changing physical conditions of the country, and more especially on the
    nature of the other inhabitants with which the varying species comes
    into competition. Hence it is by no means surprising that one species
    should retain the same identical form much longer than others; or, if
    changing, that it should change less. We see the same fact in
    geographical distribution; for instance, in the land-shells and
    coleopterous insects of Madeira having come to differ considerably from
    their nearest allies on the continent of Europe, whereas the marine
    shells and birds have remained unaltered. We can perhaps understand the
    apparently quicker rate of change in terrestrial and in more highly
    organised productions compared with marine and lower productions, by
    the more complex relations of the higher beings to their organic and
    inorganic conditions of life, as explained in a former chapter. When
    many of the inhabitants of a country have become modified and improved,
    we can understand, on the principle of competition, and on that of the
    many all-important relations of organism to organism, that any form
    which does not become in some degree modified and improved,
    will be liable to be exterminated. Hence we can see why all the species
    in the same region do at last, if we look to wide enough intervals of
    time, become modified; for those which do not change will become
    extinct.

    In members of the same class the average amount of change, during long
    and equal periods of time, may, perhaps, be nearly the same; but as the
    accumulation of long-enduring fossiliferous formations depends on great
    masses of sediment having been deposited on areas whilst subsiding, our
    formations have been almost necessarily accumulated at wide and
    irregularly intermittent intervals; consequently the amount of organic
    change exhibited by the fossils embedded in consecutive formations is
    not equal. Each formation, on this view, does not mark a new and
    complete act of creation, but only an occasional scene, taken almost at
    hazard, in a slowly changing drama.

    We can clearly understand why a species when once lost should never
    reappear, even if the very same conditions of life, organic and
    inorganic, should recur. For though the offspring of one species might
    be adapted (and no doubt this has occurred in innumerable instances) to
    fill the exact place of another species in the economy of nature, and
    thus supplant it; yet the two forms—the old and the new—would not be
    identically the same; for both would almost certainly inherit different
    characters from their distinct progenitors. For instance, it is just
    possible, if our fantail-pigeons were all destroyed, that fanciers, by
    striving during long ages for the same object, might make a new breed
    hardly distinguishable from our present fantail; but if the parent
    rock-pigeon were also destroyed, and in nature we have every reason to
    believe that the parent-form will generally be supplanted and
    exterminated by its improved offspring, it is quite incredible that a
    fantail, identical with the existing breed, could be raised from any
    other species of pigeon, or even from the other well-established races
    of the domestic pigeon, for the newly-formed fantail would be almost
    sure to inherit from its new progenitor some slight characteristic
    differences.

    Groups of species, that is, genera and families, follow the same
    general rules in their appearance and disappearance as do single
    species, changing more or less quickly, and in a greater or lesser
    degree. A group does not reappear after it has once disappeared; or its
    existence, as long as it lasts, is continuous. I am aware that there
    are some apparent exceptions to this rule, but the exceptions are
    surprisingly few, so few, that E. Forbes, Pictet, and Woodward (though
    all strongly opposed to such views as I maintain) admit its truth; and
    the rule strictly accords with my theory. For as all the species of the
    same group have descended from some one species, it is clear that as
    long as any species of the group have appeared in the long succession
    of ages, so long must its members have continuously existed, in order
    to have generated either new and modified or the same old and
    unmodified forms. Species of the genus Lingula, for instance, must have
    continuously existed by an unbroken succession of generations, from the
    lowest Silurian stratum to the present day.

    We have seen in the last chapter that the species of a group sometimes
    falsely appear to have come in abruptly; and I have attempted to give
    an explanation of this fact, which if true would have been fatal to my
    views. But such cases are certainly exceptional; the general rule being
    a gradual increase in number, till the group reaches its maximum, and
    then, sooner or later, it gradually decreases. If the
    number of the species of a genus, or the number of the genera of a
    family, be represented by a vertical line of varying thickness,
    crossing the successive geological formations in which the species are
    found, the line will sometimes falsely appear to begin at its lower
    end, not in a sharp point, but abruptly; it then gradually thickens
    upwards, sometimes keeping for a space of equal thickness, and
    ultimately thins out in the upper beds, marking the decrease and final
    extinction of the species. This gradual increase in number of the
    species of a group is strictly conformable with my theory; as the
    species of the same genus, and the genera of the same family, can
    increase only slowly and progressively; for the process of modification
    and the production of a number of allied forms must be slow and
    gradual,—one species giving rise first to two or three varieties, these
    being slowly converted into species, which in their turn produce by
    equally slow steps other species, and so on, like the branching of a
    great tree from a single stem, till the group becomes large.

    On Extinction.—We have as yet spoken only incidentally of the
    disappearance of species and of groups of species. On the theory of
    natural selection the extinction of old forms and the production of new
    and improved forms are intimately connected together. The old notion of
    all the inhabitants of the earth having been swept away at successive
    periods by catastrophes, is very generally given up, even by those
    geologists, as Elie de Beaumont, Murchison, Barrande, etc., whose
    general views would naturally lead them to this conclusion. On the
    contrary, we have every reason to believe, from the study of the
    tertiary formations, that species and groups of species gradually
    disappear, one after another, first from one spot, then from another,
    and
    finally from the world. Both single species and whole groups of species
    last for very unequal periods; some groups, as we have seen, having
    endured from the earliest known dawn of life to the present day; some
    having disappeared before the close of the palæozoic period. No fixed
    law seems to determine the length of time during which any single
    species or any single genus endures. There is reason to believe that
    the complete extinction of the species of a group is generally a slower
    process than their production: if the appearance and disappearance of a
    group of species be represented, as before, by a vertical line of
    varying thickness, the line is found to taper more gradually at its
    upper end, which marks the progress of extermination, than at its lower
    end, which marks the first appearance and increase in numbers of the
    species. In some cases, however, the extermination of whole groups of
    beings, as of ammonites towards the close of the secondary period, has
    been wonderfully sudden.

    The whole subject of the extinction of species has been involved in the
    most gratuitous mystery. Some authors have even supposed that as the
    individual has a definite length of life, so have species a definite
    duration. No one I think can have marvelled more at the extinction of
    species, than I have done. When I found in La Plata the tooth of a
    horse embedded with the remains of Mastodon, Megatherium, Toxodon, and
    other extinct monsters, which all co-existed with still living shells
    at a very late geological period, I was filled with astonishment; for
    seeing that the horse, since its introduction by the Spaniards into
    South America, has run wild over the whole country and has increased in
    numbers at an unparalleled rate, I asked myself what could so recently
    have exterminated the former horse under conditions of life apparently
    so favourable. But
    how utterly groundless was my astonishment! Professor Owen soon
    perceived that the tooth, though so like that of the existing horse,
    belonged to an extinct species. Had this horse been still living, but
    in some degree rare, no naturalist would have felt the least surprise
    at its rarity; for rarity is the attribute of a vast number of species
    of all classes, in all countries. If we ask ourselves why this or that
    species is rare, we answer that something is unfavourable in its
    conditions of life; but what that something is, we can hardly ever
    tell. On the supposition of the fossil horse still existing as a rare
    species, we might have felt certain from the analogy of all other
    mammals, even of the slow-breeding elephant, and from the history of
    the naturalisation of the domestic horse in South America, that under
    more favourable conditions it would in a very few years have stocked
    the whole continent. But we could not have told what the unfavourable
    conditions were which checked its increase, whether some one or several
    contingencies, and at what period of the horse’s life, and in what
    degree, they severally acted. If the conditions had gone on, however
    slowly, becoming less and less favourable, we assuredly should not have
    perceived the fact, yet the fossil horse would certainly have become
    rarer and rarer, and finally extinct;—its place being seized on by some
    more successful competitor.

    It is most difficult always to remember that the increase of every
    living being is constantly being checked by unperceived injurious
    agencies; and that these same unperceived agencies are amply sufficient
    to cause rarity, and finally extinction. We see in many cases in the
    more recent tertiary formations, that rarity precedes extinction; and
    we know that this has been the progress of events with those animals
    which have
    been exterminated, either locally or wholly, through man’s agency. I
    may repeat what I published in 1845, namely, that to admit that species
    generally become rare before they become extinct—to feel no surprise at
    the rarity of a species, and yet to marvel greatly when it ceases to
    exist, is much the same as to admit that sickness in the individual is
    the forerunner of death—to feel no surprise at sickness, but when the
    sick man dies, to wonder and to suspect that he died by some unknown
    deed of violence.

    The theory of natural selection is grounded on the belief that each new
    variety, and ultimately each new species, is produced and maintained by
    having some advantage over those with which it comes into competition;
    and the consequent extinction of less-favoured forms almost inevitably
    follows. It is the same with our domestic productions: when a new and
    slightly improved variety has been raised, it at first supplants the
    less improved varieties in the same neighbourhood; when much improved
    it is transported far and near, like our short-horn cattle, and takes
    the place of other breeds in other countries. Thus the appearance of
    new forms and the disappearance of old forms, both natural and
    artificial, are bound together. In certain flourishing groups, the
    number of new specific forms which have been produced within a given
    time is probably greater than that of the old forms which have been
    exterminated; but we know that the number of species has not gone on
    indefinitely increasing, at least during the later geological periods,
    so that looking to later times we may believe that the production of
    new forms has caused the extinction of about the same number of old
    forms.

    The competition will generally be most severe, as formerly explained
    and illustrated by examples, between the forms which are most like each
    other in all respects.
    Hence the improved and modified descendants of a species will generally
    cause the extermination of the parent-species; and if many new forms
    have been developed from any one species, the nearest allies of that
    species, i.e. the species of the same genus, will be the most liable
    to extermination. Thus, as I believe, a number of new species descended
    from one species, that is a new genus, comes to supplant an old genus,
    belonging to the same family. But it must often have happened that a
    new species belonging to some one group will have seized on the place
    occupied by a species belonging to a distinct group, and thus caused
    its extermination; and if many allied forms be developed from the
    successful intruder, many will have to yield their places; and it will
    generally be allied forms, which will suffer from some inherited
    inferiority in common. But whether it be species belonging to the same
    or to a distinct class, which yield their places to other species which
    have been modified and improved, a few of the sufferers may often long
    be preserved, from being fitted to some peculiar line of life, or from
    inhabiting some distant and isolated station, where they have escaped
    severe competition. For instance, a single species of Trigonia, a great
    genus of shells in the secondary formations, survives in the Australian
    seas; and a few members of the great and almost extinct group of Ganoid
    fishes still inhabit our fresh waters. Therefore the utter extinction
    of a group is generally, as we have seen, a slower process than its
    production.

    With respect to the apparently sudden extermination of whole families
    or orders, as of Trilobites at the close of the palæozoic period and of
    Ammonites at the close of the secondary period, we must remember what
    has been already said on the probable wide intervals of time
    between our consecutive formations; and in these intervals there may
    have been much slow extermination. Moreover, when by sudden immigration
    or by unusually rapid development, many species of a new group have
    taken possession of a new area, they will have exterminated in a
    correspondingly rapid manner many of the old inhabitants; and the forms
    which thus yield their places will commonly be allied, for they will
    partake of some inferiority in common.

    Thus, as it seems to me, the manner in which single species and whole
    groups of species become extinct, accords well with the theory of
    natural selection. We need not marvel at extinction; if we must marvel,
    let it be at our presumption in imagining for a moment that we
    understand the many complex contingencies, on which the existence of
    each species depends. If we forget for an instant, that each species
    tends to increase inordinately, and that some check is always in
    action, yet seldom perceived by us, the whole economy of nature will be
    utterly obscured. Whenever we can precisely say why this species is
    more abundant in individuals than that; why this species and not
    another can be naturalised in a given country; then, and not till then,
    we may justly feel surprise why we cannot account for the extinction of
    this particular species or group of species.

    On the Forms of Life changing almost simultaneously throughout the World.—Scarcely any palæontological discovery is more striking than
    the fact, that the forms of life change almost simultaneously
    throughout the world. Thus our European Chalk formation can be
    recognised in many distant parts of the world, under the most different
    climates, where not a fragment of the mineral chalk itself can be
    found; namely, in North
    America, in equatorial South America, in Tierra del Fuego, at the Cape
    of Good Hope, and in the peninsula of India. For at these distant
    points, the organic remains in certain beds present an unmistakeable
    degree of resemblance to those of the Chalk. It is not that the same
    species are met with; for in some cases not one species is identically
    the same, but they belong to the same families, genera, and sections of
    genera, and sometimes are similarly characterised in such trifling
    points as mere superficial sculpture. Moreover other forms, which are
    not found in the Chalk of Europe, but which occur in the formations
    either above or below, are similarly absent at these distant points of
    the world. In the several successive palæozoic formations of Russia,
    Western Europe and North America, a similar parallelism in the forms of
    life has been observed by several authors: so it is, according to
    Lyell, with the several European and North American tertiary deposits.
    Even if the few fossil species which are common to the Old and New
    Worlds be kept wholly out of view, the general parallelism in the
    successive forms of life, in the stages of the widely separated
    palæozoic and tertiary periods, would still be manifest, and the
    several formations could be easily correlated.

    These observations, however, relate to the marine inhabitants of
    distant parts of the world: we have not sufficient data to judge
    whether the productions of the land and of fresh water change at
    distant points in the same parallel manner. We may doubt whether they
    have thus changed: if the Megatherium, Mylodon, Macrauchenia, and
    Toxodon had been brought to Europe from La Plata, without any
    information in regard to their geological position, no one would have
    suspected that they had coexisted with still living sea-shells; but as
    these anomalous monsters coexisted with the Mastodon
    and Horse, it might at least have been inferred that they had lived
    during one of the latter tertiary stages.

    When the marine forms of life are spoken of as having changed
    simultaneously throughout the world, it must not be supposed that this
    expression relates to the same thousandth or hundred-thousandth year,
    or even that it has a very strict geological sense; for if all the
    marine animals which live at the present day in Europe, and all those
    that lived in Europe during the pleistocene period (an enormously
    remote period as measured by years, including the whole glacial epoch),
    were to be compared with those now living in South America or in
    Australia, the most skilful naturalist would hardly be able to say
    whether the existing or the pleistocene inhabitants of Europe resembled
    most closely those of the southern hemisphere. So, again, several
    highly competent observers believe that the existing productions of the
    United States are more closely related to those which lived in Europe
    during certain later tertiary stages, than to those which now live
    here; and if this be so, it is evident that fossiliferous beds
    deposited at the present day on the shores of North America would
    hereafter be liable to be classed with somewhat older European beds.
    Nevertheless, looking to a remotely future epoch, there can, I think,
    be little doubt that all the more modern marine formations, namely,
    the upper pliocene, the pleistocene and strictly modern beds, of
    Europe, North and South America, and Australia, from containing fossil
    remains in some degree allied, and from not including those forms which
    are only found in the older underlying deposits, would be correctly
    ranked as simultaneous in a geological sense.

    The fact of the forms of life changing simultaneously, in the above
    large sense, at distant parts of the world, has greatly struck those
    admirable observers, MM.
    de Verneuil and d’Archiac. After referring to the parallelism of the
    palæozoic forms of life in various parts of Europe, they add, “If
    struck by this strange sequence, we turn our attention to North
    America, and there discover a series of analogous phenomena, it will
    appear certain that all these modifications of species, their
    extinction, and the introduction of new ones, cannot be owing to mere
    changes in marine currents or other causes more or less local and
    temporary, but depend on general laws which govern the whole animal
    kingdom.” M. Barrande has made forcible remarks to precisely the same
    effect. It is, indeed, quite futile to look to changes of currents,
    climate, or other physical conditions, as the cause of these great
    mutations in the forms of life throughout the world, under the most
    different climates. We must, as Barrande has remarked, look to some
    special law. We shall see this more clearly when we treat of the
    present distribution of organic beings, and find how slight is the
    relation between the physical conditions of various countries, and the
    nature of their inhabitants.

    This great fact of the parallel succession of the forms of life
    throughout the world, is explicable on the theory of natural selection.
    New species are formed by new varieties arising, which have some
    advantage over older forms; and those forms, which are already
    dominant, or have some advantage over the other forms in their own
    country, would naturally oftenest give rise to new varieties or
    incipient species; for these latter must be victorious in a still
    higher degree in order to be preserved and to survive. We have distinct
    evidence on this head, in the plants which are dominant, that is, which
    are commonest in their own homes, and are most widely diffused, having
    produced the greatest number of new varieties. It is also natural that
    the dominant,
    varying, and far-spreading species, which already have invaded to a
    certain extent the territories of other species, should be those which
    would have the best chance of spreading still further, and of giving
    rise in new countries to new varieties and species. The process of
    diffusion may often be very slow, being dependent on climatal and
    geographical changes, or on strange accidents, but in the long run the
    dominant forms will generally succeed in spreading. The diffusion
    would, it is probable, be slower with the terrestrial inhabitants of
    distinct continents than with the marine inhabitants of the continuous
    sea. We might therefore expect to find, as we apparently do find, a
    less strict degree of parallel succession in the productions of the
    land than of the sea.

    Dominant species spreading from any region might encounter still more
    dominant species, and then their triumphant course, or even their
    existence, would cease. We know not at all precisely what are all the
    conditions most favourable for the multiplication of new and dominant
    species; but we can, I think, clearly see that a number of individuals,
    from giving a better chance of the appearance of favourable variations,
    and that severe competition with many already existing forms, would be
    highly favourable, as would be the power of spreading into new
    territories. A certain amount of isolation, recurring at long intervals
    of time, would probably be also favourable, as before explained. One
    quarter of the world may have been most favourable for the production
    of new and dominant species on the land, and another for those in the
    waters of the sea. If two great regions had been for a long period
    favourably circumstanced in an equal degree, whenever their inhabitants
    met, the battle would be prolonged and severe; and some from one
    birthplace and some from the other might be victorious. But in the
    course of time, the
    forms dominant in the highest degree, wherever produced, would tend
    everywhere to prevail. As they prevailed, they would cause the
    extinction of other and inferior forms; and as these inferior forms
    would be allied in groups by inheritance, whole groups would tend
    slowly to disappear; though here and there a single member might long
    be enabled to survive.

    Thus, as it seems to me, the parallel, and, taken in a large sense,
    simultaneous, succession of the same forms of life throughout the
    world, accords well with the principle of new species having been
    formed by dominant species spreading widely and varying; the new
    species thus produced being themselves dominant owing to inheritance,
    and to having already had some advantage over their parents or over
    other species; these again spreading, varying, and producing new
    species. The forms which are beaten and which yield their places to the
    new and victorious forms, will generally be allied in groups, from
    inheriting some inferiority in common; and therefore as new and
    improved groups spread throughout the world, old groups will disappear
    from the world; and the succession of forms in both ways will
    everywhere tend to correspond.

    There is one other remark connected with this subject worth making. I
    have given my reasons for believing that all our greater fossiliferous
    formations were deposited during periods of subsidence; and that blank
    intervals of vast duration occurred during the periods when the bed of
    the sea was either stationary or rising, and likewise when sediment was
    not thrown down quickly enough to embed and preserve organic remains.
    During these long and blank intervals I suppose that the inhabitants of
    each region underwent a considerable amount of modification and
    extinction, and that there was much migration from
    other parts of the world. As we have reason to believe that large areas
    are affected by the same movement, it is probable that strictly
    contemporaneous formations have often been accumulated over very wide
    spaces in the same quarter of the world; but we are far from having any
    right to conclude that this has invariably been the case, and that
    large areas have invariably been affected by the same movements. When
    two formations have been deposited in two regions during nearly, but
    not exactly the same period, we should find in both, from the causes
    explained in the foregoing paragraphs, the same general succession in
    the forms of life; but the species would not exactly correspond; for
    there will have been a little more time in the one region than in the
    other for modification, extinction, and immigration.

    I suspect that cases of this nature have occurred in Europe. Mr.
    Prestwich, in his admirable Memoirs on the eocene deposits of England
    and France, is able to draw a close general parallelism between the
    successive stages in the two countries; but when he compares certain
    stages in England with those in France, although he finds in both a
    curious accordance in the numbers of the species belonging to the same
    genera, yet the species themselves differ in a manner very difficult to
    account for, considering the proximity of the two areas,—unless,
    indeed, it be assumed that an isthmus separated two seas inhabited by
    distinct, but contemporaneous, faunas. Lyell has made similar
    observations on some of the later tertiary formations. Barrande, also,
    shows that there is a striking general parallelism in the successive
    Silurian deposits of Bohemia and Scandinavia; nevertheless he finds a
    surprising amount of difference in the species. If the several
    formations in these regions have not been deposited during the same
    exact
    periods,—a formation in one region often corresponding with a blank
    interval in the other,—and if in both regions the species have gone on
    slowly changing during the accumulation of the several formations and
    during the long intervals of time between them; in this case, the
    several formations in the two regions could be arranged in the same
    order, in accordance with the general succession of the form of life,
    and the order would falsely appear to be strictly parallel;
    nevertheless the species would not all be the same in the apparently
    corresponding stages in the two regions.

    On the Affinities of extinct Species to each other, and to living forms.—Let us now look to the mutual affinities of extinct and living
    species. They all fall into one grand natural system; and this fact is
    at once explained on the principle of descent. The more ancient any
    form is, the more, as a general rule, it differs from living forms.
    But, as Buckland long ago remarked, all fossils can be classed either
    in still existing groups, or between them. That the extinct forms of
    life help to fill up the wide intervals between existing genera,
    families, and orders, cannot be disputed. For if we confine our
    attention either to the living or to the extinct alone, the series is
    far less perfect than if we combine both into one general system. With
    respect to the Vertebrata, whole pages could be filled with striking
    illustrations from our great palæontologist, Owen, showing how extinct
    animals fall in between existing groups. Cuvier ranked the Ruminants
    and Pachyderms, as the two most distinct orders of mammals; but Owen
    has discovered so many fossil links, that he has had to alter the whole
    classification of these two orders; and has placed certain pachyderms
    in the same sub-order with ruminants: for example, he dissolves by fine
    gradations the apparently
    wide difference between the pig and the camel. In regard to the
    Invertebrata, Barrande, and a higher authority could not be named,
    asserts that he is every day taught that palæozoic animals, though
    belonging to the same orders, families, or genera with those living at
    the present day, were not at this early epoch limited in such distinct
    groups as they now are.

    Some writers have objected to any extinct species or group of species
    being considered as intermediate between living species or groups. If
    by this term it is meant that an extinct form is directly intermediate
    in all its characters between two living forms, the objection is
    probably valid. But I apprehend that in a perfectly natural
    classification many fossil species would have to stand between living
    species, and some extinct genera between living genera, even between
    genera belonging to distinct families. The most common case, especially
    with respect to very distinct groups, such as fish and reptiles, seems
    to be, that supposing them to be distinguished at the present day from
    each other by a dozen characters, the ancient members of the same two
    groups would be distinguished by a somewhat lesser number of
    characters, so that the two groups, though formerly quite distinct, at
    that period made some small approach to each other.

    It is a common belief that the more ancient a form is, by so much the
    more it tends to connect by some of its characters groups now widely
    separated from each other. This remark no doubt must be restricted to
    those groups which have undergone much change in the course of
    geological ages; and it would be difficult to prove the truth of the
    proposition, for every now and then even a living animal, as the
    Lepidosiren, is discovered having affinities directed towards very
    distinct groups. Yet if we compare the older Reptiles and
    Batrachians, the older Fish, the older Cephalopods, and the eocene
    Mammals, with the more recent members of the same classes, we must
    admit that there is some truth in the remark.

    Let us see how far these several facts and inferences accord with the
    theory of descent with modification. As the subject is somewhat
    complex, I must request the reader to turn to the diagram in the fourth
    chapter. We may suppose that the numbered letters represent genera, and
    the dotted lines diverging from them the species in each genus. The
    diagram is much too simple, too few genera and too few species being
    given, but this is unimportant for us. The horizontal lines may
    represent successive geological formations, and all the forms beneath
    the uppermost line may be considered as extinct. The three existing
    genera, _a_14, _q_14, _p_14, will form a small family; _b_14 and _f_14
    a closely allied family or sub-family; and _o_14, _e_14, _m_14, a third
    family. These three families, together with the many extinct genera on
    the several lines of descent diverging from the parent-form A, will
    form an order; for all will have inherited something in common from
    their ancient and common progenitor. On the principle of the continued
    tendency to divergence of character, which was formerly illustrated by
    this diagram, the more recent any form is, the more it will generally
    differ from its ancient progenitor. Hence we can understand the rule
    that the most ancient fossils differ most from existing forms. We must
    not, however, assume that divergence of character is a necessary
    contingency; it depends solely on the descendants from a species being
    thus enabled to seize on many and different places in the economy of
    nature. Therefore it is quite possible, as we have seen in the case of
    some Silurian forms, that a species might go on being slightly
    modified in relation to its slightly altered conditions of life, and
    yet retain throughout a vast period the same general characteristics.
    This is represented in the diagram by the letter F14.

    All the many forms, extinct and recent, descended from A, make, as
    before remarked, one order; and this order, from the continued effects
    of extinction and divergence of character, has become divided into
    several sub-families and families, some of which are supposed to have
    perished at different periods, and some to have endured to the present
    day.

    By looking at the diagram we can see that if many of the extinct forms,
    supposed to be embedded in the successive formations, were discovered
    at several points low down in the series, the three existing families
    on the uppermost line would be rendered less distinct from each other.
    If, for instance, the genera _a_1, _a_5, _a_10, _f_8, _m_3, _m_6, _m_9
    were disinterred, these three families would be so closely linked
    together that they probably would have to be united into one great
    family, in nearly the same manner as has occurred with ruminants and
    pachyderms. Yet he who objected to call the extinct genera, which thus
    linked the living genera of three families together, intermediate in
    character, would be justified, as they are intermediate, not directly,
    but only by a long and circuitous course through many widely different
    forms. If many extinct forms were to be discovered above one of the
    middle horizontal lines or geological formations—for instance, above
    Number VI.—but none from beneath this line, then only the two families
    on the left hand (namely, _a_14, etc., and _b_14, etc.) would have to
    be united into one family; and the two other families (namely, _a_14 to
    _f_14 now including five genera, and _o_14 to _m_14) would yet remain
    distinct. These two families, however, would be less distinct from each
    other than they were before the
    discovery of the fossils. If, for instance, we suppose the existing
    genera of the two families to differ from each other by a dozen
    characters, in this case the genera, at the early period marked VI.,
    would differ by a lesser number of characters; for at this early stage
    of descent they have not diverged in character from the common
    progenitor of the order, nearly so much as they subsequently diverged.
    Thus it comes that ancient and extinct genera are often in some slight
    degree intermediate in character between their modified descendants, or
    between their collateral relations.

    In nature the case will be far more complicated than is represented in
    the diagram; for the groups will have been more numerous, they will
    have endured for extremely unequal lengths of time, and will have been
    modified in various degrees. As we possess only the last volume of the
    geological record, and that in a very broken condition, we have no
    right to expect, except in very rare cases, to fill up wide intervals
    in the natural system, and thus unite distinct families or orders. All
    that we have a right to expect, is that those groups, which have within
    known geological periods undergone much modification, should in the
    older formations make some slight approach to each other; so that the
    older members should differ less from each other in some of their
    characters than do the existing members of the same groups; and this by
    the concurrent evidence of our best palæontologists seems frequently to
    be the case.

    Thus, on the theory of descent with modification, the main facts with
    respect to the mutual affinities of the extinct forms of life to each
    other and to living forms, seem to me explained in a satisfactory
    manner. And they are wholly inexplicable on any other view.

    On this same theory, it is evident that the fauna of any great period
    in the earth’s history will be intermediate
    in general character between that which preceded and that which
    succeeded it. Thus, the species which lived at the sixth great stage of
    descent in the diagram are the modified offspring of those which lived
    at the fifth stage, and are the parents of those which became still
    more modified at the seventh stage; hence they could hardly fail to be
    nearly intermediate in character between the forms of life above and
    below. We must, however, allow for the entire extinction of some
    preceding forms, and for the coming in of quite new forms by
    immigration, and for a large amount of modification, during the long
    and blank intervals between the successive formations. Subject to these
    allowances, the fauna of each geological period undoubtedly is
    intermediate in character, between the preceding and succeeding faunas.
    I need give only one instance, namely, the manner in which the fossils
    of the Devonian system, when this system was first discovered, were at
    once recognised by palæontologists as intermediate in character between
    those of the overlying carboniferous, and underlying Silurian system.
    But each fauna is not necessarily exactly intermediate, as unequal
    intervals of time have elapsed between consecutive formations.

    It is no real objection to the truth of the statement, that the fauna
    of each period as a whole is nearly intermediate in character between
    the preceding and succeeding faunas, that certain genera offer
    exceptions to the rule. For instance, mastodons and elephants, when
    arranged by Dr. Falconer in two series, first according to their mutual
    affinities and then according to their periods of existence, do not
    accord in arrangement. The species extreme in character are not the
    oldest, or the most recent; nor are those which are intermediate in
    character, intermediate in age. But
    supposing for an instant, in this and other such cases, that the record
    of the first appearance and disappearance of the species was perfect,
    we have no reason to believe that forms successively produced
    necessarily endure for corresponding lengths of time: a very ancient
    form might occasionally last much longer than a form elsewhere
    subsequently produced, especially in the case of terrestrial
    productions inhabiting separated districts. To compare small things
    with great: if the principal living and extinct races of the domestic
    pigeon were arranged as well as they could be in serial affinity, this
    arrangement would not closely accord with the order in time of their
    production, and still less with the order of their disappearance; for
    the parent rock-pigeon now lives; and many varieties between the
    rock-pigeon and the carrier have become extinct; and carriers which are
    extreme in the important character of length of beak originated earlier
    than short-beaked tumblers, which are at the opposite end of the series
    in this same respect.

    Closely connected with the statement, that the organic remains from an
    intermediate formation are in some degree intermediate in character, is
    the fact, insisted on by all palæontologists, that fossils from two
    consecutive formations are far more closely related to each other, than
    are the fossils from two remote formations. Pictet gives as a
    well-known instance, the general resemblance of the organic remains
    from the several stages of the chalk formation, though the species are
    distinct in each stage. This fact alone, from its generality, seems to
    have shaken Professor Pictet in his firm belief in the immutability of
    species. He who is acquainted with the distribution of existing species
    over the globe, will not attempt to account for the close resemblance
    of the distinct species in closely consecutive
    formations, by the physical conditions of the ancient areas having
    remained nearly the same. Let it be remembered that the forms of life,
    at least those inhabiting the sea, have changed almost simultaneously
    throughout the world, and therefore under the most different climates
    and conditions. Consider the prodigious vicissitudes of climate during
    the pleistocene period, which includes the whole glacial period, and
    note how little the specific forms of the inhabitants of the sea have
    been affected.

    On the theory of descent, the full meaning of the fact of fossil
    remains from closely consecutive formations, though ranked as distinct
    species, being closely related, is obvious. As the accumulation of each
    formation has often been interrupted, and as long blank intervals have
    intervened between successive formations, we ought not to expect to
    find, as I attempted to show in the last chapter, in any one or two
    formations all the intermediate varieties between the species which
    appeared at the commencement and close of these periods; but we ought
    to find after intervals, very long as measured by years, but only
    moderately long as measured geologically, closely allied forms, or, as
    they have been called by some authors, representative species; and
    these we assuredly do find. We find, in short, such evidence of the
    slow and scarcely sensible mutation of specific forms, as we have a
    just right to expect to find.

    On the state of Development of Ancient Forms.—There has been much
    discussion whether recent forms are more highly developed than ancient.
    I will not here enter on this subject, for naturalists have not as yet
    defined to each other’s satisfaction what is meant by high and low
    forms. But in one particular sense the
    more recent forms must, on my theory, be higher than the more ancient;
    for each new species is formed by having had some advantage in the
    struggle for life over other and preceding forms. If under a nearly
    similar climate, the eocene inhabitants of one quarter of the world
    were put into competition with the existing inhabitants of the same or
    some other quarter, the eocene fauna or flora would certainly be beaten
    and exterminated; as would a secondary fauna by an eocene, and a
    palæozoic fauna by a secondary fauna. I do not doubt that this process
    of improvement has affected in a marked and sensible manner the
    organisation of the more recent and victorious forms of life, in
    comparison with the ancient and beaten forms; but I can see no way of
    testing this sort of progress. Crustaceans, for instance, not the
    highest in their own class, may have beaten the highest molluscs. From
    the extraordinary manner in which European productions have recently
    spread over New Zealand, and have seized on places which must have been
    previously occupied, we may believe, if all the animals and plants of
    Great Britain were set free in New Zealand, that in the course of time
    a multitude of British forms would become thoroughly naturalized there,
    and would exterminate many of the natives. On the other hand, from what
    we see now occurring in New Zealand, and from hardly a single
    inhabitant of the southern hemisphere having become wild in any part of
    Europe, we may doubt, if all the productions of New Zealand were set
    free in Great Britain, whether any considerable number would be enabled
    to seize on places now occupied by our native plants and animals. Under
    this point of view, the productions of Great Britain may be said to be
    higher than those of New Zealand. Yet the most skilful naturalist from
    an examination of the species
    of the two countries could not have foreseen this result.

    Agassiz insists that ancient animals resemble to a certain extent the
    embryos of recent animals of the same classes; or that the geological
    succession of extinct forms is in some degree parallel to the
    embryological development of recent forms. I must follow Pictet and
    Huxley in thinking that the truth of this doctrine is very far from
    proved. Yet I fully expect to see it hereafter confirmed, at least in
    regard to subordinate groups, which have branched off from each other
    within comparatively recent times. For this doctrine of Agassiz accords
    well with the theory of natural selection. In a future chapter I shall
    attempt to show that the adult differs from its embryo, owing to
    variations supervening at a not early age, and being inherited at a
    corresponding age. This process, whilst it leaves the embryo almost
    unaltered, continually adds, in the course of successive generations,
    more and more difference to the adult.

    Thus the embryo comes to be left as a sort of picture, preserved by
    nature, of the ancient and less modified condition of each animal. This
    view may be true, and yet it may never be capable of full proof.
    Seeing, for instance, that the oldest known mammals, reptiles, and fish
    strictly belong to their own proper classes, though some of these old
    forms are in a slight degree less distinct from each other than are the
    typical members of the same groups at the present day, it would be vain
    to look for animals having the common embryological character of the
    Vertebrata, until beds far beneath the lowest Silurian strata are
    discovered—a discovery of which the chance is very small.

    On the Succession of the same Types within the same areas, during the later tertiary periods.—Mr. Clift many years ago
    showed that the fossil mammals from the Australian caves were closely
    allied to the living marsupials of that continent. In South America, a
    similar relationship is manifest, even to an uneducated eye, in the
    gigantic pieces of armour like those of the armadillo, found in several
    parts of La Plata; and Professor Owen has shown in the most striking
    manner that most of the fossil mammals, buried there in such numbers,
    are related to South American types. This relationship is even more
    clearly seen in the wonderful collection of fossil bones made by MM.
    Lund and Clausen in the caves of Brazil. I was so much impressed with
    these facts that I strongly insisted, in 1839 and 1845, on this “law of
    the succession of types,”—on “this wonderful relationship in the same
    continent between the dead and the living.” Professor Owen has
    subsequently extended the same generalisation to the mammals of the Old
    World. We see the same law in this author’s restorations of the extinct
    and gigantic birds of New Zealand. We see it also in the birds of the
    caves of Brazil. Mr. Woodward has shown that the same law holds good
    with sea-shells, but from the wide distribution of most genera of
    molluscs, it is not well displayed by them. Other cases could be added,
    as the relation between the extinct and living land-shells of Madeira;
    and between the extinct and living brackish-water shells of the
    Aralo-Caspian Sea.

    Now what does this remarkable law of the succession of the same types
    within the same areas mean? He would be a bold man, who after comparing
    the present climate of Australia and of parts of South America under
    the same latitude, would attempt to account, on the one hand, by
    dissimilar physical conditions for the dissimilarity of the inhabitants
    of these two continents,
    and, on the other hand, by similarity of conditions, for the uniformity
    of the same types in each during the later tertiary periods. Nor can it
    be pretended that it is an immutable law that marsupials should have
    been chiefly or solely produced in Australia; or that Edentata and
    other American types should have been solely produced in South America.
    For we know that Europe in ancient times was peopled by numerous
    marsupials; and I have shown in the publications above alluded to, that
    in America the law of distribution of terrestrial mammals was formerly
    different from what it now is. North America formerly partook strongly
    of the present character of the southern half of the continent; and the
    southern half was formerly more closely allied, than it is at present,
    to the northern half. In a similar manner we know from Falconer and
    Cautley’s discoveries, that northern India was formerly more closely
    related in its mammals to Africa than it is at the present time.
    Analogous facts could be given in relation to the distribution of
    marine animals.

    On the theory of descent with modification, the great law of the long
    enduring, but not immutable, succession of the same types within the
    same areas, is at once explained; for the inhabitants of each quarter
    of the world will obviously tend to leave in that quarter, during the
    next succeeding period of time, closely allied though in some degree
    modified descendants. If the inhabitants of one continent formerly
    differed greatly from those of another continent, so will their
    modified descendants still differ in nearly the same manner and degree.
    But after very long intervals of time and after great geographical
    changes, permitting much inter-migration, the feebler will yield to the
    more dominant forms, and there will be nothing immutable in the laws of
    past and present distribution.

    It may be asked in ridicule, whether I suppose that the megatherium and
    other allied huge monsters have left behind them in South America the
    sloth, armadillo, and anteater, as their degenerate descendants. This
    cannot for an instant be admitted. These huge animals have become
    wholly extinct, and have left no progeny. But in the caves of Brazil,
    there are many extinct species which are closely allied in size and in
    other characters to the species still living in South America; and some
    of these fossils may be the actual progenitors of living species. It
    must not be forgotten that, on my theory, all the species of the same
    genus have descended from some one species; so that if six genera, each
    having eight species, be found in one geological formation, and in the
    next succeeding formation there be six other allied or representative
    genera with the same number of species, then we may conclude that only
    one species of each of the six older genera has left modified
    descendants, constituting the six new genera. The other seven species
    of the old genera have all died out and have left no progeny. Or, which
    would probably be a far commoner case, two or three species of two or
    three alone of the six older genera will have been the parents of the
    six new genera; the other old species and the other whole genera having
    become utterly extinct. In failing orders, with the genera and species
    decreasing in numbers, as apparently is the case of the Edentata of
    South America, still fewer genera and species will have left modified
    blood-descendants.

    Summary of the preceding and present Chapters.—I have attempted to
    show that the geological record is extremely imperfect; that only a
    small portion of the globe has been geologically explored with care;
    that only
    certain classes of organic beings have been largely preserved in a
    fossil state; that the number both of specimens and of species,
    preserved in our museums, is absolutely as nothing compared with the
    incalculable number of generations which must have passed away even
    during a single formation; that, owing to subsidence being necessary
    for the accumulation of fossiliferous deposits thick enough to resist
    future degradation, enormous intervals of time have elapsed between the
    successive formations; that there has probably been more extinction
    during the periods of subsidence, and more variation during the periods
    of elevation, and during the latter the record will have been least
    perfectly kept; that each single formation has not been continuously
    deposited; that the duration of each formation is, perhaps, short
    compared with the average duration of specific forms; that migration
    has played an important part in the first appearance of new forms in
    any one area and formation; that widely ranging species are those which
    have varied most, and have oftenest given rise to new species; and that
    varieties have at first often been local. All these causes taken
    conjointly, must have tended to make the geological record extremely
    imperfect, and will to a large extent explain why we do not find
    interminable varieties, connecting together all the extinct and
    existing forms of life by the finest graduated steps.

    He who rejects these views on the nature of the geological record, will
    rightly reject my whole theory. For he may ask in vain where are the
    numberless transitional links which must formerly have connected the
    closely allied or representative species, found in the several stages
    of the same great formation. He may disbelieve in the enormous
    intervals of time which have elapsed between our consecutive
    formations; he
    may overlook how important a part migration must have played, when the
    formations of any one great region alone, as that of Europe, are
    considered; he may urge the apparent, but often falsely apparent,
    sudden coming in of whole groups of species. He may ask where are the
    remains of those infinitely numerous organisms which must have existed
    long before the first bed of the Silurian system was deposited: I can
    answer this latter question only hypothetically, by saying that as far
    as we can see, where our oceans now extend they have for an enormous
    period extended, and where our oscillating continents now stand they
    have stood ever since the Silurian epoch; but that long before that
    period, the world may have presented a wholly different aspect; and
    that the older continents, formed of formations older than any known to
    us, may now all be in a metamorphosed condition, or may lie buried
    under the ocean.

    Passing from these difficulties, all the other great leading facts in
    palæontology seem to me simply to follow on the theory of descent with
    modification through natural selection. We can thus understand how it
    is that new species come in slowly and successively; how species of
    different classes do not necessarily change together, or at the same
    rate, or in the same degree; yet in the long run that all undergo
    modification to some extent. The extinction of old forms is the almost
    inevitable consequence of the production of new forms. We can
    understand why when a species has once disappeared it never reappears.
    Groups of species increase in numbers slowly, and endure for unequal
    periods of time; for the process of modification is necessarily slow,
    and depends on many complex contingencies. The dominant species of the
    larger dominant groups tend to leave many modified
    descendants, and thus new sub-groups and groups are formed. As these
    are formed, the species of the less vigorous groups, from their
    inferiority inherited from a common progenitor, tend to become extinct
    together, and to leave no modified offspring on the face of the earth.
    But the utter extinction of a whole group of species may often be a
    very slow process, from the survival of a few descendants, lingering in
    protected and isolated situations. When a group has once wholly
    disappeared, it does not reappear; for the link of generation has been
    broken.

    We can understand how the spreading of the dominant forms of life,
    which are those that oftenest vary, will in the long run tend to people
    the world with allied, but modified, descendants; and these will
    generally succeed in taking the places of those groups of species which
    are their inferiors in the struggle for existence. Hence, after long
    intervals of time, the productions of the world will appear to have
    changed simultaneously.

    We can understand how it is that all the forms of life, ancient and
    recent, make together one grand system; for all are connected by
    generation. We can understand, from the continued tendency to
    divergence of character, why the more ancient a form is, the more it
    generally differs from those now living. Why ancient and extinct forms
    often tend to fill up gaps between existing forms, sometimes blending
    two groups previously classed as distinct into one; but more commonly
    only bringing them a little closer together. The more ancient a form
    is, the more often, apparently, it displays characters in some degree
    intermediate between groups now distinct; for the more ancient a form
    is, the more nearly it will be related to, and consequently resemble,
    the common progenitor of groups, since become
    widely divergent. Extinct forms are seldom directly intermediate
    between existing forms; but are intermediate only by a long and
    circuitous course through many extinct and very different forms. We can
    clearly see why the organic remains of closely consecutive formations
    are more closely allied to each other, than are those of remote
    formations; for the forms are more closely linked together by
    generation: we can clearly see why the remains of an intermediate
    formation are intermediate in character.

    The inhabitants of each successive period in the world’s history have
    beaten their predecessors in the race for life, and are, in so far,
    higher in the scale of nature; and this may account for that vague yet
    ill-defined sentiment, felt by many palæontologists, that organisation
    on the whole has progressed. If it should hereafter be proved that
    ancient animals resemble to a certain extent the embryos of more recent
    animals of the same class, the fact will be intelligible. The
    succession of the same types of structure within the same areas during
    the later geological periods ceases to be mysterious, and is simply
    explained by inheritance.

    If then the geological record be as imperfect as I believe it to be,
    and it may at least be asserted that the record cannot be proved to be
    much more perfect, the main objections to the theory of natural
    selection are greatly diminished or disappear. On the other hand, all
    the chief laws of palæontology plainly proclaim, as it seems to me,
    that species have been produced by ordinary generation: old forms
    having been supplanted by new and improved forms of life, produced by
    the laws of variation still acting round us, and preserved by Natural
    Selection.

    CHAPTER XI.
    GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION.

    Present distribution cannot be accounted for by differences in physical
    conditions. Importance of barriers. Affinity of the productions of the
    same continent. Centres of creation. Means of dispersal, by changes of
    climate and of the level of the land, and by occasional means.
    Dispersal during the Glacial period co-extensive with the world.

    In considering the distribution of organic beings over the face of the
    globe, the first great fact which strikes us is, that neither the
    similarity nor the dissimilarity of the inhabitants of various regions
    can be accounted for by their climatal and other physical conditions.
    Of late, almost every author who has studied the subject has come to
    this conclusion. The case of America alone would almost suffice to
    prove its truth: for if we exclude the northern parts where the
    circumpolar land is almost continuous, all authors agree that one of
    the most fundamental divisions in geographical distribution is that
    between the New and Old Worlds; yet if we travel over the vast American
    continent, from the central parts of the United States to its extreme
    southern point, we meet with the most diversified conditions; the most
    humid districts, arid deserts, lofty mountains, grassy plains, forests,
    marshes, lakes, and great rivers, under almost every temperature. There
    is hardly a climate or condition in the Old World which cannot be
    paralleled in the New—at least as closely as the same species generally
    require; for it is a most rare case to find a group of organisms
    confined to any small spot, having conditions peculiar in only a slight
    degree; for instance, small areas in the Old World could be pointed out
    hotter than any in the New World, yet these are not inhabited by a
    peculiar fauna or flora. Notwithstanding this parallelism in the
    conditions of the Old and New Worlds, how widely different are their
    living productions!

    In the southern hemisphere, if we compare large tracts of land in
    Australia, South Africa, and western South America, between latitudes
    25° and 35°, we shall find parts extremely similar in all their
    conditions, yet it would not be possible to point out three faunas and
    floras more utterly dissimilar. Or again we may compare the productions
    of South America south of lat. 35° with those north of 25°, which
    consequently inhabit a considerably different climate, and they will be
    found incomparably more closely related to each other, than they are to
    the productions of Australia or Africa under nearly the same climate.
    Analogous facts could be given with respect to the inhabitants of the
    sea.

    A second great fact which strikes us in our general review is, that
    barriers of any kind, or obstacles to free migration, are related in a
    close and important manner to the differences between the productions
    of various regions. We see this in the great difference of nearly all
    the terrestrial productions of the New and Old Worlds, excepting in the
    northern parts, where the land almost joins, and where, under a
    slightly different climate, there might have been free migration for
    the northern temperate forms, as there now is for the strictly arctic
    productions. We see the same fact in the great difference between the
    inhabitants of Australia, Africa, and South America under the same
    latitude: for these countries are almost as much isolated from each
    other as is possible. On each continent, also, we see the same fact;
    for on the opposite sides of
    lofty and continuous mountain-ranges, and of great deserts, and
    sometimes even of large rivers, we find different productions; though
    as mountain chains, deserts, etc., are not as impassable, or likely to
    have endured so long as the oceans separating continents, the
    differences are very inferior in degree to those characteristic of
    distinct continents.

    Turning to the sea, we find the same law. No two marine faunas are more
    distinct, with hardly a fish, shell, or crab in common, than those of
    the eastern and western shores of South and Central America; yet these
    great faunas are separated only by the narrow, but impassable, isthmus
    of Panama. Westward of the shores of America, a wide space of open
    ocean extends, with not an island as a halting-place for emigrants;
    here we have a barrier of another kind, and as soon as this is passed
    we meet in the eastern islands of the Pacific, with another and totally
    distinct fauna. So that here three marine faunas range far northward
    and southward, in parallel lines not far from each other, under
    corresponding climates; but from being separated from each other by
    impassable barriers, either of land or open sea, they are wholly
    distinct. On the other hand, proceeding still further westward from the
    eastern islands of the tropical parts of the Pacific, we encounter no
    impassable barriers, and we have innumerable islands as halting-places,
    until after travelling over a hemisphere we come to the shores of
    Africa; and over this vast space we meet with no well-defined and
    distinct marine faunas. Although hardly one shell, crab or fish is
    common to the above-named three approximate faunas of Eastern and
    Western America and the eastern Pacific islands, yet many fish range
    from the Pacific into the Indian Ocean, and many shells are common to
    the eastern islands of the Pacific
    and the eastern shores of Africa, on almost exactly opposite meridians
    of longitude.

    A third great fact, partly included in the foregoing statements, is the
    affinity of the productions of the same continent or sea, though the
    species themselves are distinct at different points and stations. It is
    a law of the widest generality, and every continent offers innumerable
    instances. Nevertheless the naturalist in travelling, for instance,
    from north to south never fails to be struck by the manner in which
    successive groups of beings, specifically distinct, yet clearly
    related, replace each other. He hears from closely allied, yet distinct
    kinds of birds, notes nearly similar, and sees their nests similarly
    constructed, but not quite alike, with eggs coloured in nearly the same
    manner. The plains near the Straits of Magellan are inhabited by one
    species of Rhea (American ostrich), and northward the plains of La
    Plata by another species of the same genus; and not by a true ostrich
    or emeu, like those found in Africa and Australia under the same
    latitude. On these same plains of La Plata, we see the agouti and
    bizcacha, animals having nearly the same habits as our hares and
    rabbits and belonging to the same order of Rodents, but they plainly
    display an American type of structure. We ascend the lofty peaks of the
    Cordillera and we find an alpine species of bizcacha; we look to the
    waters, and we do not find the beaver or musk-rat, but the coypu and
    capybara, rodents of the American type. Innumerable other instances
    could be given. If we look to the islands off the American shore,
    however much they may differ in geological structure, the inhabitants,
    though they may be all peculiar species, are essentially American. We
    may look back to past ages, as shown in the last chapter, and we find
    American types then prevalent on
    the American continent and in the American seas. We see in these facts
    some deep organic bond, prevailing throughout space and time, over the
    same areas of land and water, and independent of their physical
    conditions. The naturalist must feel little curiosity, who is not led
    to inquire what this bond is.

    This bond, on my theory, is simply inheritance, that cause which alone,
    as far as we positively know, produces organisms quite like, or, as we
    see in the case of varieties nearly like each other. The dissimilarity
    of the inhabitants of different regions may be attributed to
    modification through natural selection, and in a quite subordinate
    degree to the direct influence of different physical conditions. The
    degree of dissimilarity will depend on the migration of the more
    dominant forms of life from one region into another having been
    effected with more or less ease, at periods more or less remote;—on the
    nature and number of the former immigrants;—and on their action and
    reaction, in their mutual struggles for life;—the relation of organism
    to organism being, as I have already often remarked, the most important
    of all relations. Thus the high importance of barriers comes into play
    by checking migration; as does time for the slow process of
    modification through natural selection. Widely-ranging species,
    abounding in individuals, which have already triumphed over many
    competitors in their own widely-extended homes will have the best
    chance of seizing on new places, when they spread into new countries.
    In their new homes they will be exposed to new conditions, and will
    frequently undergo further modification and improvement; and thus they
    will become still further victorious, and will produce groups of
    modified descendants. On this principle of inheritance with
    modification, we can understand how it is that sections of genera,
    whole genera,
    and even families are confined to the same areas, as is so commonly and
    notoriously the case.

    I believe, as was remarked in the last chapter, in no law of necessary
    development. As the variability of each species is an independent
    property, and will be taken advantage of by natural selection, only so
    far as it profits the individual in its complex struggle for life, so
    the degree of modification in different species will be no uniform
    quantity. If, for instance, a number of species, which stand in direct
    competition with each other, migrate in a body into a new and
    afterwards isolated country, they will be little liable to
    modification; for neither migration nor isolation in themselves can do
    anything. These principles come into play only by bringing organisms
    into new relations with each other, and in a lesser degree with the
    surrounding physical conditions. As we have seen in the last chapter
    that some forms have retained nearly the same character from an
    enormously remote geological period, so certain species have migrated
    over vast spaces, and have not become greatly modified.

    On these views, it is obvious, that the several species of the same
    genus, though inhabiting the most distant quarters of the world, must
    originally have proceeded from the same source, as they have descended
    from the same progenitor. In the case of those species, which have
    undergone during whole geological periods but little modification,
    there is not much difficulty in believing that they may have migrated
    from the same region; for during the vast geographical and climatal
    changes which will have supervened since ancient times, almost any
    amount of migration is possible. But in many other cases, in which we
    have reason to believe that the species of a genus have been produced
    within comparatively recent times, there is great difficulty on this
    head. It
    is also obvious that the individuals of the same species, though now
    inhabiting distant and isolated regions, must have proceeded from one
    spot, where their parents were first produced: for, as explained in the
    last chapter, it is incredible that individuals identically the same
    should ever have been produced through natural selection from parents
    specifically distinct.

    We are thus brought to the question which has been largely discussed by
    naturalists, namely, whether species have been created at one or more
    points of the earth’s surface. Undoubtedly there are very many cases of
    extreme difficulty, in understanding how the same species could
    possibly have migrated from some one point to the several distant and
    isolated points, where now found. Nevertheless the simplicity of the
    view that each species was first produced within a single region
    captivates the mind. He who rejects it, rejects the vera causa of
    ordinary generation with subsequent migration, and calls in the agency
    of a miracle. It is universally admitted, that in most cases the area
    inhabited by a species is continuous; and when a plant or animal
    inhabits two points so distant from each other, or with an interval of
    such a nature, that the space could not be easily passed over by
    migration, the fact is given as something remarkable and exceptional.
    The capacity of migrating across the sea is more distinctly limited in
    terrestrial mammals, than perhaps in any other organic beings; and,
    accordingly, we find no inexplicable cases of the same mammal
    inhabiting distant points of the world. No geologist will feel any
    difficulty in such cases as Great Britain having been formerly united
    to Europe, and consequently possessing the same quadrupeds. But if the
    same species can be produced at two separate points, why do we not find
    a single mammal common to Europe and Australia or South America? The
    conditions of life are
    nearly the same, so that a multitude of European animals and plants
    have become naturalised in America and Australia; and some of the
    aboriginal plants are identically the same at these distant points of
    the northern and southern hemispheres? The answer, as I believe, is,
    that mammals have not been able to migrate, whereas some plants, from
    their varied means of dispersal, have migrated across the vast and
    broken interspace. The great and striking influence which barriers of
    every kind have had on distribution, is intelligible only on the view
    that the great majority of species have been produced on one side
    alone, and have not been able to migrate to the other side. Some few
    families, many sub-families, very many genera, and a still greater
    number of sections of genera are confined to a single region; and it
    has been observed by several naturalists, that the most natural genera,
    or those genera in which the species are most closely related to each
    other, are generally local, or confined to one area. What a strange
    anomaly it would be, if, when coming one step lower in the series, to
    the individuals of the same species, a directly opposite rule
    prevailed; and species were not local, but had been produced in two or
    more distinct areas!

    Hence it seems to me, as it has to many other naturalists, that the
    view of each species having been produced in one area alone, and having
    subsequently migrated from that area as far as its powers of migration
    and subsistence under past and present conditions permitted, is the
    most probable. Undoubtedly many cases occur, in which we cannot explain
    how the same species could have passed from one point to the other. But
    the geographical and climatal changes, which have certainly occurred
    within recent geological times, must have interrupted or rendered
    discontinuous the formerly continuous range of many species. So that we
    are reduced to consider whether the exceptions to
    continuity of range are so numerous and of so grave a nature, that we
    ought to give up the belief, rendered probable by general
    considerations, that each species has been produced within one area,
    and has migrated thence as far as it could. It would be hopelessly
    tedious to discuss all the exceptional cases of the same species, now
    living at distant and separated points; nor do I for a moment pretend
    that any explanation could be offered of many such cases. But after
    some preliminary remarks, I will discuss a few of the most striking
    classes of facts; namely, the existence of the same species on the
    summits of distant mountain-ranges, and at distant points in the arctic
    and antarctic regions; and secondly (in the following chapter), the
    wide distribution of freshwater productions; and thirdly, the
    occurrence of the same terrestrial species on islands and on the
    mainland, though separated by hundreds of miles of open sea. If the
    existence of the same species at distant and isolated points of the
    earth’s surface, can in many instances be explained on the view of each
    species having migrated from a single birthplace; then, considering our
    ignorance with respect to former climatal and geographical changes and
    various occasional means of transport, the belief that this has been
    the universal law, seems to me incomparably the safest.

    In discussing this subject, we shall be enabled at the same time to
    consider a point equally important for us, namely, whether the several
    distinct species of a genus, which on my theory have all descended from
    a common progenitor, can have migrated (undergoing modification during
    some part of their migration) from the area inhabited by their
    progenitor. If it can be shown to be almost invariably the case, that a
    region, of which most of its inhabitants are closely related to, or
    belong to the same genera with the species of a second region,
    has probably received at some former period immigrants from this other
    region, my theory will be strengthened; for we can clearly understand,
    on the principle of modification, why the inhabitants of a region
    should be related to those of another region, whence it has been
    stocked. A volcanic island, for instance, upheaved and formed at the
    distance of a few hundreds of miles from a continent, would probably
    receive from it in the course of time a few colonists, and their
    descendants, though modified, would still be plainly related by
    inheritance to the inhabitants of the continent. Cases of this nature
    are common, and are, as we shall hereafter more fully see, inexplicable
    on the theory of independent creation. This view of the relation of
    species in one region to those in another, does not differ much (by
    substituting the word variety for species) from that lately advanced in
    an ingenious paper by Mr. Wallace, in which he concludes, that “every
    species has come into existence coincident both in space and time with
    a pre-existing closely allied species.” And I now know from
    correspondence, that this coincidence he attributes to generation with
    modification.

    The previous remarks on “single and multiple centres of creation” do
    not directly bear on another allied question,—namely whether all the
    individuals of the same species have descended from
    a single pair, or single hermaphrodite, or whether, as some authors
    suppose, from many individuals simultaneously created. With those
    organic beings which never intercross (if such exist), the species, on
    my theory, must have descended from a succession of improved varieties,
    which will never have blended with other individuals or varieties, but
    will have supplanted each other; so that, at each successive stage of
    modification and improvement, all the individuals of each variety will
    have descended from a single parent. But in the majority of cases,
    namely, with all organisms which habitually unite for each birth, or
    which often intercross, I believe that during the slow process of
    modification the individuals of the species will have been kept nearly
    uniform by intercrossing; so that many individuals will have gone on
    simultaneously changing, and the whole amount of modification will not
    have been due, at each stage, to descent from a single parent. To
    illustrate what I mean: our English racehorses differ slightly from the
    horses of every other breed; but they do not owe their difference and
    superiority to descent from any single pair, but to continued care in
    selecting and training many individuals during many generations.

    Before discussing the three classes of facts, which I have selected as
    presenting the greatest amount of difficulty on the theory of “single
    centres of creation,” I must say a few words on the means of dispersal.

    Means of Dispersal.—Sir C. Lyell and other authors have ably treated
    this subject. I can give here only the briefest abstract of the more
    important facts. Change of climate must have had a powerful influence
    on migration: a region when its climate was different may have been a
    high road for migration, but now be impassable; I shall, however,
    presently have to discuss this branch of the subject in some detail.
    Changes of level in the land must also have been highly influential: a
    narrow isthmus now separates two marine faunas; submerge it, or let it
    formerly have been submerged, and the two faunas will now blend or may
    formerly have blended: where the sea now extends, land may at a former
    period have connected islands or possibly even continents together, and
    thus have allowed terrestrial productions to pass from one to the
    other.
    No geologist will dispute that great mutations of level have occurred
    within the period of existing organisms. Edward Forbes insisted that
    all the islands in the Atlantic must recently have been connected with
    Europe or Africa, and Europe likewise with America. Other authors have
    thus hypothetically bridged over every ocean, and have united almost
    every island to some mainland. If indeed the arguments used by Forbes
    are to be trusted, it must be admitted that scarcely a single island
    exists which has not recently been united to some continent. This view
    cuts the Gordian knot of the dispersal of the same species to the most
    distant points, and removes many a difficulty: but to the best of my
    judgment we are not authorized in admitting such enormous geographical
    changes within the period of existing species. It seems to me that we
    have abundant evidence of great oscillations of level in our
    continents; but not of such vast changes in their position and
    extension, as to have united them within the recent period to each
    other and to the several intervening oceanic islands. I freely admit
    the former existence of many islands, now buried beneath the sea, which
    may have served as halting places for plants and for many animals
    during their migration. In the coral-producing oceans such sunken
    islands are now marked, as I believe, by rings of coral or atolls
    standing over them. Whenever it is fully admitted, as I believe it will
    some day be, that each species has proceeded from a single birthplace,
    and when in the course of time we know something definite about the
    means of distribution, we shall be enabled to speculate with security
    on the former extension of the land. But I do not believe that it will
    ever be proved that within the recent period continents which are now
    quite separate, have been continuously, or almost continuously, united
    with each other, and with the many existing oceanic islands. Several
    facts in distribution,—such as the great difference in the marine
    faunas on the opposite sides of almost every continent,—the close
    relation of the tertiary inhabitants of several lands and even seas to
    their present inhabitants,—a certain degree of relation (as we shall
    hereafter see) between the distribution of mammals and the depth of the
    sea,—these and other such facts seem to me opposed to the admission of
    such prodigious geographical revolutions within the recent period, as
    are necessitated on the view advanced by Forbes and admitted by his
    many followers. The nature and relative proportions of the inhabitants
    of oceanic islands likewise seem to me opposed to the belief of their
    former continuity with continents. Nor does their almost universally
    volcanic composition favour the admission that they are the wrecks of
    sunken continents;—if they had originally existed as mountain-ranges on
    the land, some at least of the islands would have been formed, like
    other mountain-summits, of granite, metamorphic schists, old
    fossiliferous or other such rocks, instead of consisting of mere piles
    of volcanic matter.

    I must now say a few words on what are called accidental means, but
    which more properly might be called occasional means of distribution. I
    shall here confine myself to plants. In botanical works, this or that
    plant is stated to be ill adapted for wide dissemination; but for
    transport across the sea, the greater or less facilities may be said to
    be almost wholly unknown. Until I tried, with Mr. Berkeley’s aid, a few
    experiments, it was not even known how far seeds could resist the
    injurious action of sea-water. To my surprise I found that out of 87
    kinds, 64 germinated after an immersion of 28 days, and a few survived
    an immersion of 137 days.
    For convenience sake I chiefly tried small seeds, without the capsule
    or fruit; and as all of these sank in a few days, they could not be
    floated across wide spaces of the sea, whether or not they were injured
    by the salt-water. Afterwards I tried some larger fruits, capsules,
    etc., and some of these floated for a long time. It is well known what
    a difference there is in the buoyancy of green and seasoned timber; and
    it occurred to me that floods might wash down plants or branches, and
    that these might be dried on the banks, and then by a fresh rise in the
    stream be washed into the sea. Hence I was led to dry stems and
    branches of 94 plants with ripe fruit, and to place them on sea water.
    The majority sank quickly, but some which whilst green floated for a
    very short time, when dried floated much longer; for instance, ripe
    hazel-nuts sank immediately, but when dried, they floated for 90 days
    and afterwards when planted they germinated; an asparagus plant with
    ripe berries floated for 23 days, when dried it floated for 85 days,
    and the seeds afterwards germinated: the ripe seeds of Helosciadium
    sank in two days, when dried they floated for above 90 days, and
    afterwards germinated. Altogether out of the 94 dried plants, 18
    floated for above 28 days, and some of the 18 floated for a very much
    longer period. So that as 64/87 seeds germinated after an immersion of
    28 days; and as 18/94 plants with ripe fruit (but not all the same
    species as in the foregoing experiment) floated, after being dried, for
    above 28 days, as far as we may infer anything from these scanty facts,
    we may conclude that the seeds of 14/100 plants of any country might be
    floated by sea-currents during 28 days, and would retain their power of
    germination. In Johnston’s Physical Atlas, the average rate of the
    several Atlantic currents is 33 miles per diem (some currents running
    at the rate of 60 miles
    per diem); on this average, the seeds of 14/100 plants belonging to one
    country might be floated across 924 miles of sea to another country;
    and when stranded, if blown to a favourable spot by an inland gale,
    they would germinate.

    Subsequently to my experiments, M. Martens tried similar ones, but in a
    much better manner, for he placed the seeds in a box in the actual sea,
    so that they were alternately wet and exposed to the air like really
    floating plants. He tried 98 seeds, mostly different from mine; but he
    chose many large fruits and likewise seeds from plants which live near
    the sea; and this would have favoured the average length of their
    flotation and of their resistance to the injurious action of the
    salt-water. On the other hand he did not previously dry the plants or
    branches with the fruit; and this, as we have seen, would have caused
    some of them to have floated much longer. The result was that 18/98 of
    his seeds floated for 42 days, and were then capable of germination.
    But I do not doubt that plants exposed to the waves would float for a
    less time than those protected from violent movement as in our
    experiments. Therefore it would perhaps be safer to assume that the
    seeds of about 10/100 plants of a flora, after having been dried, could
    be floated across a space of sea 900 miles in width, and would then
    germinate. The fact of the larger fruits often floating longer than the
    small, is interesting; as plants with large seeds or fruit could hardly
    be transported by any other means; and Alph. de Candolle has shown that
    such plants generally have restricted ranges.

    But seeds may be occasionally transported in another manner. Drift
    timber is thrown up on most islands, even on those in the midst of the
    widest oceans; and the natives of the coral-islands in the Pacific,
    procure
    stones for their tools, solely from the roots of drifted trees, these
    stones being a valuable royal tax. I find on examination, that when
    irregularly shaped stones are embedded in the roots of trees, small
    parcels of earth are very frequently enclosed in their interstices and
    behind them,—so perfectly that not a particle could be washed away in
    the longest transport: out of one small portion of earth thus
    completely enclosed by wood in an oak about 50 years old, three
    dicotyledonous plants germinated: I am certain of the accuracy of this
    observation. Again, I can show that the carcasses of birds, when
    floating on the sea, sometimes escape being immediately devoured; and
    seeds of many kinds in the crops of floating birds long retain their
    vitality: peas and vetches, for instance, are killed by even a few
    days’ immersion in sea-water; but some taken out of the crop of a
    pigeon, which had floated on artificial salt-water for 30 days, to my
    surprise nearly all germinated.

    Living birds can hardly fail to be highly effective agents in the
    transportation of seeds. I could give many facts showing how frequently
    birds of many kinds are blown by gales to vast distances across the
    ocean. We may I think safely assume that under such circumstances their
    rate of flight would often be 35 miles an hour; and some authors have
    given a far higher estimate. I have never seen an instance of
    nutritious seeds passing through the intestines of a bird; but hard
    seeds of fruit will pass uninjured through even the digestive organs of
    a turkey. In the course of two months, I picked up in my garden 12
    kinds of seeds, out of the excrement of small birds, and these seemed
    perfect, and some of them, which I tried, germinated. But the following
    fact is more important: the crops of birds do not secrete gastric
    juice, and do not in the
    least injure, as I know by trial, the germination of seeds; now after a
    bird has found and devoured a large supply of food, it is positively
    asserted that all the grains do not pass into the gizzard for 12 or
    even 18 hours. A bird in this interval might easily be blown to the
    distance of 500 miles, and hawks are known to look out for tired birds,
    and the contents of their torn crops might thus readily get scattered.
    Mr. Brent informs me that a friend of his had to give up flying
    carrier-pigeons from France to England, as the hawks on the English
    coast destroyed so many on their arrival. Some hawks and owls bolt
    their prey whole, and after an interval of from twelve to twenty hours,
    disgorge pellets, which, as I know from experiments made in the
    Zoological Gardens, include seeds capable of germination. Some seeds of
    the oat, wheat, millet, canary, hemp, clover, and beet germinated after
    having been from twelve to twenty-one hours in the stomachs of
    different birds of prey; and two seeds of beet grew after having been
    thus retained for two days and fourteen hours. Freshwater fish, I find,
    eat seeds of many land and water plants: fish are frequently devoured
    by birds, and thus the seeds might be transported from place to place.
    I forced many kinds of seeds into the stomachs of dead fish, and then
    gave their bodies to fishing-eagles, storks, and pelicans; these birds
    after an interval of many hours, either rejected the seeds in pellets
    or passed them in their excrement; and several of these seeds retained
    their power of germination. Certain seeds, however, were always killed
    by this process.

    Although the beaks and feet of birds are generally quite clean, I can
    show that earth sometimes adheres to them: in one instance I removed
    twenty-two grains of dry argillaceous earth from one foot of a
    partridge, and in this earth there was a pebble quite as large as
    the seed of a vetch. Thus seeds might occasionally be transported to
    great distances; for many facts could be given showing that soil almost
    everywhere is charged with seeds. Reflect for a moment on the millions
    of quails which annually cross the Mediterranean; and can we doubt that
    the earth adhering to their feet would sometimes include a few minute
    seeds? But I shall presently have to recur to this subject.

    As icebergs are known to be sometimes loaded with earth and stones, and
    have even carried brushwood, bones, and the nest of a land-bird, I can
    hardly doubt that they must occasionally have transported seeds from
    one part to another of the arctic and antarctic regions, as suggested
    by Lyell; and during the Glacial period from one part of the now
    temperate regions to another. In the Azores, from the large number of
    the species of plants common to Europe, in comparison with the plants
    of other oceanic islands nearer to the mainland, and (as remarked by
    Mr. H. C. Watson) from the somewhat northern character of the flora in
    comparison with the latitude, I suspected that these islands had been
    partly stocked by ice-borne seeds, during the Glacial epoch. At my
    request Sir C. Lyell wrote to M. Hartung to inquire whether he had
    observed erratic boulders on these islands, and he answered that he had
    found large fragments of granite and other rocks, which do not occur in
    the archipelago. Hence we may safely infer that icebergs formerly
    landed their rocky burthens on the shores of these mid-ocean islands,
    and it is at least possible that they may have brought thither the
    seeds of northern plants.

    Considering that the several above means of transport, and that several
    other means, which without doubt remain to be discovered, have been in
    action year after year, for centuries and tens of thousands of
    years, it would I think be a marvellous fact if many plants had not
    thus become widely transported. These means of transport are sometimes
    called accidental, but this is not strictly correct: the currents of
    the sea are not accidental, nor is the direction of prevalent gales of
    wind. It should be observed that scarcely any means of transport would
    carry seeds for very great distances; for seeds do not retain their
    vitality when exposed for a great length of time to the action of
    seawater; nor could they be long carried in the crops or intestines of
    birds. These means, however, would suffice for occasional transport
    across tracts of sea some hundred miles in breadth, or from island to
    island, or from a continent to a neighbouring island, but not from one
    distant continent to another. The floras of distant continents would
    not by such means become mingled in any great degree; but would remain
    as distinct as we now see them to be. The currents, from their course,
    would never bring seeds from North America to Britain, though they
    might and do bring seeds from the West Indies to our western shores,
    where, if not killed by so long an immersion in salt-water, they could
    not endure our climate. Almost every year, one or two land-birds are
    blown across the whole Atlantic Ocean, from North America to the
    western shores of Ireland and England; but seeds could be transported
    by these wanderers only by one means, namely, in dirt sticking to their
    feet, which is in itself a rare accident. Even in this case, how small
    would the chance be of a seed falling on favourable soil, and coming to
    maturity! But it would be a great error to argue that because a
    well-stocked island, like Great Britain, has not, as far as is known
    (and it would be very difficult to prove this), received within the
    last few centuries, through occasional means
    of transport, immigrants from Europe or any other continent, that a
    poorly-stocked island, though standing more remote from the mainland,
    would not receive colonists by similar means. I do not doubt that out
    of twenty seeds or animals transported to an island, even if far less
    well-stocked than Britain, scarcely more than one would be so well
    fitted to its new home, as to become naturalised. But this, as it seems
    to me, is no valid argument against what would be effected by
    occasional means of transport, during the long lapse of geological
    time, whilst an island was being upheaved and formed, and before it had
    become fully stocked with inhabitants. On almost bare land, with few or
    no destructive insects or birds living there, nearly every seed, which
    chanced to arrive, would be sure to germinate and survive.

    Dispersal during the Glacial period.—The identity of many plants and
    animals, on mountain-summits, separated from each other by hundreds of
    miles of lowlands, where the Alpine species could not possibly exist,
    is one of the most striking cases known of the same species living at
    distant points, without the apparent possibility of their having
    migrated from one to the other. It is indeed a remarkable fact to see
    so many of the same plants living on the snowy regions of the Alps or
    Pyrenees, and in the extreme northern parts of Europe; but it is far
    more remarkable, that the plants on the White Mountains, in the United
    States of America, are all the same with those of Labrador, and nearly
    all the same, as we hear from Asa Gray, with those on the loftiest
    mountains of Europe. Even as long ago as 1747, such facts led Gmelin to
    conclude that the same species must have been independently created at
    several distinct points; and we might have remained
    in this same belief, had not Agassiz and others called vivid attention
    to the Glacial period, which, as we shall immediately see, affords a
    simple explanation of these facts. We have evidence of almost every
    conceivable kind, organic and inorganic, that within a very recent
    geological period, central Europe and North America suffered under an
    Arctic climate. The ruins of a house burnt by fire do not tell their
    tale more plainly, than do the mountains of Scotland and Wales, with
    their scored flanks, polished surfaces, and perched boulders, of the
    icy streams with which their valleys were lately filled. So greatly has
    the climate of Europe changed, that in Northern Italy, gigantic
    moraines, left by old glaciers, are now clothed by the vine and maize.
    Throughout a large part of the United States, erratic boulders, and
    rocks scored by drifted icebergs and coast-ice, plainly reveal a former
    cold period.

    The former influence of the glacial climate on the distribution of the
    inhabitants of Europe, as explained with remarkable clearness by Edward
    Forbes, is substantially as follows. But we shall follow the changes
    more readily, by supposing a new glacial period to come slowly on, and
    then pass away, as formerly occurred. As the cold came on, and as each
    more southern zone became fitted for arctic beings and ill-fitted for
    their former more temperate inhabitants, the latter would be supplanted
    and arctic productions would take their places. The inhabitants of the
    more temperate regions would at the same time travel southward, unless
    they were stopped by barriers, in which case they would perish. The
    mountains would become covered with snow and ice, and their former
    Alpine inhabitants would descend to the plains. By the time that the
    cold had reached its maximum, we should have a uniform arctic fauna and
    flora, covering the central parts of Europe, as far
    south as the Alps and Pyrenees, and even stretching into Spain. The now
    temperate regions of the United States would likewise be covered by
    arctic plants and animals, and these would be nearly the same with
    those of Europe; for the present circumpolar inhabitants, which we
    suppose to have everywhere travelled southward, are remarkably uniform
    round the world. We may suppose that the Glacial period came on a
    little earlier or later in North America than in Europe, so will the
    southern migration there have been a little earlier or later; but this
    will make no difference in the final result.

    As the warmth returned, the arctic forms would retreat northward,
    closely followed up in their retreat by the productions of the more
    temperate regions. And as the snow melted from the bases of the
    mountains, the arctic forms would seize on the cleared and thawed
    ground, always ascending higher and higher, as the warmth increased,
    whilst their brethren were pursuing their northern journey. Hence, when
    the warmth had fully returned, the same arctic species, which had
    lately lived in a body together on the lowlands of the Old and New
    Worlds, would be left isolated on distant mountain-summits (having been
    exterminated on all lesser heights) and in the arctic regions of both
    hemispheres.

    Thus we can understand the identity of many plants at points so
    immensely remote as on the mountains of the United States and of
    Europe. We can thus also understand the fact that the Alpine plants of
    each mountain-range are more especially related to the arctic forms
    living due north or nearly due north of them: for the migration as the
    cold came on, and the re-migration on the returning warmth, will
    generally have been due south and north. The Alpine plants, for
    example, of Scotland, as remarked by Mr. H. C. Watson,
    and those of the Pyrenees, as remarked by Ramond, are more especially
    allied to the plants of northern Scandinavia; those of the United
    States to Labrador; those of the mountains of Siberia to the arctic
    regions of that country. These views, grounded as they are on the
    perfectly well-ascertained occurrence of a former Glacial period, seem
    to me to explain in so satisfactory a manner the present distribution
    of the Alpine and Arctic productions of Europe and America, that when
    in other regions we find the same species on distant mountain-summits,
    we may almost conclude without other evidence, that a colder climate
    permitted their former migration across the low intervening tracts,
    since become too warm for their existence.

    If the climate, since the Glacial period, has ever been in any degree
    warmer than at present (as some geologists in the United States believe
    to have been the case, chiefly from the distribution of the fossil
    Gnathodon), then the arctic and temperate productions will at a very
    late period have marched a little further north, and subsequently have
    retreated to their present homes; but I have met with no satisfactory
    evidence with respect to this intercalated slightly warmer period,
    since the Glacial period.

    The arctic forms, during their long southern migration and re-migration
    northward, will have been exposed to nearly the same climate, and, as
    is especially to be noticed, they will have kept in a body together;
    consequently their mutual relations will not have been much disturbed,
    and, in accordance with the principles inculcated in this volume, they
    will not have been liable to much modification. But with our Alpine
    productions, left isolated from the moment of the returning warmth,
    first at the bases and ultimately on the summits of the mountains, the
    case will have been somewhat different;
    for it is not likely that all the same arctic species will have been
    left on mountain ranges distant from each other, and have survived
    there ever since; they will, also, in all probability have become
    mingled with ancient Alpine species, which must have existed on the
    mountains before the commencement of the Glacial epoch, and which
    during its coldest period will have been temporarily driven down to the
    plains; they will, also, have been exposed to somewhat different
    climatal influences. Their mutual relations will thus have been in some
    degree disturbed; consequently they will have been liable to
    modification; and this we find has been the case; for if we compare the
    present Alpine plants and animals of the several great European
    mountain-ranges, though very many of the species are identically the
    same, some present varieties, some are ranked as doubtful forms, and
    some few are distinct yet closely allied or representative species.

    In illustrating what, as I believe, actually took place during the
    Glacial period, I assumed that at its commencement the arctic
    productions were as uniform round the polar regions as they are at the
    present day. But the foregoing remarks on distribution apply not only
    to strictly arctic forms, but also to many sub-arctic and to some few
    northern temperate forms, for some of these are the same on the lower
    mountains and on the plains of North America and Europe; and it may be
    reasonably asked how I account for the necessary degree of uniformity
    of the sub-arctic and northern temperate forms round the world, at the
    commencement of the Glacial period. At the present day, the sub-arctic
    and northern temperate productions of the Old and New Worlds are
    separated from each other by the Atlantic Ocean and by the extreme
    northern part of the Pacific. During the Glacial period, when the
    inhabitants
    of the Old and New Worlds lived further southwards than at present,
    they must have been still more completely separated by wider spaces of
    ocean. I believe the above difficulty may be surmounted by looking to
    still earlier changes of climate of an opposite nature. We have good
    reason to believe that during the newer Pliocene period, before the
    Glacial epoch, and whilst the majority of the inhabitants of the world
    were specifically the same as now, the climate was warmer than at the
    present day. Hence we may suppose that the organisms now living under
    the climate of latitude 60°, during the Pliocene period lived further
    north under the Polar Circle, in latitude 66°-67°; and that the
    strictly arctic productions then lived on the broken land still nearer
    to the pole. Now if we look at a globe, we shall see that under the
    Polar Circle there is almost continuous land from western Europe,
    through Siberia, to eastern America. And to this continuity of the
    circumpolar land, and to the consequent freedom for intermigration
    under a more favourable climate, I attribute the necessary amount of
    uniformity in the sub-arctic and northern temperate productions of the
    Old and New Worlds, at a period anterior to the Glacial epoch.

    Believing, from reasons before alluded to, that our continents have
    long remained in nearly the same relative position, though subjected to
    large, but partial oscillations of level, I am strongly inclined to
    extend the above view, and to infer that during some earlier and still
    warmer period, such as the older Pliocene period, a large number of the
    same plants and animals inhabited the almost continuous circumpolar
    land; and that these plants and animals, both in the Old and New
    Worlds, began slowly to migrate southwards as the climate became less
    warm, long before the commencement
    of the Glacial period. We now see, as I believe, their descendants,
    mostly in a modified condition, in the central parts of Europe and the
    United States. On this view we can understand the relationship, with
    very little identity, between the productions of North America and
    Europe,—a relationship which is most remarkable, considering the
    distance of the two areas, and their separation by the Atlantic Ocean.
    We can further understand the singular fact remarked on by several
    observers, that the productions of Europe and America during the later
    tertiary stages were more closely related to each other than they are
    at the present time; for during these warmer periods the northern parts
    of the Old and New Worlds will have been almost continuously united by
    land, serving as a bridge, since rendered impassable by cold, for the
    inter-migration of their inhabitants.

    During the slowly decreasing warmth of the Pliocene period, as soon as
    the species in common, which inhabited the New and Old Worlds, migrated
    south of the Polar Circle, they must have been completely cut off from
    each other. This separation, as far as the more temperate productions
    are concerned, took place long ages ago. And as the plants and animals
    migrated southward, they will have become mingled in the one great
    region with the native American productions, and have had to compete
    with them; and in the other great region, with those of the Old World.
    Consequently we have here everything favourable for much
    modification,—for far more modification than with the Alpine
    productions, left isolated, within a much more recent period, on the
    several mountain-ranges and on the arctic lands of the two Worlds.
    Hence it has come, that when we compare the now living productions of
    the temperate regions of the New and Old Worlds, we find very few
    identical
    species (though Asa Gray has lately shown that more plants are
    identical than was formerly supposed), but we find in every great class
    many forms, which some naturalists rank as geographical races, and
    others as distinct species; and a host of closely allied or
    representative forms which are ranked by all naturalists as
    specifically distinct.

    As on the land, so in the waters of the sea, a slow southern migration
    of a marine fauna, which during the Pliocene or even a somewhat earlier
    period, was nearly uniform along the continuous shores of the Polar
    Circle, will account, on the theory of modification, for many closely
    allied forms now living in areas completely sundered. Thus, I think, we
    can understand the presence of many existing and tertiary
    representative forms on the eastern and western shores of temperate
    North America; and the still more striking case of many closely allied
    crustaceans (as described in Dana’s admirable work), of some fish and
    other marine animals, in the Mediterranean and in the seas of
    Japan,—areas now separated by a continent and by nearly a hemisphere of
    equatorial ocean.

    These cases of relationship, without identity, of the inhabitants of
    seas now disjoined, and likewise of the past and present inhabitants of
    the temperate lands of North America and Europe, are inexplicable on
    the theory of creation. We cannot say that they have been created
    alike, in correspondence with the nearly similar physical conditions of
    the areas; for if we compare, for instance, certain parts of South
    America with the southern continents of the Old World, we see countries
    closely corresponding in all their physical conditions, but with their
    inhabitants utterly dissimilar.

    But we must return to our more immediate subject, the Glacial period. I
    am convinced that Forbes’s view
    may be largely extended. In Europe we have the plainest evidence of the
    cold period, from the western shores of Britain to the Oural range, and
    southward to the Pyrenees. We may infer, from the frozen mammals and
    nature of the mountain vegetation, that Siberia was similarly affected.
    Along the Himalaya, at points 900 miles apart, glaciers have left the
    marks of their former low descent; and in Sikkim, Dr. Hooker saw maize
    growing on gigantic ancient moraines. South of the equator, we have
    some direct evidence of former glacial action in New Zealand; and the
    same plants, found on widely separated mountains in this island, tell
    the same story. If one account which has been published can be trusted,
    we have direct evidence of glacial action in the south-eastern corner
    of Australia.

    Looking to America; in the northern half, ice-borne fragments of rock
    have been observed on the eastern side as far south as lat. 36°-37°,
    and on the shores of the Pacific, where the climate is now so
    different, as far south as lat. 46 deg; erratic boulders have, also,
    been noticed on the Rocky Mountains. In the Cordillera of Equatorial
    South America, glaciers once extended far below their present level. In
    central Chile I was astonished at the structure of a vast mound of
    detritus, about 800 feet in height, crossing a valley of the Andes; and
    this I now feel convinced was a gigantic moraine, left far below any
    existing glacier. Further south on both sides of the continent, from
    lat. 41° to the southernmost extremity, we have the clearest evidence
    of former glacial action, in huge boulders transported far from their
    parent source.

    We do not know that the Glacial epoch was strictly simultaneous at
    these several far distant points on opposite sides of the world. But we
    have good evidence in almost every case, that the epoch was included
    within
    the latest geological period. We have, also, excellent evidence, that
    it endured for an enormous time, as measured by years, at each point.
    The cold may have come on, or have ceased, earlier at one point of the
    globe than at another, but seeing that it endured for long at each, and
    that it was contemporaneous in a geological sense, it seems to me
    probable that it was, during a part at least of the period, actually
    simultaneous throughout the world. Without some distinct evidence to
    the contrary, we may at least admit as probable that the glacial action
    was simultaneous on the eastern and western sides of North America, in
    the Cordillera under the equator and under the warmer temperate zones,
    and on both sides of the southern extremity of the continent. If this
    be admitted, it is difficult to avoid believing that the temperature of
    the whole world was at this period simultaneously cooler. But it would
    suffice for my purpose, if the temperature was at the same time lower
    along certain broad belts of longitude.

    On this view of the whole world, or at least of broad longitudinal
    belts, having been simultaneously colder from pole to pole, much light
    can be thrown on the present distribution of identical and allied
    species. In America, Dr. Hooker has shown that between forty and fifty
    of the flowering plants of Tierra del Fuego, forming no inconsiderable
    part of its scanty flora, are common to Europe, enormously remote as
    these two points are; and there are many closely allied species. On the
    lofty mountains of equatorial America a host of peculiar species
    belonging to European genera occur. On the highest mountains of Brazil,
    some few European genera were found by Gardner, which do not exist in
    the wide intervening hot countries. So on the Silla of Caraccas the
    illustrious Humboldt long ago found species belonging
    to genera characteristic of the Cordillera. On the mountains of
    Abyssinia, several European forms and some few representatives of the
    peculiar flora of the Cape of Good Hope occur. At the Cape of Good Hope
    a very few European species, believed not to have been introduced by
    man, and on the mountains, some few representative European forms are
    found, which have not been discovered in the intertropical parts of
    Africa. On the Himalaya, and on the isolated mountain-ranges of the
    peninsula of India, on the heights of Ceylon, and on the volcanic cones
    of Java, many plants occur, either identically the same or representing
    each other, and at the same time representing plants of Europe, not
    found in the intervening hot lowlands. A list of the genera collected
    on the loftier peaks of Java raises a picture of a collection made on a
    hill in Europe! Still more striking is the fact that southern
    Australian forms are clearly represented by plants growing on the
    summits of the mountains of Borneo. Some of these Australian forms, as
    I hear from Dr. Hooker, extend along the heights of the peninsula of
    Malacca, and are thinly scattered, on the one hand over India and on
    the other as far north as Japan.

    On the southern mountains of Australia, Dr. F. Müller has discovered
    several European species; other species, not introduced by man, occur
    on the lowlands; and a long list can be given, as I am informed by Dr.
    Hooker, of European genera, found in Australia, but not in the
    intermediate torrid regions. In the admirable ‘Introduction to the
    Flora of New Zealand,’ by Dr. Hooker, analogous and striking facts are
    given in regard to the plants of that large island. Hence we see that
    throughout the world, the plants growing on the more lofty mountains,
    and on the temperate lowlands of the northern and southern hemispheres,
    are sometimes
    identically the same; but they are much oftener specifically distinct,
    though related to each other in a most remarkable manner.

    This brief abstract applies to plants alone: some strictly analogous
    facts could be given on the distribution of terrestrial animals. In
    marine productions, similar cases occur; as an example, I may quote a
    remark by the highest authority, Professor Dana, that “it is certainly
    a wonderful fact that New Zealand should have a closer resemblance in
    its crustacea to Great Britain, its antipode, than to any other part of
    the world.” Sir J. Richardson, also, speaks of the reappearance on the
    shores of New Zealand, Tasmania, etc., of northern forms of fish. Dr.
    Hooker informs me that twenty-five species of Algæ are common to New
    Zealand and to Europe, but have not been found in the intermediate
    tropical seas.

    It should be observed that the northern species and forms found in the
    southern parts of the southern hemisphere, and on the mountain-ranges
    of the intertropical regions, are not arctic, but belong to the
    northern temperate zones. As Mr. H. C. Watson has recently remarked,
    “In receding from polar towards equatorial latitudes, the Alpine or
    mountain floras really become less and less arctic.” Many of the forms
    living on the mountains of the warmer regions of the earth and in the
    southern hemisphere are of doubtful value, being ranked by some
    naturalists as specifically distinct, by others as varieties; but some
    are certainly identical, and many, though closely related to northern
    forms, must be ranked as distinct species.

    Now let us see what light can be thrown on the foregoing facts, on the
    belief, supported as it is by a large body of geological evidence, that
    the whole world, or a large part of it, was during the Glacial period
    simultaneously much
    colder than at present. The Glacial period, as measured by years, must
    have been very long; and when we remember over what vast spaces some
    naturalised plants and animals have spread within a few centuries, this
    period will have been ample for any amount of migration. As the cold
    came slowly on, all the tropical plants and other productions will have
    retreated from both sides towards the equator, followed in the rear by
    the temperate productions, and these by the arctic; but with the latter
    we are not now concerned. The tropical plants probably suffered much
    extinction; how much no one can say; perhaps formerly the tropics
    supported as many species as we see at the present day crowded together
    at the Cape of Good Hope, and in parts of temperate Australia. As we
    know that many tropical plants and animals can withstand a considerable
    amount of cold, many might have escaped extermination during a moderate
    fall of temperature, more especially by escaping into the warmest
    spots. But the great fact to bear in mind is, that all tropical
    productions will have suffered to a certain extent. On the other hand,
    the temperate productions, after migrating nearer to the equator,
    though they will have been placed under somewhat new conditions, will
    have suffered less. And it is certain that many temperate plants, if
    protected from the inroads of competitors, can withstand a much warmer
    climate than their own. Hence, it seems to me possible, bearing in mind
    that the tropical productions were in a suffering state and could not
    have presented a firm front against intruders, that a certain number of
    the more vigorous and dominant temperate forms might have penetrated
    the native ranks and have reached or even crossed the equator. The
    invasion would, of course, have been greatly favoured by high land, and
    perhaps
    by a dry climate; for Dr. Falconer informs me that it is the damp with
    the heat of the tropics which is so destructive to perennial plants
    from a temperate climate. On the other hand, the most humid and hottest
    districts will have afforded an asylum to the tropical natives. The
    mountain-ranges north-west of the Himalaya, and the long line of the
    Cordillera, seem to have afforded two great lines of invasion: and it
    is a striking fact, lately communicated to me by Dr. Hooker, that all
    the flowering plants, about forty-six in number, common to Tierra del
    Fuego and to Europe still exist in North America, which must have lain
    on the line of march. But I do not doubt that some temperate
    productions entered and crossed even the lowlands of the tropics at
    the period when the cold was most intense,—when arctic forms had
    migrated some twenty-five degrees of latitude from their native country
    and covered the land at the foot of the Pyrenees. At this period of
    extreme cold, I believe that the climate under the equator at the level
    of the sea was about the same with that now felt there at the height of
    six or seven thousand feet. During this the coldest period, I suppose
    that large spaces of the tropical lowlands were clothed with a mingled
    tropical and temperate vegetation, like that now growing with strange
    luxuriance at the base of the Himalaya, as graphically described by
    Hooker.

    Thus, as I believe, a considerable number of plants, a few terrestrial
    animals, and some marine productions, migrated during the Glacial
    period from the northern and southern temperate zones into the
    intertropical regions, and some even crossed the equator. As the warmth
    returned, these temperate forms would naturally ascend the higher
    mountains, being exterminated on the lowlands; those which had not
    reached the equator, would re-migrate northward or southward towards
    their former
    homes; but the forms, chiefly northern, which had crossed the equator,
    would travel still further from their homes into the more temperate
    latitudes of the opposite hemisphere. Although we have reason to
    believe from geological evidence that the whole body of arctic shells
    underwent scarcely any modification during their long southern
    migration and re-migration northward, the case may have been wholly
    different with those intruding forms which settled themselves on the
    intertropical mountains, and in the southern hemisphere. These being
    surrounded by strangers will have had to compete with many new forms of
    life; and it is probable that selected modifications in their
    structure, habits, and constitutions will have profited them. Thus many
    of these wanderers, though still plainly related by inheritance to
    their brethren of the northern or southern hemispheres, now exist in
    their new homes as well-marked varieties or as distinct species.

    It is a remarkable fact, strongly insisted on by Hooker in regard to
    America, and by Alph. de Candolle in regard to Australia, that many
    more identical plants and allied forms have apparently migrated from
    the north to the south, than in a reversed direction. We see, however,
    a few southern vegetable forms on the mountains of Borneo and
    Abyssinia. I suspect that this preponderant migration from north to
    south is due to the greater extent of land in the north, and to the
    northern forms having existed in their own homes in greater numbers,
    and having consequently been advanced through natural selection and
    competition to a higher stage of perfection or dominating power, than
    the southern forms. And thus, when they became commingled during the
    Glacial period, the northern forms were enabled to beat the less
    powerful southern forms. Just in the same manner as we see at the
    present day,
    that very many European productions cover the ground in La Plata, and
    in a lesser degree in Australia, and have to a certain extent beaten
    the natives; whereas extremely few southern forms have become
    naturalised in any part of Europe, though hides, wool, and other
    objects likely to carry seeds have been largely imported into Europe
    during the last two or three centuries from La Plata, and during the
    last thirty or forty years from Australia. Something of the same kind
    must have occurred on the intertropical mountains: no doubt before the
    Glacial period they were stocked with endemic Alpine forms; but these
    have almost everywhere largely yielded to the more dominant forms,
    generated in the larger areas and more efficient workshops of the
    north. In many islands the native productions are nearly equalled or
    even outnumbered by the naturalised; and if the natives have not been
    actually exterminated, their numbers have been greatly reduced, and
    this is the first stage towards extinction. A mountain is an island on
    the land; and the intertropical mountains before the Glacial period
    must have been completely isolated; and I believe that the productions
    of these islands on the land yielded to those produced within the
    larger areas of the north, just in the same way as the productions of
    real islands have everywhere lately yielded to continental forms,
    naturalised by man’s agency.

    I am far from supposing that all difficulties are removed on the view
    here given in regard to the range and affinities of the allied species
    which live in the northern and southern temperate zones and on the
    mountains of the intertropical regions. Very many difficulties remain
    to be solved. I do not pretend to indicate the exact lines and means of
    migration, or the reason why certain species and not others have
    migrated;
    why certain species have been modified and have given rise to new
    groups of forms, and others have remained unaltered. We cannot hope to
    explain such facts, until we can say why one species and not another
    becomes naturalised by man’s agency in a foreign land; why one ranges
    twice or thrice as far, and is twice or thrice as common, as another
    species within their own homes.

    I have said that many difficulties remain to be solved: some of the
    most remarkable are stated with admirable clearness by Dr. Hooker in
    his botanical works on the antarctic regions. These cannot be here
    discussed. I will only say that as far as regards the occurrence of
    identical species at points so enormously remote as Kerguelen Land, New
    Zealand, and Fuegia, I believe that towards the close of the Glacial
    period, icebergs, as suggested by Lyell, have been largely concerned in
    their dispersal. But the existence of several quite distinct species,
    belonging to genera exclusively confined to the south, at these and
    other distant points of the southern hemisphere, is, on my theory of
    descent with modification, a far more remarkable case of difficulty.
    For some of these species are so distinct, that we cannot suppose that
    there has been time since the commencement of the Glacial period for
    their migration, and for their subsequent modification to the necessary
    degree. The facts seem to me to indicate that peculiar and very
    distinct species have migrated in radiating lines from some common
    centre; and I am inclined to look in the southern, as in the northern
    hemisphere, to a former and warmer period, before the commencement of
    the Glacial period, when the antarctic lands, now covered with ice,
    supported a highly peculiar and isolated flora. I suspect that before
    this flora was exterminated by the Glacial epoch, a few forms were
    widely dispersed to various points of the southern hemisphere by
    occasional means of transport, and by the aid, as halting-places, of
    existing and now sunken islands, and perhaps at the commencement of the
    Glacial period, by icebergs. By these means, as I believe, the southern
    shores of America, Australia, New Zealand have become slightly tinted
    by the same peculiar forms of vegetable life.

    Sir C. Lyell in a striking passage has speculated, in language almost
    identical with mine, on the effects of great alternations of climate on
    geographical distribution. I believe that the world has recently felt
    one of his great cycles of change; and that on this view, combined with
    modification through natural selection, a multitude of facts in the
    present distribution both of the same and of allied forms of life can
    be explained. The living waters may be said to have flowed during one
    short period from the north and from the south, and to have crossed at
    the equator; but to have flowed with greater force from the north so as
    to have freely inundated the south. As the tide leaves its drift in
    horizontal lines, though rising higher on the shores where the tide
    rises highest, so have the living waters left their living drift on our
    mountain-summits, in a line gently rising from the arctic lowlands to a
    great height under the equator. The various beings thus left stranded
    may be compared with savage races of man, driven up and surviving in
    the mountain-fastnesses of almost every land, which serve as a record,
    full of interest to us, of the former inhabitants of the surrounding
    lowlands.

    CHAPTER XII.
    GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION—continued.

    Distribution of fresh-water productions. On the inhabitants of oceanic
    islands. Absence of Batrachians and of terrestrial Mammals. On the
    relation of the inhabitants of islands to those of the nearest
    mainland. On colonisation from the nearest source with subsequent
    modification. Summary of the last and present chapters.

    As lakes and river-systems are separated from each other by barriers of
    land, it might have been thought that fresh-water productions would not
    have ranged widely within the same country, and as the sea is
    apparently a still more impassable barrier, that they never would have
    extended to distant countries. But the case is exactly the reverse. Not
    only have many fresh-water species, belonging to quite different
    classes, an enormous range, but allied species prevail in a remarkable
    manner throughout the world. I well remember, when first collecting in
    the fresh waters of Brazil, feeling much surprise at the similarity of
    the fresh-water insects, shells, etc., and at the dissimilarity of the
    surrounding terrestrial beings, compared with those of Britain.

    But this power in fresh-water productions of ranging widely, though so
    unexpected, can, I think, in most cases be explained by their having
    become fitted, in a manner highly useful to them, for short and
    frequent migrations from pond to pond, or from stream to stream; and
    liability to wide dispersal would follow from this capacity as an
    almost necessary consequence. We can here consider only a few cases. In
    regard to
    fish, I believe that the same species never occur in the fresh waters
    of distant continents. But on the same continent the species often
    range widely and almost capriciously; for two river-systems will have
    some fish in common and some different. A few facts seem to favour the
    possibility of their occasional transport by accidental means; like
    that of the live fish not rarely dropped by whirlwinds in India, and
    the vitality of their ova when removed from the water. But I am
    inclined to attribute the dispersal of fresh-water fish mainly to
    slight changes within the recent period in the level of the land,
    having caused rivers to flow into each other. Instances, also, could be
    given of this having occurred during floods, without any change of
    level. We have evidence in the loess of the Rhine of considerable
    changes of level in the land within a very recent geological period,
    and when the surface was peopled by existing land and fresh-water
    shells. The wide difference of the fish on opposite sides of continuous
    mountain-ranges, which from an early period must have parted
    river-systems and completely prevented their inosculation, seems to
    lead to this same conclusion. With respect to allied fresh-water fish
    occurring at very distant points of the world, no doubt there are many
    cases which cannot at present be explained: but some fresh-water fish
    belong to very ancient forms, and in such cases there will have been
    ample time for great geographical changes, and consequently time and
    means for much migration. In the second place, salt-water fish can with
    care be slowly accustomed to live in fresh water; and, according to
    Valenciennes, there is hardly a single group of fishes confined
    exclusively to fresh water, so that we may imagine that a marine member
    of a fresh-water group might travel far along the shores of the sea,
    and subsequently
    become modified and adapted to the fresh waters of a distant land.

    Some species of fresh-water shells have a very wide range, and allied
    species, which, on my theory, are descended from a common parent and
    must have proceeded from a single source, prevail throughout the world.
    Their distribution at first perplexed me much, as their ova are not
    likely to be transported by birds, and they are immediately killed by
    sea water, as are the adults. I could not even understand how some
    naturalised species have rapidly spread throughout the same country.
    But two facts, which I have observed—and no doubt many others remain to
    be observed—throw some light on this subject. When a duck suddenly
    emerges from a pond covered with duck-weed, I have twice seen these
    little plants adhering to its back; and it has happened to me, in
    removing a little duck-weed from one aquarium to another, that I have
    quite unintentionally stocked the one with fresh-water shells from the
    other. But another agency is perhaps more effectual: I suspended a
    duck’s feet, which might represent those of a bird sleeping in a
    natural pond, in an aquarium, where many ova of fresh-water shells were
    hatching; and I found that numbers of the extremely minute and just
    hatched shells crawled on the feet, and clung to them so firmly that
    when taken out of the water they could not be jarred off, though at a
    somewhat more advanced age they would voluntarily drop off. These just
    hatched molluscs, though aquatic in their nature, survived on the
    duck’s feet, in damp air, from twelve to twenty hours; and in this
    length of time a duck or heron might fly at least six or seven hundred
    miles, and would be sure to alight on a pool or rivulet, if blown
    across sea to an oceanic island or to any other distant point. Sir
    Charles Lyell also
    informs me that a Dyticus has been caught with an Ancylus (a
    fresh-water shell like a limpet) firmly adhering to it; and a
    water-beetle of the same family, a Colymbetes, once flew on board the
    ‘Beagle,’ when forty-five miles distant from the nearest land: how much
    farther it might have flown with a favouring gale no one can tell.

    With respect to plants, it has long been known what enormous ranges
    many fresh-water and even marsh-species have, both over continents and
    to the most remote oceanic islands. This is strikingly shown, as
    remarked by Alph. de Candolle, in large groups of terrestrial plants,
    which have only a very few aquatic members; for these latter seem
    immediately to acquire, as if in consequence, a very wide range. I
    think favourable means of dispersal explain this fact. I have before
    mentioned that earth occasionally, though rarely, adheres in some
    quantity to the feet and beaks of birds. Wading birds, which frequent
    the muddy edges of ponds, if suddenly flushed, would be the most likely
    to have muddy feet. Birds of this order I can show are the greatest
    wanderers, and are occasionally found on the most remote and barren
    islands in the open ocean; they would not be likely to alight on the
    surface of the sea, so that the dirt would not be washed off their
    feet; when making land, they would be sure to fly to their natural
    fresh-water haunts. I do not believe that botanists are aware how
    charged the mud of ponds is with seeds: I have tried several little
    experiments, but will here give only the most striking case: I took in
    February three table-spoonfuls of mud from three different points,
    beneath water, on the edge of a little pond; this mud when dry weighed
    only 6 3/4 ounces; I kept it covered up in my study for six months,
    pulling up and counting each plant as it grew; the plants were
    of many kinds, and were altogether 537 in number; and yet the viscid
    mud was all contained in a breakfast cup! Considering these facts, I
    think it would be an inexplicable circumstance if water-birds did not
    transport the seeds of fresh-water plants to vast distances, and if
    consequently the range of these plants was not very great. The same
    agency may have come into play with the eggs of some of the smaller
    fresh-water animals.

    Other and unknown agencies probably have also played a part. I have
    stated that fresh-water fish eat some kinds of seeds, though they
    reject many other kinds after having swallowed them; even small fish
    swallow seeds of moderate size, as of the yellow water-lily and
    Potamogeton. Herons and other birds, century after century, have gone
    on daily devouring fish; they then take flight and go to other waters,
    or are blown across the sea; and we have seen that seeds retain their
    power of germination, when rejected in pellets or in excrement, many
    hours afterwards. When I saw the great size of the seeds of that fine
    water-lily, the Nelumbium, and remembered Alph. de Candolle’s remarks
    on this plant, I thought that its distribution must remain quite
    inexplicable; but Audubon states that he found the seeds of the great
    southern water-lily (probably, according to Dr. Hooker, the Nelumbium
    luteum) in a heron’s stomach; although I do not know the fact, yet
    analogy makes me believe that a heron flying to another pond and
    getting a hearty meal of fish, would probably reject from its stomach a
    pellet containing the seeds of the Nelumbium undigested; or the seeds
    might be dropped by the bird whilst feeding its young, in the same way
    as fish are known sometimes to be dropped.

    In considering these several means of distribution,
    it should be remembered that when a pond or stream is first formed, for
    instance, on a rising islet, it will be unoccupied; and a single seed
    or egg will have a good chance of succeeding. Although there will
    always be a struggle for life between the individuals of the species,
    however few, already occupying any pond, yet as the number of kinds is
    small, compared with those on the land, the competition will probably
    be less severe between aquatic than between terrestrial species;
    consequently an intruder from the waters of a foreign country, would
    have a better chance of seizing on a place, than in the case of
    terrestrial colonists. We should, also, remember that some, perhaps
    many, fresh-water productions are low in the scale of nature, and that
    we have reason to believe that such low beings change or become
    modified less quickly than the high; and this will give longer time
    than the average for the migration of the same aquatic species. We
    should not forget the probability of many species having formerly
    ranged as continuously as fresh-water productions ever can range, over
    immense areas, and having subsequently become extinct in intermediate
    regions. But the wide distribution of fresh-water plants and of the
    lower animals, whether retaining the same identical form or in some
    degree modified, I believe mainly depends on the wide dispersal of
    their seeds and eggs by animals, more especially by fresh-water birds,
    which have large powers of flight, and naturally travel from one to
    another and often distant piece of water. Nature, like a careful
    gardener, thus takes her seeds from a bed of a particular nature, and
    drops them in another equally well fitted for them.

    On the Inhabitants of Oceanic Islands.—We now come to the last of the
    three classes of facts, which I
    have selected as presenting the greatest amount of difficulty, on the
    view that all the individuals both of the same and of allied species
    have descended from a single parent; and therefore have all proceeded
    from a common birthplace, notwithstanding that in the course of time
    they have come to inhabit distant points of the globe. I have already
    stated that I cannot honestly admit Forbes’s view on continental
    extensions, which, if legitimately followed out, would lead to the
    belief that within the recent period all existing islands have been
    nearly or quite joined to some continent. This view would remove many
    difficulties, but it would not, I think, explain all the facts in
    regard to insular productions. In the following remarks I shall not
    confine myself to the mere question of dispersal; but shall consider
    some other facts, which bear on the truth of the two theories of
    independent creation and of descent with modification.

    The species of all kinds which inhabit oceanic islands are few in
    number compared with those on equal continental areas: Alph. de
    Candolle admits this for plants, and Wollaston for insects. If we look
    to the large size and varied stations of New Zealand, extending over
    780 miles of latitude, and compare its flowering plants, only 750 in
    number, with those on an equal area at the Cape of Good Hope or in
    Australia, we must, I think, admit that something quite independently
    of any difference in physical conditions has caused so great a
    difference in number. Even the uniform county of Cambridge has 847
    plants, and the little island of Anglesea 764, but a few ferns and a
    few introduced plants are included in these numbers, and the comparison
    in some other respects is not quite fair. We have evidence that the
    barren island of Ascension aboriginally possessed under half-a-dozen
    flowering
    plants; yet many have become naturalised on it, as they have on New
    Zealand and on every other oceanic island which can be named. In St.
    Helena there is reason to believe that the naturalised plants and
    animals have nearly or quite exterminated many native productions. He
    who admits the doctrine of the creation of each separate species, will
    have to admit, that a sufficient number of the best adapted plants and
    animals have not been created on oceanic islands; for man has
    unintentionally stocked them from various sources far more fully and
    perfectly than has nature.

    Although in oceanic islands the number of kinds of inhabitants is
    scanty, the proportion of endemic species (i.e. those found nowhere
    else in the world) is often extremely large. If we compare, for
    instance, the number of the endemic land-shells in Madeira, or of the
    endemic birds in the Galapagos Archipelago, with the number found on
    any continent, and then compare the area of the islands with that of
    the continent, we shall see that this is true. This fact might have
    been expected on my theory, for, as already explained, species
    occasionally arriving after long intervals in a new and isolated
    district, and having to compete with new associates, will be eminently
    liable to modification, and will often produce groups of modified
    descendants. But it by no means follows, that, because in an island
    nearly all the species of one class are peculiar, those of another
    class, or of another section of the same class, are peculiar; and this
    difference seems to depend on the species which do not become modified
    having immigrated with facility and in a body, so that their mutual
    relations have not been much disturbed. Thus in the Galapagos Islands
    nearly every land-bird, but only two out of the eleven marine birds,
    are peculiar; and it is obvious that
    marine birds could arrive at these islands more easily than land-birds.
    Bermuda, on the other hand, which lies at about the same distance from
    North America as the Galapagos Islands do from South America, and which
    has a very peculiar soil, does not possess one endemic land bird; and
    we know from Mr. J. M. Jones’s admirable account of Bermuda, that very
    many North American birds, during their great annual migrations, visit
    either periodically or occasionally this island. Madeira does not
    possess one peculiar bird, and many European and African birds are
    almost every year blown there, as I am informed by Mr. E. V. Harcourt.
    So that these two islands of Bermuda and Madeira have been stocked by
    birds, which for long ages have struggled together in their former
    homes, and have become mutually adapted to each other; and when settled
    in their new homes, each kind will have been kept by the others to
    their proper places and habits, and will consequently have been little
    liable to modification. Madeira, again, is inhabited by a wonderful
    number of peculiar land-shells, whereas not one species of sea-shell is
    confined to its shores: now, though we do not know how seashells are
    dispersed, yet we can see that their eggs or larvæ, perhaps attached to
    seaweed or floating timber, or to the feet of wading-birds, might be
    transported far more easily than land-shells, across three or four
    hundred miles of open sea. The different orders of insects in Madeira
    apparently present analogous facts.

    Oceanic islands are sometimes deficient in certain classes, and their
    places are apparently occupied by the other inhabitants; in the
    Galapagos Islands reptiles, and in New Zealand gigantic wingless birds,
    take the place of mammals. In the plants of the Galapagos Islands, Dr.
    Hooker has shown that the proportional numbers of the different orders
    are very different from
    what they are elsewhere. Such cases are generally accounted for by the
    physical conditions of the islands; but this explanation seems to me
    not a little doubtful. Facility of immigration, I believe, has been at
    least as important as the nature of the conditions.

    Many remarkable little facts could be given with respect to the
    inhabitants of remote islands. For instance, in certain islands not
    tenanted by mammals, some of the endemic plants have beautifully hooked
    seeds; yet few relations are more striking than the adaptation of
    hooked seeds for transportal by the wool and fur of quadrupeds. This
    case presents no difficulty on my view, for a hooked seed might be
    transported to an island by some other means; and the plant then
    becoming slightly modified, but still retaining its hooked seeds, would
    form an endemic species, having as useless an appendage as any
    rudimentary organ,—for instance, as the shrivelled wings under the
    soldered elytra of many insular beetles. Again, islands often possess
    trees or bushes belonging to orders which elsewhere include only
    herbaceous species; now trees, as Alph. de Candolle has shown,
    generally have, whatever the cause may be, confined ranges. Hence trees
    would be little likely to reach distant oceanic islands; and an
    herbaceous plant, though it would have no chance of successfully
    competing in stature with a fully developed tree, when established on
    an island and having to compete with herbaceous plants alone, might
    readily gain an advantage by growing taller and taller and overtopping
    the other plants. If so, natural selection would often tend to add to
    the stature of herbaceous plants when growing on an island, to whatever
    order they belonged, and thus convert them first into bushes and
    ultimately into trees.

    With respect to the absence of whole orders on
    oceanic islands, Bory St. Vincent long ago remarked that Batrachians
    (frogs, toads, newts) have never been found on any of the many islands
    with which the great oceans are studded. I have taken pains to verify
    this assertion, and I have found it strictly true. I have, however,
    been assured that a frog exists on the mountains of the great island of
    New Zealand; but I suspect that this exception (if the information be
    correct) may be explained through glacial agency. This general absence
    of frogs, toads, and newts on so many oceanic islands cannot be
    accounted for by their physical conditions; indeed it seems that
    islands are peculiarly well fitted for these animals; for frogs have
    been introduced into Madeira, the Azores, and Mauritius, and have
    multiplied so as to become a nuisance. But as these animals and their
    spawn are known to be immediately killed by sea-water, on my view we
    can see that there would be great difficulty in their transportal
    across the sea, and therefore why they do not exist on any oceanic
    island. But why, on the theory of creation, they should not have been
    created there, it would be very difficult to explain.

    Mammals offer another and similar case. I have carefully searched the
    oldest voyages, but have not finished my search; as yet I have not
    found a single instance, free from doubt, of a terrestrial mammal
    (excluding domesticated animals kept by the natives) inhabiting an
    island situated above 300 miles from a continent or great continental
    island; and many islands situated at a much less distance are equally
    barren. The Falkland Islands, which are inhabited by a wolf-like fox,
    come nearest to an exception; but this group cannot be considered as
    oceanic, as it lies on a bank connected with the mainland; moreover,
    icebergs formerly brought boulders to its western shores, and they may
    have formerly transported foxes, as so frequently now happens in the
    arctic regions. Yet it cannot be said that small islands will not
    support small mammals, for they occur in many parts of the world on
    very small islands, if close to a continent; and hardly an island can
    be named on which our smaller quadrupeds have not become naturalised
    and greatly multiplied. It cannot be said, on the ordinary view of
    creation, that there has not been time for the creation of mammals;
    many volcanic islands are sufficiently ancient, as shown by the
    stupendous degradation which they have suffered and by their tertiary
    strata: there has also been time for the production of endemic species
    belonging to other classes; and on continents it is thought that
    mammals appear and disappear at a quicker rate than other and lower
    animals. Though terrestrial mammals do not occur on oceanic islands,
    ærial mammals do occur on almost every island. New Zealand possesses
    two bats found nowhere else in the world: Norfolk Island, the Viti
    Archipelago, the Bonin Islands, the Caroline and Marianne
    Archipelagoes, and Mauritius, all possess their peculiar bats. Why, it
    may be asked, has the supposed creative force produced bats and no
    other mammals on remote islands? On my view this question can easily be
    answered; for no terrestrial mammal can be transported across a wide
    space of sea, but bats can fly across. Bats have been seen wandering by
    day far over the Atlantic Ocean; and two North American species either
    regularly or occasionally visit Bermuda, at the distance of 600 miles
    from the mainland. I hear from Mr. Tomes, who has specially studied
    this family, that many of the same species have enormous ranges, and
    are found on continents and on far distant islands. Hence we have only
    to suppose that such wandering species have been modified
    through natural selection in their new homes in relation to their new
    position, and we can understand the presence of endemic bats on
    islands, with the absence of all terrestrial mammals.

    Besides the absence of terrestrial mammals in relation to the
    remoteness of islands from continents, there is also a relation, to a
    certain extent independent of distance, between the depth of the sea
    separating an island from the neighbouring mainland, and the presence
    in both of the same mammiferous species or of allied species in a more
    or less modified condition. Mr. Windsor Earl has made some striking
    observations on this head in regard to the great Malay Archipelago,
    which is traversed near Celebes by a space of deep ocean; and this
    space separates two widely distinct mammalian faunas. On either side
    the islands are situated on moderately deep submarine banks, and they
    are inhabited by closely allied or identical quadrupeds. No doubt some
    few anomalies occur in this great archipelago, and there is much
    difficulty in forming a judgment in some cases owing to the probable
    naturalisation of certain mammals through man’s agency; but we shall
    soon have much light thrown on the natural history of this archipelago
    by the admirable zeal and researches of Mr. Wallace. I have not as yet
    had time to follow up this subject in all other quarters of the world;
    but as far as I have gone, the relation generally holds good. We see
    Britain separated by a shallow channel from Europe, and the mammals are
    the same on both sides; we meet with analogous facts on many islands
    separated by similar channels from Australia. The West Indian Islands
    stand on a deeply submerged bank, nearly 1000 fathoms in depth, and
    here we find American forms, but the species and even the genera are
    distinct. As the amount of modification in all cases depends to
    a certain degree on the lapse of time, and as during changes of level
    it is obvious that islands separated by shallow channels are more
    likely to have been continuously united within a recent period to the
    mainland than islands separated by deeper channels, we can understand
    the frequent relation between the depth of the sea and the degree of
    affinity of the mammalian inhabitants of islands with those of a
    neighbouring continent,—an inexplicable relation on the view of
    independent acts of creation.

    All the foregoing remarks on the inhabitants of oceanic
    islands,—namely, the scarcity of kinds—the richness in endemic forms in
    particular classes or sections of classes,—the absence of whole groups,
    as of batrachians, and of terrestrial mammals notwithstanding the
    presence of ærial bats,—the singular proportions of certain orders of
    plants,—herbaceous forms having been developed into trees, etc.,—seem
    to me to accord better with the view of occasional means of transport
    having been largely efficient in the long course of time, than with the
    view of all our oceanic islands having been formerly connected by
    continuous land with the nearest continent; for on this latter view the
    migration would probably have been more complete; and if modification
    be admitted, all the forms of life would have been more equally
    modified, in accordance with the paramount importance of the relation
    of organism to organism.

    I do not deny that there are many and grave difficulties in
    understanding how several of the inhabitants of the more remote
    islands, whether still retaining the same specific form or modified
    since their arrival, could have reached their present homes. But the
    probability of many islands having existed as halting-places, of which
    not a wreck now remains, must not be overlooked.
    I will here give a single instance of one of the cases of difficulty.
    Almost all oceanic islands, even the most isolated and smallest, are
    inhabited by land-shells, generally by endemic species, but sometimes
    by species found elsewhere. Dr. Aug. A. Gould has given several
    interesting cases in regard to the land-shells of the islands of the
    Pacific. Now it is notorious that land-shells are very easily killed by
    salt; their eggs, at least such as I have tried, sink in sea-water and
    are killed by it. Yet there must be, on my view, some unknown, but
    highly efficient means for their transportal. Would the just-hatched
    young occasionally crawl on and adhere to the feet of birds roosting on
    the ground, and thus get transported? It occurred to me that
    land-shells, when hybernating and having a membranous diaphragm over
    the mouth of the shell, might be floated in chinks of drifted timber
    across moderately wide arms of the sea. And I found that several
    species did in this state withstand uninjured an immersion in sea-water
    during seven days: one of these shells was the Helix pomatia, and after
    it had again hybernated I put it in sea-water for twenty days, and it
    perfectly recovered. As this species has a thick calcareous operculum,
    I removed it, and when it had formed a new membranous one, I immersed
    it for fourteen days in sea-water, and it recovered and crawled away:
    but more experiments are wanted on this head.

    The most striking and important fact for us in regard to the
    inhabitants of islands, is their affinity to those of the nearest
    mainland, without being actually the same species. Numerous instances
    could be given of this fact. I will give only one, that of the
    Galapagos Archipelago, situated under the equator, between 500 and 600
    miles from the shores of South America. Here
    almost every product of the land and water bears the unmistakeable
    stamp of the American continent. There are twenty-six land birds, and
    twenty-five of these are ranked by Mr. Gould as distinct species,
    supposed to have been created here; yet the close affinity of most of
    these birds to American species in every character, in their habits,
    gestures, and tones of voice, was manifest. So it is with the other
    animals, and with nearly all the plants, as shown by Dr. Hooker in his
    admirable memoir on the Flora of this archipelago. The naturalist,
    looking at the inhabitants of these volcanic islands in the Pacific,
    distant several hundred miles from the continent, yet feels that he is
    standing on American land. Why should this be so? why should the
    species which are supposed to have been created in the Galapagos
    Archipelago, and nowhere else, bear so plain a stamp of affinity to
    those created in America? There is nothing in the conditions of life,
    in the geological nature of the islands, in their height or climate, or
    in the proportions in which the several classes are associated
    together, which resembles closely the conditions of the South American
    coast: in fact there is a considerable dissimilarity in all these
    respects. On the other hand, there is a considerable degree of
    resemblance in the volcanic nature of the soil, in climate, height, and
    size of the islands, between the Galapagos and Cape de Verde
    Archipelagos: but what an entire and absolute difference in their
    inhabitants! The inhabitants of the Cape de Verde Islands are related
    to those of Africa, like those of the Galapagos to America. I believe
    this grand fact can receive no sort of explanation on the ordinary view
    of independent creation; whereas on the view here maintained, it is
    obvious that the Galapagos Islands would be likely to receive
    colonists, whether by occasional means of transport or
    by formerly continuous land, from America; and the Cape de Verde
    Islands from Africa; and that such colonists would be liable to
    modification;—the principle of inheritance still betraying their
    original birthplace.

    Many analogous facts could be given: indeed it is an almost universal
    rule that the endemic productions of islands are related to those of
    the nearest continent, or of other near islands. The exceptions are
    few, and most of them can be explained. Thus the plants of Kerguelen
    Land, though standing nearer to Africa than to America, are related,
    and that very closely, as we know from Dr. Hooker’s account, to those
    of America: but on the view that this island has been mainly stocked by
    seeds brought with earth and stones on icebergs, drifted by the
    prevailing currents, this anomaly disappears. New Zealand in its
    endemic plants is much more closely related to Australia, the nearest
    mainland, than to any other region: and this is what might have been
    expected; but it is also plainly related to South America, which,
    although the next nearest continent, is so enormously remote, that the
    fact becomes an anomaly. But this difficulty almost disappears on the
    view that both New Zealand, South America, and other southern lands
    were long ago partially stocked from a nearly intermediate though
    distant point, namely from the antarctic islands, when they were
    clothed with vegetation, before the commencement of the Glacial period.
    The affinity, which, though feeble, I am assured by Dr. Hooker is real,
    between the flora of the south-western corner of Australia and of the
    Cape of Good Hope, is a far more remarkable case, and is at present
    inexplicable: but this affinity is confined to the plants, and will, I
    do not doubt, be some day explained.

    The law which causes the inhabitants of an archipelago,
    though specifically distinct, to be closely allied to those of the
    nearest continent, we sometimes see displayed on a small scale, yet in
    a most interesting manner, within the limits of the same archipelago.
    Thus the several islands of the Galapagos Archipelago are tenanted, as
    I have elsewhere shown, in a quite marvellous manner, by very closely
    related species; so that the inhabitants of each separate island,
    though mostly distinct, are related in an incomparably closer degree to
    each other than to the inhabitants of any other part of the world. And
    this is just what might have been expected on my view, for the islands
    are situated so near each other that they would almost certainly
    receive immigrants from the same original source, or from each other.
    But this dissimilarity between the endemic inhabitants of the islands
    may be used as an argument against my views; for it may be asked, how
    has it happened in the several islands situated within sight of each
    other, having the same geological nature, the same height, climate,
    etc., that many of the immigrants should have been differently
    modified, though only in a small degree. This long appeared to me a
    great difficulty: but it arises in chief part from the deeply-seated
    error of considering the physical conditions of a country as the most
    important for its inhabitants; whereas it cannot, I think, be disputed
    that the nature of the other inhabitants, with which each has to
    compete, is at least as important, and generally a far more important
    element of success. Now if we look to those inhabitants of the
    Galapagos Archipelago which are found in other parts of the world
    (laying on one side for the moment the endemic species, which cannot be
    here fairly included, as we are considering how they have come to be
    modified since their arrival), we find a considerable amount
    of difference in the several islands. This difference might indeed have
    been expected on the view of the islands having been stocked by
    occasional means of transport—a seed, for instance, of one plant having
    been brought to one island, and that of another plant to another
    island. Hence when in former times an immigrant settled on any one or
    more of the islands, or when it subsequently spread from one island to
    another, it would undoubtedly be exposed to different conditions of
    life in the different islands, for it would have to compete with
    different sets of organisms: a plant, for instance, would find the
    best-fitted ground more perfectly occupied by distinct plants in one
    island than in another, and it would be exposed to the attacks of
    somewhat different enemies. If then it varied, natural selection would
    probably favour different varieties in the different islands. Some
    species, however, might spread and yet retain the same character
    throughout the group, just as we see on continents some species
    spreading widely and remaining the same.

    The really surprising fact in this case of the Galapagos Archipelago,
    and in a lesser degree in some analogous instances, is that the new
    species formed in the separate islands have not quickly spread to the
    other islands. But the islands, though in sight of each other, are
    separated by deep arms of the sea, in most cases wider than the British
    Channel, and there is no reason to suppose that they have at any former
    period been continuously united. The currents of the sea are rapid and
    sweep across the archipelago, and gales of wind are extraordinarily
    rare; so that the islands are far more effectually separated from each
    other than they appear to be on a map. Nevertheless a good many
    species, both those found in other parts of the world and those
    confined to the archipelago, are common to
    the several islands, and we may infer from certain facts that these
    have probably spread from some one island to the others. But we often
    take, I think, an erroneous view of the probability of closely allied
    species invading each other’s territory, when put into free
    intercommunication. Undoubtedly if one species has any advantage
    whatever over another, it will in a very brief time wholly or in part
    supplant it; but if both are equally well fitted for their own places
    in nature, both probably will hold their own places and keep separate
    for almost any length of time. Being familiar with the fact that many
    species, naturalised through man’s agency, have spread with astonishing
    rapidity over new countries, we are apt to infer that most species
    would thus spread; but we should remember that the forms which become
    naturalised in new countries are not generally closely allied to the
    aboriginal inhabitants, but are very distinct species, belonging in a
    large proportion of cases, as shown by Alph. de Candolle, to distinct
    genera. In the Galapagos Archipelago, many even of the birds, though so
    well adapted for flying from island to island, are distinct on each;
    thus there are three closely-allied species of mocking-thrush, each
    confined to its own island. Now let us suppose the mocking-thrush of
    Chatham Island to be blown to Charles Island, which has its own
    mocking-thrush: why should it succeed in establishing itself there? We
    may safely infer that Charles Island is well stocked with its own
    species, for annually more eggs are laid there than can possibly be
    reared; and we may infer that the mocking-thrush peculiar to Charles
    Island is at least as well fitted for its home as is the species
    peculiar to Chatham Island. Sir C. Lyell and Mr. Wollaston have
    communicated to me a remarkable fact bearing on this subject; namely,
    that Madeira and the adjoining islet of
    Porto Santo possess many distinct but representative land-shells, some
    of which live in crevices of stone; and although large quantities of
    stone are annually transported from Porto Santo to Madeira, yet this
    latter island has not become colonised by the Porto Santo species:
    nevertheless both islands have been colonised by some European
    land-shells, which no doubt had some advantage over the indigenous
    species. From these considerations I think we need not greatly marvel
    at the endemic and representative species, which inhabit the several
    islands of the Galapagos Archipelago, not having universally spread
    from island to island. In many other instances, as in the several
    districts of the same continent, pre-occupation has probably played an
    important part in checking the commingling of species under the same
    conditions of life. Thus, the south-east and south-west corners of
    Australia have nearly the same physical conditions, and are united by
    continuous land, yet they are inhabited by a vast number of distinct
    mammals, birds, and plants.

    The principle which determines the general character of the fauna and
    flora of oceanic islands, namely, that the inhabitants, when not
    identically the same, yet are plainly related to the inhabitants of
    that region whence colonists could most readily have been derived,—the
    colonists having been subsequently modified and better fitted to their
    new homes,—is of the widest application throughout nature. We see this
    on every mountain, in every lake and marsh. For Alpine species,
    excepting in so far as the same forms, chiefly of plants, have spread
    widely throughout the world during the recent Glacial epoch, are
    related to those of the surrounding lowlands;—thus we have in South
    America, Alpine humming-birds, Alpine rodents, Alpine plants, etc., all
    of strictly American forms, and it is obvious
    that a mountain, as it became slowly upheaved, would naturally be
    colonised from the surrounding lowlands. So it is with the inhabitants
    of lakes and marshes, excepting in so far as great facility of
    transport has given the same general forms to the whole world. We see
    this same principle in the blind animals inhabiting the caves of
    America and of Europe. Other analogous facts could be given. And it
    will, I believe, be universally found to be true, that wherever in two
    regions, let them be ever so distant, many closely allied or
    representative species occur, there will likewise be found some
    identical species, showing, in accordance with the foregoing view, that
    at some former period there has been intercommunication or migration
    between the two regions. And wherever many closely-allied species
    occur, there will be found many forms which some naturalists rank as
    distinct species, and some as varieties; these doubtful forms showing
    us the steps in the process of modification.

    This relation between the power and extent of migration of a species,
    either at the present time or at some former period under different
    physical conditions, and the existence at remote points of the world of
    other species allied to it, is shown in another and more general way.
    Mr. Gould remarked to me long ago, that in those genera of birds which
    range over the world, many of the species have very wide ranges. I can
    hardly doubt that this rule is generally true, though it would be
    difficult to prove it. Amongst mammals, we see it strikingly displayed
    in Bats, and in a lesser degree in the Felidæ and Canidæ. We see it, if
    we compare the distribution of butterflies and beetles. So it is with
    most fresh-water productions, in which so many genera range over the
    world, and many individual species have enormous ranges. It is not
    meant that in world-ranging
    genera all the species have a wide range, or even that they have on an
    average a wide range; but only that some of the species range very
    widely; for the facility with which widely-ranging species vary and
    give rise to new forms will largely determine their average range. For
    instance, two varieties of the same species inhabit America and Europe,
    and the species thus has an immense range; but, if the variation had
    been a little greater, the two varieties would have been ranked as
    distinct species, and the common range would have been greatly reduced.
    Still less is it meant, that a species which apparently has the
    capacity of crossing barriers and ranging widely, as in the case of
    certain powerfully-winged birds, will necessarily range widely; for we
    should never forget that to range widely implies not only the power of
    crossing barriers, but the more important power of being victorious in
    distant lands in the struggle for life with foreign associates. But on
    the view of all the species of a genus having descended from a single
    parent, though now distributed to the most remote points of the world,
    we ought to find, and I believe as a general rule we do find, that some
    at least of the species range very widely; for it is necessary that the
    unmodified parent should range widely, undergoing modification during
    its diffusion, and should place itself under diverse conditions
    favourable for the conversion of its offspring, firstly into new
    varieties and ultimately into new species.

    In considering the wide distribution of certain genera, we should bear
    in mind that some are extremely ancient, and must have branched off
    from a common parent at a remote epoch; so that in such cases there
    will have been ample time for great climatal and geographical changes
    and for accidents of transport; and consequently for the migration of
    some of the species into all
    quarters of the world, where they may have become slightly modified in
    relation to their new conditions. There is, also, some reason to
    believe from geological evidence that organisms low in the scale within
    each great class, generally change at a slower rate than the higher
    forms; and consequently the lower forms will have had a better chance
    of ranging widely and of still retaining the same specific character.
    This fact, together with the seeds and eggs of many low forms being
    very minute and better fitted for distant transportation, probably
    accounts for a law which has long been observed, and which has lately
    been admirably discussed by Alph. de Candolle in regard to plants,
    namely, that the lower any group of organisms is, the more widely it is
    apt to range.

    The relations just discussed,—namely, low and slowly-changing organisms
    ranging more widely than the high,—some of the species of
    widely-ranging genera themselves ranging widely,—such facts, as alpine,
    lacustrine, and marsh productions being related (with the exceptions
    before specified) to those on the surrounding low lands and dry lands,
    though these stations are so different—the very close relation of the
    distinct species which inhabit the islets of the same archipelago,—and
    especially the striking relation of the inhabitants of each whole
    archipelago or island to those of the nearest mainland,—are, I think,
    utterly inexplicable on the ordinary view of the independent creation
    of each species, but are explicable on the view of colonisation from
    the nearest and readiest source, together with the subsequent
    modification and better adaptation of the colonists to their new homes.

    Summary of last and present Chapters.—In these chapters I have
    endeavoured to show, that if we make due allowance for our ignorance of
    the full effects of all
    the changes of climate and of the level of the land, which have
    certainly occurred within the recent period, and of other similar
    changes which may have occurred within the same period; if we remember
    how profoundly ignorant we are with respect to the many and curious
    means of occasional transport,—a subject which has hardly ever been
    properly experimentised on; if we bear in mind how often a species may
    have ranged continuously over a wide area, and then have become extinct
    in the intermediate tracts, I think the difficulties in believing that
    all the individuals of the same species, wherever located, have
    descended from the same parents, are not insuperable. And we are led to
    this conclusion, which has been arrived at by many naturalists under
    the designation of single centres of creation, by some general
    considerations, more especially from the importance of barriers and
    from the analogical distribution of sub-genera, genera, and families.

    With respect to the distinct species of the same genus, which on my
    theory must have spread from one parent-source; if we make the same
    allowances as before for our ignorance, and remember that some forms of
    life change most slowly, enormous periods of time being thus granted
    for their migration, I do not think that the difficulties are
    insuperable; though they often are in this case, and in that of the
    individuals of the same species, extremely grave.

    As exemplifying the effects of climatal changes on distribution, I have
    attempted to show how important has been the influence of the modern
    Glacial period, which I am fully convinced simultaneously affected the
    whole world, or at least great meridional belts. As showing how
    diversified are the means of occasional transport, I have discussed at
    some little length the means of dispersal of fresh-water productions.

    If the difficulties be not insuperable in admitting that in the long
    course of time the individuals of the same species, and likewise of
    allied species, have proceeded from some one source; then I think all
    the grand leading facts of geographical distribution are explicable on
    the theory of migration (generally of the more dominant forms of life),
    together with subsequent modification and the multiplication of new
    forms. We can thus understand the high importance of barriers, whether
    of land or water, which separate our several zoological and botanical
    provinces. We can thus understand the localisation of sub-genera,
    genera, and families; and how it is that under different latitudes, for
    instance in South America, the inhabitants of the plains and mountains,
    of the forests, marshes, and deserts, are in so mysterious a manner
    linked together by affinity, and are likewise linked to the extinct
    beings which formerly inhabited the same continent. Bearing in mind
    that the mutual relations of organism to organism are of the highest
    importance, we can see why two areas having nearly the same physical
    conditions should often be inhabited by very different forms of life;
    for according to the length of time which has elapsed since new
    inhabitants entered one region; according to the nature of the
    communication which allowed certain forms and not others to enter,
    either in greater or lesser numbers; according or not, as those which
    entered happened to come in more or less direct competition with each
    other and with the aborigines; and according as the immigrants were
    capable of varying more or less rapidly, there would ensue in different
    regions, independently of their physical conditions, infinitely
    diversified conditions of life,—there would be an almost endless amount
    of organic action and reaction,—and we should find, as we do find, some
    groups of beings greatly, and some only slightly modified,—some
    developed
    in great force, some existing in scanty numbers—in the different great
    geographical provinces of the world.

    On these same principles, we can understand, as I have endeavoured to
    show, why oceanic islands should have few inhabitants, but of these a
    great number should be endemic or peculiar; and why, in relation to the
    means of migration, one group of beings, even within the same class,
    should have all its species endemic, and another group should have all
    its species common to other quarters of the world. We can see why whole
    groups of organisms, as batrachians and terrestrial mammals, should be
    absent from oceanic islands, whilst the most isolated islands possess
    their own peculiar species of ærial mammals or bats. We can see why
    there should be some relation between the presence of mammals, in a
    more or less modified condition, and the depth of the sea between an
    island and the mainland. We can clearly see why all the inhabitants of
    an archipelago, though specifically distinct on the several islets,
    should be closely related to each other, and likewise be related, but
    less closely, to those of the nearest continent or other source whence
    immigrants were probably derived. We can see why in two areas, however
    distant from each other, there should be a correlation, in the presence
    of identical species, of varieties, of doubtful species, and of
    distinct but representative species.

    As the late Edward Forbes often insisted, there is a striking
    parallelism in the laws of life throughout time and space: the laws
    governing the succession of forms in past times being nearly the same
    with those governing at the present time the differences in different
    areas. We see this in many facts. The endurance of each species and
    group of species is continuous in time; for the exceptions to the rule
    are so few, that they may
    fairly be attributed to our not having as yet discovered in an
    intermediate deposit the forms which are therein absent, but which
    occur above and below: so in space, it certainly is the general rule
    that the area inhabited by a single species, or by a group of species,
    is continuous; and the exceptions, which are not rare, may, as I have
    attempted to show, be accounted for by migration at some former period
    under different conditions or by occasional means of transport, and by
    the species having become extinct in the intermediate tracts. Both in
    time and space, species and groups of species have their points of
    maximum development. Groups of species, belonging either to a certain
    period of time, or to a certain area, are often characterised by
    trifling characters in common, as of sculpture or colour. In looking to
    the long succession of ages, as in now looking to distant provinces
    throughout the world, we find that some organisms differ little, whilst
    others belonging to a different class, or to a different order, or even
    only to a different family of the same order, differ greatly. In both
    time and space the lower members of each class generally change less
    than the higher; but there are in both cases marked exceptions to the
    rule. On my theory these several relations throughout time and space
    are intelligible; for whether we look to the forms of life which have
    changed during successive ages within the same quarter of the world, or
    to those which have changed after having migrated into distant
    quarters, in both cases the forms within each class have been connected
    by the same bond of ordinary generation; and the more nearly any two
    forms are related in blood, the nearer they will generally stand to
    each other in time and space; in both cases the laws of variation have
    been the same, and modifications have been accumulated by the same
    power of natural selection.

    CHAPTER XIII.
    MUTUAL AFFINITIES OF ORGANIC BEINGS: MORPHOLOGY: EMBRYOLOGY:
    RUDIMENTARY ORGANS.

    CLASSIFICATION, groups subordinate to groups. Natural system. Rules and
    difficulties in classification, explained on the theory of descent with
    modification. Classification of varieties. Descent always used in
    classification. Analogical or adaptive characters. Affinities, general,
    complex and radiating. Extinction separates and defines groups.
    MORPHOLOGY, between members of the same class, between parts of the
    same individual. EMBRYOLOGY, laws of, explained by variations not
    supervening at an early age, and being inherited at a corresponding
    age. RUDIMENTARY ORGANS; their origin explained. Summary.

    From the first dawn of life, all organic beings are found to resemble
    each other in descending degrees, so that they can be classed in groups
    under groups. This classification is evidently not arbitrary like the
    grouping of the stars in constellations. The existence of groups would
    have been of simple signification, if one group had been exclusively
    fitted to inhabit the land, and another the water; one to feed on
    flesh, another on vegetable matter, and so on; but the case is widely
    different in nature; for it is notorious how commonly members of even
    the same subgroup have different habits. In our second and fourth
    chapters, on Variation and on Natural Selection, I have attempted to
    show that it is the widely ranging, the much diffused and common, that
    is the dominant species belonging to the larger genera, which vary
    most. The varieties, or incipient species, thus produced ultimately
    become converted, as I believe, into new and distinct species; and
    these, on the principle of inheritance, tend to produce other new and
    dominant
    species. Consequently the groups which are now large, and which
    generally include many dominant species, tend to go on increasing
    indefinitely in size. I further attempted to show that from the varying
    descendants of each species trying to occupy as many and as different
    places as possible in the economy of nature, there is a constant
    tendency in their characters to diverge. This conclusion was supported
    by looking at the great diversity of the forms of life which, in any
    small area, come into the closest competition, and by looking to
    certain facts in naturalisation.

    I attempted also to show that there is a constant tendency in the forms
    which are increasing in number and diverging in character, to supplant
    and exterminate the less divergent, the less improved, and preceding
    forms. I request the reader to turn to the diagram illustrating the
    action, as formerly explained, of these several principles; and he will
    see that the inevitable result is that the modified descendants
    proceeding from one progenitor become broken up into groups subordinate
    to groups. In the diagram each letter on the uppermost line may
    represent a genus including several species; and all the genera on this
    line form together one class, for all have descended from one ancient
    but unseen parent, and, consequently, have inherited something in
    common. But the three genera on the left hand have, on this same
    principle, much in common, and form a sub-family, distinct from that
    including the next two genera on the right hand, which diverged from a
    common parent at the fifth stage of descent. These five genera have
    also much, though less, in common; and they form a family distinct from
    that including the three genera still further to the right hand, which
    diverged at a still earlier period. And all these genera, descended
    from (A), form an order distinct from the
    genera descended from (I). So that we here have many species descended
    from a single progenitor grouped into genera; and the genera are
    included in, or subordinate to, sub-families, families, and orders, all
    united into one class. Thus, the grand fact in natural history of the
    subordination of group under group, which, from its familiarity, does
    not always sufficiently strike us, is in my judgment fully explained.

    Naturalists try to arrange the species, genera, and families in each
    class, on what is called the Natural System. But what is meant by this
    system? Some authors look at it merely as a scheme for arranging
    together those living objects which are most alike, and for separating
    those which are most unlike; or as an artificial means for enunciating,
    as briefly as possible, general propositions,—that is, by one sentence
    to give the characters common, for instance, to all mammals, by another
    those common to all carnivora, by another those common to the
    dog-genus, and then by adding a single sentence, a full description is
    given of each kind of dog. The ingenuity and utility of this system are
    indisputable. But many naturalists think that something more is meant
    by the Natural System; they believe that it reveals the plan of the
    Creator; but unless it be specified whether order in time or space, or
    what else is meant by the plan of the Creator, it seems to me that
    nothing is thus added to our knowledge. Such expressions as that famous
    one of Linnæus, and which we often meet with in a more or less
    concealed form, that the characters do not make the genus, but that the
    genus gives the characters, seem to imply that something more is
    included in our classification, than mere resemblance. I believe that
    something more is included; and that propinquity of descent,—the only
    known cause of the similarity of organic beings,—is the bond, hidden as
    it is by various degrees of modification,
    which is partially revealed to us by our classifications.

    Let us now consider the rules followed in classification, and the
    difficulties which are encountered on the view that classification
    either gives some unknown plan of creation, or is simply a scheme for
    enunciating general propositions and of placing together the forms most
    like each other. It might have been thought (and was in ancient times
    thought) that those parts of the structure which determined the habits
    of life, and the general place of each being in the economy of nature,
    would be of very high importance in classification. Nothing can be more
    false. No one regards the external similarity of a mouse to a shrew, of
    a dugong to a whale, of a whale to a fish, as of any importance. These
    resemblances, though so intimately connected with the whole life of the
    being, are ranked as merely “adaptive or analogical characters;” but to
    the consideration of these resemblances we shall have to recur. It may
    even be given as a general rule, that the less any part of the
    organisation is concerned with special habits, the more important it
    becomes for classification. As an instance: Owen, in speaking of the
    dugong, says, “The generative organs being those which are most
    remotely related to the habits and food of an animal, I have always
    regarded as affording very clear indications of its true affinities. We
    are least likely in the modifications of these organs to mistake a
    merely adaptive for an essential character.” So with plants, how
    remarkable it is that the organs of vegetation, on which their whole
    life depends, are of little signification, excepting in the first main
    divisions; whereas the organs of reproduction, with their product the
    seed, are of paramount importance!

    We must not, therefore, in classifying, trust to resemblances in parts
    of the organisation, however important
    they may be for the welfare of the being in relation to the outer
    world. Perhaps from this cause it has partly arisen, that almost all
    naturalists lay the greatest stress on resemblances in organs of high
    vital or physiological importance. No doubt this view of the
    classificatory importance of organs which are important is generally,
    but by no means always, true. But their importance for classification,
    I believe, depends on their greater constancy throughout large groups
    of species; and this constancy depends on such organs having generally
    been subjected to less change in the adaptation of the species to their
    conditions of life. That the mere physiological importance of an organ
    does not determine its classificatory value, is almost shown by the one
    fact, that in allied groups, in which the same organ, as we have every
    reason to suppose, has nearly the same physiological value, its
    classificatory value is widely different. No naturalist can have worked
    at any group without being struck with this fact; and it has been most
    fully acknowledged in the writings of almost every author. It will
    suffice to quote the highest authority, Robert Brown, who in speaking
    of certain organs in the Proteaceæ, says their generic importance,
    “like that of all their parts, not only in this but, as I apprehend, in
    every natural family, is very unequal, and in some cases seems to be
    entirely lost.” Again in another work he says, the genera of the
    Connaraceæ “differ in having one or more ovaria, in the existence or
    absence of albumen, in the imbricate or valvular æstivation. Any one of
    these characters singly is frequently of more than generic importance,
    though here even when all taken together they appear insufficient to
    separate Cnestis from Connarus.” To give an example amongst insects, in
    one great division of the Hymenoptera, the antennæ, as Westwood has
    remarked, are most constant in structure;
    in another division they differ much, and the differences are of quite
    subordinate value in classification; yet no one probably will say that
    the antennæ in these two divisions of the same order are of unequal
    physiological importance. Any number of instances could be given of the
    varying importance for classification of the same important organ
    within the same group of beings.

    Again, no one will say that rudimentary or atrophied organs are of high
    physiological or vital importance; yet, undoubtedly, organs in this
    condition are often of high value in classification. No one will
    dispute that the rudimentary teeth in the upper jaws of young
    ruminants, and certain rudimentary bones of the leg, are highly
    serviceable in exhibiting the close affinity between Ruminants and
    Pachyderms. Robert Brown has strongly insisted on the fact that the
    rudimentary florets are of the highest importance in the classification
    of the Grasses.

    Numerous instances could be given of characters derived from parts
    which must be considered of very trifling physiological importance, but
    which are universally admitted as highly serviceable in the definition
    of whole groups. For instance, whether or not there is an open passage
    from the nostrils to the mouth, the only character, according to Owen,
    which absolutely distinguishes fishes and reptiles—the inflection of
    the angle of the jaws in Marsupials—the manner in which the wings of
    insects are folded—mere colour in certain Algæ—mere pubescence on parts
    of the flower in grasses—the nature of the dermal covering, as hair or
    feathers, in the Vertebrata. If the Ornithorhynchus had been covered
    with feathers instead of hair, this external and trifling character
    would, I think, have been considered by naturalists as important an aid
    in determining the degree of affinity of this strange creature to
    birds and reptiles, as an approach in structure in any one internal and
    important organ.

    The importance, for classification, of trifling characters, mainly
    depends on their being correlated with several other characters of more
    or less importance. The value indeed of an aggregate of characters is
    very evident in natural history. Hence, as has often been remarked, a
    species may depart from its allies in several characters, both of high
    physiological importance and of almost universal prevalence, and yet
    leave us in no doubt where it should be ranked. Hence, also, it has
    been found, that a classification founded on any single character,
    however important that may be, has always failed; for no part of the
    organisation is universally constant. The importance of an aggregate of
    characters, even when none are important, alone explains, I think, that
    saying of Linnæus, that the characters do not give the genus, but the
    genus gives the characters; for this saying seems founded on an
    appreciation of many trifling points of resemblance, too slight to be
    defined. Certain plants, belonging to the Malpighiaceæ, bear perfect
    and degraded flowers; in the latter, as A. de Jussieu has remarked,
    “the greater number of the characters proper to the species, to the
    genus, to the family, to the class, disappear, and thus laugh at our
    classification.” But when Aspicarpa produced in France, during several
    years, only degraded flowers, departing so wonderfully in a number of
    the most important points of structure from the proper type of the
    order, yet M. Richard sagaciously saw, as Jussieu observes, that this
    genus should still be retained amongst the Malpighiaceæ. This case
    seems to me well to illustrate the spirit with which our
    classifications are sometimes necessarily founded.

    Practically when naturalists are at work, they do
    not trouble themselves about the physiological value of the characters
    which they use in defining a group, or in allocating any particular
    species. If they find a character nearly uniform, and common to a great
    number of forms, and not common to others, they use it as one of high
    value; if common to some lesser number, they use it as of subordinate
    value. This principle has been broadly confessed by some naturalists to
    be the true one; and by none more clearly than by that excellent
    botanist, Aug. St. Hilaire. If certain characters are always found
    correlated with others, though no apparent bond of connexion can be
    discovered between them, especial value is set on them. As in most
    groups of animals, important organs, such as those for propelling the
    blood, or for ærating it, or those for propagating the race, are found
    nearly uniform, they are considered as highly serviceable in
    classification; but in some groups of animals all these, the most
    important vital organs, are found to offer characters of quite
    subordinate value.

    We can see why characters derived from the embryo should be of equal
    importance with those derived from the adult, for our classifications
    of course include all ages of each species. But it is by no means
    obvious, on the ordinary view, why the structure of the embryo should
    be more important for this purpose than that of the adult, which alone
    plays its full part in the economy of nature. Yet it has been strongly
    urged by those great naturalists, Milne Edwards and Agassiz, that
    embryonic characters are the most important of any in the
    classification of animals; and this doctrine has very generally been
    admitted as true. The same fact holds good with flowering plants, of
    which the two main divisions have been founded on characters derived
    from the embryo,—on the number and position of the embryonic
    leaves or cotyledons, and on the mode of development of the plumule and
    radicle. In our discussion on embryology, we shall see why such
    characters are so valuable, on the view of classification tacitly
    including the idea of descent.

    Our classifications are often plainly influenced by chains of
    affinities. Nothing can be easier than to define a number of characters
    common to all birds; but in the case of crustaceans, such definition
    has hitherto been found impossible. There are crustaceans at the
    opposite ends of the series, which have hardly a character in common;
    yet the species at both ends, from being plainly allied to others, and
    these to others, and so onwards, can be recognised as unequivocally
    belonging to this, and to no other class of the Articulata.

    Geographical distribution has often been used, though perhaps not quite
    logically, in classification, more especially in very large groups of
    closely allied forms. Temminck insists on the utility or even necessity
    of this practice in certain groups of birds; and it has been followed
    by several entomologists and botanists.

    Finally, with respect to the comparative value of the various groups of
    species, such as orders, sub-orders, families, sub-families, and
    genera, they seem to be, at least at present, almost arbitrary. Several
    of the best botanists, such as Mr. Bentham and others, have strongly
    insisted on their arbitrary value. Instances could be given amongst
    plants and insects, of a group of forms, first ranked by practised
    naturalists as only a genus, and then raised to the rank of a
    sub-family or family; and this has been done, not because further
    research has detected important structural differences, at first
    overlooked, but because numerous allied species, with slightly
    different grades of difference, have been subsequently discovered.

    All the foregoing rules and aids and difficulties in classification are
    explained, if I do not greatly deceive myself, on the view that the
    natural system is founded on descent with modification; that the
    characters which naturalists consider as showing true affinity between
    any two or more species, are those which have been inherited from a
    common parent, and, in so far, all true classification is genealogical;
    that community of descent is the hidden bond which naturalists have
    been unconsciously seeking, and not some unknown plan of creation, or
    the enunciation of general propositions, and the mere putting together
    and separating objects more or less alike.

    But I must explain my meaning more fully. I believe that the
    arrangement of the groups within each class, in due subordination and
    relation to the other groups, must be strictly genealogical in order to
    be natural; but that the amount of difference in the several branches
    or groups, though allied in the same degree in blood to their common
    progenitor, may differ greatly, being due to the different degrees of
    modification which they have undergone; and this is expressed by the
    forms being ranked under different genera, families, sections, or
    orders. The reader will best understand what is meant, if he will take
    the trouble of referring to the diagram in the fourth chapter. We will
    suppose the letters A to L to represent allied genera, which lived
    during the Silurian epoch, and these have descended from a species
    which existed at an unknown anterior period. Species of three of these
    genera (A, F, and I) have transmitted modified descendants to the
    present day, represented by the fifteen genera (a_14 to _z_14) on the uppermost horizontal line. Now all these modified descendants from a single species, are represented as related in blood or descent to the same degree; they may metaphorically be called cousins to the same millionth degree; yet they differ widely and in different degrees from each other. The forms descended from A, now broken up into two or three families, constitute a distinct order from those descended from I, also broken up into two families. Nor can the existing species, descended from A, be ranked in the same genus with the parent A; or those from I, with the parent I. But the existing genus F14 may be supposed to have been but slightly modified; and it will then rank with the parent-genus F; just as some few still living organic beings belong to Silurian genera. So that the amount or value of the differences between organic beings all related to each other in the same degree in blood, has come to be widely different. Nevertheless their genealogical _arrangement
    remains strictly true, not only at the present time, but at each
    successive period of descent. All the modified descendants from A will
    have inherited something in common from their common parent, as will
    all the descendants from I; so will it be with each subordinate branch
    of descendants, at each successive period. If, however, we choose to
    suppose that any of the descendants of A or of I have been so much
    modified as to have more or less completely lost traces of their
    parentage, in this case, their places in a natural classification will
    have been more or less completely lost,—as sometimes seems to have
    occurred with existing organisms. All the descendants of the genus F,
    along its whole line of descent, are supposed to have been but little
    modified, and they yet form a single genus. But this genus, though much
    isolated, will still occupy its proper intermediate position; for F
    originally was intermediate in character between A and I, and the
    several genera descended from these two genera will
    have inherited to a certain extent their characters. This natural
    arrangement is shown, as far as is possible on paper, in the diagram,
    but in much too simple a manner. If a branching diagram had not been
    used, and only the names of the groups had been written in a linear
    series, it would have been still less possible to have given a natural
    arrangement; and it is notoriously not possible to represent in a
    series, on a flat surface, the affinities which we discover in nature
    amongst the beings of the same group. Thus, on the view which I hold,
    the natural system is genealogical in its arrangement, like a pedigree;
    but the degrees of modification which the different groups have
    undergone, have to be expressed by ranking them under different
    so-called genera, sub-families, families, sections, orders, and
    classes.

    It may be worth while to illustrate this view of classification, by
    taking the case of languages. If we possessed a perfect pedigree of
    mankind, a genealogical arrangement of the races of man would afford
    the best classification of the various languages now spoken throughout
    the world; and if all extinct languages, and all intermediate and
    slowly changing dialects, had to be included, such an arrangement
    would, I think, be the only possible one. Yet it might be that some
    very ancient language had altered little, and had given rise to few new
    languages, whilst others (owing to the spreading and subsequent
    isolation and states of civilisation of the several races, descended
    from a common race) had altered much, and had given rise to many new
    languages and dialects. The various degrees of difference in the
    languages from the same stock, would have to be expressed by groups
    subordinate to groups; but the proper or even only possible arrangement
    would still be genealogical; and this would be strictly natural, as
    it would connect together all languages, extinct and modern, by the
    closest affinities, and would give the filiation and origin of each
    tongue.

    In confirmation of this view, let us glance at the classification of
    varieties, which are believed or known to have descended from one
    species. These are grouped under species, with sub-varieties under
    varieties; and with our domestic productions, several other grades of
    difference are requisite, as we have seen with pigeons. The origin of
    the existence of groups subordinate to groups, is the same with
    varieties as with species, namely, closeness of descent with various
    degrees of modification. Nearly the same rules are followed in
    classifying varieties, as with species. Authors have insisted on the
    necessity of classing varieties on a natural instead of an artificial
    system; we are cautioned, for instance, not to class two varieties of
    the pine-apple together, merely because their fruit, though the most
    important part, happens to be nearly identical; no one puts the swedish
    and common turnips together, though the esculent and thickened stems
    are so similar. Whatever part is found to be most constant, is used in
    classing varieties: thus the great agriculturist Marshall says the
    horns are very useful for this purpose with cattle, because they are
    less variable than the shape or colour of the body, etc.; whereas with
    sheep the horns are much less serviceable, because less constant. In
    classing varieties, I apprehend if we had a real pedigree, a
    genealogical classification would be universally preferred; and it has
    been attempted by some authors. For we might feel sure, whether there
    had been more or less modification, the principle of inheritance would
    keep the forms together which were allied in the greatest number of
    points. In tumbler pigeons, though some sub-varieties differ from the
    others
    in the important character of having a longer beak, yet all are kept
    together from having the common habit of tumbling; but the short-faced
    breed has nearly or quite lost this habit; nevertheless, without any
    reasoning or thinking on the subject, these tumblers are kept in the
    same group, because allied in blood and alike in some other respects.
    If it could be proved that the Hottentot had descended from the Negro,
    I think he would be classed under the Negro group, however much he
    might differ in colour and other important characters from negroes.

    With species in a state of nature, every naturalist has in fact brought
    descent into his classification; for he includes in his lowest grade,
    or that of a species, the two sexes; and how enormously these sometimes
    differ in the most important characters, is known to every naturalist:
    scarcely a single fact can be predicated in common of the males and
    hermaphrodites of certain cirripedes, when adult, and yet no one dreams
    of separating them. The naturalist includes as one species the several
    larval stages of the same individual, however much they may differ from
    each other and from the adult; as he likewise includes the so-called
    alternate generations of Steenstrup, which can only in a technical
    sense be considered as the same individual. He includes monsters; he
    includes varieties, not solely because they closely resemble the
    parent-form, but because they are descended from it. He who believes
    that the cowslip is descended from the primrose, or conversely, ranks
    them together as a single species, and gives a single definition. As
    soon as three Orchidean forms (Monochanthus, Myanthus, and Catasetum),
    which had previously been ranked as three distinct genera, were known
    to be sometimes produced on the same spike, they were immediately
    included as a single species.
    But it may be asked, what ought we to do, if it could be proved that
    one species of kangaroo had been produced, by a long course of
    modification, from a bear? Ought we to rank this one species with
    bears, and what should we do with the other species? The supposition is
    of course preposterous; and I might answer by the argumentum ad hominem, and ask what should be done if a perfect kangaroo were seen
    to come out of the womb of a bear? According to all analogy, it would
    be ranked with bears; but then assuredly all the other species of the
    kangaroo family would have to be classed under the bear genus. The
    whole case is preposterous; for where there has been close descent in
    common, there will certainly be close resemblance or affinity.

    As descent has universally been used in classing together the
    individuals of the same species, though the males and females and larvæ
    are sometimes extremely different; and as it has been used in classing
    varieties which have undergone a certain, and sometimes a considerable
    amount of modification, may not this same element of descent have been
    unconsciously used in grouping species under genera, and genera under
    higher groups, though in these cases the modification has been greater
    in degree, and has taken a longer time to complete? I believe it has
    thus been unconsciously used; and only thus can I understand the
    several rules and guides which have been followed by our best
    systematists. We have no written pedigrees; we have to make out
    community of descent by resemblances of any kind. Therefore we choose
    those characters which, as far as we can judge, are the least likely to
    have been modified in relation to the conditions of life to which each
    species has been recently exposed. Rudimentary structures on this view
    are as good as, or even sometimes better than, other parts of the
    organisation. We
    care not how trifling a character may be—let it be the mere inflection
    of the angle of the jaw, the manner in which an insect’s wing is
    folded, whether the skin be covered by hair or feathers—if it prevail
    throughout many and different species, especially those having very
    different habits of life, it assumes high value; for we can account for
    its presence in so many forms with such different habits, only by its
    inheritance from a common parent. We may err in this respect in regard
    to single points of structure, but when several characters, let them be
    ever so trifling, occur together throughout a large group of beings
    having different habits, we may feel almost sure, on the theory of
    descent, that these characters have been inherited from a common
    ancestor. And we know that such correlated or aggregated characters
    have especial value in classification.

    We can understand why a species or a group of species may depart, in
    several of its most important characteristics, from its allies, and yet
    be safely classed with them. This may be safely done, and is often
    done, as long as a sufficient number of characters, let them be ever so
    unimportant, betrays the hidden bond of community of descent. Let two
    forms have not a single character in common, yet if these extreme forms
    are connected together by a chain of intermediate groups, we may at
    once infer their community of descent, and we put them all into the
    same class. As we find organs of high physiological importance—those
    which serve to preserve life under the most diverse conditions of
    existence—are generally the most constant, we attach especial value to
    them; but if these same organs, in another group or section of a group,
    are found to differ much, we at once value them less in our
    classification. We shall hereafter, I think, clearly see why
    embryological characters are of such high classificatory importance.
    Geographical distribution may sometimes be brought usefully into play
    in classing large and widely-distributed genera, because all the
    species of the same genus, inhabiting any distinct and isolated region,
    have in all probability descended from the same parents.

    We can understand, on these views, the very important distinction
    between real affinities and analogical or adaptive resemblances.
    Lamarck first called attention to this distinction, and he has been
    ably followed by Macleay and others. The resemblance, in the shape of
    the body and in the fin-like anterior limbs, between the dugong, which
    is a pachydermatous animal, and the whale, and between both these
    mammals and fishes, is analogical. Amongst insects there are
    innumerable instances: thus Linnæus, misled by external appearances,
    actually classed an homopterous insect as a moth. We see something of
    the same kind even in our domestic varieties, as in the thickened stems
    of the common and swedish turnip. The resemblance of the greyhound and
    racehorse is hardly more fanciful than the analogies which have been
    drawn by some authors between very distinct animals. On my view of
    characters being of real importance for classification, only in so far
    as they reveal descent, we can clearly understand why analogical or
    adaptive character, although of the utmost importance to the welfare of
    the being, are almost valueless to the systematist. For animals,
    belonging to two most distinct lines of descent, may readily become
    adapted to similar conditions, and thus assume a close external
    resemblance; but such resemblances will not reveal—will rather tend to
    conceal their blood-relationship to their proper lines of descent. We
    can also understand the apparent paradox, that the very same characters
    are analogical when one class or order is compared with another, but
    give true affinities when the members of
    the same class or order are compared one with another: thus the shape
    of the body and fin-like limbs are only analogical when whales are
    compared with fishes, being adaptations in both classes for swimming
    through the water; but the shape of the body and fin-like limbs serve
    as characters exhibiting true affinity between the several members of
    the whale family; for these cetaceans agree in so many characters,
    great and small, that we cannot doubt that they have inherited their
    general shape of body and structure of limbs from a common ancestor. So
    it is with fishes.

    As members of distinct classes have often been adapted by successive
    slight modifications to live under nearly similar circumstances,—to
    inhabit for instance the three elements of land, air, and water,—we can
    perhaps understand how it is that a numerical parallelism has sometimes
    been observed between the sub-groups in distinct classes. A naturalist,
    struck by a parallelism of this nature in any one class, by arbitrarily
    raising or sinking the value of the groups in other classes (and all
    our experience shows that this valuation has hitherto been arbitrary),
    could easily extend the parallelism over a wide range; and thus the
    septenary, quinary, quaternary, and ternary classifications have
    probably arisen.

    As the modified descendants of dominant species, belonging to the
    larger genera, tend to inherit the advantages, which made the groups to
    which they belong large and their parents dominant, they are almost
    sure to spread widely, and to seize on more and more places in the
    economy of nature. The larger and more dominant groups thus tend to go
    on increasing in size; and they consequently supplant many smaller and
    feebler groups. Thus we can account for the fact that all organisms,
    recent and extinct, are included under a few great
    orders, under still fewer classes, and all in one great natural system.
    As showing how few the higher groups are in number, and how widely
    spread they are throughout the world, the fact is striking, that the
    discovery of Australia has not added a single insect belonging to a new
    order; and that in the vegetable kingdom, as I learn from Dr. Hooker,
    it has added only two or three orders of small size.

    In the chapter on geological succession I attempted to show, on the
    principle of each group having generally diverged much in character
    during the long-continued process of modification, how it is that the
    more ancient forms of life often present characters in some slight
    degree intermediate between existing groups. A few old and intermediate
    parent-forms having occasionally transmitted to the present day
    descendants but little modified, will give to us our so-called osculant
    or aberrant groups. The more aberrant any form is, the greater must be
    the number of connecting forms which on my theory have been
    exterminated and utterly lost. And we have some evidence of aberrant
    forms having suffered severely from extinction, for they are generally
    represented by extremely few species; and such species as do occur are
    generally very distinct from each other, which again implies
    extinction. The genera Ornithorhynchus and Lepidosiren, for example,
    would not have been less aberrant had each been represented by a dozen
    species instead of by a single one; but such richness in species, as I
    find after some investigation, does not commonly fall to the lot of
    aberrant genera. We can, I think, account for this fact only by looking
    at aberrant forms as failing groups conquered by more successful
    competitors, with a few members preserved by some unusual coincidence
    of favourable circumstances.

    Mr. Waterhouse has remarked that, when a member
    belonging to one group of animals exhibits an affinity to a quite
    distinct group, this affinity in most cases is general and not special:
    thus, according to Mr. Waterhouse, of all Rodents, the bizcacha is most
    nearly related to Marsupials; but in the points in which it approaches
    this order, its relations are general, and not to any one marsupial
    species more than to another. As the points of affinity of the bizcacha
    to Marsupials are believed to be real and not merely adaptive, they are
    due on my theory to inheritance in common. Therefore we must suppose
    either that all Rodents, including the bizcacha, branched off from some
    very ancient Marsupial, which will have had a character in some degree
    intermediate with respect to all existing Marsupials; or that both
    Rodents and Marsupials branched off from a common progenitor, and that
    both groups have since undergone much modification in divergent
    directions. On either view we may suppose that the bizcacha has
    retained, by inheritance, more of the character of its ancient
    progenitor than have other Rodents; and therefore it will not be
    specially related to any one existing Marsupial, but indirectly to all
    or nearly all Marsupials, from having partially retained the character
    of their common progenitor, or of an early member of the group. On the
    other hand, of all Marsupials, as Mr. Waterhouse has remarked, the
    phascolomys resembles most nearly, not any one species, but the general
    order of Rodents. In this case, however, it may be strongly suspected
    that the resemblance is only analogical, owing to the phascolomys
    having become adapted to habits like those of a Rodent. The elder De
    Candolle has made nearly similar observations on the general nature of
    the affinities of distinct orders of plants.

    On the principle of the multiplication and gradual divergence in
    character of the species descended from
    a common parent, together with their retention by inheritance of some
    characters in common, we can understand the excessively complex and
    radiating affinities by which all the members of the same family or
    higher group are connected together. For the common parent of a whole
    family of species, now broken up by extinction into distinct groups and
    sub-groups, will have transmitted some of its characters, modified in
    various ways and degrees, to all; and the several species will
    consequently be related to each other by circuitous lines of affinity
    of various lengths (as may be seen in the diagram so often referred
    to), mounting up through many predecessors. As it is difficult to show
    the blood-relationship between the numerous kindred of any ancient and
    noble family, even by the aid of a genealogical tree, and almost
    impossible to do this without this aid, we can understand the
    extraordinary difficulty which naturalists have experienced in
    describing, without the aid of a diagram, the various affinities which
    they perceive between the many living and extinct members of the same
    great natural class.

    Extinction, as we have seen in the fourth chapter, has played an
    important part in defining and widening the intervals between the
    several groups in each class. We may thus account even for the
    distinctness of whole classes from each other—for instance, of birds
    from all other vertebrate animals—by the belief that many ancient forms
    of life have been utterly lost, through which the early progenitors of
    birds were formerly connected with the early progenitors of the other
    vertebrate classes. There has been less entire extinction of the forms
    of life which once connected fishes with batrachians. There has been
    still less in some other classes, as in that of the Crustacea, for here
    the most wonderfully diverse forms are still tied
    together by a long, but broken, chain of affinities. Extinction has
    only separated groups: it has by no means made them; for if every form
    which has ever lived on this earth were suddenly to reappear, though it
    would be quite impossible to give definitions by which each group could
    be distinguished from other groups, as all would blend together by
    steps as fine as those between the finest existing varieties,
    nevertheless a natural classification, or at least a natural
    arrangement, would be possible. We shall see this by turning to the
    diagram: the letters, A to L, may represent eleven Silurian genera,
    some of which have produced large groups of modified descendants. Every
    intermediate link between these eleven genera and their primordial
    parent, and every intermediate link in each branch and sub-branch of
    their descendants, may be supposed to be still alive; and the links to
    be as fine as those between the finest varieties. In this case it would
    be quite impossible to give any definition by which the several members
    of the several groups could be distinguished from their more immediate
    parents; or these parents from their ancient and unknown progenitor.
    Yet the natural arrangement in the diagram would still hold good; and,
    on the principle of inheritance, all the forms descended from A, or
    from I, would have something in common. In a tree we can specify this
    or that branch, though at the actual fork the two unite and blend
    together. We could not, as I have said, define the several groups; but
    we could pick out types, or forms, representing most of the characters
    of each group, whether large or small, and thus give a general idea of
    the value of the differences between them. This is what we should be
    driven to, if we were ever to succeed in collecting all the forms in
    any class which have lived throughout all time and space. We shall
    certainly never succeed in making
    so perfect a collection: nevertheless, in certain classes, we are
    tending in this direction; and Milne Edwards has lately insisted, in an
    able paper, on the high importance of looking to types, whether or not
    we can separate and define the groups to which such types belong.

    Finally, we have seen that natural selection, which results from the
    struggle for existence, and which almost inevitably induces extinction
    and divergence of character in the many descendants from one dominant
    parent-species, explains that great and universal feature in the
    affinities of all organic beings, namely, their subordination in group
    under group. We use the element of descent in classing the individuals
    of both sexes and of all ages, although having few characters in
    common, under one species; we use descent in classing acknowledged
    varieties, however different they may be from their parent; and I
    believe this element of descent is the hidden bond of connexion which
    naturalists have sought under the term of the Natural System. On this
    idea of the natural system being, in so far as it has been perfected,
    genealogical in its arrangement, with the grades of difference between
    the descendants from a common parent, expressed by the terms genera,
    families, orders, etc., we can understand the rules which we are
    compelled to follow in our classification. We can understand why we
    value certain resemblances far more than others; why we are permitted
    to use rudimentary and useless organs, or others of trifling
    physiological importance; why, in comparing one group with a distinct
    group, we summarily reject analogical or adaptive characters, and yet
    use these same characters within the limits of the same group. We can
    clearly see how it is that all living and extinct forms can be grouped
    together in one great system; and how the several members of each class
    are connected together by the most complex and radiating
    lines of affinities. We shall never, probably, disentangle the
    inextricable web of affinities between the members of any one class;
    but when we have a distinct object in view, and do not look to some
    unknown plan of creation, we may hope to make sure but slow progress.

    Morphology.—We have seen that the members of the same class,
    independently of their habits of life, resemble each other in the
    general plan of their organisation. This resemblance is often expressed
    by the term “unity of type;” or by saying that the several parts and
    organs in the different species of the class are homologous. The whole
    subject is included under the general name of Morphology. This is the
    most interesting department of natural history, and may be said to be
    its very soul. What can be more curious than that the hand of a man,
    formed for grasping, that of a mole for digging, the leg of the horse,
    the paddle of the porpoise, and the wing of the bat, should all be
    constructed on the same pattern, and should include the same bones, in
    the same relative positions? Geoffroy St. Hilaire has insisted strongly
    on the high importance of relative connexion in homologous organs: the
    parts may change to almost any extent in form and size, and yet they
    always remain connected together in the same order. We never find, for
    instance, the bones of the arm and forearm, or of the thigh and leg,
    transposed. Hence the same names can be given to the homologous bones
    in widely different animals. We see the same great law in the
    construction of the mouths of insects: what can be more different than
    the immensely long spiral proboscis of a sphinx-moth, the curious
    folded one of a bee or bug, and the great jaws of a beetle?—yet all
    these organs, serving for such different
    purposes, are formed by infinitely numerous modifications of an upper
    lip, mandibles, and two pairs of maxillæ. Analogous laws govern the
    construction of the mouths and limbs of crustaceans. So it is with the
    flowers of plants.

    Nothing can be more hopeless than to attempt to explain this similarity
    of pattern in members of the same class, by utility or by the doctrine
    of final causes. The hopelessness of the attempt has been expressly
    admitted by Owen in his most interesting work on the ‘Nature of Limbs.’
    On the ordinary view of the independent creation of each being, we can
    only say that so it is;—that it has so pleased the Creator to construct
    each animal and plant.

    The explanation is manifest on the theory of the natural selection of
    successive slight modifications,—each modification being profitable in
    some way to the modified form, but often affecting by correlation of
    growth other parts of the organisation. In changes of this nature,
    there will be little or no tendency to modify the original pattern, or
    to transpose parts. The bones of a limb might be shortened and widened
    to any extent, and become gradually enveloped in thick membrane, so as
    to serve as a fin; or a webbed foot might have all its bones, or
    certain bones, lengthened to any extent, and the membrane connecting
    them increased to any extent, so as to serve as a wing: yet in all this
    great amount of modification there will be no tendency to alter the
    framework of bones or the relative connexion of the several parts. If
    we suppose that the ancient progenitor, the archetype as it may be
    called, of all mammals, had its limbs constructed on the existing
    general pattern, for whatever purpose they served, we can at once
    perceive the plain signification of the homologous construction of the
    limbs throughout the whole class. So with the mouths of insects, we
    have only to
    suppose that their common progenitor had an upper lip, mandibles, and
    two pair of maxillæ, these parts being perhaps very simple in form; and
    then natural selection will account for the infinite diversity in
    structure and function of the mouths of insects. Nevertheless, it is
    conceivable that the general pattern of an organ might become so much
    obscured as to be finally lost, by the atrophy and ultimately by the
    complete abortion of certain parts, by the soldering together of other
    parts, and by the doubling or multiplication of others,—variations
    which we know to be within the limits of possibility. In the paddles of
    the extinct gigantic sea-lizards, and in the mouths of certain
    suctorial crustaceans, the general pattern seems to have been thus to a
    certain extent obscured.

    There is another and equally curious branch of the present subject;
    namely, the comparison not of the same part in different members of a
    class, but of the different parts or organs in the same individual.
    Most physiologists believe that the bones of the skull are homologous
    with—that is correspond in number and in relative connexion with—the
    elemental parts of a certain number of vertebræ. The anterior and
    posterior limbs in each member of the vertebrate and articulate classes
    are plainly homologous. We see the same law in comparing the
    wonderfully complex jaws and legs in crustaceans. It is familiar to
    almost every one, that in a flower the relative position of the sepals,
    petals, stamens, and pistils, as well as their intimate structure, are
    intelligible on the view that they consist of metamorphosed leaves,
    arranged in a spire. In monstrous plants, we often get direct evidence
    of the possibility of one organ being transformed into another; and we
    can actually see in embryonic crustaceans and in many other animals,
    and in flowers, that organs, which when mature
    become extremely different, are at an early stage of growth exactly
    alike.

    How inexplicable are these facts on the ordinary view of creation! Why
    should the brain be enclosed in a box composed of such numerous and
    such extraordinarily shaped pieces of bone? As Owen has remarked, the
    benefit derived from the yielding of the separate pieces in the act of
    parturition of mammals, will by no means explain the same construction
    in the skulls of birds. Why should similar bones have been created in
    the formation of the wing and leg of a bat, used as they are for such
    totally different purposes? Why should one crustacean, which has an
    extremely complex mouth formed of many parts, consequently always have
    fewer legs; or conversely, those with many legs have simpler mouths?
    Why should the sepals, petals, stamens, and pistils in any individual
    flower, though fitted for such widely different purposes, be all
    constructed on the same pattern?

    On the theory of natural selection, we can satisfactorily answer these
    questions. In the vertebrata, we see a series of internal vertebræ
    bearing certain processes and appendages; in the articulata, we see the
    body divided into a series of segments, bearing external appendages;
    and in flowering plants, we see a series of successive spiral whorls of
    leaves. An indefinite repetition of the same part or organ is the
    common characteristic (as Owen has observed) of all low or
    little-modified forms; therefore we may readily believe that the
    unknown progenitor of the vertebrata possessed many vertebræ; the
    unknown progenitor of the articulata, many segments; and the unknown
    progenitor of flowering plants, many spiral whorls of leaves. We have
    formerly seen that parts many times repeated are eminently liable to
    vary in number and structure; consequently it is quite probable that
    natural selection, during a long-continued course of modification,
    should have seized on a certain number of the primordially similar
    elements, many times repeated, and have adapted them to the most
    diverse purposes. And as the whole amount of modification will have
    been effected by slight successive steps, we need not wonder at
    discovering in such parts or organs, a certain degree of fundamental
    resemblance, retained by the strong principle of inheritance.

    In the great class of molluscs, though we can homologise the parts of
    one species with those of another and distinct species, we can indicate
    but few serial homologies; that is, we are seldom enabled to say that
    one part or organ is homologous with another in the same individual.
    And we can understand this fact; for in molluscs, even in the lowest
    members of the class, we do not find nearly so much indefinite
    repetition of any one part, as we find in the other great classes of
    the animal and vegetable kingdoms.

    Naturalists frequently speak of the skull as formed of metamorphosed
    vertebræ: the jaws of crabs as metamorphosed legs; the stamens and
    pistils of flowers as metamorphosed leaves; but it would in these cases
    probably be more correct, as Professor Huxley has remarked, to speak of
    both skull and vertebræ, both jaws and legs, etc.,—as having been
    metamorphosed, not one from the other, but from some common element.
    Naturalists, however, use such language only in a metaphorical sense:
    they are far from meaning that during a long course of descent,
    primordial organs of any kind—vertebræ in the one case and legs in the
    other—have actually been modified into skulls or jaws. Yet so strong is
    the appearance of a modification of this nature having occurred, that
    naturalists can hardly avoid employing language having this plain
    signification. On my view
    these terms may be used literally; and the wonderful fact of the jaws,
    for instance, of a crab retaining numerous characters, which they would
    probably have retained through inheritance, if they had really been
    metamorphosed during a long course of descent from true legs, or from
    some simple appendage, is explained.

    Embryology.—It has already been casually remarked that certain organs
    in the individual, which when mature become widely different and serve
    for different purposes, are in the embryo exactly alike. The embryos,
    also, of distinct animals within the same class are often strikingly
    similar: a better proof of this cannot be given, than a circumstance
    mentioned by Agassiz, namely, that having forgotten to ticket the
    embryo of some vertebrate animal, he cannot now tell whether it be that
    of a mammal, bird, or reptile. The vermiform larvæ of moths, flies,
    beetles, etc., resemble each other much more closely than do the mature
    insects; but in the case of larvæ, the embryos are active, and have
    been adapted for special lines of life. A trace of the law of embryonic
    resemblance, sometimes lasts till a rather late age: thus birds of the
    same genus, and of closely allied genera, often resemble each other in
    their first and second plumage; as we see in the spotted feathers in
    the thrush group. In the cat tribe, most of the species are striped or
    spotted in lines; and stripes can be plainly distinguished in the whelp
    of the lion. We occasionally though rarely see something of this kind
    in plants: thus the embryonic leaves of the ulex or furze, and the
    first leaves of the phyllodineous acaceas, are pinnate or divided like
    the ordinary leaves of the leguminosæ.

    The points of structure, in which the embryos of widely different
    animals of the same class resemble each other, often have no direct
    relation to their conditions
    of existence. We cannot, for instance, suppose that in the embryos of
    the vertebrata the peculiar loop-like course of the arteries near the
    branchial slits are related to similar conditions,—in the young mammal
    which is nourished in the womb of its mother, in the egg of the bird
    which is hatched in a nest, and in the spawn of a frog under water. We
    have no more reason to believe in such a relation, than we have to
    believe that the same bones in the hand of a man, wing of a bat, and
    fin of a porpoise, are related to similar conditions of life. No one
    will suppose that the stripes on the whelp of a lion, or the spots on
    the young blackbird, are of any use to these animals, or are related to
    the conditions to which they are exposed.

    The case, however, is different when an animal during any part of its
    embryonic career is active, and has to provide for itself. The period
    of activity may come on earlier or later in life; but whenever it comes
    on, the adaptation of the larva to its conditions of life is just as
    perfect and as beautiful as in the adult animal. From such special
    adaptations, the similarity of the larvæ or active embryos of allied
    animals is sometimes much obscured; and cases could be given of the
    larvæ of two species, or of two groups of species, differing quite as
    much, or even more, from each other than do their adult parents. In
    most cases, however, the larvæ, though active, still obey more or less
    closely the law of common embryonic resemblance. Cirripedes afford a
    good instance of this: even the illustrious Cuvier did not perceive
    that a barnacle was, as it certainly is, a crustacean; but a glance at
    the larva shows this to be the case in an unmistakeable manner. So
    again the two main divisions of cirripedes, the pedunculated and
    sessile, which differ widely in external appearance, have larvæ in all
    their several stages barely distinguishable.

    The embryo in the course of development generally rises in
    organisation: I use this expression, though I am aware that it is
    hardly possible to define clearly what is meant by the organisation
    being higher or lower. But no one probably will dispute that the
    butterfly is higher than the caterpillar. In some cases, however, the
    mature animal is generally considered as lower in the scale than the
    larva, as with certain parasitic crustaceans. To refer once again to
    cirripedes: the larvæ in the first stage have three pairs of legs, a
    very simple single eye, and a probosciformed mouth, with which they
    feed largely, for they increase much in size. In the second stage,
    answering to the chrysalis stage of butterflies, they have six pairs of
    beautifully constructed natatory legs, a pair of magnificent compound
    eyes, and extremely complex antennæ; but they have a closed and
    imperfect mouth, and cannot feed: their function at this stage is, to
    search by their well-developed organs of sense, and to reach by their
    active powers of swimming, a proper place on which to become attached
    and to undergo their final metamorphosis. When this is completed they
    are fixed for life: their legs are now converted into prehensile
    organs; they again obtain a well-constructed mouth; but they have no
    antennæ, and their two eyes are now reconverted into a minute, single,
    and very simple eye-spot. In this last and complete state, cirripedes
    may be considered as either more highly or more lowly organised than
    they were in the larval condition. But in some genera the larvæ become
    developed either into hermaphrodites having the ordinary structure, or
    into what I have called complemental males: and in the latter, the
    development has assuredly been retrograde; for the male is a mere sack,
    which lives for a short time, and is destitute of mouth, stomach, or
    other organ of importance, excepting for reproduction.

    We are so much accustomed to see differences in structure between the
    embryo and the adult, and likewise a close similarity in the embryos of
    widely different animals within the same class, that we might be led to
    look at these facts as necessarily contingent in some manner on growth.
    But there is no obvious reason why, for instance, the wing of a bat, or
    the fin of a porpoise, should not have been sketched out with all the
    parts in proper proportion, as soon as any structure became visible in
    the embryo. And in some whole groups of animals and in certain members
    of other groups, the embryo does not at any period differ widely from
    the adult: thus Owen has remarked in regard to cuttle-fish, “there is
    no metamorphosis; the cephalopodic character is manifested long before
    the parts of the embryo are completed;” and again in spiders, “there is
    nothing worthy to be called a metamorphosis.” The larvæ of insects,
    whether adapted to the most diverse and active habits, or quite
    inactive, being fed by their parents or placed in the midst of proper
    nutriment, yet nearly all pass through a similar worm-like stage of
    development; but in some few cases, as in that of Aphis, if we look to
    the admirable drawings by Professor Huxley of the development of this
    insect, we see no trace of the vermiform stage.

    How, then, can we explain these several facts in embryology,—namely the
    very general, but not universal difference in structure between the
    embryo and the adult;—of parts in the same individual embryo, which
    ultimately become very unlike and serve for diverse purposes, being at
    this early period of growth alike;—of embryos of different species
    within the same class, generally, but not universally, resembling each
    other;—of the structure of the embryo not being closely related to its
    conditions of existence, except when the
    embryo becomes at any period of life active and has to provide for
    itself;—of the embryo apparently having sometimes a higher organisation
    than the mature animal, into which it is developed. I believe that all
    these facts can be explained, as follows, on the view of descent with
    modification.

    It is commonly assumed, perhaps from monstrosities often affecting the
    embryo at a very early period, that slight variations necessarily
    appear at an equally early period. But we have little evidence on this
    head—indeed the evidence rather points the other way; for it is
    notorious that breeders of cattle, horses, and various fancy animals,
    cannot positively tell, until some time after the animal has been born,
    what its merits or form will ultimately turn out. We see this plainly
    in our own children; we cannot always tell whether the child will be
    tall or short, or what its precise features will be. The question is
    not, at what period of life any variation has been caused, but at what
    period it is fully displayed. The cause may have acted, and I believe
    generally has acted, even before the embryo is formed; and the
    variation may be due to the male and female sexual elements having been
    affected by the conditions to which either parent, or their ancestors,
    have been exposed. Nevertheless an effect thus caused at a very early
    period, even before the formation of the embryo, may appear late in
    life; as when an hereditary disease, which appears in old age alone,
    has been communicated to the offspring from the reproductive element of
    one parent. Or again, as when the horns of cross-bred cattle have been
    affected by the shape of the horns of either parent. For the welfare of
    a very young animal, as long as it remains in its mother’s womb, or in
    the egg, or as long as it is nourished and protected by its parent, it
    must be quite unimportant whether most of its characters are fully
    acquired a little earlier or later in life. It would not signify, for
    instance, to a bird which obtained its food best by having a long beak,
    whether or not it assumed a beak of this particular length, as long as
    it was fed by its parents. Hence, I conclude, that it is quite
    possible, that each of the many successive modifications, by which each
    species has acquired its present structure, may have supervened at a
    not very early period of life; and some direct evidence from our
    domestic animals supports this view. But in other cases it is quite
    possible that each successive modification, or most of them, may have
    appeared at an extremely early period.

    I have stated in the first chapter, that there is some evidence to
    render it probable, that at whatever age any variation first appears in
    the parent, it tends to reappear at a corresponding age in the
    offspring. Certain variations can only appear at corresponding ages,
    for instance, peculiarities in the caterpillar, cocoon, or imago states
    of the silk-moth; or, again, in the horns of almost full-grown cattle.
    But further than this, variations which, for all that we can see, might
    have appeared earlier or later in life, tend to appear at a
    corresponding age in the offspring and parent. I am far from meaning
    that this is invariably the case; and I could give a good many cases of
    variations (taking the word in the largest sense) which have supervened
    at an earlier age in the child than in the parent.

    These two principles, if their truth be admitted, will, I believe,
    explain all the above specified leading facts in embryology. But first
    let us look at a few analogous cases in domestic varieties. Some
    authors who have written on Dogs, maintain that the greyhound and
    bulldog, though appearing so different, are really varieties most
    closely allied, and have probably descended from
    the same wild stock; hence I was curious to see how far their puppies
    differed from each other: I was told by breeders that they differed
    just as much as their parents, and this, judging by the eye, seemed
    almost to be the case; but on actually measuring the old dogs and their
    six-days old puppies, I found that the puppies had not nearly acquired
    their full amount of proportional difference. So, again, I was told
    that the foals of cart and race-horses differed as much as the
    full-grown animals; and this surprised me greatly, as I think it
    probable that the difference between these two breeds has been wholly
    caused by selection under domestication; but having had careful
    measurements made of the dam and of a three-days old colt of a race and
    heavy cart-horse, I find that the colts have by no means acquired their
    full amount of proportional difference.

    As the evidence appears to me conclusive, that the several domestic
    breeds of Pigeon have descended from one wild species, I compared young
    pigeons of various breeds, within twelve hours after being hatched; I
    carefully measured the proportions (but will not here give details) of
    the beak, width of mouth, length of nostril and of eyelid, size of feet
    and length of leg, in the wild stock, in pouters, fantails, runts,
    barbs, dragons, carriers, and tumblers. Now some of these birds, when
    mature, differ so extraordinarily in length and form of beak, that they
    would, I cannot doubt, be ranked in distinct genera, had they been
    natural productions. But when the nestling birds of these several
    breeds were placed in a row, though most of them could be distinguished
    from each other, yet their proportional differences in the above
    specified several points were incomparably less than in the full-grown
    birds. Some characteristic points of difference—for instance, that of
    the width of mouth—could hardly be detected in the young.
    But there was one remarkable exception to this rule, for the young of
    the short-faced tumbler differed from the young of the wild rock-pigeon
    and of the other breeds, in all its proportions, almost exactly as much
    as in the adult state.

    The two principles above given seem to me to explain these facts in
    regard to the later embryonic stages of our domestic varieties.
    Fanciers select their horses, dogs, and pigeons, for breeding, when
    they are nearly grown up: they are indifferent whether the desired
    qualities and structures have been acquired earlier or later in life,
    if the full-grown animal possesses them. And the cases just given, more
    especially that of pigeons, seem to show that the characteristic
    differences which give value to each breed, and which have been
    accumulated by man’s selection, have not generally first appeared at an
    early period of life, and have been inherited by the offspring at a
    corresponding not early period. But the case of the short-faced
    tumbler, which when twelve hours old had acquired its proper
    proportions, proves that this is not the universal rule; for here the
    characteristic differences must either have appeared at an earlier
    period than usual, or, if not so, the differences must have been
    inherited, not at the corresponding, but at an earlier age.

    Now let us apply these facts and the above two principles—which latter,
    though not proved true, can be shown to be in some degree probable—to
    species in a state of nature. Let us take a genus of birds, descended
    on my theory from some one parent-species, and of which the several new
    species have become modified through natural selection in accordance
    with their diverse habits. Then, from the many slight successive steps
    of variation having supervened at a rather late age, and having been
    inherited at a corresponding
    age, the young of the new species of our supposed genus will manifestly
    tend to resemble each other much more closely than do the adults, just
    as we have seen in the case of pigeons. We may extend this view to
    whole families or even classes. The fore-limbs, for instance, which
    served as legs in the parent-species, may become, by a long course of
    modification, adapted in one descendant to act as hands, in another as
    paddles, in another as wings; and on the above two principles—namely of
    each successive modification supervening at a rather late age, and
    being inherited at a corresponding late age—the fore-limbs in the
    embryos of the several descendants of the parent-species will still
    resemble each other closely, for they will not have been modified. But
    in each individual new species, the embryonic fore-limbs will differ
    greatly from the fore-limbs in the mature animal; the limbs in the
    latter having undergone much modification at a rather late period of
    life, and having thus been converted into hands, or paddles, or wings.
    Whatever influence long-continued exercise or use on the one hand, and
    disuse on the other, may have in modifying an organ, such influence
    will mainly affect the mature animal, which has come to its full powers
    of activity and has to gain its own living; and the effects thus
    produced will be inherited at a corresponding mature age. Whereas the
    young will remain unmodified, or be modified in a lesser degree, by the
    effects of use and disuse.

    In certain cases the successive steps of variation might supervene,
    from causes of which we are wholly ignorant, at a very early period of
    life, or each step might be inherited at an earlier period than that at
    which it first appeared. In either case (as with the short-faced
    tumbler) the young or embryo would closely
    resemble the mature parent-form. We have seen that this is the rule of
    development in certain whole groups of animals, as with cuttle-fish and
    spiders, and with a few members of the great class of insects, as with
    Aphis. With respect to the final cause of the young in these cases not
    undergoing any metamorphosis, or closely resembling their parents from
    their earliest age, we can see that this would result from the two
    following contingencies; firstly, from the young, during a course of
    modification carried on for many generations, having to provide for
    their own wants at a very early stage of development, and secondly,
    from their following exactly the same habits of life with their
    parents; for in this case, it would be indispensable for the existence
    of the species, that the child should be modified at a very early age
    in the same manner with its parents, in accordance with their similar
    habits. Some further explanation, however, of the embryo not undergoing
    any metamorphosis is perhaps requisite. If, on the other hand, it
    profited the young to follow habits of life in any degree different
    from those of their parent, and consequently to be constructed in a
    slightly different manner, then, on the principle of inheritance at
    corresponding ages, the active young or larvæ might easily be rendered
    by natural selection different to any conceivable extent from their
    parents. Such differences might, also, become correlated with
    successive stages of development; so that the larvæ, in the first
    stage, might differ greatly from the larvæ in the second stage, as we
    have seen to be the case with cirripedes. The adult might become fitted
    for sites or habits, in which organs of locomotion or of the senses,
    etc., would be useless; and in this case the final metamorphosis would
    be said to be retrograde.

    As all the organic beings, extinct and recent, which
    have ever lived on this earth have to be classed together, and as all
    have been connected by the finest gradations, the best, or indeed, if
    our collections were nearly perfect, the only possible arrangement,
    would be genealogical. Descent being on my view the hidden bond of
    connexion which naturalists have been seeking under the term of the
    natural system. On this view we can understand how it is that, in the
    eyes of most naturalists, the structure of the embryo is even more
    important for classification than that of the adult. For the embryo is
    the animal in its less modified state; and in so far it reveals the
    structure of its progenitor. In two groups of animal, however much they
    may at present differ from each other in structure and habits, if they
    pass through the same or similar embryonic stages, we may feel assured
    that they have both descended from the same or nearly similar parents,
    and are therefore in that degree closely related. Thus, community in
    embryonic structure reveals community of descent. It will reveal this
    community of descent, however much the structure of the adult may have
    been modified and obscured; we have seen, for instance, that cirripedes
    can at once be recognised by their larvæ as belonging to the great
    class of crustaceans. As the embryonic state of each species and group
    of species partially shows us the structure of their less modified
    ancient progenitors, we can clearly see why ancient and extinct forms
    of life should resemble the embryos of their descendants,—our existing
    species. Agassiz believes this to be a law of nature; but I am bound to
    confess that I only hope to see the law hereafter proved true. It can
    be proved true in those cases alone in which the ancient state, now
    supposed to be represented in many embryos, has not been obliterated,
    either by the successive variations in a long course of modification
    having supervened
    at a very early age, or by the variations having been inherited at an
    earlier period than that at which they first appeared. It should also
    be borne in mind, that the supposed law of resemblance of ancient forms
    of life to the embryonic stages of recent forms, may be true, but yet,
    owing to the geological record not extending far enough back in time,
    may remain for a long period, or for ever, incapable of demonstration.

    Thus, as it seems to me, the leading facts in embryology, which are
    second in importance to none in natural history, are explained on the
    principle of slight modifications not appearing, in the many
    descendants from some one ancient progenitor, at a very early period in
    the life of each, though perhaps caused at the earliest, and being
    inherited at a corresponding not early period. Embryology rises greatly
    in interest, when we thus look at the embryo as a picture, more or less
    obscured, of the common parent-form of each great class of animals.

    Rudimentary, atrophied, or aborted organs.—Organs or parts in this
    strange condition, bearing the stamp of inutility, are extremely common
    throughout nature. For instance, rudimentary mammæ are very general in
    the males of mammals: I presume that the “bastard-wing” in birds may be
    safely considered as a digit in a rudimentary state: in very many
    snakes one lobe of the lungs is rudimentary; in other snakes there are
    rudiments of the pelvis and hind limbs. Some of the cases of
    rudimentary organs are extremely curious; for instance, the presence of
    teeth in foetal whales, which when grown up have not a tooth in their
    heads; and the presence of teeth, which never cut through the gums, in
    the upper jaws of our unborn calves. It has even been stated on good
    authority that rudiments of teeth can be detected
    in the beaks of certain embryonic birds. Nothing can be plainer than
    that wings are formed for flight, yet in how many insects do we see
    wings so reduced in size as to be utterly incapable of flight, and not
    rarely lying under wing-cases, firmly soldered together!

    The meaning of rudimentary organs is often quite unmistakeable: for
    instance there are beetles of the same genus (and even of the same
    species) resembling each other most closely in all respects, one of
    which will have full-sized wings, and another mere rudiments of
    membrane; and here it is impossible to doubt, that the rudiments
    represent wings. Rudimentary organs sometimes retain their
    potentiality, and are merely not developed: this seems to be the case
    with the mammæ of male mammals, for many instances are on record of
    these organs having become well developed in full-grown males, and
    having secreted milk. So again there are normally four developed and
    two rudimentary teats in the udders of the genus Bos, but in our
    domestic cows the two sometimes become developed and give milk. In
    individual plants of the same species the petals sometimes occur as
    mere rudiments, and sometimes in a well-developed state. In plants with
    separated sexes, the male flowers often have a rudiment of a pistil;
    and Kölreuter found that by crossing such male plants with an
    hermaphrodite species, the rudiment of the pistil in the hybrid
    offspring was much increased in size; and this shows that the rudiment
    and the perfect pistil are essentially alike in nature.

    An organ serving for two purposes, may become rudimentary or utterly
    aborted for one, even the more important purpose; and remain perfectly
    efficient for the other. Thus in plants, the office of the pistil is to
    allow the pollen-tubes to reach the ovules protected in the ovarium at
    its base. The pistil consists of a stigma
    supported on the style; but in some Compositæ, the male florets, which
    of course cannot be fecundated, have a pistil, which is in a
    rudimentary state, for it is not crowned with a stigma; but the style
    remains well developed, and is clothed with hairs as in other
    compositæ, for the purpose of brushing the pollen out of the
    surrounding anthers. Again, an organ may become rudimentary for its
    proper purpose, and be used for a distinct object: in certain fish the
    swim-bladder seems to be rudimentary for its proper function of giving
    buoyancy, but has become converted into a nascent breathing organ or
    lung. Other similar instances could be given.

    Rudimentary organs in the individuals of the same species are very
    liable to vary in degree of development and in other respects.
    Moreover, in closely allied species, the degree to which the same organ
    has been rendered rudimentary occasionally differs much. This latter
    fact is well exemplified in the state of the wings of the female moths
    in certain groups. Rudimentary organs may be utterly aborted; and this
    implies, that we find in an animal or plant no trace of an organ, which
    analogy would lead us to expect to find, and which is occasionally
    found in monstrous individuals of the species. Thus in the snapdragon
    (antirrhinum) we generally do not find a rudiment of a fifth stamen;
    but this may sometimes be seen. In tracing the homologies of the same
    part in different members of a class, nothing is more common, or more
    necessary, than the use and discovery of rudiments. This is well shown
    in the drawings given by Owen of the bones of the leg of the horse, ox,
    and rhinoceros.

    It is an important fact that rudimentary organs, such as teeth in the
    upper jaws of whales and ruminants, can often be detected in the
    embryo, but afterwards wholly disappear. It is also, I believe, a
    universal
    rule, that a rudimentary part or organ is of greater size relatively to
    the adjoining parts in the embryo, than in the adult; so that the organ
    at this early age is less rudimentary, or even cannot be said to be in
    any degree rudimentary. Hence, also, a rudimentary organ in the adult,
    is often said to have retained its embryonic condition.

    I have now given the leading facts with respect to rudimentary organs.
    In reflecting on them, every one must be struck with astonishment: for
    the same reasoning power which tells us plainly that most parts and
    organs are exquisitely adapted for certain purposes, tells us with
    equal plainness that these rudimentary or atrophied organs, are
    imperfect and useless. In works on natural history rudimentary organs
    are generally said to have been created “for the sake of symmetry,” or
    in order “to complete the scheme of nature;” but this seems to me no
    explanation, merely a restatement of the fact. Would it be thought
    sufficient to say that because planets revolve in elliptic courses
    round the sun, satellites follow the same course round the planets, for
    the sake of symmetry, and to complete the scheme of nature? An eminent
    physiologist accounts for the presence of rudimentary organs, by
    supposing that they serve to excrete matter in excess, or injurious to
    the system; but can we suppose that the minute papilla, which often
    represents the pistil in male flowers, and which is formed merely of
    cellular tissue, can thus act? Can we suppose that the formation of
    rudimentary teeth which are subsequently absorbed, can be of any
    service to the rapidly growing embryonic calf by the excretion of
    precious phosphate of lime? When a man’s fingers have been amputated,
    imperfect nails sometimes appear on the stumps: I could as soon believe
    that these vestiges of nails have appeared, not from unknown laws
    of growth, but in order to excrete horny matter, as that the
    rudimentary nails on the fin of the manatee were formed for this
    purpose.

    On my view of descent with modification, the origin of rudimentary
    organs is simple. We have plenty of cases of rudimentary organs in our
    domestic productions,—as the stump of a tail in tailless breeds,—the
    vestige of an ear in earless breeds,—the reappearance of minute
    dangling horns in hornless breeds of cattle, more especially, according
    to Youatt, in young animals,—and the state of the whole flower in the
    cauliflower. We often see rudiments of various parts in monsters. But I
    doubt whether any of these cases throw light on the origin of
    rudimentary organs in a state of nature, further than by showing that
    rudiments can be produced; for I doubt whether species under nature
    ever undergo abrupt changes. I believe that disuse has been the main
    agency; that it has led in successive generations to the gradual
    reduction of various organs, until they have become rudimentary,—as in
    the case of the eyes of animals inhabiting dark caverns, and of the
    wings of birds inhabiting oceanic islands, which have seldom been
    forced to take flight, and have ultimately lost the power of flying.
    Again, an organ useful under certain conditions, might become injurious
    under others, as with the wings of beetles living on small and exposed
    islands; and in this case natural selection would continue slowly to
    reduce the organ, until it was rendered harmless and rudimentary.

    Any change in function, which can be effected by insensibly small
    steps, is within the power of natural selection; so that an organ
    rendered, during changed habits of life, useless or injurious for one
    purpose, might easily be modified and used for another purpose. Or an
    organ might be retained for one alone of its
    former functions. An organ, when rendered useless, may well be
    variable, for its variations cannot be checked by natural selection. At
    whatever period of life disuse or selection reduces an organ, and this
    will generally be when the being has come to maturity and to its full
    powers of action, the principle of inheritance at corresponding ages
    will reproduce the organ in its reduced state at the same age, and
    consequently will seldom affect or reduce it in the embryo. Thus we can
    understand the greater relative size of rudimentary organs in the
    embryo, and their lesser relative size in the adult. But if each step
    of the process of reduction were to be inherited, not at the
    corresponding age, but at an extremely early period of life (as we have
    good reason to believe to be possible) the rudimentary part would tend
    to be wholly lost, and we should have a case of complete abortion. The
    principle, also, of economy, explained in a former chapter, by which
    the materials forming any part or structure, if not useful to the
    possessor, will be saved as far as is possible, will probably often
    come into play; and this will tend to cause the entire obliteration of
    a rudimentary organ.

    As the presence of rudimentary organs is thus due to the tendency in
    every part of the organisation, which has long existed, to be
    inherited—we can understand, on the genealogical view of
    classification, how it is that systematists have found rudimentary
    parts as useful as, or even sometimes more useful than, parts of high
    physiological importance. Rudimentary organs may be compared with the
    letters in a word, still retained in the spelling, but become useless
    in the pronunciation, but which serve as a clue in seeking for its
    derivation. On the view of descent with modification, we may conclude
    that the existence of organs in a rudimentary, imperfect, and useless
    condition, or quite aborted, far
    from presenting a strange difficulty, as they assuredly do on the
    ordinary doctrine of creation, might even have been anticipated, and
    can be accounted for by the laws of inheritance.

    Summary.—In this chapter I have attempted to show, that the
    subordination of group to group in all organisms throughout all time;
    that the nature of the relationship, by which all living and extinct
    beings are united by complex, radiating, and circuitous lines of
    affinities into one grand system; the rules followed and the
    difficulties encountered by naturalists in their classifications; the
    value set upon characters, if constant and prevalent, whether of high
    vital importance, or of the most trifling importance, or, as in
    rudimentary organs, of no importance; the wide opposition in value
    between analogical or adaptive characters, and characters of true
    affinity; and other such rules;—all naturally follow on the view of the
    common parentage of those forms which are considered by naturalists as
    allied, together with their modification through natural selection,
    with its contingencies of extinction and divergence of character. In
    considering this view of classification, it should be borne in mind
    that the element of descent has been universally used in ranking
    together the sexes, ages, and acknowledged varieties of the same
    species, however different they may be in structure. If we extend the
    use of this element of descent,—the only certainly known cause of
    similarity in organic beings,—we shall understand what is meant by the
    natural system: it is genealogical in its attempted arrangement, with
    the grades of acquired difference marked by the terms varieties,
    species, genera, families, orders, and classes.

    On this same view of descent with modification, all the great facts in
    Morphology become intelligible,—whether
    we look to the same pattern displayed in the homologous organs, to
    whatever purpose applied, of the different species of a class; or to
    the homologous parts constructed on the same pattern in each individual
    animal and plant.

    On the principle of successive slight variations, not necessarily or
    generally supervening at a very early period of life, and being
    inherited at a corresponding period, we can understand the great
    leading facts in Embryology; namely, the resemblance in an individual
    embryo of the homologous parts, which when matured will become widely
    different from each other in structure and function; and the
    resemblance in different species of a class of the homologous parts or
    organs, though fitted in the adult members for purposes as different as
    possible. Larvæ are active embryos, which have become specially
    modified in relation to their habits of life, through the principle of
    modifications being inherited at corresponding ages. On this same
    principle—and bearing in mind, that when organs are reduced in size,
    either from disuse or selection, it will generally be at that period of
    life when the being has to provide for its own wants, and bearing in
    mind how strong is the principle of inheritance—the occurrence of
    rudimentary organs and their final abortion, present to us no
    inexplicable difficulties; on the contrary, their presence might have
    been even anticipated. The importance of embryological characters and
    of rudimentary organs in classification is intelligible, on the view
    that an arrangement is only so far natural as it is genealogical.

    Finally, the several classes of facts which have been considered in
    this chapter, seem to me to proclaim so plainly, that the innumerable
    species, genera, and families of organic beings, with which this world
    is
    peopled, have all descended, each within its own class or group, from
    common parents, and have all been modified in the course of descent,
    that I should without hesitation adopt this view, even if it were
    unsupported by other facts or arguments.

    CHAPTER XIV.
    RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION.

    Recapitulation of the difficulties on the theory of Natural Selection.
    Recapitulation of the general and special circumstances in its favour.
    Causes of the general belief in the immutability of species. How far
    the theory of natural selection may be extended. Effects of its
    adoption on the study of Natural history. Concluding remarks.

    As this whole volume is one long argument, it may be convenient to the
    reader to have the leading facts and inferences briefly recapitulated.

    That many and grave objections may be advanced against the theory of
    descent with modification through natural selection, I do not deny. I
    have endeavoured to give to them their full force. Nothing at first can
    appear more difficult to believe than that the more complex organs and
    instincts should have been perfected, not by means superior to, though
    analogous with, human reason, but by the accumulation of innumerable
    slight variations, each good for the individual possessor.
    Nevertheless, this difficulty, though appearing to our imagination
    insuperably great, cannot be considered real if we admit the following
    propositions, namely,—that gradations in the perfection of any organ or
    instinct, which we may consider, either do now exist or could have
    existed, each good of its kind,—that all organs and instincts are, in
    ever so slight a degree, variable,—and, lastly, that there is a
    struggle for existence leading to the preservation of each profitable
    deviation of structure or instinct. The truth of these propositions
    cannot, I think, be disputed.

    It is, no doubt, extremely difficult even to conjecture by what
    gradations many structures have been perfected, more especially amongst
    broken and failing groups of organic beings; but we see so many strange
    gradations in nature, as is proclaimed by the canon, “Natura non facit
    saltum,” that we ought to be extremely cautious in saying that any
    organ or instinct, or any whole being, could not have arrived at its
    present state by many graduated steps. There are, it must be admitted,
    cases of special difficulty on the theory of natural selection; and one
    of the most curious of these is the existence of two or three defined
    castes of workers or sterile females in the same community of ants; but
    I have attempted to show how this difficulty can be mastered.

    With respect to the almost universal sterility of species when first
    crossed, which forms so remarkable a contrast with the almost universal
    fertility of varieties when crossed, I must refer the reader to the
    recapitulation of the facts given at the end of the eighth chapter,
    which seem to me conclusively to show that this sterility is no more a
    special endowment than is the incapacity of two trees to be grafted
    together, but that it is incidental on constitutional differences in
    the reproductive systems of the intercrossed species. We see the truth
    of this conclusion in the vast difference in the result, when the same
    two species are crossed reciprocally; that is, when one species is
    first used as the father and then as the mother.

    The fertility of varieties when intercrossed and of their mongrel
    offspring cannot be considered as universal; nor is their very general
    fertility surprising when we remember that it is not likely that either
    their constitutions or their reproductive systems should have been
    profoundly modified. Moreover, most of the
    varieties which have been experimentised on have been produced under
    domestication; and as domestication apparently tends to eliminate
    sterility, we ought not to expect it also to produce sterility.

    The sterility of hybrids is a very different case from that of first
    crosses, for their reproductive organs are more or less functionally
    impotent; whereas in first crosses the organs on both sides are in a
    perfect condition. As we continually see that organisms of all kinds
    are rendered in some degree sterile from their constitutions having
    been disturbed by slightly different and new conditions of life, we
    need not feel surprise at hybrids being in some degree sterile, for
    their constitutions can hardly fail to have been disturbed from being
    compounded of two distinct organisations. This parallelism is supported
    by another parallel, but directly opposite, class of facts; namely,
    that the vigour and fertility of all organic beings are increased by
    slight changes in their conditions of life, and that the offspring of
    slightly modified forms or varieties acquire from being crossed
    increased vigour and fertility. So that, on the one hand, considerable
    changes in the conditions of life and crosses between greatly modified
    forms, lessen fertility; and on the other hand, lesser changes in the
    conditions of life and crosses between less modified forms, increase
    fertility.

    Turning to geographical distribution, the difficulties encountered on
    the theory of descent with modification are grave enough. All the
    individuals of the same species, and all the species of the same genus,
    or even higher group, must have descended from common parents; and
    therefore, in however distant and isolated parts of the world they are
    now found, they must in the course of successive generations have
    passed from some one part to the others. We are often wholly unable
    even to conjecture how this could have been effected. Yet, as we have
    reason to believe that some species have retained the same specific
    form for very long periods, enormously long as measured by years, too
    much stress ought not to be laid on the occasional wide diffusion of
    the same species; for during very long periods of time there will
    always be a good chance for wide migration by many means. A broken or
    interrupted range may often be accounted for by the extinction of the
    species in the intermediate regions. It cannot be denied that we are as
    yet very ignorant of the full extent of the various climatal and
    geographical changes which have affected the earth during modern
    periods; and such changes will obviously have greatly facilitated
    migration. As an example, I have attempted to show how potent has been
    the influence of the Glacial period on the distribution both of the
    same and of representative species throughout the world. We are as yet
    profoundly ignorant of the many occasional means of transport. With
    respect to distinct species of the same genus inhabiting very distant
    and isolated regions, as the process of modification has necessarily
    been slow, all the means of migration will have been possible during a
    very long period; and consequently the difficulty of the wide diffusion
    of species of the same genus is in some degree lessened.

    As on the theory of natural selection an interminable number of
    intermediate forms must have existed, linking together all the species
    in each group by gradations as fine as our present varieties, it may be
    asked, Why do we not see these linking forms all around us? Why are not
    all organic beings blended together in an inextricable chaos? With
    respect to existing forms, we should remember that we have no right to
    expect (excepting in rare cases) to discover directly connecting
    links between them, but only between each and some extinct and
    supplanted form. Even on a wide area, which has during a long period
    remained continuous, and of which the climate and other conditions of
    life change insensibly in going from a district occupied by one species
    into another district occupied by a closely allied species, we have no
    just right to expect often to find intermediate varieties in the
    intermediate zone. For we have reason to believe that only a few
    species are undergoing change at any one period; and all changes are
    slowly effected. I have also shown that the intermediate varieties
    which will at first probably exist in the intermediate zones, will be
    liable to be supplanted by the allied forms on either hand; and the
    latter, from existing in greater numbers, will generally be modified
    and improved at a quicker rate than the intermediate varieties, which
    exist in lesser numbers; so that the intermediate varieties will, in
    the long run, be supplanted and exterminated.

    On this doctrine of the extermination of an infinitude of connecting
    links, between the living and extinct inhabitants of the world, and at
    each successive period between the extinct and still older species, why
    is not every geological formation charged with such links? Why does not
    every collection of fossil remains afford plain evidence of the
    gradation and mutation of the forms of life? We meet with no such
    evidence, and this is the most obvious and forcible of the many
    objections which may be urged against my theory. Why, again, do whole
    groups of allied species appear, though certainly they often falsely
    appear, to have come in suddenly on the several geological stages? Why
    do we not find great piles of strata beneath the Silurian system,
    stored with the remains of the progenitors of the Silurian groups of
    fossils? For certainly on my theory such
    strata must somewhere have been deposited at these ancient and utterly
    unknown epochs in the world’s history.

    I can answer these questions and grave objections only on the
    supposition that the geological record is far more imperfect than most
    geologists believe. It cannot be objected that there has not been time
    sufficient for any amount of organic change; for the lapse of time has
    been so great as to be utterly inappreciable by the human intellect.
    The number of specimens in all our museums is absolutely as nothing
    compared with the countless generations of countless species which
    certainly have existed. We should not be able to recognise a species as
    the parent of any one or more species if we were to examine them ever
    so closely, unless we likewise possessed many of the intermediate links
    between their past or parent and present states; and these many links
    we could hardly ever expect to discover, owing to the imperfection of
    the geological record. Numerous existing doubtful forms could be named
    which are probably varieties; but who will pretend that in future ages
    so many fossil links will be discovered, that naturalists will be able
    to decide, on the common view, whether or not these doubtful forms are
    varieties? As long as most of the links between any two species are
    unknown, if any one link or intermediate variety be discovered, it will
    simply be classed as another and distinct species. Only a small portion
    of the world has been geologically explored. Only organic beings of
    certain classes can be preserved in a fossil condition, at least in any
    great number. Widely ranging species vary most, and varieties are often
    at first local,—both causes rendering the discovery of intermediate
    links less likely. Local varieties will not spread into other and
    distant regions until they are considerably modified and improved;
    and when they do spread, if discovered in a geological formation, they
    will appear as if suddenly created there, and will be simply classed as
    new species. Most formations have been intermittent in their
    accumulation; and their duration, I am inclined to believe, has been
    shorter than the average duration of specific forms. Successive
    formations are separated from each other by enormous blank intervals of
    time; for fossiliferous formations, thick enough to resist future
    degradation, can be accumulated only where much sediment is deposited
    on the subsiding bed of the sea. During the alternate periods of
    elevation and of stationary level the record will be blank. During
    these latter periods there will probably be more variability in the
    forms of life; during periods of subsidence, more extinction.

    With respect to the absence of fossiliferous formations beneath the
    lowest Silurian strata, I can only recur to the hypothesis given in the
    ninth chapter. That the geological record is imperfect all will admit;
    but that it is imperfect to the degree which I require, few will be
    inclined to admit. If we look to long enough intervals of time, geology
    plainly declares that all species have changed; and they have changed
    in the manner which my theory requires, for they have changed slowly
    and in a graduated manner. We clearly see this in the fossil remains
    from consecutive formations invariably being much more closely related
    to each other, than are the fossils from formations distant from each
    other in time.

    Such is the sum of the several chief objections and difficulties which
    may justly be urged against my theory; and I have now briefly
    recapitulated the answers and explanations which can be given to them.
    I have felt these difficulties far too heavily during many years to
    doubt their weight. But it deserves especial notice that the more
    important objections relate to questions on which we are confessedly
    ignorant; nor do we know how ignorant we are. We do not know all the
    possible transitional gradations between the simplest and the most
    perfect organs; it cannot be pretended that we know all the varied
    means of Distribution during the long lapse of years, or that we know
    how imperfect the Geological Record is. Grave as these several
    difficulties are, in my judgment they do not overthrow the theory of
    descent with modification.

    Now let us turn to the other side of the argument. Under domestication
    we see much variability. This seems to be mainly due to the
    reproductive system being eminently susceptible to changes in the
    conditions of life; so that this system, when not rendered impotent,
    fails to reproduce offspring exactly like the parent-form. Variability
    is governed by many complex laws,—by correlation of growth, by use and
    disuse, and by the direct action of the physical conditions of life.
    There is much difficulty in ascertaining how much modification our
    domestic productions have undergone; but we may safely infer that the
    amount has been large, and that modifications can be inherited for long
    periods. As long as the conditions of life remain the same, we have
    reason to believe that a modification, which has already been inherited
    for many generations, may continue to be inherited for an almost
    infinite number of generations. On the other hand we have evidence that
    variability, when it has once come into play, does not wholly cease;
    for new varieties are still occasionally produced by our most anciently
    domesticated productions.

    Man does not actually produce variability; he only
    unintentionally exposes organic beings to new conditions of life, and
    then nature acts on the organisation, and causes variability. But man
    can and does select the variations given to him by nature, and thus
    accumulate them in any desired manner. He thus adapts animals and
    plants for his own benefit or pleasure. He may do this methodically, or
    he may do it unconsciously by preserving the individuals most useful to
    him at the time, without any thought of altering the breed. It is
    certain that he can largely influence the character of a breed by
    selecting, in each successive generation, individual differences so
    slight as to be quite inappreciable by an uneducated eye. This process
    of selection has been the great agency in the production of the most
    distinct and useful domestic breeds. That many of the breeds produced
    by man have to a large extent the character of natural species, is
    shown by the inextricable doubts whether very many of them are
    varieties or aboriginal species.

    There is no obvious reason why the principles which have acted so
    efficiently under domestication should not have acted under nature. In
    the preservation of favoured individuals and races, during the
    constantly-recurrent Struggle for Existence, we see the most powerful
    and ever-acting means of selection. The struggle for existence
    inevitably follows from the high geometrical ratio of increase which is
    common to all organic beings. This high rate of increase is proved by
    calculation, by the effects of a succession of peculiar seasons, and by
    the results of naturalisation, as explained in the third chapter. More
    individuals are born than can possibly survive. A grain in the balance
    will determine which individual shall live and which shall die,—which
    variety or species shall increase in number, and which shall decrease,
    or finally become extinct. As the individuals
    of the same species come in all respects into the closest competition
    with each other, the struggle will generally be most severe between
    them; it will be almost equally severe between the varieties of the
    same species, and next in severity between the species of the same
    genus. But the struggle will often be very severe between beings most
    remote in the scale of nature. The slightest advantage in one being, at
    any age or during any season, over those with which it comes into
    competition, or better adaptation in however slight a degree to the
    surrounding physical conditions, will turn the balance.

    With animals having separated sexes there will in most cases be a
    struggle between the males for possession of the females. The most
    vigorous individuals, or those which have most successfully struggled
    with their conditions of life, will generally leave most progeny. But
    success will often depend on having special weapons or means of
    defence, or on the charms of the males; and the slightest advantage
    will lead to victory.

    As geology plainly proclaims that each land has undergone great
    physical changes, we might have expected that organic beings would have
    varied under nature, in the same way as they generally have varied
    under the changed conditions of domestication. And if there be any
    variability under nature, it would be an unaccountable fact if natural
    selection had not come into play. It has often been asserted, but the
    assertion is quite incapable of proof, that the amount of variation
    under nature is a strictly limited quantity. Man, though acting on
    external characters alone and often capriciously, can produce within a
    short period a great result by adding up mere individual differences in
    his domestic productions; and every one admits that there are at least
    individual differences in species under nature. But, besides such
    differences, all naturalists
    have admitted the existence of varieties, which they think sufficiently
    distinct to be worthy of record in systematic works. No one can draw
    any clear distinction between individual differences and slight
    varieties; or between more plainly marked varieties and sub-species,
    and species. Let it be observed how naturalists differ in the rank
    which they assign to the many representative forms in Europe and North
    America.

    If then we have under nature variability and a powerful agent always
    ready to act and select, why should we doubt that variations in any way
    useful to beings, under their excessively complex relations of life,
    would be preserved, accumulated, and inherited? Why, if man can by
    patience select variations most useful to himself, should nature fail
    in selecting variations useful, under changing conditions of life, to
    her living products? What limit can be put to this power, acting during
    long ages and rigidly scrutinising the whole constitution, structure,
    and habits of each creature,—favouring the good and rejecting the bad?
    I can see no limit to this power, in slowly and beautifully adapting
    each form to the most complex relations of life. The theory of natural
    selection, even if we looked no further than this, seems to me to be in
    itself probable. I have already recapitulated, as fairly as I could,
    the opposed difficulties and objections: now let us turn to the special
    facts and arguments in favour of the theory.

    On the view that species are only strongly marked and permanent
    varieties, and that each species first existed as a variety, we can see
    why it is that no line of demarcation can be drawn between species,
    commonly supposed to have been produced by special acts of creation,
    and varieties which are acknowledged to have been produced by secondary
    laws. On this same view we can understand how it is that in each region
    where many species of a genus have been produced, and where they now
    flourish, these same species should present many varieties; for where
    the manufactory of species has been active, we might expect, as a
    general rule, to find it still in action; and this is the case if
    varieties be incipient species. Moreover, the species of the larger
    genera, which afford the greater number of varieties or incipient
    species, retain to a certain degree the character of varieties; for
    they differ from each other by a less amount of difference than do the
    species of smaller genera. The closely allied species also of the
    larger genera apparently have restricted ranges, and they are clustered
    in little groups round other species—in which respects they resemble
    varieties. These are strange relations on the view of each species
    having been independently created, but are intelligible if all species
    first existed as varieties.

    As each species tends by its geometrical ratio of reproduction to
    increase inordinately in number; and as the modified descendants of
    each species will be enabled to increase by so much the more as they
    become more diversified in habits and structure, so as to be enabled to
    seize on many and widely different places in the economy of nature,
    there will be a constant tendency in natural selection to preserve the
    most divergent offspring of any one species. Hence during a
    long-continued course of modification, the slight differences,
    characteristic of varieties of the same species, tend to be augmented
    into the greater differences characteristic of species of the same
    genus. New and improved varieties will inevitably supplant and
    exterminate the older, less improved and intermediate varieties; and
    thus species are rendered to a large extent defined and distinct
    objects. Dominant species belonging to the larger groups tend to give
    birth to new and dominant
    forms; so that each large group tends to become still larger, and at
    the same time more divergent in character. But as all groups cannot
    thus succeed in increasing in size, for the world would not hold them,
    the more dominant groups beat the less dominant. This tendency in the
    large groups to go on increasing in size and diverging in character,
    together with the almost inevitable contingency of much extinction,
    explains the arrangement of all the forms of life, in groups
    subordinate to groups, all within a few great classes, which we now see
    everywhere around us, and which has prevailed throughout all time. This
    grand fact of the grouping of all organic beings seems to me utterly
    inexplicable on the theory of creation.

    As natural selection acts solely by accumulating slight, successive,
    favourable variations, it can produce no great or sudden modification;
    it can act only by very short and slow steps. Hence the canon of
    “Natura non facit saltum,” which every fresh addition to our knowledge
    tends to make more strictly correct, is on this theory simply
    intelligible. We can plainly see why nature is prodigal in variety,
    though niggard in innovation. But why this should be a law of nature if
    each species has been independently created, no man can explain.

    Many other facts are, as it seems to me, explicable on this theory. How
    strange it is that a bird, under the form of woodpecker, should have
    been created to prey on insects on the ground; that upland geese, which
    never or rarely swim, should have been created with webbed feet; that a
    thrush should have been created to dive and feed on sub-aquatic
    insects; and that a petrel should have been created with habits and
    structure fitting it for the life of an auk or grebe! and so on in
    endless other cases. But on the view of each
    species constantly trying to increase in number, with natural selection
    always ready to adapt the slowly varying descendants of each to any
    unoccupied or ill-occupied place in nature, these facts cease to be
    strange, or perhaps might even have been anticipated.

    As natural selection acts by competition, it adapts the inhabitants of
    each country only in relation to the degree of perfection of their
    associates; so that we need feel no surprise at the inhabitants of any
    one country, although on the ordinary view supposed to have been
    specially created and adapted for that country, being beaten and
    supplanted by the naturalised productions from another land. Nor ought
    we to marvel if all the contrivances in nature be not, as far as we can
    judge, absolutely perfect; and if some of them be abhorrent to our
    ideas of fitness. We need not marvel at the sting of the bee causing
    the bee’s own death; at drones being produced in such vast numbers for
    one single act, and being then slaughtered by their sterile sisters; at
    the astonishing waste of pollen by our fir-trees; at the instinctive
    hatred of the queen bee for her own fertile daughters; at ichneumonidæ
    feeding within the live bodies of caterpillars; and at other such
    cases. The wonder indeed is, on the theory of natural selection, that
    more cases of the want of absolute perfection have not been observed.

    The complex and little known laws governing variation are the same, as
    far as we can see, with the laws which have governed the production of
    so-called specific forms. In both cases physical conditions seem to
    have produced but little direct effect; yet when varieties enter any
    zone, they occasionally assume some of the characters of the species
    proper to that zone. In both varieties and species, use and disuse seem
    to have produced some effect; for it is difficult to resist this
    conclusion
    when we look, for instance, at the logger-headed duck, which has wings
    incapable of flight, in nearly the same condition as in the domestic
    duck; or when we look at the burrowing tucutucu, which is occasionally
    blind, and then at certain moles, which are habitually blind and have
    their eyes covered with skin; or when we look at the blind animals
    inhabiting the dark caves of America and Europe. In both varieties and
    species correlation of growth seems to have played a most important
    part, so that when one part has been modified other parts are
    necessarily modified. In both varieties and species reversions to
    long-lost characters occur. How inexplicable on the theory of creation
    is the occasional appearance of stripes on the shoulder and legs of the
    several species of the horse-genus and in their hybrids! How simply is
    this fact explained if we believe that these species have descended
    from a striped progenitor, in the same manner as the several domestic
    breeds of pigeon have descended from the blue and barred rock-pigeon!

    On the ordinary view of each species having been independently created,
    why should the specific characters, or those by which the species of
    the same genus differ from each other, be more variable than the
    generic characters in which they all agree? Why, for instance, should
    the colour of a flower be more likely to vary in any one species of a
    genus, if the other species, supposed to have been created
    independently, have differently coloured flowers, than if all the
    species of the genus have the same coloured flowers? If species are
    only well-marked varieties, of which the characters have become in a
    high degree permanent, we can understand this fact; for they have
    already varied since they branched off from a common progenitor in
    certain characters, by which they have come to be specifically distinct
    from each other;
    and therefore these same characters would be more likely still to be
    variable than the generic characters which have been inherited without
    change for an enormous period. It is inexplicable on the theory of
    creation why a part developed in a very unusual manner in any one
    species of a genus, and therefore, as we may naturally infer, of great
    importance to the species, should be eminently liable to variation;
    but, on my view, this part has undergone, since the several species
    branched off from a common progenitor, an unusual amount of variability
    and modification, and therefore we might expect this part generally to
    be still variable. But a part may be developed in the most unusual
    manner, like the wing of a bat, and yet not be more variable than any
    other structure, if the part be common to many subordinate forms, that
    is, if it has been inherited for a very long period; for in this case
    it will have been rendered constant by long-continued natural
    selection.

    Glancing at instincts, marvellous as some are, they offer no greater
    difficulty than does corporeal structure on the theory of the natural
    selection of successive, slight, but profitable modifications. We can
    thus understand why nature moves by graduated steps in endowing
    different animals of the same class with their several instincts. I
    have attempted to show how much light the principle of gradation throws
    on the admirable architectural powers of the hive-bee. Habit no doubt
    sometimes comes into play in modifying instincts; but it certainly is
    not indispensable, as we see, in the case of neuter insects, which
    leave no progeny to inherit the effects of long-continued habit. On the
    view of all the species of the same genus having descended from a
    common parent, and having inherited much in common, we can understand
    how it is that allied species, when placed under considerably different
    conditions of life,
    yet should follow nearly the same instincts; why the thrush of South
    America, for instance, lines her nest with mud like our British
    species. On the view of instincts having been slowly acquired through
    natural selection we need not marvel at some instincts being apparently
    not perfect and liable to mistakes, and at many instincts causing other
    animals to suffer.

    If species be only well-marked and permanent varieties, we can at once
    see why their crossed offspring should follow the same complex laws in
    their degrees and kinds of resemblance to their parents,—in being
    absorbed into each other by successive crosses, and in other such
    points,—as do the crossed offspring of acknowledged varieties. On the
    other hand, these would be strange facts if species have been
    independently created, and varieties have been produced by secondary
    laws.

    If we admit that the geological record is imperfect in an extreme
    degree, then such facts as the record gives, support the theory of
    descent with modification. New species have come on the stage slowly
    and at successive intervals; and the amount of change, after equal
    intervals of time, is widely different in different groups. The
    extinction of species and of whole groups of species, which has played
    so conspicuous a part in the history of the organic world, almost
    inevitably follows on the principle of natural selection; for old forms
    will be supplanted by new and improved forms. Neither single species
    nor groups of species reappear when the chain of ordinary generation
    has once been broken. The gradual diffusion of dominant forms, with the
    slow modification of their descendants, causes the forms of life, after
    long intervals of time, to appear as if they had changed simultaneously
    throughout the world. The fact of the fossil remains of each formation
    being in some degree intermediate in character between the
    fossils in the formations above and below, is simply explained by their
    intermediate position in the chain of descent. The grand fact that all
    extinct organic beings belong to the same system with recent beings,
    falling either into the same or into intermediate groups, follows from
    the living and the extinct being the offspring of common parents. As
    the groups which have descended from an ancient progenitor have
    generally diverged in character, the progenitor with its early
    descendants will often be intermediate in character in comparison with
    its later descendants; and thus we can see why the more ancient a
    fossil is, the oftener it stands in some degree intermediate between
    existing and allied groups. Recent forms are generally looked at as
    being, in some vague sense, higher than ancient and extinct forms; and
    they are in so far higher as the later and more improved forms have
    conquered the older and less improved organic beings in the struggle
    for life. Lastly, the law of the long endurance of allied forms on the
    same continent,—of marsupials in Australia, of edentata in America, and
    other such cases,—is intelligible, for within a confined country, the
    recent and the extinct will naturally be allied by descent.

    Looking to geographical distribution, if we admit that there has been
    during the long course of ages much migration from one part of the
    world to another, owing to former climatal and geographical changes and
    to the many occasional and unknown means of dispersal, then we can
    understand, on the theory of descent with modification, most of the
    great leading facts in Distribution. We can see why there should be so
    striking a parallelism in the distribution of organic beings throughout
    space, and in their geological succession throughout time; for in both
    cases the beings have been connected by the bond of ordinary
    generation, and the means of
    modification have been the same. We see the full meaning of the
    wonderful fact, which must have struck every traveller, namely, that on
    the same continent, under the most diverse conditions, under heat and
    cold, on mountain and lowland, on deserts and marshes, most of the
    inhabitants within each great class are plainly related; for they will
    generally be descendants of the same progenitors and early colonists.
    On this same principle of former migration, combined in most cases with
    modification, we can understand, by the aid of the Glacial period, the
    identity of some few plants, and the close alliance of many others, on
    the most distant mountains, under the most different climates; and
    likewise the close alliance of some of the inhabitants of the sea in
    the northern and southern temperate zones, though separated by the
    whole intertropical ocean. Although two areas may present the same
    physical conditions of life, we need feel no surprise at their
    inhabitants being widely different, if they have been for a long period
    completely separated from each other; for as the relation of organism
    to organism is the most important of all relations, and as the two
    areas will have received colonists from some third source or from each
    other, at various periods and in different proportions, the course of
    modification in the two areas will inevitably be different.

    On this view of migration, with subsequent modification, we can see why
    oceanic islands should be inhabited by few species, but of these, that
    many should be peculiar. We can clearly see why those animals which
    cannot cross wide spaces of ocean, as frogs and terrestrial mammals,
    should not inhabit oceanic islands; and why, on the other hand, new and
    peculiar species of bats, which can traverse the ocean, should so often
    be found on islands far distant from any continent. Such facts
    as the presence of peculiar species of bats, and the absence of all
    other mammals, on oceanic islands, are utterly inexplicable on the
    theory of independent acts of creation.

    The existence of closely allied or representative species in any two
    areas, implies, on the theory of descent with modification, that the
    same parents formerly inhabited both areas; and we almost invariably
    find that wherever many closely allied species inhabit two areas, some
    identical species common to both still exist. Wherever many closely
    allied yet distinct species occur, many doubtful forms and varieties of
    the same species likewise occur. It is a rule of high generality that
    the inhabitants of each area are related to the inhabitants of the
    nearest source whence immigrants might have been derived. We see this
    in nearly all the plants and animals of the Galapagos archipelago, of
    Juan Fernandez, and of the other American islands being related in the
    most striking manner to the plants and animals of the neighbouring
    American mainland; and those of the Cape de Verde archipelago and other
    African islands to the African mainland. It must be admitted that these
    facts receive no explanation on the theory of creation.

    The fact, as we have seen, that all past and present organic beings
    constitute one grand natural system, with group subordinate to group,
    and with extinct groups often falling in between recent groups, is
    intelligible on the theory of natural selection with its contingencies
    of extinction and divergence of character. On these same principles we
    see how it is, that the mutual affinities of the species and genera
    within each class are so complex and circuitous. We see why certain
    characters are far more serviceable than others for classification;—why
    adaptive characters, though of paramount importance to the being, are
    of hardly any
    importance in classification; why characters derived from rudimentary
    parts, though of no service to the being, are often of high
    classificatory value; and why embryological characters are the most
    valuable of all. The real affinities of all organic beings are due to
    inheritance or community of descent. The natural system is a
    genealogical arrangement, in which we have to discover the lines of
    descent by the most permanent characters, however slight their vital
    importance may be.

    The framework of bones being the same in the hand of a man, wing of a
    bat, fin of the porpoise, and leg of the horse,—the same number of
    vertebræ forming the neck of the giraffe and of the elephant,—and
    innumerable other such facts, at once explain themselves on the theory
    of descent with slow and slight successive modifications. The
    similarity of pattern in the wing and leg of a bat, though used for
    such different purpose,—in the jaws and legs of a crab,—in the petals,
    stamens, and pistils of a flower, is likewise intelligible on the view
    of the gradual modification of parts or organs, which were alike in the
    early progenitor of each class. On the principle of successive
    variations not always supervening at an early age, and being inherited
    at a corresponding not early period of life, we can clearly see why the
    embryos of mammals, birds, reptiles, and fishes should be so closely
    alike, and should be so unlike the adult forms. We may cease marvelling
    at the embryo of an air-breathing mammal or bird having branchial slits
    and arteries running in loops, like those in a fish which has to
    breathe the air dissolved in water, by the aid of well-developed
    branchiæ.

    Disuse, aided sometimes by natural selection, will often tend to reduce
    an organ, when it has become useless by changed habits or under changed
    conditions
    of life; and we can clearly understand on this view the meaning of
    rudimentary organs. But disuse and selection will generally act on each
    creature, when it has come to maturity and has to play its full part in
    the struggle for existence, and will thus have little power of acting
    on an organ during early life; hence the organ will not be much reduced
    or rendered rudimentary at this early age. The calf, for instance, has
    inherited teeth, which never cut through the gums of the upper jaw,
    from an early progenitor having well-developed teeth; and we may
    believe, that the teeth in the mature animal were reduced, during
    successive generations, by disuse or by the tongue and palate having
    been fitted by natural selection to browse without their aid; whereas
    in the calf, the teeth have been left untouched by selection or disuse,
    and on the principle of inheritance at corresponding ages have been
    inherited from a remote period to the present day. On the view of each
    organic being and each separate organ having been specially created,
    how utterly inexplicable it is that parts, like the teeth in the
    embryonic calf or like the shrivelled wings under the soldered
    wing-covers of some beetles, should thus so frequently bear the plain
    stamp of inutility! Nature may be said to have taken pains to reveal,
    by rudimentary organs and by homologous structures, her scheme of
    modification, which it seems that we wilfully will not understand.

    I have now recapitulated the chief facts and considerations which have
    thoroughly convinced me that species have changed, and are still slowly
    changing by the preservation and accumulation of successive slight
    favourable variations. Why, it may be asked, have all the most eminent
    living naturalists and geologists rejected this view of the mutability
    of species? It cannot be
    asserted that organic beings in a state of nature are subject to no
    variation; it cannot be proved that the amount of variation in the
    course of long ages is a limited quantity; no clear distinction has
    been, or can be, drawn between species and well-marked varieties. It
    cannot be maintained that species when intercrossed are invariably
    sterile, and varieties invariably fertile; or that sterility is a
    special endowment and sign of creation. The belief that species were
    immutable productions was almost unavoidable as long as the history of
    the world was thought to be of short duration; and now that we have
    acquired some idea of the lapse of time, we are too apt to assume,
    without proof, that the geological record is so perfect that it would
    have afforded us plain evidence of the mutation of species, if they had
    undergone mutation.

    But the chief cause of our natural unwillingness to admit that one
    species has given birth to other and distinct species, is that we are
    always slow in admitting any great change of which we do not see the
    intermediate steps. The difficulty is the same as that felt by so many
    geologists, when Lyell first insisted that long lines of inland cliffs
    had been formed, and great valleys excavated, by the slow action of the
    coast-waves. The mind cannot possibly grasp the full meaning of the
    term of a hundred million years; it cannot add up and perceive the full
    effects of many slight variations, accumulated during an almost
    infinite number of generations.

    Although I am fully convinced of the truth of the views given in this
    volume under the form of an abstract, I by no means expect to convince
    experienced naturalists whose minds are stocked with a multitude of
    facts all viewed, during a long course of years, from a point of view
    directly opposite to mine. It is so easy
    to hide our ignorance under such expressions as the “plan of creation,”
    “unity of design,” etc., and to think that we give an explanation when
    we only restate a fact. Any one whose disposition leads him to attach
    more weight to unexplained difficulties than to the explanation of a
    certain number of facts will certainly reject my theory. A few
    naturalists, endowed with much flexibility of mind, and who have
    already begun to doubt on the immutability of species, may be
    influenced by this volume; but I look with confidence to the future, to
    young and rising naturalists, who will be able to view both sides of
    the question with impartiality. Whoever is led to believe that species
    are mutable will do good service by conscientiously expressing his
    conviction; for only thus can the load of prejudice by which this
    subject is overwhelmed be removed.

    Several eminent naturalists have of late published their belief that a
    multitude of reputed species in each genus are not real species; but
    that other species are real, that is, have been independently created.
    This seems to me a strange conclusion to arrive at. They admit that a
    multitude of forms, which till lately they themselves thought were
    special creations, and which are still thus looked at by the majority
    of naturalists, and which consequently have every external
    characteristic feature of true species,—they admit that these have been
    produced by variation, but they refuse to extend the same view to other
    and very slightly different forms. Nevertheless they do not pretend
    that they can define, or even conjecture, which are the created forms
    of life, and which are those produced by secondary laws. They admit
    variation as a vera causa in one case, they arbitrarily reject it in
    another, without assigning any distinction in the two cases. The day
    will come when this will be given as a curious illustration of
    the blindness of preconceived opinion. These authors seem no more
    startled at a miraculous act of creation than at an ordinary birth. But
    do they really believe that at innumerable periods in the earth’s
    history certain elemental atoms have been commanded suddenly to flash
    into living tissues? Do they believe that at each supposed act of
    creation one individual or many were produced? Were all the infinitely
    numerous kinds of animals and plants created as eggs or seed, or as
    full grown? and in the case of mammals, were they created bearing the
    false marks of nourishment from the mother’s womb? Although naturalists
    very properly demand a full explanation of every difficulty from those
    who believe in the mutability of species, on their own side they ignore
    the whole subject of the first appearance of species in what they
    consider reverent silence.

    It may be asked how far I extend the doctrine of the modification of
    species. The question is difficult to answer, because the more distinct
    the forms are which we may consider, by so much the arguments fall away
    in force. But some arguments of the greatest weight extend very far.
    All the members of whole classes can be connected together by chains of
    affinities, and all can be classified on the same principle, in groups
    subordinate to groups. Fossil remains sometimes tend to fill up very
    wide intervals between existing orders. Organs in a rudimentary
    condition plainly show that an early progenitor had the organ in a
    fully developed state; and this in some instances necessarily implies
    an enormous amount of modification in the descendants. Throughout whole
    classes various structures are formed on the same pattern, and at an
    embryonic age the species closely resemble each other. Therefore I
    cannot doubt that the theory of descent with modification
    embraces all the members of the same class. I believe that animals have
    descended from at most only four or five progenitors, and plants from
    an equal or lesser number.

    Analogy would lead me one step further, namely, to the belief that all
    animals and plants have descended from some one prototype. But analogy
    may be a deceitful guide. Nevertheless all living things have much in
    common, in their chemical composition, their germinal vesicles, their
    cellular structure, and their laws of growth and reproduction. We see
    this even in so trifling a circumstance as that the same poison often
    similarly affects plants and animals; or that the poison secreted by
    the gall-fly produces monstrous growths on the wild rose or oak-tree.
    Therefore I should infer from analogy that probably all the organic
    beings which have ever lived on this earth have descended from some one
    primordial form, into which life was first breathed.

    When the views entertained in this volume on the origin of species, or
    when analogous views are generally admitted, we can dimly foresee that
    there will be a considerable revolution in natural history.
    Systematists will be able to pursue their labours as at present; but
    they will not be incessantly haunted by the shadowy doubt whether this
    or that form be in essence a species. This I feel sure, and I speak
    after experience, will be no slight relief. The endless disputes
    whether or not some fifty species of British brambles are true species
    will cease. Systematists will have only to decide (not that this will
    be easy) whether any form be sufficiently constant and distinct from
    other forms, to be capable of definition; and if definable, whether the
    differences be sufficiently important to deserve a specific name. This
    latter point will become a far more essential consideration
    than it is at present; for differences, however slight, between any two
    forms, if not blended by intermediate gradations, are looked at by most
    naturalists as sufficient to raise both forms to the rank of species.
    Hereafter we shall be compelled to acknowledge that the only
    distinction between species and well-marked varieties is, that the
    latter are known, or believed, to be connected at the present day by
    intermediate gradations, whereas species were formerly thus connected.
    Hence, without quite rejecting the consideration of the present
    existence of intermediate gradations between any two forms, we shall be
    led to weigh more carefully and to value higher the actual amount of
    difference between them. It is quite possible that forms now generally
    acknowledged to be merely varieties may hereafter be thought worthy of
    specific names, as with the primrose and cowslip; and in this case
    scientific and common language will come into accordance. In short, we
    shall have to treat species in the same manner as those naturalists
    treat genera, who admit that genera are merely artificial combinations
    made for convenience. This may not be a cheering prospect; but we shall
    at least be freed from the vain search for the undiscovered and
    undiscoverable essence of the term species.

    The other and more general departments of natural history will rise
    greatly in interest. The terms used by naturalists of affinity,
    relationship, community of type, paternity, morphology, adaptive
    characters, rudimentary and aborted organs, etc., will cease to be
    metaphorical, and will have a plain signification. When we no longer
    look at an organic being as a savage looks at a ship, as at something
    wholly beyond his comprehension; when we regard every production of
    nature as one which has had a history; when we contemplate every
    complex structure
    and instinct as the summing up of many contrivances, each useful to the
    possessor, nearly in the same way as when we look at any great
    mechanical invention as the summing up of the labour, the experience,
    the reason, and even the blunders of numerous workmen; when we thus
    view each organic being, how far more interesting, I speak from
    experience, will the study of natural history become!

    A grand and almost untrodden field of inquiry will be opened, on the
    causes and laws of variation, on correlation of growth, on the effects
    of use and disuse, on the direct action of external conditions, and so
    forth. The study of domestic productions will rise immensely in value.
    A new variety raised by man will be a far more important and
    interesting subject for study than one more species added to the
    infinitude of already recorded species. Our classifications will come
    to be, as far as they can be so made, genealogies; and will then truly
    give what may be called the plan of creation. The rules for classifying
    will no doubt become simpler when we have a definite object in view. We
    possess no pedigrees or armorial bearings; and we have to discover and
    trace the many diverging lines of descent in our natural genealogies,
    by characters of any kind which have long been inherited. Rudimentary
    organs will speak infallibly with respect to the nature of long-lost
    structures. Species and groups of species, which are called aberrant,
    and which may fancifully be called living fossils, will aid us in
    forming a picture of the ancient forms of life. Embryology will reveal
    to us the structure, in some degree obscured, of the prototypes of each
    great class.

    When we can feel assured that all the individuals of the same species,
    and all the closely allied species of most genera, have within a not
    very remote period descended
    from one parent, and have migrated from some one birthplace; and when
    we better know the many means of migration, then, by the light which
    geology now throws, and will continue to throw, on former changes of
    climate and of the level of the land, we shall surely be enabled to
    trace in an admirable manner the former migrations of the inhabitants
    of the whole world. Even at present, by comparing the differences of
    the inhabitants of the sea on the opposite sides of a continent, and
    the nature of the various inhabitants of that continent in relation to
    their apparent means of immigration, some light can be thrown on
    ancient geography.

    The noble science of Geology loses glory from the extreme imperfection
    of the record. The crust of the earth with its embedded remains must
    not be looked at as a well-filled museum, but as a poor collection made
    at hazard and at rare intervals. The accumulation of each great
    fossiliferous formation will be recognised as having depended on an
    unusual concurrence of circumstances, and the blank intervals between
    the successive stages as having been of vast duration. But we shall be
    able to gauge with some security the duration of these intervals by a
    comparison of the preceding and succeeding organic forms. We must be
    cautious in attempting to correlate as strictly contemporaneous two
    formations, which include few identical species, by the general
    succession of their forms of life. As species are produced and
    exterminated by slowly acting and still existing causes, and not by
    miraculous acts of creation and by catastrophes; and as the most
    important of all causes of organic change is one which is almost
    independent of altered and perhaps suddenly altered physical
    conditions, namely, the mutual relation of organism to organism,—the
    improvement of one being entailing the improvement or the extermination
    of
    others; it follows, that the amount of organic change in the fossils of
    consecutive formations probably serves as a fair measure of the lapse
    of actual time. A number of species, however, keeping in a body might
    remain for a long period unchanged, whilst within this same period,
    several of these species, by migrating into new countries and coming
    into competition with foreign associates, might become modified; so
    that we must not overrate the accuracy of organic change as a measure
    of time. During early periods of the earth’s history, when the forms of
    life were probably fewer and simpler, the rate of change was probably
    slower; and at the first dawn of life, when very few forms of the
    simplest structure existed, the rate of change may have been slow in an
    extreme degree. The whole history of the world, as at present known,
    although of a length quite incomprehensible by us, will hereafter be
    recognised as a mere fragment of time, compared with the ages which
    have elapsed since the first creature, the progenitor of innumerable
    extinct and living descendants, was created.

    In the distant future I see open fields for far more important
    researches. Psychology will be based on a new foundation, that of the
    necessary acquirement of each mental power and capacity by gradation.
    Light will be thrown on the origin of man and his history.

    Authors of the highest eminence seem to be fully satisfied with the
    view that each species has been independently created. To my mind it
    accords better with what we know of the laws impressed on matter by the
    Creator, that the production and extinction of the past and present
    inhabitants of the world should have been due to secondary causes, like
    those determining the birth and death of the individual. When I view
    all beings not as special creations, but as the lineal descendants of
    some few beings which lived long before the
    first bed of the Silurian system was deposited, they seem to me to
    become ennobled. Judging from the past, we may safely infer that not
    one living species will transmit its unaltered likeness to a distant
    futurity. And of the species now living very few will transmit progeny
    of any kind to a far distant futurity; for the manner in which all
    organic beings are grouped, shows that the greater number of species of
    each genus, and all the species of many genera, have left no
    descendants, but have become utterly extinct. We can so far take a
    prophetic glance into futurity as to foretel that it will be the common
    and widely-spread species, belonging to the larger and dominant groups,
    which will ultimately prevail and procreate new and dominant species.
    As all the living forms of life are the lineal descendants of those
    which lived long before the Silurian epoch, we may feel certain that
    the ordinary succession by generation has never once been broken, and
    that no cataclysm has desolated the whole world. Hence we may look with
    some confidence to a secure future of equally inappreciable length. And
    as natural selection works solely by and for the good of each being,
    all corporeal and mental endowments will tend to progress towards
    perfection.

    It is interesting to contemplate an entangled bank, clothed with many
    plants of many kinds, with birds singing on the bushes, with various
    insects flitting about, and with worms crawling through the damp earth,
    and to reflect that these elaborately constructed forms, so different
    from each other, and dependent on each other in so complex a manner,
    have all been produced by laws acting around us. These laws, taken in
    the largest sense, being Growth with Reproduction; Inheritance which is
    almost implied by reproduction; Variability from the indirect and
    direct action of the external conditions
    of life, and from use and disuse; a Ratio of Increase so high as to
    lead to a Struggle for Life, and as a consequence to Natural Selection,
    entailing Divergence of Character and the Extinction of less-improved
    forms. Thus, from the war of nature, from famine and death, the most
    exalted object which we are capable of conceiving, namely, the
    production of the higher animals, directly follows. There is grandeur
    in this view of life, with its several powers, having been originally
    breathed into a few forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has
    gone cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple a
    beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been,
    and are being, evolved.

  • D. H. Lawrence《LADY CHATTERLEY’S LOVER》

    Chapter 1

    Ours is essentially a tragic age, so we refuse to take it tragically. The cataclysm has happened, we are among the ruins, we start to build up new little habitats, to have new little hopes. It is rather hard work: there is now no smooth road into the future: but we go round, or scramble over the obstacles. We’ve got to live, no matter how many skies have fallen.

    This was more or less Constance Chatterley’s position. The war had brought the roof down over her head. And she had realized that one must live and learn.

    She married Clifford Chatterley in 1917, when he was home for a month on leave. They had a month’s honeymoon. Then he went back to Flanders: to be shipped over to England again six months later, more or less in bits. Constance, his wife, was then twenty-three years old, and he was twenty-nine.

    His hold on life was marvellous. He didn’t die, and the bits seemed to grow together again. For two years he remained in the doctor’s hands. Then he was pronounced a cure, and could return to life again, with the lower half of his body, from the hips down, paralysed for ever.

    This was in 1920. They returned, Clifford and Constance, to his home, Wragby Hall, the family ‘seat’. His father had died, Clifford was now a baronet, Sir Clifford, and Constance was Lady Chatterley. They came to start housekeeping and married life in the rather forlorn home of the Chatterleys on a rather inadequate income. Clifford had a sister, but she had departed. Otherwise there were no near relatives. The elder brother was dead in the war. Crippled for ever, knowing he could never have any children, Clifford came home to the smoky Midlands to keep the Chatterley name alive while he could.

    He was not really downcast. He could wheel himself about in a wheeled chair, and he had a bath-chair with a small motor attachment, so he could drive himself slowly round the garden and into the fine melancholy park, of which he was really so proud, though he pretended to be flippant about it.

    Having suffered so much, the capacity for suffering had to some extent left him. He remained strange and bright and cheerful, almost, one might say, chirpy, with his ruddy, healthy-looking face, and his pale-blue, challenging bright eyes. His shoulders were broad and strong, his hands were very strong. He was expensively dressed, and wore handsome neckties from Bond Street. Yet still in his face one saw the watchful look, the slight vacancy of a cripple.

    He had so very nearly lost his life, that what remained was wonderfully precious to him. It was obvious in the anxious brightness of his eyes, how proud he was, after the great shock, of being alive. But he had been so much hurt that something inside him had perished, some of his feelings had gone. There was a blank of insentience.

    Constance, his wife, was a ruddy, country-looking girl with soft brown hair and sturdy body, and slow movements, full of unusual energy. She had big, wondering eyes, and a soft mild voice, and seemed just to have come from her native village. It was not so at all. Her father was the once well-known R. A., old Sir Malcolm Reid. Her mother had been one of the cultivated Fabians in the palmy, rather pre-Raphaelite days. Between artists and cultured socialists, Constance and her sister Hilda had had what might be called an aesthetically unconventional upbringing. They had been taken to Paris and Florence and Rome to breathe in art, and they had been taken also in the other direction, to the Hague and Berlin, to great Socialist conventions, where the speakers spoke in every civilized tongue, and no one was abashed.

    The two girls, therefore, were from an early age not the least daunted by either art or ideal politics. It was their natural atmosphere. They were at once cosmopolitan and provincial, with the cosmopolitan provincialism of art that goes with pure social ideals.

    They had been sent to Dresden at the age of fifteen, for music among other things. And they had had a good time there. They lived freely among the students, they argued with the men over philosophical, sociological and artistic matters, they were just as good as the men themselves: only better, since they were women. And they tramped off to the forests with sturdy youths bearing guitars, twang-twang! They sang the Wandervogel songs, and they were free. Free! That was the great word. Out in the open world, out in the forests of the morning, with lusty and splendid-throated young fellows, free to do as they liked, and–above all–to say what they liked. It was the talk that mattered supremely: the impassioned interchange of talk. Love was only a minor accompaniment.

    Both Hilda and Constance had had their tentative love-affairs by the time they were eighteen. The young men with whom they talked so passionately and sang so lustily and camped under the trees in such freedom wanted, of course, the love connexion. The girls were doubtful, but then the thing was so much talked about, it was supposed to be so important. And the men were so humble and craving. Why couldn’t a girl be queenly, and give the gift of herself?

    So they had given the gift of themselves, each to the youth with whom she had the most subtle and intimate arguments. The arguments, the discussions were the great thing: the love-making and connexion were only a sort of primitive reversion and a bit of an anti-climax. One was less in love with the boy afterwards, and a little inclined to hate him, as if he had trespassed on one’s privacy and inner freedom. For, of course, being a girl, one’s whole dignity and meaning in life consisted in the achievement of an absolute, a perfect, a pure and noble freedom. What else did a girl’s life mean? To shake off the old and sordid connexions and subjections.

    And however one might sentimentalize it, this sex business was one of the most ancient, sordid connexions and subjections. Poets who glorified it were mostly men. Women had always known there was something better, something higher. And now they knew it more definitely than ever. The beautiful pure freedom of a woman was infinitely more wonderful than any sexual love. The only unfortunate thing was that men lagged so far behind women in the matter. They insisted on the sex thing like dogs.

    And a woman had to yield. A man was like a child with his appetites. A woman had to yield him what he wanted, or like a child he would probably turn nasty and flounce away and spoil what was a very pleasant connexion. But a woman could yield to a man without yielding her inner, free self. That the poets and talkers about sex did not seem to have taken sufficiently into account. A woman could take a man without really giving herself away. Certainly she could take him without giving herself into his power. Rather she could use this sex thing to have power over him. For she only had to hold herself back in sexual intercourse, and let him finish and expend himself without herself coming to the crisis: and then she could prolong the connexion and achieve her orgasm and her crisis while he was merely her tool.

    Both sisters had had their love experience by the time the war came, and they were hurried home. Neither was ever in love with a young man unless he and she were verbally very near: that is unless they were profoundly interested, talking to one another. The amazing, the profound, the unbelievable thrill there was in passionately talking to some really clever young man by the hour, resuming day after day for months…this they had never realized till it happened! The paradisal promise: Thou shalt have men to talk to!–had never been uttered. It was fulfilled before they knew what a promise it was.

    And if after the roused intimacy of these vivid and soul-enlightened discussions the sex thing became more or less inevitable, then let it. It marked the end of a chapter. It had a thrill of its own too: a queer vibrating thrill inside the body, a final spasm of self-assertion, like the last word, exciting, and very like the row of asterisks that can be put to show the end of a paragraph, and a break in the theme.

    When the girls came home for the summer holidays of 1913, when Hilda was twenty and Connie eighteen, their father could see plainly that they had had the love experience.

    L’amour avait passe par la, as somebody puts it. But he was a man of experience himself, and let life take its course. As for the mother, a nervous invalid in the last few months of her life, she wanted her girls to be ‘free’, and to ‘fulfil themselves’. She herself had never been able to be altogether herself: it had been denied her. Heaven knows why, for she was a woman who had her own income and her own way. She blamed her husband. But as a matter of fact, it was some old impression of authority on her own mind or soul that she could not get rid of. It had nothing to do with Sir Malcolm, who left his nervously hostile, high-spirited wife to rule her own roost, while he went his own way.

    So the girls were ‘free’, and went back to Dresden, and their music, and the university and the young men. They loved their respective young men, and their respective young men loved them with all the passion of mental attraction. All the wonderful things the young men thought and expressed and wrote, they thought and expressed and wrote for the young women. Connie’s young man was musical, Hilda’s was technical. But they simply lived for their young women. In their minds and their mental excitements, that is. Somewhere else they were a little rebuffed, though they did not know it.

    It was obvious in them too that love had gone through them: that is, the physical experience. It is curious what a subtle but unmistakable transmutation it makes, both in the body of men and women: the woman more blooming, more subtly rounded, her young angularities softened, and her expression either anxious or triumphant: the man much quieter, more inward, the very shapes of his shoulders and his buttocks less assertive, more hesitant.

    In the actual sex-thrill within the body, the sisters nearly succumbed to the strange male power. But quickly they recovered themselves, took the sex-thrill as a sensation, and remained free. Whereas the men, in gratitude to the woman for the sex experience, let their souls go out to her. And afterwards looked rather as if they had lost a shilling and found sixpence. Connie’s man could be a bit sulky, and Hilda’s a bit jeering. But that is how men are! Ungrateful and never satisfied. When you don’t have them they hate you because you won’t; and when you do have them they hate you again, for some other reason. Or for no reason at all, except that they are discontented children, and can’t be satisfied whatever they get, let a woman do what she may.

    However, came the war, Hilda and Connie were rushed home again after having been home already in May, to their mother’s funeral. Before Christmas of 1914 both their German young men were dead: whereupon the sisters wept, and loved the young men passionately, but underneath forgot them. They didn’t exist any more.

    Both sisters lived in their father’s, really their mother’s, Kensington house, and mixed with the young Cambridge group, the group that stood for ‘freedom’ and flannel trousers, and flannel shirts open at the neck, and a well-bred sort of emotional anarchy, and a whispering, murmuring sort of voice, and an ultra-sensitive sort of manner. Hilda, however, suddenly married a man ten years older than herself, an elder member of the same Cambridge group, a man with a fair amount of money, and a comfortable family job in the government: he also wrote philosophical essays. She lived with him in a smallish house in Westminster, and moved in that good sort of society of people in the government who are not tip-toppers, but who are, or would be, the real intelligent power in the nation: people who know what they’re talking about, or talk as if they did.

    Connie did a mild form of war-work, and consorted with the flannel-trousers Cambridge intransigents, who gently mocked at everything, so far. Her ‘friend’ was a Clifford Chatterley, a young man of twenty-two, who had hurried home from Bonn, where he was studying the technicalities of coal-mining. He had previously spent two years at Cambridge. Now he had become a first lieutenant in a smart regiment, so he could mock at everything more becomingly in uniform.

    Clifford Chatterley was more upper-class than Connie. Connie was well-to-do intelligentsia, but he was aristocracy. Not the big sort, but still it. His father was a baronet, and his mother had been a viscount’s daughter.

    But Clifford, while he was better bred than Connie, and more ‘society’, was in his own way more provincial and more timid. He was at his ease in the narrow ‘great world’, that is, landed aristocracy society, but he was shy and nervous of all that other big world which consists of the vast hordes of the middle and lower classes, and foreigners. If the truth must be told, he was just a little bit frightened of middle-and lower-class humanity, and of foreigners not of his own class. He was, in some paralysing way, conscious of his own defencelessness, though he had all the defence of privilege. Which is curious, but a phenomenon of our day.

    Therefore the peculiar soft assurance of a girl like Constance Reid fascinated him. She was so much more mistress of herself in that outer world of chaos than he was master of himself.

    Nevertheless he too was a rebel: rebelling even against his class. Or perhaps rebel is too strong a word; far too strong. He was only caught in the general, popular recoil of the young against convention and against any sort of real authority. Fathers were ridiculous: his own obstinate one supremely so. And governments were ridiculous: our own wait-and-see sort especially so. And armies were ridiculous, and old buffers of generals altogether, the red-faced Kitchener supremely. Even the war was ridiculous, though it did kill rather a lot of people.

    In fact everything was a little ridiculous, or very ridiculous: certainly everything connected with authority, whether it were in the army or the government or the universities, was ridiculous to a degree. And as far as the governing class made any pretensions to govern, they were ridiculous too. Sir Geoffrey, Clifford’s father, was intensely ridiculous, chopping down his trees, and weeding men out of his colliery to shove them into the war; and himself being so safe and patriotic; but, also, spending more money on his country than he’d got.

    When Miss Chatterley–Emma–came down to London from the Midlands to do some nursing work, she was very witty in a quiet way about Sir Geoffrey and his determined patriotism. Herbert, the elder brother and heir, laughed outright, though it was his trees that were felling for trench props. But Clifford only smiled a little uneasily. Everything was ridiculous, quite true. But when it came too close and oneself became ridiculous too…? At least people of a different class, like Connie, were earnest about something. They believed in something.

    They were rather earnest about the Tommies, and the threat of conscription, and the shortage of sugar and toffee for the children. In all these things, of course, the authorities were ridiculously at fault. But Clifford could not take it to heart. To him the authorities were ridiculous ab ovo, not because of toffee or Tommies.

    And the authorities felt ridiculous, and behaved in a rather ridiculous fashion, and it was all a mad hatter’s tea-party for a while. Till things developed over there, and Lloyd George came to save the situation over here. And this surpassed even ridicule, the flippant young laughed no more.

    In 1916 Herbert Chatterley was killed, so Clifford became heir. He was terrified even of this. His importance as son of Sir Geoffrey, and child of Wragby, was so ingrained in him, he could never escape it. And yet he knew that this too, in the eyes of the vast seething world, was ridiculous. Now he was heir and responsible for Wragby. Was that not terrible? and also splendid and at the same time, perhaps, purely absurd?

    Sir Geoffrey would have none of the absurdity. He was pale and tense, withdrawn into himself, and obstinately determined to save his country and his own position, let it be Lloyd George or who it might. So cut off he was, so divorced from the England that was really England, so utterly incapable, that he even thought well of Horatio Bottomley. Sir Geoffrey stood for England and Lloyd George as his forebears had stood for England and St George: and he never knew there was a difference. So Sir Geoffrey felled timber and stood for Lloyd George and England, England and Lloyd George.

    And he wanted Clifford to marry and produce an heir. Clifford felt his father was a hopeless anachronism. But wherein was he himself any further ahead, except in a wincing sense of the ridiculousness of everything, and the paramount ridiculousness of his own position? For willy-nilly he took his baronetcy and Wragby with the last seriousness.

    The gay excitement had gone out of the war…dead. Too much death and horror. A man needed support and comfort. A man needed to have an anchor in the safe world. A man needed a wife.

    The Chatterleys, two brothers and a sister, had lived curiously isolated, shut in with one another at Wragby, in spite of all their connexions. A sense of isolation intensified the family tie, a sense of the weakness of their position, a sense of defencelessness, in spite of, or because of, the title and the land. They were cut off from those industrial Midlands in which they passed their lives. And they were cut off from their own class by the brooding, obstinate, shut-up nature of Sir Geoffrey, their father, whom they ridiculed, but whom they were so sensitive about.

    The three had said they would all live together always. But now Herbert was dead, and Sir Geoffrey wanted Clifford to marry. Sir Geoffrey barely mentioned it: he spoke very little. But his silent, brooding insistence that it should be so was hard for Clifford to bear up against.

    But Emma said No! She was ten years older than Clifford, and she felt his marrying would be a desertion and a betrayal of what the young ones of the family had stood for.

    Clifford married Connie, nevertheless, and had his month’s honeymoon with her. It was the terrible year 1917, and they were intimate as two people who stand together on a sinking ship. He had been virgin when he married: and the sex part did not mean much to him. They were so close, he and she, apart from that. And Connie exulted a little in this intimacy which was beyond sex, and beyond a man’s ‘satisfaction’. Clifford anyhow was not just keen on his ‘satisfaction’, as so many men seemed to be. No, the intimacy was deeper, more personal than that. And sex was merely an accident, or an adjunct, one of the curious obsolete, organic processes which persisted in its own clumsiness, but was not really necessary. Though Connie did want children: if only to fortify her against her sister-in-law Emma.

    But early in 1918 Clifford was shipped home smashed, and there was no child. And Sir Geoffrey died of chagrin.

    Chapter 2

    Connie and Clifford came home to Wragby in the autumn of 1920. Miss Chatterley, still disgusted at her brother’s defection, had departed and was living in a little flat in London.

    Wragby was a long low old house in brown stone, begun about the middle of the eighteenth century, and added on to, till it was a warren of a place without much distinction. It stood on an eminence in a rather fine old park of oak trees, but alas, one could see in the near distance the chimney of Tevershall pit, with its clouds of steam and smoke, and on the damp, hazy distance of the hill the raw straggle of Tevershall village, a village which began almost at the park gates, and trailed in utter hopeless ugliness for a long and gruesome mile: houses, rows of wretched, small, begrimed, brick houses, with black slate roofs for lids, sharp angles and wilful, blank dreariness.

    Connie was accustomed to Kensington or the Scotch hills or the Sussex downs: that was her England. With the stoicism of the young she took in the utter, soulless ugliness of the coal-and-iron Midlands at a glance, and left it at what it was: unbelievable and not to be thought about. From the rather dismal rooms at Wragby she heard the rattle-rattle of the screens at the pit, the puff of the winding-engine, the clink-clink of shunting trucks, and the hoarse little whistle of the colliery locomotives. Tevershall pit-bank was burning, had been burning for years, and it would cost thousands to put it out. So it had to burn. And when the wind was that way, which was often, the house was full of the stench of this sulphurous combustion of the earth’s excrement. But even on windless days the air always smelt of something under-earth: sulphur, iron, coal, or acid. And even on the Christmas roses the smuts settled persistently, incredible, like black manna from the skies of doom.

    Well, there it was: fated like the rest of things! It was rather awful, but why kick? You couldn’t kick it away. It just went on. Life, like all the rest! On the low dark ceiling of cloud at night red blotches burned and quavered, dappling and swelling and contracting, like burns that give pain. It was the furnaces. At first they fascinated Connie with a sort of horror; she felt she was living underground. Then she got used to them. And in the morning it rained.

    Clifford professed to like Wragby better than London. This country had a grim will of its own, and the people had guts. Connie wondered what else they had: certainly neither eyes nor minds. The people were as haggard, shapeless, and dreary as the countryside, and as unfriendly. Only there was something in their deep-mouthed slurring of the dialect, and the thresh-thresh of their hob-nailed pit-boots as they trailed home in gangs on the asphalt from work, that was terrible and a bit mysterious.

    There had been no welcome home for the young squire, no festivities, no deputation, not even a single flower. Only a dank ride in a motor-car up a dark, damp drive, burrowing through gloomy trees, out to the slope of the park where grey damp sheep were feeding, to the knoll where the house spread its dark brown facade, and the housekeeper and her husband were hovering, like unsure tenants on the face of the earth, ready to stammer a welcome.

    There was no communication between Wragby Hall and Tevershall village, none. No caps were touched, no curtseys bobbed. The colliers merely stared; the tradesmen lifted their caps to Connie as to an acquaintance, and nodded awkwardly to Clifford; that was all. Gulf impassable, and a quiet sort of resentment on either side. At first Connie suffered from the steady drizzle of resentment that came from the village. Then she hardened herself to it, and it became a sort of tonic, something to live up to. It was not that she and Clifford were unpopular, they merely belonged to another species altogether from the colliers. Gulf impassable, breach indescribable, such as is perhaps nonexistent south of the Trent. But in the Midlands and the industrial North gulf impassable, across which no communication could take place. You stick to your side, I’ll stick to mine! A strange denial of the common pulse of humanity.

    Yet the village sympathized with Clifford and Connie in the abstract. In the flesh it was–You leave me alone!–on either side.

    The rector was a nice man of about sixty, full of his duty, and reduced, personally, almost to a nonentity by the silent–You leave me alone!–of the village. The miners’ wives were nearly all Methodists. The miners were nothing. But even so much official uniform as the clergyman wore was enough to obscure entirely the fact that he was a man like any other man. No, he was Mester Ashby, a sort of automatic preaching and praying concern.

    This stubborn, instinctive–We think ourselves as good as you, if you are Lady Chatterley!–puzzled and baffled Connie at first extremely. The curious, suspicious, false amiability with which the miners’ wives met her overtures; the curiously offensive tinge of–Oh dear me! I am somebody now, with Lady Chatterley talking to me! But she needn’t think I’m not as good as her for all that!–which she always heard twanging in the women’s half-fawning voices, was impossible. There was no getting past it. It was hopelessly and offensively nonconformist.

    Clifford left them alone, and she learnt to do the same: she just went by without looking at them, and they stared as if she were a walking wax figure. When he had to deal with them, Clifford was rather haughty and contemptuous; one could no longer afford to be friendly. In fact he was altogether rather supercilious and contemptuous of anyone not in his own class. He stood his ground, without any attempt at conciliation. And he was neither liked nor disliked by the people: he was just part of things, like the pit-bank and Wragby itself.

    But Clifford was really extremely shy and self-conscious now he was lamed. He hated seeing anyone except just the personal servants. For he had to sit in a wheeled chair or a sort of bath-chair. Nevertheless he was just as carefully dressed as ever, by his expensive tailors, and he wore the careful Bond Street neckties just as before, and from the top he looked just as smart and impressive as ever. He had never been one of the modern ladylike young men: rather bucolic even, with his ruddy face and broad shoulders. But his very quiet, hesitating voice, and his eyes, at the same time bold and frightened, assured and uncertain, revealed his nature. His manner was often offensively supercilious, and then again modest and self-effacing, almost tremulous.

    Connie and he were attached to one another, in the aloof modern way. He was much too hurt in himself, the great shock of his maiming, to be easy and flippant. He was a hurt thing. And as such Connie stuck to him passionately.

    But she could not help feeling how little connexion he really had with people. The miners were, in a sense, his own men; but he saw them as objects rather than men, parts of the pit rather than parts of life, crude raw phenomena rather than human beings along with him. He was in some way afraid of them, he could not bear to have them look at him now he was lame. And their queer, crude life seemed as unnatural as that of hedgehogs.

    He was remotely interested; but like a man looking down a microscope, or up a telescope. He was not in touch. He was not in actual touch with anybody, save, traditionally, with Wragby, and, through the close bond of family defence, with Emma. Beyond this nothing really touched him. Connie felt that she herself didn’t really, not really touch him; perhaps there was nothing to get at ultimately; just a negation of human contact.

    Yet he was absolutely dependent on her, he needed her every moment. Big and strong as he was, he was helpless. He could wheel himself about in a wheeled chair, and he had a sort of bath-chair with a motor attachment, in which he could puff slowly round the park. But alone he was like a lost thing. He needed Connie to be there, to assure him he existed at all.

    Still he was ambitious. He had taken to writing stories; curious, very personal stories about people he had known. Clever, rather spiteful, and yet, in some mysterious way, meaningless. The observation was extraordinary and peculiar. But there was no touch, no actual contact. It was as if the whole thing took place in a vacuum. And since the field of life is largely an artificially-lighted stage today, the stories were curiously true to modern life, to the modern psychology, that is.

    Clifford was almost morbidly sensitive about these stories. He wanted everyone to think them good, of the best, ne plus ultra. They appeared in the most modern magazines, and were praised and blamed as usual. But to Clifford the blame was torture, like knives goading him. It was as if the whole of his being were in his stories.

    Connie helped him as much as she could. At first she was thrilled. He talked everything over with her monotonously, insistently, persistently, and she had to respond with all her might. It was as if her whole soul and body and sex had to rouse up and pass into theme stories of his. This thrilled her and absorbed her.

    Of physical life they lived very little. She had to superintend the house. But the housekeeper had served Sir Geoffrey for many years, and the dried-up, elderly, superlatively correct female you could hardly call her a parlour-maid, or even a woman…who waited at table, had been in the house for forty years. Even the very housemaids were no longer young. It was awful! What could you do with such a place, but leave it alone! All these endless rooms that nobody used, all the Midlands routine, the mechanical cleanliness and the mechanical order! Clifford had insisted on a new cook, an experienced woman who had served him in his rooms in London. For the rest the place seemed run by mechanical anarchy. Everything went on in pretty good order, strict cleanliness, and strict punctuality; even pretty strict honesty. And yet, to Connie, it was a methodical anarchy. No warmth of feeling united it organically. The house seemed as dreary as a disused street.

    What could she do but leave it alone? So she left it alone. Miss Chatterley came sometimes, with her aristocratic thin face, and triumphed, finding nothing altered. She would never forgive Connie for ousting her from her union in consciousness with her brother. It was she, Emma, who should be bringing forth the stories, these books, with him; the Chatterley stories, something new in the world, that they, the Chatterleys, had put there. There was no other standard. There was no organic connexion with the thought and expression that had gone before. Only something new in the world: the Chatterley books, entirely personal.

    Connie’s father, where he paid a flying visit to Wragby, and in private to his daughter: As for Clifford’s writing, it’s smart, but there’s nothing in it. It won’t last! Connie looked at the burly Scottish knight who had done himself well all his life, and her eyes, her big, still-wondering blue eyes became vague. Nothing in it! What did he mean by nothing in it? If the critics praised it, and Clifford’s name was almost famous, and it even brought in money…what did her father mean by saying there was nothing in Clifford’s writing? What else could there be?

    For Connie had adopted the standard of the young: what there was in the moment was everything. And moments followed one another without necessarily belonging to one another.

    It was in her second winter at Wragby her father said to her: ‘I hope, Connie, you won’t let circumstances force you into being a demi-vierge.’

    ‘A demi-vierge!’ replied Connie vaguely. ‘Why? Why not?’

    ‘Unless you like it, of course!’ said her father hastily. To Clifford he said the same, when the two men were alone: ‘I’m afraid it doesn’t quite suit Connie to be a demi-vierge.’

    ‘A half-virgin!’ replied Clifford, translating the phrase to be sure of it.

    He thought for a moment, then flushed very red. He was angry and offended.

    ‘In what way doesn’t it suit her?’ he asked stiffly.

    ‘She’s getting thin…angular. It’s not her style. She’s not the pilchard sort of little slip of a girl, she’s a bonny Scotch trout.’

    ‘Without the spots, of course!’ said Clifford.

    He wanted to say something later to Connie about the demi-vierge business…the half-virgin state of her affairs. But he could not bring himself to do it. He was at once too intimate with her and not intimate enough. He was so very much at one with her, in his mind and hers, but bodily they were non-existent to one another, and neither could bear to drag in the corpus delicti. They were so intimate, and utterly out of touch.

    Connie guessed, however, that her father had said something, and that something was in Clifford’s mind. She knew that he didn’t mind whether she were demi-vierge or demi-monde, so long as he didn’t absolutely know, and wasn’t made to see. What the eye doesn’t see and the mind doesn’t know, doesn’t exist.

    Connie and Clifford had now been nearly two years at Wragby, living their vague life of absorption in Clifford and his work. Their interests had never ceased to flow together over his work. They talked and wrestled in the throes of composition, and felt as if something were happening, really happening, really in the void.

    And thus far it was a life: in the void. For the rest it was non-existence. Wragby was there, the servants…but spectral, not really existing. Connie went for walks in the park, and in the woods that joined the park, and enjoyed the solitude and the mystery, kicking the brown leaves of autumn, and picking the primroses of spring. But it was all a dream; or rather it was like the simulacrum of reality. The oak-leaves were to her like oak-leaves seen ruffling in a mirror, she herself was a figure somebody had read about, picking primroses that were only shadows or memories, or words. No substance to her or anything…no touch, no contact! Only this life with Clifford, this endless spinning of webs of yarn, of the minutiae of consciousness, these stories Sir Malcolm said there was nothing in, and they wouldn’t last. Why should there be anything in them, why should they last? Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof. Sufficient unto the moment is the appearance of reality.

    Clifford had quite a number of friends, acquaintances really, and he invited them to Wragby. He invited all sorts of people, critics and writers, people who would help to praise his books. And they were flattered at being asked to Wragby, and they praised. Connie understood it all perfectly. But why not? This was one of the fleeting patterns in the mirror. What was wrong with it?

    She was hostess to these people…mostly men. She was hostess also to Clifford’s occasional aristocratic relations. Being a soft, ruddy, country-looking girl, inclined to freckles, with big blue eyes, and curling, brown hair, and a soft voice, and rather strong, female loins she was considered a little old-fashioned and ‘womanly’. She was not a ‘little pilchard sort of fish’, like a boy, with a boy’s flat breast and little buttocks. She was too feminine to be quite smart.

    So the men, especially those no longer young, were very nice to her indeed. But, knowing what torture poor Clifford would feel at the slightest sign of flirting on her part, she gave them no encouragement at all. She was quiet and vague, she had no contact with them and intended to have none. Clifford was extraordinarily proud of himself.

    His relatives treated her quite kindly. She knew that the kindliness indicated a lack of fear, and that these people had no respect for you unless you could frighten them a little. But again she had no contact. She let them be kindly and disdainful, she let them feel they had no need to draw their steel in readiness. She had no real connexion with them.

    Time went on. Whatever happened, nothing happened, because she was so beautifully out of contact. She and Clifford lived in their ideas and his books. She entertained…there were always people in the house. Time went on as the clock does, half past eight instead of half past seven.

    Chapter 3

    Connie was aware, however, of a growing restlessness. Out of her disconnexion, a restlessness was taking possession of her like madness. It twitched her limbs when she didn’t want to twitch them, it jerked her spine when she didn’t want to jerk upright but preferred to rest comfortably. It thrilled inside her body, in her womb, somewhere, till she felt she must jump into water and swim to get away from it; a mad restlessness. It made her heart beat violently for no reason. And she was getting thinner.

    It was just restlessness. She would rush off across the park, abandon Clifford, and lie prone in the bracken. To get away from the house…she must get away from the house and everybody. The work was her one refuge, her sanctuary.

    But it was not really a refuge, a sanctuary, because she had no connexion with it. It was only a place where she could get away from the rest. She never really touched the spirit of the wood itself…if it had any such nonsensical thing.

    Vaguely she knew herself that she was going to pieces in some way. Vaguely she knew she was out of connexion: she had lost touch with the substantial and vital world. Only Clifford and his books, which did not exist…which had nothing in them! Void to void. Vaguely she knew. But it was like beating her head against a stone.

    Her father warned her again: ‘Why don’t you get yourself a beau, Connie? Do you all the good in the world.’

    That winter Michaelis came for a few days. He was a young Irishman who had already made a large fortune by his plays in America. He had been taken up quite enthusiastically for a time by smart society in London, for he wrote smart society plays. Then gradually smart society realized that it had been made ridiculous at the hands of a down-at-heel Dublin street-rat, and revulsion came. Michaelis was the last word in what was caddish and bounderish. He was discovered to be anti-English, and to the class that made this discovery this was worse than the dirtiest crime. He was cut dead, and his corpse thrown into the refuse can.

    Nevertheless Michaelis had his apartment in Mayfair, and walked down Bond Street the image of a gentleman, for you cannot get even the best tailors to cut their low-down customers, when the customers pay.

    Clifford was inviting the young man of thirty at an inauspicious moment in that young man’s career. Yet Clifford did not hesitate. Michaelis had the ear of a few million people, probably; and, being a hopeless outsider, he would no doubt be grateful to be asked down to Wragby at this juncture, when the rest of the smart world was cutting him. Being grateful, he would no doubt do Clifford ‘good’ over there in America. Kudos! A man gets a lot of kudos, whatever that may be, by being talked about in the right way, especially ‘over there’. Clifford was a coming man; and it was remarkable what a sound publicity instinct he had. In the end Michaelis did him most nobly in a play, and Clifford was a sort of popular hero. Till the reaction, when he found he had been made ridiculous.

    Connie wondered a little over Clifford’s blind, imperious instinct to become known: known, that is, to the vast amorphous world he did not himself know, and of which he was uneasily afraid; known as a writer, as a first-class modern writer. Connie was aware from successful, old, hearty, bluffing Sir Malcolm, that artists did advertise themselves, and exert themselves to put their goods over. But her father used channels ready-made, used by all the other R. A.s who sold their pictures. Whereas Clifford discovered new channels of publicity, all kinds. He had all kinds of people at Wragby, without exactly lowering himself. But, determined to build himself a monument of a reputation quickly, he used any handy rubble in the making.

    Michaelis arrived duly, in a very neat car, with a chauffeur and a manservant. He was absolutely Bond Street! But at sight of him something in Clifford’s county soul recoiled. He wasn’t exactly… not exactly…in fact, he wasn’t at all, well, what his appearance intended to imply. To Clifford this was final and enough. Yet he was very polite to the man; to the amazing success in him. The bitch-goddess, as she is called, of Success, roamed, snarling and protective, round the half-humble, half-defiant Michaelis’ heels, and intimidated Clifford completely: for he wanted to prostitute himself to the bitch-goddess, Success also, if only she would have him.

    Michaelis obviously wasn’t an Englishman, in spite of all the tailors, hatters, barbers, booters of the very best quarter of London. No, no, he obviously wasn’t an Englishman: the wrong sort of flattish, pale face and bearing; and the wrong sort of grievance. He had a grudge and a grievance: that was obvious to any true-born English gentleman, who would scorn to let such a thing appear blatant in his own demeanour. Poor Michaelis had been much kicked, so that he had a slightly tail-between-the-legs look even now. He had pushed his way by sheer instinct and sheerer effrontery on to the stage and to the front of it, with his plays. He had caught the public. And he had thought the kicking days were over. Alas, they weren’t… They never would be. For he, in a sense, asked to be kicked. He pined to be where he didn’t belong…among the English upper classes. And how they enjoyed the various kicks they got at him! And how he hated them!

    Nevertheless he travelled with his manservant and his very neat car, this Dublin mongrel.

    There was something about him that Connie liked. He didn’t put on airs to himself, he had no illusions about himself. He talked to Clifford sensibly, briefly, practically, about all the things Clifford wanted to know. He didn’t expand or let himself go. He knew he had been asked down to Wragby to be made use of, and like an old, shrewd, almost indifferent business man, or big-business man, he let himself be asked questions, and he answered with as little waste of feeling as possible.

    ‘Money!’ he said. ‘Money is a sort of instinct. It’s a sort of property of nature in a man to make money. It’s nothing you do. It’s no trick you play. It’s a sort of permanent accident of your own nature; once you start, you make money, and you go on; up to a point, I suppose.’

    ‘But you’ve got to begin,’ said Clifford.

    ‘Oh, quite! You’ve got to get in. You can do nothing if you are kept outside. You’ve got to beat your way in. Once you’ve done that, you can’t help it.’

    ‘But could you have made money except by plays?’ asked Clifford.

    ‘Oh, probably not! I may be a good writer or I may be a bad one, but a writer and a writer of plays is what I am, and I’ve got to be. There’s no question of that.’

    ‘And you think it’s a writer of popular plays that you’ve got to be?’ asked Connie.

    ‘There, exactly!’ he said, turning to her in a sudden flash. ‘There’s nothing in it! There’s nothing in popularity. There’s nothing in the public, if it comes to that. There’s nothing really in my plays to make them popular. It’s not that. They just are like the weather…the sort that will have to be…for the time being.’

    He turned his slow, rather full eyes, that had been drowned in such fathomless disillusion, on Connie, and she trembled a little. He seemed so old…endlessly old, built up of layers of disillusion, going down in him generation after generation, like geological strata; and at the same time he was forlorn like a child. An outcast, in a certain sense; but with the desperate bravery of his rat-like existence.

    ‘At least it’s wonderful what you’ve done at your time of life,’ said Clifford contemplatively.

    ‘I’m thirty…yes, I’m thirty!’ said Michaelis, sharply and suddenly, with a curious laugh; hollow, triumphant, and bitter.

    ‘And are you alone?’ asked Connie.

    ‘How do you mean? Do I live alone? I’ve got my servant. He’s a Greek, so he says, and quite incompetent. But I keep him. And I’m going to marry. Oh, yes, I must marry.’

    ‘It sounds like going to have your tonsils cut,’ laughed Connie. ‘Will it be an effort?’

    He looked at her admiringly. ‘Well, Lady Chatterley, somehow it will! I find… excuse me… I find I can’t marry an Englishwoman, not even an Irishwoman…’

    ‘Try an American,’ said Clifford.

    ‘Oh, American!’ He laughed a hollow laugh. ‘No, I’ve asked my man if he will find me a Turk or something…something nearer to the Oriental.’

    Connie really wondered at this queer, melancholy specimen of extraordinary success; it was said he had an income of fifty thousand dollars from America alone. Sometimes he was handsome: sometimes as he looked sideways, downwards, and the light fell on him, he had the silent, enduring beauty of a carved ivory Negro mask, with his rather full eyes, and the strong queerly-arched brows, the immobile, compressed mouth; that momentary but revealed immobility, an immobility, a timelessness which the Buddha aims at, and which Negroes express sometimes without ever aiming at it; something old, old, and acquiescent in the race! Aeons of acquiescence in race destiny, instead of our individual resistance. And then a swimming through, like rats in a dark river. Connie felt a sudden, strange leap of sympathy for him, a leap mingled with compassion, and tinged with repulsion, amounting almost to love. The outsider! The outsider! And they called him a bounder! How much more bounderish and assertive Clifford looked! How much stupider!

    Michaelis knew at once he had made an impression on her. He turned his full, hazel, slightly prominent eyes on her in a look of pure detachment. He was estimating her, and the extent of the impression he had made. With the English nothing could save him from being the eternal outsider, not even love. Yet women sometimes fell for him…Englishwomen too.

    He knew just where he was with Clifford. They were two alien dogs which would have liked to snarl at one another, but which smiled instead, perforce. But with the woman he was not quite so sure.

    Breakfast was served in the bedrooms; Clifford never appeared before lunch, and the dining-room was a little dreary. After coffee Michaelis, restless and ill-sitting soul, wondered what he should do. It was a fine November day … fine for Wragby. He looked over the melancholy park. My God! What a place!

    He sent a servant to ask, could he be of any service to Lady Chatterley: he thought of driving into Sheffield. The answer came, would he care to go up to Lady Chatterley’s sitting-room.

    Connie had a sitting-room on the third floor, the top floor of the central portion of the house. Clifford’s rooms were on the ground floor, of course. Michaelis was flattered by being asked up to Lady Chatterley’s own parlour. He followed blindly after the servant…he never noticed things, or had contact with his surroundings. In her room he did glance vaguely round at the fine German reproductions of Renoir and Cezanne.

    ‘It’s very pleasant up here,’ he said, with his queer smile, as if it hurt him to smile, showing his teeth. ‘You are wise to get up to the top.’

    ‘Yes, I think so,’ she said.

    Her room was the only gay, modern one in the house, the only spot in Wragby where her personality was at all revealed. Clifford had never seen it, and she asked very few people up.

    Now she and Michaelis sit on opposite sides of the fire and talked. She asked him about himself, his mother and father, his brothers…other people were always something of a wonder to her, and when her sympathy was awakened she was quite devoid of class feeling. Michaelis talked frankly about himself, quite frankly, without affectation, simply revealing his bitter, indifferent, stray-dog’s soul, then showing a gleam of revengeful pride in his success.

    ‘But why are you such a lonely bird?’ Connie asked him; and again he looked at her, with his full, searching, hazel look.

    ‘Some birds are that way,’ he replied. Then, with a touch of familiar irony: ‘but, look here, what about yourself? Aren’t you by way of being a lonely bird yourself?’ Connie, a little startled, thought about it for a few moments, and then she said: ‘Only in a way! Not altogether, like you!’

    ‘Am I altogether a lonely bird?’ he asked, with his queer grin of a smile, as if he had toothache; it was so wry, and his eyes were so perfectly unchangingly melancholy, or stoical, or disillusioned or afraid.

    ‘Why?’ she said, a little breathless, as she looked at him. ‘You are, aren’t you?’

    She felt a terrible appeal coming to her from him, that made her almost lose her balance.

    ‘Oh, you’re quite right!’ he said, turning his head away, and looking sideways, downwards, with that strange immobility of an old race that is hardly here in our present day. It was that that really made Connie lose her power to see him detached from herself.

    He looked up at her with the full glance that saw everything, registered everything. At the same time, the infant crying in the night was crying out of his breast to her, in a way that affected her very womb.

    ‘It’s awfully nice of you to think of me,’ he said laconically.

    ‘Why shouldn’t I think of you?’ she exclaimed, with hardly breath to utter it.

    He gave the wry, quick hiss of a laugh.

    ‘Oh, in that way!…May I hold your hand for a minute?’ he asked suddenly, fixing his eyes on her with almost hypnotic power, and sending out an appeal that affected her direct in the womb.

    She stared at him, dazed and transfixed, and he went over and kneeled beside her, and took her two feet close in his two hands, and buried his face in her lap, remaining motionless. She was perfectly dim and dazed, looking down in a sort of amazement at the rather tender nape of his neck, feeling his face pressing her thighs. In all her burning dismay, she could not help putting her hand, with tenderness and compassion, on the defenceless nape of his neck, and he trembled, with a deep shudder.

    Then he looked up at her with that awful appeal in his full, glowing eyes. She was utterly incapable of resisting it. From her breast flowed the answering, immense yearning over him; she must give him anything, anything.

    He was a curious and very gentle lover, very gentle with the woman, trembling uncontrollably, and yet at the same time detached, aware, aware of every sound outside.

    To her it meant nothing except that she gave herself to him. And at length he ceased to quiver any more, and lay quite still, quite still. Then, with dim, compassionate fingers, she stroked his head, that lay on her breast.

    When he rose, he kissed both her hands, then both her feet, in their suede slippers, and in silence went away to the end of the room, where he stood with his back to her. There was silence for some minutes. Then he turned and came to her again as she sat in her old place by the fire.

    ‘And now, I suppose you’ll hate me!’ he said in a quiet, inevitable way. She looked up at him quickly.

    ‘Why should I?’ she asked.

    ‘They mostly do,’ he said; then he caught himself up. ‘I mean…a woman is supposed to.’

    ‘This is the last moment when I ought to hate you,’ she said resentfully.

    ‘I know! I know! It should be so! You’re frightfully good to me…’ he cried miserably.

    She wondered why he should be miserable. ‘Won’t you sit down again?’ she said. He glanced at the door.

    ‘Sir Clifford!’ he said, ‘won’t he…won’t he be…?’ She paused a moment to consider. ‘Perhaps!’ she said. And she looked up at him. ‘I don’t want Clifford to know not even to suspect. It would hurt him so much. But I don’t think it’s wrong, do you?’

    ‘Wrong! Good God, no! You’re only too infinitely good to me…I can hardly bear it.’

    He turned aside, and she saw that in another moment he would be sobbing.

    ‘But we needn’t let Clifford know, need we?’ she pleaded. ‘It would hurt him so. And if he never knows, never suspects, it hurts nobody.’

    ‘Me!’ he said, almost fiercely; ‘he’ll know nothing from me! You see if he does. Me give myself away! Ha! Ha!’ he laughed hollowly, cynically, at such an idea. She watched him in wonder. He said to her: ‘May I kiss your hand and go? I’ll run into Sheffield I think, and lunch there, if I may, and be back to tea. May I do anything for you? May I be sure you don’t hate me?–and that you won’t?’–he ended with a desperate note of cynicism.

    ‘No, I don’t hate you,’ she said. ‘I think you’re nice.’

    ‘Ah!’ he said to her fiercely, ‘I’d rather you said that to me than said you love me! It means such a lot more…Till afternoon then. I’ve plenty to think about till then.’ He kissed her hands humbly and was gone.

    ‘I don’t think I can stand that young man,’ said Clifford at lunch.

    ‘Why?’ asked Connie.

    ‘He’s such a bounder underneath his veneer…just waiting to bounce us.’

    ‘I think people have been so unkind to him,’ said Connie.

    ‘Do you wonder? And do you think he employs his shining hours doing deeds of kindness?’

    ‘I think he has a certain sort of generosity.’

    ‘Towards whom?’

    ‘I don’t quite know.’

    ‘Naturally you don’t. I’m afraid you mistake unscrupulousness for generosity.’

    Connie paused. Did she? It was just possible. Yet the unscrupulousness of Michaelis had a certain fascination for her. He went whole lengths where Clifford only crept a few timid paces. In his way he had conquered the world, which was what Clifford wanted to do. Ways and means…? Were those of Michaelis more despicable than those of Clifford? Was the way the poor outsider had shoved and bounced himself forward in person, and by the back doors, any worse than Clifford’s way of advertising himself into prominence? The bitch-goddess, Success, was trailed by thousands of gasping dogs with lolling tongues. The one that got her first was the real dog among dogs, if you go by success! So Michaelis could keep his tail up.

    The queer thing was, he didn’t. He came back towards tea-time with a large handful of violets and lilies, and the same hang-dog expression. Connie wondered sometimes if it were a sort of mask to disarm opposition, because it was almost too fixed. Was he really such a sad dog?

    His sad-dog sort of extinguished self persisted all the evening, though through it Clifford felt the inner effrontery. Connie didn’t feel it, perhaps because it was not directed against women; only against men, and their presumptions and assumptions. That indestructible, inward effrontery in the meagre fellow was what made men so down on Michaelis. His very presence was an affront to a man of society, cloak it as he might in an assumed good manner.

    Connie was in love with him, but she managed to sit with her embroidery and let the men talk, and not give herself away. As for Michaelis, he was perfect; exactly the same melancholic, attentive, aloof young fellow of the previous evening, millions of degrees remote from his hosts, but laconically playing up to them to the required amount, and never coming forth to them for a moment. Connie felt he must have forgotten the morning. He had not forgotten. But he knew where he was…in the same old place outside, where the born outsiders are. He didn’t take the love-making altogether personally. He knew it would not change him from an ownerless dog, whom everybody begrudges its golden collar, into a comfortable society dog.

    The final fact being that at the very bottom of his soul he was an outsider, and anti-social, and he accepted the fact inwardly, no matter how Bond-Streety he was on the outside. His isolation was a necessity to him; just as the appearance of conformity and mixing-in with the smart people was also a necessity.

    But occasional love, as a comfort and soothing, was also a good thing, and he was not ungrateful. On the contrary, he was burningly, poignantly grateful for a piece of natural, spontaneous kindness: almost to tears. Beneath his pale, immobile, disillusioned face, his child’s soul was sobbing with gratitude to the woman, and burning to come to her again; just as his outcast soul was knowing he would keep really clear of her.

    He found an opportunity to say to her, as they were lighting the candles in the hall:

    ‘May I come?’

    ‘I’ll come to you,’ she said.

    ‘Oh, good!’

    He waited for her a long time…but she came.

    He was the trembling excited sort of lover, whose crisis soon came, and was finished. There was something curiously childlike and defenceless about his naked body: as children are naked. His defences were all in his wits and cunning, his very instincts of cunning, and when these were in abeyance he seemed doubly naked and like a child, of unfinished, tender flesh, and somehow struggling helplessly.

    He roused in the woman a wild sort of compassion and yearning, and a wild, craving physical desire. The physical desire he did not satisfy in her; he was always come and finished so quickly, then shrinking down on her breast, and recovering somewhat his effrontery while she lay dazed, disappointed, lost.

    But then she soon learnt to hold him, to keep him there inside her when his crisis was over. And there he was generous and curiously potent; he stayed firm inside her, giving to her, while she was active…wildly, passionately active, coming to her own crisis. And as he felt the frenzy of her achieving her own orgasmic satisfaction from his hard, erect passivity, he had a curious sense of pride and satisfaction.

    ‘Ah, how good!’ she whispered tremulously, and she became quite still, clinging to him. And he lay there in his own isolation, but somehow proud.

    He stayed that time only the three days, and to Clifford was exactly the same as on the first evening; to Connie also. There was no breaking down his external man.

    He wrote to Connie with the same plaintive melancholy note as ever, sometimes witty, and touched with a queer, sexless affection. A kind of hopeless affection he seemed to feel for her, and the essential remoteness remained the same. He was hopeless at the very core of him, and he wanted to be hopeless. He rather hated hope. ‘Une immense esprance a travers la terre’, he read somewhere, and his comment was:’–and it’s darned-well drowned everything worth having.’

    Connie never really understood him, but, in her way, she loved him. And all the time she felt the reflection of his hopelessness in her. She couldn’t quite, quite love in hopelessness. And he, being hopeless, couldn’t ever quite love at all.

    So they went on for quite a time, writing, and meeting occasionally in London. She still wanted the physical, sexual thrill she could get with him by her own activity, his little orgasm being over. And he still wanted to give it her. Which was enough to keep them connected.

    And enough to give her a subtle sort of self-assurance, something blind and a little arrogant. It was an almost mechanical confidence in her own powers, and went with a great cheerfulness.

    She was terrifically cheerful at Wragby. And she used all her aroused cheerfulness and satisfaction to stimulate Clifford, so that he wrote his best at this time, and was almost happy in his strange blind way. He really reaped the fruits of the sensual satisfaction she got out of Michaelis’ male passivity erect inside her. But of course he never knew it, and if he had, he wouldn’t have said thank you!

    Yet when those days of her grand joyful cheerfulness and stimulus were gone, quite gone, and she was depressed and irritable, how Clifford longed for them again! Perhaps if he’d known he might even have wished to get her and Michaelis together again.

    Chapter 4

    Connie always had a foreboding of the hopelessness of her affair with Mick, as people called him. Yet other men seemed to mean nothing to her. She was attached to Clifford. He wanted a good deal of her life and she gave it to him. But she wanted a good deal from the life of a man, and this Clifford did not give her; could not. There were occasional spasms of Michaelis. But, as she knew by foreboding, that would come to an end. Mick couldn’t keep anything up. It was part of his very being that he must break off any connexion, and be loose, isolated, absolutely lone dog again. It was his major necessity, even though he always said: She turned me down!

    The world is supposed to be full of possibilities, but they narrow down to pretty few in most personal experience. There’s lots of good fish in the sea…maybe…but the vast masses seem to be mackerel or herring, and if you’re not mackerel or herring yourself you are likely to find very few good fish in the sea.

    Clifford was making strides into fame, and even money. People came to see him. Connie nearly always had somebody at Wragby. But if they weren’t mackerel they were herring, with an occasional cat-fish, or conger-eel.

    There were a few regular men, constants; men who had been at Cambridge with Clifford. There was Tommy Dukes, who had remained in the army, and was a Brigadier-General. ‘The army leaves me time to think, and saves me from having to face the battle of life,’ he said.

    There was Charles May, an Irishman, who wrote scientifically about stars. There was Hammond, another writer. All were about the same age as Clifford; the young intellectuals of the day. They all believed in the life of the mind. What you did apart from that was your private affair, and didn’t much matter. No one thinks of inquiring of another person at what hour he retires to the privy. It isn’t interesting to anyone but the person concerned.

    And so with most of the matters of ordinary life…how you make your money, or whether you love your wife, or if you have ‘affairs’. All these matters concern only the person concerned, and, like going to the privy, have no interest for anyone else.

    ‘The whole point about the sexual problem,’ said Hammond, who was a tall thin fellow with a wife and two children, but much more closely connected with a typewriter, ‘is that there is no point to it. Strictly there is no problem. We don’t want to follow a man into the w.c., so why should we want to follow him into bed with a woman? And therein lies the problem. If we took no more notice of the one thing than the other, there’d be no problem. It’s all utterly senseless and pointless; a matter of misplaced curiosity.’

    ‘Quite, Hammond, quite! But if someone starts making love to Julia, you begin to simmer; and if he goes on, you are soon at boiling point.’…Julia was Hammond’s wife.

    ‘Why, exactly! So I should be if he began to urinate in a corner of my drawing-room. There’s a place for all these things.’

    ‘You mean you wouldn’t mind if he made love to Julia in some discreet alcove?’

    Charlie May was slightly satirical, for he had flirted a very little with Julia, and Hammond had cut up very roughly.

    ‘Of course I should mind. Sex is a private thing between me and Julia; and of course I should mind anyone else trying to mix in.’

    ‘As a matter of fact,’ said the lean and freckled Tommy Dukes, who looked much more Irish than May, who was pale and rather fat: ‘As a matter of fact, Hammond, you have a strong property instinct, and a strong will to self-assertion, and you want success. Since I’ve been in the army definitely, I’ve got out of the way of the world, and now I see how inordinately strong the craving for self-assertion and success is in men. It is enormously overdeveloped. All our individuality has run that way. And of course men like you think you’ll get through better with a woman’s backing. That’s why you’re so jealous. That’s what sex is to you…a vital little dynamo between you and Julia, to bring success. If you began to be unsuccessful you’d begin to flirt, like Charlie, who isn’t successful. Married people like you and Julia have labels on you, like travellers’ trunks. Julia is labelled Mrs Arnold B. Hammond–just like a trunk on the railway that belongs to somebody. And you are labelled Arnold B. Hammond, c/o Mrs Arnold B. Hammond. Oh, you’re quite right, you’re quite right! The life of the mind needs a comfortable house and decent cooking. You’re quite right. It even needs posterity. But it all hinges on the instinct for success. That is the pivot on which all things turn.’

    Hammond looked rather piqued. He was rather proud of the integrity of his mind, and of his not being a time-server. None the less, he did want success.

    ‘It’s quite true, you can’t live without cash,’ said May. ‘You’ve got to have a certain amount of it to be able to live and get along…even to be free to think you must have a certain amount of money, or your stomach stops you. But it seems to me you might leave the labels off sex. We’re free to talk to anybody; so why shouldn’t we be free to make love to any woman who inclines us that way?’

    ‘There speaks the lascivious Celt,’ said Clifford.

    ‘Lascivious! well, why not–? I can’t see I do a woman any more harm by sleeping with her than by dancing with her…or even talking to her about the weather. It’s just an interchange of sensations instead of ideas, so why not?’

    ‘Be as promiscuous as the rabbits!’ said Hammond.

    ‘Why not? What’s wrong with rabbits? Are they any worse than a neurotic, revolutionary humanity, full of nervous hate?’

    ‘But we’re not rabbits, even so,’ said Hammond.

    ‘Precisely! I have my mind: I have certain calculations to make in certain astronomical matters that concern me almost more than life or death. Sometimes indigestion interferes with me. Hunger would interfere with me disastrously. In the same way starved sex interferes with me. What then?’

    ‘I should have thought sexual indigestion from surfeit would have interfered with you more seriously,’ said Hammond satirically.

    ‘Not it! I don’t over-eat myself and I don’t over-fuck myself. One has a choice about eating too much. But you would absolutely starve me.’

    ‘Not at all! You can marry.’

    ‘How do you know I can? It may not suit the process of my mind. Marriage might…and would…stultify my mental processes. I’m not properly pivoted that way…and so must I be chained in a kennel like a monk? All rot and funk, my boy. I must live and do my calculations. I need women sometimes. I refuse to make a mountain of it, and I refuse anybody’s moral condemnation or prohibition. I’d be ashamed to see a woman walking around with my name-label on her, address and railway station, like a wardrobe trunk.’

    These two men had not forgiven each other about the Julia flirtation.

    ‘It’s an amusing idea, Charlie,’ said Dukes, ‘that sex is just another form of talk, where you act the words instead of saying them. I suppose it’s quite true. I suppose we might exchange as many sensations and emotions with women as we do ideas about the weather, and so on. Sex might be a sort of normal physical conversation between a man and a woman. You don’t talk to a woman unless you have ideas in common: that is you don’t talk with any interest. And in the same way, unless you had some emotion or sympathy in common with a woman you wouldn’t sleep with her. But if you had…’

    ‘If you have the proper sort of emotion or sympathy with a woman, you ought to sleep with her,’ said May. ‘It’s the only decent thing, to go to bed with her. Just as, when you are interested talking to someone, the only decent thing is to have the talk out. You don’t prudishly put your tongue between your teeth and bite it. You just say out your say. And the same the other way.’

    ‘No,’ said Hammond. ‘It’s wrong. You, for example, May, you squander half your force with women. You’ll never really do what you should do, with a fine mind such as yours. Too much of it goes the other way.’

    ‘Maybe it does…and too little of you goes that way, Hammond, my boy, married or not. You can keep the purity and integrity of your mind, but it’s going damned dry. Your pure mind is going as dry as fiddlesticks, from what I see of it. You’re simply talking it down.’

    Tommy Dukes burst into a laugh.

    ‘Go it, you two minds!’ he said. ‘Look at me…I don’t do any high and pure mental work, nothing but jot down a few ideas. And yet I neither marry nor run after women. I think Charlie’s quite right; if he wants to run after the women, he’s quite free not to run too often. But I wouldn’t prohibit him from running. As for Hammond, he’s got a property instinct, so naturally the straight road and the narrow gate are right for him. You’ll see he’ll be an English Man of Letters before he’s done. A.B.C. from top to toe. Then there’s me. I’m nothing. Just a squib. And what about you, Clifford? Do you think sex is a dynamo to help a man on to success in the world?’

    Clifford rarely talked much at these times. He never held forth; his ideas were really not vital enough for it, he was too confused and emotional. Now he blushed and looked uncomfortable.

    ‘Well!’ he said, ‘being myself hors de combat, I don’t see I’ve anything to say on the matter.’

    ‘Not at all,’ said Dukes; ‘the top of you’s by no means hors de combat. You’ve got the life of the mind sound and intact. So let us hear your ideas.’

    ‘Well,’ stammered Clifford, ‘even then I don’t suppose I have much idea…I suppose marry-and-have-done-with-it would pretty well stand for what I think. Though of course between a man and woman who care for one another, it is a great thing.’

    ‘What sort of great thing?’ said Tommy.

    ‘Oh…it perfects the intimacy,’ said Clifford, uneasy as a woman in such talk.

    ‘Well, Charlie and I believe that sex is a sort of communication like speech. Let any woman start a sex conversation with me, and it’s natural for me to go to bed with her to finish it, all in due season. Unfortunately no woman makes any particular start with me, so I go to bed by myself; and am none the worse for it…I hope so, anyway, for how should I know? Anyhow I’ve no starry calculations to be interfered with, and no immortal works to write. I’m merely a fellow skulking in the army…’

    Silence fell. The four men smoked. And Connie sat there and put another stitch in her sewing…Yes, she sat there! She had to sit mum. She had to be quiet as a mouse, not to interfere with the immensely important speculations of these highly-mental gentlemen. But she had to be there. They didn’t get on so well without her; their ideas didn’t flow so freely. Clifford was much more hedgy and nervous, he got cold feet much quicker in Connie’s absence, and the talk didn’t run. Tommy Dukes came off best; he was a little inspired by her presence. Hammond she didn’t really like; he seemed so selfish in a mental way. And Charles May, though she liked something about him, seemed a little distasteful and messy, in spite of his stars.

    How many evenings had Connie sat and listened to the manifestations of these four men! these, and one or two others. That they never seemed to get anywhere didn’t trouble her deeply. She liked to hear what they had to say, especially when Tommy was there. It was fun. Instead of men kissing you, and touching you with their bodies, they revealed their minds to you. It was great fun! But what cold minds!

    And also it was a little irritating. She had more respect for Michaelis, on whose name they all poured such withering contempt, as a little mongrel arriviste, and uneducated bounder of the worst sort. Mongrel and bounder or not, he jumped to his own conclusions. He didn’t merely walk round them with millions of words, in the parade of the life of the mind.

    Connie quite liked the life of the mind, and got a great thrill out of it. But she did think it overdid itself a little. She loved being there, amidst the tobacco smoke of those famous evenings of the cronies, as she called them privately to herself. She was infinitely amused, and proud too, that even their talking they could not do, without her silent presence. She had an immense respect for thought…and these men, at least, tried to think honestly. But somehow there was a cat, and it wouldn’t jump. They all alike talked at something, though what it was, for the life of her she couldn’t say. It was something that Mick didn’t clear, either.

    But then Mick wasn’t trying to do anything, but just get through his life, and put as much across other people as they tried to put across him. He was really anti-social, which was what Clifford and his cronies had against him. Clifford and his cronies were not anti-social; they were more or less bent on saving mankind, or on instructing it, to say the least.

    There was a gorgeous talk on Sunday evening, when the conversation drifted again to love.

    ‘Blest be the tie that binds Our hearts in kindred something-or-other’–

    said Tommy Dukes. ‘I’d like to know what the tie is…The tie that binds us just now is mental friction on one another. And, apart from that, there’s damned little tie between us. We bust apart, and say spiteful things about one another, like all the other damned intellectuals in the world. Damned everybodies, as far as that goes, for they all do it. Else we bust apart, and cover up the spiteful things we feel against one another by saying false sugaries. It’s a curious thing that the mental life seems to flourish with its roots in spite, ineffable and fathomless spite. Always has been so! Look at Socrates, in Plato, and his bunch round him! The sheer spite of it all, just sheer joy in pulling somebody else to bits…Protagoras, or whoever it was! And Alcibiades, and all the other little disciple dogs joining in the fray! I must say it makes one prefer Buddha, quietly sitting under a bo-tree, or Jesus, telling his disciples little Sunday stories, peacefully, and without any mental fireworks. No, there’s something wrong with the mental life, radically. It’s rooted in spite and envy, envy and spite. Ye shall know the tree by its fruit.’

    ‘I don’t think we’re altogether so spiteful,’ protested Clifford.

    ‘My dear Clifford, think of the way we talk each other over, all of us. I’m rather worse than anybody else, myself. Because I infinitely prefer the spontaneous spite to the concocted sugaries; now they are poison; when I begin saying what a fine fellow Clifford is, etc., etc., then poor Clifford is to be pitied. For God’s sake, all of you, say spiteful things about me, then I shall know I mean something to you. Don’t say sugaries, or I’m done.’

    ‘Oh, but I do think we honestly like one another,’ said Hammond.

    ‘I tell you we must…we say such spiteful things to one another, about one another, behind our backs! I’m the worst.’

    ‘And I do think you confuse the mental life with the critical activity. I agree with you, Socrates gave the critical activity a grand start, but he did more than that,’ said Charlie May, rather magisterially. The cronies had such a curious pomposity under their assumed modesty. It was all so ex cathedra, and it all pretended to be so humble.

    Dukes refused to be drawn about Socrates.

    ‘That’s quite true, criticism and knowledge are not the same thing,’ said Hammond.

    ‘They aren’t, of course,’ chimed in Berry, a brown, shy young man, who had called to see Dukes, and was staying the night.

    They all looked at him as if the ass had spoken.

    ‘I wasn’t talking about knowledge…I was talking about the mental life,’ laughed Dukes. ‘Real knowledge comes out of the whole corpus of the consciousness; out of your belly and your penis as much as out of your brain and mind. The mind can only analyse and rationalize. Set the mind and the reason to cock it over the rest, and all they can do is to criticize, and make a deadness. I say all they can do. It is vastly important. My God, the world needs criticizing today…criticizing to death. Therefore let’s live the mental life, and glory in our spite, and strip the rotten old show. But, mind you, it’s like this: while you live your life, you are in some way an Organic whole with all life. But once you start the mental life you pluck the apple. You’ve severed the connexion between the apple and the tree: the organic connexion. And if you’ve got nothing in your life but the mental life, then you yourself are a plucked apple…you’ve fallen off the tree. And then it is a logical necessity to be spiteful, just as it’s a natural necessity for a plucked apple to go bad.’

    Clifford made big eyes: it was all stuff to him. Connie secretly laughed to herself.

    ‘Well then we’re all plucked apples,’ said Hammond, rather acidly and petulantly.

    ‘So let’s make cider of ourselves,’ said Charlie.

    ‘But what do you think of Bolshevism?’ put in the brown Berry, as if everything had led up to it.

    ‘Bravo!’ roared Charlie. ‘What do you think of Bolshevism?’

    ‘Come on! Let’s make hay of Bolshevism!’ said Dukes.

    ‘I’m afraid Bolshevism is a large question,’ said Hammond, shaking his head seriously.

    ‘Bolshevism, it seems to me,’ said Charlie, ‘is just a superlative hatred of the thing they call the bourgeois; and what the bourgeois is, isn’t quite defined. It is Capitalism, among other things. Feelings and emotions are also so decidedly bourgeois that you have to invent a man without them.

    ‘Then the individual, especially the personal man, is bourgeois: so he must be suppressed. You must submerge yourselves in the greater thing, the Soviet-social thing. Even an organism is bourgeois: so the ideal must be mechanical. The only thing that is a unit, non-organic, composed of many different, yet equally essential parts, is the machine. Each man a machine-part, and the driving power of the machine, hate…hate of the bourgeois. That, to me, is Bolshevism.’

    ‘Absolutely!’ said Tommy. ‘But also, it seems to me a perfect description of the whole of the industrial ideal. It’s the factory-owner’s ideal in a nut-shell; except that he would deny that the driving power was hate. Hate it is, all the same; hate of life itself. Just look at these Midlands, if it isn’t plainly written up…but it’s all part of the life of the mind, it’s a logical development.’

    ‘I deny that Bolshevism is logical, it rejects the major part of the premisses,’ said Hammond.

    ‘My dear man, it allows the material premiss; so does the pure mind…exclusively.’

    ‘At least Bolshevism has got down to rock bottom,’ said Charlie.

    ‘Rock bottom! The bottom that has no bottom! The Bolshevists will have the finest army in the world in a very short time, with the finest mechanical equipment.

    ‘But this thing can’t go on…this hate business. There must be a reaction…’ said Hammond.

    ‘Well, we’ve been waiting for years…we wait longer. Hate’s a growing thing like anything else. It’s the inevitable outcome of forcing ideas on to life, of forcing one’s deepest instincts; our deepest feelings we force according to certain ideas. We drive ourselves with a formula, like a machine. The logical mind pretends to rule the roost, and the roost turns into pure hate. We’re all Bolshevists, only we are hypocrites. The Russians are Bolshevists without hypocrisy.’

    ‘But there are many other ways,’ said Hammond, ‘than the Soviet way. The Bolshevists aren’t really intelligent.’

    ‘Of course not. But sometimes it’s intelligent to be half-witted: if you want to make your end. Personally, I consider Bolshevism half-witted; but so do I consider our social life in the west half-witted. So I even consider our far-famed mental life half-witted. We’re all as cold as cretins, we’re all as passionless as idiots. We’re all of us Bolshevists, only we give it another name. We think we’re gods…men like gods! It’s just the same as Bolshevism. One has to be human, and have a heart and a penis if one is going to escape being either a god or a Bolshevist…for they are the same thing: they’re both too good to be true.’

    Out of the disapproving silence came Berry’s anxious question:

    ‘You do believe in love then, Tommy, don’t you?’

    ‘You lovely lad!’ said Tommy. ‘No, my cherub, nine times out of ten, no! Love’s another of those half-witted performances today. Fellows with swaying waists fucking little jazz girls with small boy buttocks, like two collar studs! Do you mean that sort of love? Or the joint-property, make-a-success-of-it, My-husband-my-wife sort of love? No, my fine fellow, I don’t believe in it at all!’

    ‘But you do believe in something?’

    ‘Me? Oh, intellectually I believe in having a good heart, a chirpy penis, a lively intelligence, and the courage to say “shit!” in front of a lady.’

    ‘Well, you’ve got them all,’ said Berry.

    Tommy Dukes roared with laughter. ‘You angel boy! If only I had! If only I had! No; my heart’s as numb as a potato, my penis droops and never lifts its head up, I dare rather cut him clean off than say “shit!” in front of my mother or my aunt…they are real ladies, mind you; and I’m not really intelligent, I’m only a “mental-lifer”. It would be wonderful to be intelligent: then one would be alive in all the parts mentioned and unmentionable. The penis rouses his head and says: How do you do?–to any really intelligent person. Renoir said he painted his pictures with his penis…he did too, lovely pictures! I wish I did something with mine. God! when one can only talk! Another torture added to Hades! And Socrates started it.’

    ‘There are nice women in the world,’ said Connie, lifting her head up and speaking at last.

    The men resented it…she should have pretended to hear nothing. They hated her admitting she had attended so closely to such talk.

    ‘My God!’

    If they be not nice to me

    What care I how nice they be?

    ‘No, it’s hopeless! I just simply can’t vibrate in unison with a woman. There’s no woman I can really want when I’m faced with her, and I’m not going to start forcing myself to it…My God, no! I’ll remain as I am, and lead the mental life. It’s the only honest thing I can do. I can be quite happy talking to women; but it’s all pure, hopelessly pure. Hopelessly pure! What do you say, Hildebrand, my chicken?’

    ‘It’s much less complicated if one stays pure,’ said Berry.

    ‘Yes, life is all too simple!’

    Chapter 5

    On a frosty morning with a little February sun, Clifford and Connie went for a walk across the park to the wood. That is, Clifford chuffed in his motor-chair, and Connie walked beside him.

    The hard air was still sulphurous, but they were both used to it. Round the near horizon went the haze, opalescent with frost and smoke, and on the top lay the small blue sky; so that it was like being inside an enclosure, always inside. Life always a dream or a frenzy, inside an enclosure.

    The sheep coughed in the rough, sere grass of the park, where frost lay bluish in the sockets of the tufts. Across the park ran a path to the wood-gate, a fine ribbon of pink. Clifford had had it newly gravelled with sifted gravel from the pit-bank. When the rock and refuse of the underworld had burned and given off its sulphur, it turned bright pink, shrimp-coloured on dry days, darker, crab-coloured on wet. Now it was pale shrimp-colour, with a bluish-white hoar of frost. It always pleased Connie, this underfoot of sifted, bright pink. It’s an ill wind that brings nobody good.

    Clifford steered cautiously down the slope of the knoll from the hall, and Connie kept her hand on the chair. In front lay the wood, the hazel thicket nearest, the purplish density of oaks beyond. From the wood’s edge rabbits bobbed and nibbled. Rooks suddenly rose in a black train, and went trailing off over the little sky.

    Connie opened the wood-gate, and Clifford puffed slowly through into the broad riding that ran up an incline between the clean-whipped thickets of the hazel. The wood was a remnant of the great forest where Robin Hood hunted, and this riding was an old, old thoroughfare coming across country. But now, of course, it was only a riding through the private wood. The road from Mansfield swerved round to the north.

    In the wood everything was motionless, the old leaves on the ground keeping the frost on their underside. A jay called harshly, many little birds fluttered. But there was no game; no pheasants. They had been killed off during the war, and the wood had been left unprotected, till now Clifford had got his game-keeper again.

    Clifford loved the wood; he loved the old oak-trees. He felt they were his own through generations. He wanted to protect them. He wanted this place inviolate, shut off from the world.

    The chair chuffed slowly up the incline, rocking and jolting on the frozen clods. And suddenly, on the left, came a clearing where there was nothing but a ravel of dead bracken, a thin and spindly sapling leaning here and there, big sawn stumps, showing their tops and their grasping roots, lifeless. And patches of blackness where the woodmen had burned the brushwood and rubbish.

    This was one of the places that Sir Geoffrey had cut during the war for trench timber. The whole knoll, which rose softly on the right of the riding, was denuded and strangely forlorn. On the crown of the knoll where the oaks had stood, now was bareness; and from there you could look out over the trees to the colliery railway, and the new works at Stacks Gate. Connie had stood and looked, it was a breach in the pure seclusion of the wood. It let in the world. But she didn’t tell Clifford.

    This denuded place always made Clifford curiously angry. He had been through the war, had seen what it meant. But he didn’t get really angry till he saw this bare hill. He was having it replanted. But it made him hate Sir Geoffrey.

    Clifford sat with a fixed face as the chair slowly mounted. When they came to the top of the rise he stopped; he would not risk the long and very jolty down-slope. He sat looking at the greenish sweep of the riding downwards, a clear way through the bracken and oaks. It swerved at the bottom of the hill and disappeared; but it had such a lovely easy curve, of knights riding and ladies on palfreys.

    ‘I consider this is really the heart of England,’ said Clifford to Connie, as he sat there in the dim February sunshine.

    ‘Do you?’ she said, seating herself in her blue knitted dress, on a stump by the path.

    ‘I do! this is the old England, the heart of it; and I intend to keep it intact.’

    ‘Oh yes!’ said Connie. But, as she said it she heard the eleven-o’clock hooters at Stacks Gate colliery. Clifford was too used to the sound to notice.

    ‘I want this wood perfect…untouched. I want nobody to trespass in it,’ said Clifford.

    There was a certain pathos. The wood still had some of the mystery of wild, old England; but Sir Geoffrey’s cuttings during the war had given it a blow. How still the trees were, with their crinkly, innumerable twigs against the sky, and their grey, obstinate trunks rising from the brown bracken! How safely the birds flitted among them! And once there had been deer, and archers, and monks padding along on asses. The place remembered, still remembered.

    Clifford sat in the pale sun, with the light on his smooth, rather blond hair, his reddish full face inscrutable.

    ‘I mind more, not having a son, when I come here, than any other time,’ he said.

    ‘But the wood is older than your family,’ said Connie gently.

    ‘Quite!’ said Clifford. ‘But we’ve preserved it. Except for us it would go…it would be gone already, like the rest of the forest. One must preserve some of the old England!’

    ‘Must one?’ said Connie. ‘If it has to be preserved, and preserved against the new England? It’s sad, I know.’

    ‘If some of the old England isn’t preserved, there’ll be no England at all,’ said Clifford. ‘And we who have this kind of property, and the feeling for it, must preserve it.’

    There was a sad pause. ‘Yes, for a little while,’ said Connie.

    ‘For a little while! It’s all we can do. We can only do our bit. I feel every man of my family has done his bit here, since we’ve had the place. One may go against convention, but one must keep up tradition.’ Again there was a pause.

    ‘What tradition?’ asked Connie.

    ‘The tradition of England! of this!’

    ‘Yes,’ she said slowly.

    ‘That’s why having a son helps; one is only a link in a chain,’ he said.

    Connie was not keen on chains, but she said nothing. She was thinking of the curious impersonality of his desire for a son.

    ‘I’m sorry we can’t have a son,’ she said.

    He looked at her steadily, with his full, pale-blue eyes.

    ‘It would almost be a good thing if you had a child by another man, he said. ‘If we brought it up at Wragby, it would belong to us and to the place. I don’t believe very intensely in fatherhood. If we had the child to rear, it would be our own, and it would carry on. Don’t you think it’s worth considering?’

    Connie looked up at him at last. The child, her child, was just an ‘it’ to him. It…it…it!

    ‘But what about the other man?’ she asked.

    ‘Does it matter very much? Do these things really affect us very deeply?…You had that lover in Germany…what is it now? Nothing almost. It seems to me that it isn’t these little acts and little connexions we make in our lives that matter so very much. They pass away, and where are they? Where…Where are the snows of yesteryear?…It’s what endures through one’s life that matters; my own life matters to me, in its long continuance and development. But what do the occasional connexions matter? And the occasional sexual connexions especially! If people don’t exaggerate them ridiculously, they pass like the mating of birds. And so they should. What does it matter? It’s the life-long companionship that matters. It’s the living together from day to day, not the sleeping together once or twice. You and I are married, no matter what happens to us. We have the habit of each other. And habit, to my thinking, is more vital than any occasional excitement. The long, slow, enduring thing…that’s what we live by…not the occasional spasm of any sort. Little by little, living together, two people fall into a sort of unison, they vibrate so intricately to one another. That’s the real secret of marriage, not sex; at least not the simple function of sex. You and I are interwoven in a marriage. If we stick to that we ought to be able to arrange this sex thing, as we arrange going to the dentist; since fate has given us a checkmate physically there.’

    Connie sat and listened in a sort of wonder, and a sort of fear. She did not know if he was right or not. There was Michaelis, whom she loved; so she said to herself. But her love was somehow only an excursion from her marriage with Clifford; the long, slow habit of intimacy, formed through years of suffering and patience. Perhaps the human soul needs excursions, and must not be denied them. But the point of an excursion is that you come home again.

    ‘And wouldn’t you mind what man’s child I had?’ she asked.

    ‘Why, Connie, I should trust your natural instinct of decency and selection. You just wouldn’t let the wrong sort of fellow touch you.’

    She thought of Michaelis! He was absolutely Clifford’s idea of the wrong sort of fellow.

    ‘But men and women may have different feelings about the wrong sort of fellow,’ she said.

    ‘No,’ he replied. ‘You care for me. I don’t believe you would ever care for a man who was purely antipathetic to me. Your rhythm wouldn’t let you.’

    She was silent. Logic might be unanswerable because it was so absolutely wrong.

    ‘And should you expect me to tell you?’ she asked, glancing up at him almost furtively.

    ‘Not at all, I’d better not know…But you do agree with me, don’t you, that the casual sex thing is nothing, compared to the long life lived together? Don’t you think one can just subordinate the sex thing to the necessities of a long life? Just use it, since that’s what we’re driven to? After all, do these temporary excitements matter? Isn’t the whole problem of life the slow building up of an integral personality, through the years? living an integrated life? There’s no point in a disintegrated life. If lack of sex is going to disintegrate you, then go out and have a love-affair. If lack of a child is going to disintegrate you, then have a child if you possibly can. But only do these things so that you have an integrated life, that makes a long harmonious thing. And you and I can do that together…don’t you think?…if we adapt ourselves to the necessities, and at the same time weave the adaptation together into a piece with our steadily-lived life. Don’t you agree?’

    Connie was a little overwhelmed by his words. She knew he was right theoretically. But when she actually touched her steadily-lived life with him she…hesitated. Was it actually her destiny to go on weaving herself into his life all the rest of her life? Nothing else?

    Was it just that? She was to be content to weave a steady life with him, all one fabric, but perhaps brocaded with the occasional flower of an adventure. But how could she know what she would feel next year? How could one ever know? How could one say Yes? for years and years? The little yes, gone on a breath! Why should one be pinned down by that butterfly word? Of course it had to flutter away and be gone, to be followed by other yes’s and no’s! Like the straying of butterflies.

    ‘I think you’re right, Clifford. And as far as I can see I agree with you. Only life may turn quite a new face on it all.’

    ‘But until life turns a new face on it all, you do agree?’

    ‘Oh yes! I think I do, really.’

    She was watching a brown spaniel that had run out of a side-path, and was looking towards them with lifted nose, making a soft, fluffy bark. A man with a gun strode swiftly, softly out after the dog, facing their way as if about to attack them; then stopped instead, saluted, and was turning downhill. It was only the new game-keeper, but he had frightened Connie, he seemed to emerge with such a swift menace. That was how she had seen him, like the sudden rush of a threat out of nowhere.

    He was a man in dark green velveteens and gaiters…the old style, with a red face and red moustache and distant eyes. He was going quickly downhill.

    ‘Mellors!’ called Clifford.

    The man faced lightly round, and saluted with a quick little gesture, a soldier!

    ‘Will you turn the chair round and get it started? That makes it easier,’ said Clifford.

    The man at once slung his gun over his shoulder, and came forward with the same curious swift, yet soft movements, as if keeping invisible. He was moderately tall and lean, and was silent. He did not look at Connie at all, only at the chair.

    ‘Connie, this is the new game-keeper, Mellors. You haven’t spoken to her ladyship yet, Mellors?’

    ‘No, Sir!’ came the ready, neutral words.

    The man lifted his hat as he stood, showing his thick, almost fair hair. He stared straight into Connie’s eyes, with a perfect, fearless, impersonal look, as if he wanted to see what she was like. He made her feel shy. She bent her head to him shyly, and he changed his hat to his left hand and made her a slight bow, like a gentleman; but he said nothing at all. He remained for a moment still, with his hat in his hand.

    ‘But you’ve been here some time, haven’t you?’ Connie said to him.

    ‘Eight months, Madam…your Ladyship!’ he corrected himself calmly.

    ‘And do you like it?’

    She looked him in the eyes. His eyes narrowed a little, with irony, perhaps with impudence.

    ‘Why, yes, thank you, your Ladyship! I was reared here…’

    He gave another slight bow, turned, put his hat on, and strode to take hold of the chair. His voice on the last words had fallen into the heavy broad drag of the dialect…perhaps also in mockery, because there had been no trace of dialect before. He might almost be a gentleman. Anyhow, he was a curious, quick, separate fellow, alone, but sure of himself.

    Clifford started the little engine, the man carefully turned the chair, and set it nose-forwards to the incline that curved gently to the dark hazel thicket.

    ‘Is that all then, Sir Clifford?’ asked the man.

    ‘No, you’d better come along in case she sticks. The engine isn’t really strong enough for the uphill work.’ The man glanced round for his dog…a thoughtful glance. The spaniel looked at him and faintly moved its tail. A little smile, mocking or teasing her, yet gentle, came into his eyes for a moment, then faded away, and his face was expressionless. They went fairly quickly down the slope, the man with his hand on the rail of the chair, steadying it. He looked like a free soldier rather than a servant. And something about him reminded Connie of Tommy Dukes.

    When they came to the hazel grove, Connie suddenly ran forward, and opened the gate into the park. As she stood holding it, the two men looked at her in passing, Clifford critically, the other man with a curious, cool wonder; impersonally wanting to see what she looked like. And she saw in his blue, impersonal eyes a look of suffering and detachment, yet a certain warmth. But why was he so aloof, apart?

    Clifford stopped the chair, once through the gate, and the man came quickly, courteously, to close it.

    ‘Why did you run to open?’ asked Clifford in his quiet, calm voice, that showed he was displeased. ‘Mellors would have done it.’

    ‘I thought you would go straight ahead,’ said Connie.

    ‘And leave you to run after us?’ said Clifford.

    ‘Oh, well, I like to run sometimes!’

    Mellors took the chair again, looking perfectly unheeding, yet Connie felt he noted everything. As he pushed the chair up the steepish rise of the knoll in the park, he breathed rather quickly, through parted lips. He was rather frail really. Curiously full of vitality, but a little frail and quenched. Her woman’s instinct sensed it.

    Connie fell back, let the chair go on. The day had greyed over; the small blue sky that had poised low on its circular rims of haze was closed in again, the lid was down, there was a raw coldness. It was going to snow. All grey, all grey! the world looked worn out.

    The chair waited at the top of the pink path. Clifford looked round for Connie.

    ‘Not tired, are you?’ he said.

    ‘Oh, no!’ she said.

    But she was. A strange, weary yearning, a dissatisfaction had started in her. Clifford did not notice: those were not things he was aware of. But the stranger knew. To Connie, everything in her world and life seemed worn out, and her dissatisfaction was older than the hills.

    They came to the house, and around to the back, where there were no steps. Clifford managed to swing himself over on to the low, wheeled house-chair; he was very strong and agile with his arms. Then Connie lifted the burden of his dead legs after him.

    The keeper, waiting at attention to be dismissed, watched everything narrowly, missing nothing. He went pale, with a sort of fear, when he saw Connie lifting the inert legs of the man in her arms, into the other chair, Clifford pivoting round as she did so. He was frightened.

    ‘Thanks, then, for the help, Mellors,’ said Clifford casually, as he began to wheel down the passage to the servants’ quarters.

    ‘Nothing else, Sir?’ came the neutral voice, like one in a dream.

    ‘Nothing, good morning!’

    ‘Good morning, Sir.’

    ‘Good morning! it was kind of you to push the chair up that hill…I hope it wasn’t heavy for you,’ said Connie, looking back at the keeper outside the door.

    His eyes came to hers in an instant, as if wakened up. He was aware of her.

    ‘Oh no, not heavy!’ he said quickly. Then his voice dropped again into the broad sound of the vernacular: ‘Good mornin’ to your Ladyship!’

    ‘Who is your game-keeper?’ Connie asked at lunch.

    ‘Mellors! You saw him,’ said Clifford.

    ‘Yes, but where did he come from?’

    ‘Nowhere! He was a Tevershall boy…son of a collier, I believe.’

    ‘And was he a collier himself?’

    ‘Blacksmith on the pit-bank, I believe: overhead smith. But he was keeper here for two years before the war…before he joined up. My father always had a good opinion of him, so when he came back, and went to the pit for a blacksmith’s job, I just took him back here as keeper. I was really very glad to get him…its almost impossible to find a good man round here for a gamekeeper…and it needs a man who knows the people.’

    ‘And isn’t he married?’

    ‘He was. But his wife went off with…with various men…but finally with a collier at Stacks Gate, and I believe she’s living there still.’

    ‘So this man is alone?’

    ‘More or less! He has a mother in the village…and a child, I believe.’

    Clifford looked at Connie, with his pale, slightly prominent blue eyes, in which a certain vagueness was coming. He seemed alert in the foreground, but the background was like the Midlands atmosphere, haze, smoky mist. And the haze seemed to be creeping forward. So when he stared at Connie in his peculiar way, giving her his peculiar, precise information, she felt all the background of his mind filling up with mist, with nothingness. And it frightened her. It made him seem impersonal, almost to idiocy.

    And dimly she realized one of the great laws of the human soul: that when the emotional soul receives a wounding shock, which does not kill the body, the soul seems to recover as the body recovers. But this is only appearance. It is really only the mechanism of the re-assumed habit. Slowly, slowly the wound to the soul begins to make itself felt, like a bruise, which only slowly deepens its terrible ache, till it fills all the psyche. And when we think we have recovered and forgotten, it is then that the terrible after-effects have to be encountered at their worst.

    So it was with Clifford. Once he was ‘well’, once he was back at Wragby, and writing his stories, and feeling sure of life, in spite of all, he seemed to forget, and to have recovered all his equanimity. But now, as the years went by, slowly, slowly, Connie felt the bruise of fear and horror coming up, and spreading in him. For a time it had been so deep as to be numb, as it were non-existent. Now slowly it began to assert itself in a spread of fear, almost paralysis. Mentally he still was alert. But the paralysis, the bruise of the too-great shock, was gradually spreading in his affective self.

    And as it spread in him, Connie felt it spread in her. An inward dread, an emptiness, an indifference to everything gradually spread in her soul. When Clifford was roused, he could still talk brilliantly and, as it were, command the future: as when, in the wood, he talked about her having a child, and giving an heir to Wragby. But the day after, all the brilliant words seemed like dead leaves, crumpling up and turning to powder, meaning really nothing, blown away on any gust of wind. They were not the leafy words of an effective life, young with energy and belonging to the tree. They were the hosts of fallen leaves of a life that is ineffectual.

    So it seemed to her everywhere. The colliers at Tevershall were talking again of a strike, and it seemed to Connie there again it was not a manifestation of energy, it was the bruise of the war that had been in abeyance, slowly rising to the surface and creating the great ache of unrest, and stupor of discontent. The bruise was deep, deep, deep…the bruise of the false inhuman war. It would take many years for the living blood of the generations to dissolve the vast black clot of bruised blood, deep inside their souls and bodies. And it would need a new hope.

    Poor Connie! As the years drew on it was the fear of nothingness In her life that affected her. Clifford’s mental life and hers gradually began to feel like nothingness. Their marriage, their integrated life based on a habit of intimacy, that he talked about: there were days when it all became utterly blank and nothing. It was words, just so many words. The only reality was nothingness, and over it a hypocrisy of words.

    There was Clifford’s success: the bitch-goddess! It was true he was almost famous, and his books brought him in a thousand pounds. His photograph appeared everywhere. There was a bust of him in one of the galleries, and a portrait of him in two galleries. He seemed the most modern of modern voices. With his uncanny lame instinct for publicity, he had become in four or five years one of the best known of the young ‘intellectuals’. Where the intellect came in, Connie did not quite see. Clifford was really clever at that slightly humorous analysis of people and motives which leaves everything in bits at the end. But it was rather like puppies tearing the sofa cushions to bits; except that it was not young and playful, but curiously old, and rather obstinately conceited. It was weird and it was nothing. This was the feeling that echoed and re-echoed at the bottom of Connie’s soul: it was all flag, a wonderful display of nothingness; At the same time a display. A display! a display! a display!

    Michaelis had seized upon Clifford as the central figure for a play; already he had sketched in the plot, and written the first act. For Michaelis was even better than Clifford at making a display of nothingness. It was the last bit of passion left in these men: the passion for making a display. Sexually they were passionless, even dead. And now it was not money that Michaelis was after. Clifford had never been primarily out for money, though he made it where he could, for money is the seal and stamp of success. And success was what they wanted. They wanted, both of them, to make a real display…a man’s own very display of himself that should capture for a time the vast populace.

    It was strange…the prostitution to the bitch-goddess. To Connie, since she was really outside of it, and since she had grown numb to the thrill of it, it was again nothingness. Even the prostitution to the bitch-goddess was nothingness, though the men prostituted themselves innumerable times. Nothingness even that.

    Michaelis wrote to Clifford about the play. Of course she knew about it long ago. And Clifford was again thrilled. He was going to be displayed again this time, somebody was going to display him, and to advantage. He invited Michaelis down to Wragby with Act I.

    Michaelis came: in summer, in a pale-coloured suit and white suede gloves, with mauve orchids for Connie, very lovely, and Act I was a great success. Even Connie was thrilled…thrilled to what bit of marrow she had left. And Michaelis, thrilled by his power to thrill, was really wonderful…and quite beautiful, in Connie’s eyes. She saw in him that ancient motionlessness of a race that can’t be disillusioned any more, an extreme, perhaps, of impurity that is pure. On the far side of his supreme prostitution to the bitch-goddess he seemed pure, pure as an African ivory mask that dreams impurity into purity, in its ivory curves and planes.

    His moment of sheer thrill with the two Chatterleys, when he simply carried Connie and Clifford away, was one of the supreme moments of Michaelis’ life. He had succeeded: he had carried them away. Even Clifford was temporarily in love with him…if that is the way one can put it.

    So next morning Mick was more uneasy than ever; restless, devoured, with his hands restless in his trousers pockets. Connie had not visited him in the night…and he had not known where to find her. Coquetry!…at his moment of triumph.

    He went up to her sitting-room in the morning. She knew he would come. And his restlessness was evident. He asked her about his play…did she think it good? He had to hear it praised: that affected him with the last thin thrill of passion beyond any sexual orgasm. And she praised it rapturously. Yet all the while, at the bottom of her soul, she knew it was nothing.

    ‘Look here!’ he said suddenly at last. ‘Why don’t you and I make a clean thing of it? Why don’t we marry?’

    ‘But I am married,’ she said, amazed, and yet feeling nothing.

    ‘Oh that!…he’ll divorce you all right…Why don’t you and I marry? I want to marry. I know it would be the best thing for me…marry and lead a regular life. I lead the deuce of a life, simply tearing myself to pieces. Look here, you and I, we’re made for one another…hand and glove. Why don’t we marry? Do you see any reason why we shouldn’t?’

    Connie looked at him amazed: and yet she felt nothing. These men, they were all alike, they left everything out. They just went off from the top of their heads as if they were squibs, and expected you to be carried heavenwards along with their own thin sticks.

    ‘But I am married already,’ she said. ‘I can’t leave Clifford, you know.’

    ‘Why not? but why not?’ he cried. ‘He’ll hardly know you’ve gone, after six months. He doesn’t know that anybody exists, except himself. Why the man has no use for you at all, as far as I can see; he’s entirely wrapped up in himself.’

    Connie felt there was truth in this. But she also felt that Mick was hardly making a display of selflessness.

    ‘Aren’t all men wrapped up in themselves?’ she asked.

    ‘Oh, more or less, I allow. A man’s got to be, to get through. But that’s not the point. The point is, what sort of a time can a man give a woman? Can he give her a damn good time, or can’t he? If he can’t he’s no right to the woman…’ He paused and gazed at her with his full, hazel eyes, almost hypnotic. ‘Now I consider,’ he added, ‘I can give a woman the darndest good time she can ask for. I think I can guarantee myself.’

    ‘And what sort of a good time?’ asked Connie, gazing on him still with a sort of amazement, that looked like thrill; and underneath feeling nothing at all.

    ‘Every sort of a good time, damn it, every sort! Dress, jewels up to a point, any nightclub you like, know anybody you want to know, live the pace…travel and be somebody wherever you go…Darn it, every sort of good time.’

    He spoke it almost in a brilliancy of triumph, and Connie looked at him as if dazzled, and really feeling nothing at all. Hardly even the surface of her mind was tickled at the glowing prospects he offered her. Hardly even her most outside self responded, that at any other time would have been thrilled. She just got no feeling from it, she couldn’t ‘go off’. She just sat and stared and looked dazzled, and felt nothing, only somewhere she smelt the extraordinarily unpleasant smell of the bitch-goddess.

    Mick sat on tenterhooks, leaning forward in his chair, glaring at her almost hysterically: and whether he was more anxious out of vanity for her to say Yes! or whether he was more panic-stricken for fear she should say Yes!–who can tell?

    ‘I should have to think about it,’ she said. ‘I couldn’t say now. It may seem to you Clifford doesn’t count, but he does. When you think how disabled he is…’

    ‘Oh damn it all! If a fellow’s going to trade on his disabilities, I might begin to say how lonely I am, and always have been, and all the rest of the my-eye-Betty-Martin sob-stuff! Damn it all, if a fellow’s got nothing but disabilities to recommend him…’

    He turned aside, working his hands furiously in his trousers pockets. That evening he said to her:

    ‘You’re coming round to my room tonight, aren’t you? I don’t darn know where your room is.’

    ‘All right!’ she said.

    He was a more excited lover that night, with his strange, small boy’s frail nakedness. Connie found it impossible to come to her crisis before he had really finished his. And he roused a certain craving passion in her, with his little boy’s nakedness and softness; she had to go on after he had finished, in the wild tumult and heaving of her loins, while he heroically kept himself up, and present in her, with all his will and self-offering, till she brought about her own crisis, with weird little cries.

    When at last he drew away from her, he said, in a bitter, almost sneering little voice:

    ‘You couldn’t go off at the same time as a man, could you? You’d have to bring yourself off! You’d have to run the show!’

    This little speech, at the moment, was one of the shocks of her life. Because that passive sort of giving himself was so obviously his only real mode of intercourse.

    ‘What do you mean?’ she said.

    ‘You know what I mean. You keep on for hours after I’ve gone off…and I have to hang on with my teeth till you bring yourself off by your own exertions.’

    She was stunned by this unexpected piece of brutality, at the moment when she was glowing with a sort of pleasure beyond words, and a sort of love for him. Because, after all, like so many modern men, he was finished almost before he had begun. And that forced the woman to be active.

    ‘But you want me to go on, to get my own satisfaction?’ she said.

    He laughed grimly: ‘I want it!’ he said. ‘That’s good! I want to hang on with my teeth clenched, while you go for me!’

    ‘But don’t you?’ she insisted.

    He avoided the question. ‘All the darned women are like that,’ he said. ‘Either they don’t go off at all, as if they were dead in there…or else they wait till a chap’s really done, and then they start in to bring themselves off, and a chap’s got to hang on. I never had a woman yet who went off just at the same moment as I did.’

    Connie only half heard this piece of novel, masculine information. She was only stunned by his feeling against her…his incomprehensible brutality. She felt so innocent.

    ‘But you want me to have my satisfaction too, don’t you?’ she repeated.

    ‘Oh, all right! I’m quite willing. But I’m darned if hanging on waiting for a woman to go off is much of a game for a man…’

    This speech was one of the crucial blows of Connie’s life. It killed something in her. She had not been so very keen on Michaelis; till he started it, she did not want him. It was as if she never positively wanted him. But once he had started her, it seemed only natural for her to come to her own crisis with him. Almost she had loved him for it…almost that night she loved him, and wanted to marry him.

    Perhaps instinctively he knew it, and that was why he had to bring down the whole show with a smash; the house of cards. Her whole sexual feeling for him, or for any man, collapsed that night. Her life fell apart from his as completely as if he had never existed.

    And she went through the days drearily. There was nothing now but this empty treadmill of what Clifford called the integrated life, the long living together of two people, who are in the habit of being in the same house with one another.

    Nothingness! To accept the great nothingness of life seemed to be the one end of living. All the many busy and important little things that make up the grand sum-total of nothingness!

    Chapter 6

    ‘Why don’t men and women really like one another nowadays?’ Connie asked Tommy Dukes, who was more or less her oracle.

    ‘Oh, but they do! I don’t think since the human species was invented, there has ever been a time when men and women have liked one another as much as they do today. Genuine liking! Take myself. I really like women better than men; they are braver, one can be more frank with them.’

    Connie pondered this.

    ‘Ah, yes, but you never have anything to do with them!’ she said.

    ‘I? What am I doing but talking perfectly sincerely to a woman at this moment?’

    ‘Yes, talking…’

    ‘And what more could I do if you were a man, than talk perfectly sincerely to you?’

    ‘Nothing perhaps. But a woman…’

    ‘A woman wants you to like her and talk to her, and at the same time love her and desire her; and it seems to me the two things are mutually exclusive.’

    ‘But they shouldn’t be!’

    ‘No doubt water ought not to be so wet as it is; it overdoes it in wetness. But there it is! I like women and talk to them, and therefore I don’t love them and desire them. The two things don’t happen at the same time in me.’

    ‘I think they ought to.’

    ‘All right. The fact that things ought to be something else than what they are, is not my department.

    Connie considered this. ‘It isn’t true,’ she said. ‘Men can love women and talk to them. I don’t see how they can love them without talking, and being friendly and intimate. How can they?’

    ‘Well,’ he said, ‘I don’t know. What’s the use of my generalizing? I only know my own case. I like women, but I don’t desire them. I like talking to them; but talking to them, though it makes me intimate in one direction, sets me poles apart from them as far as kissing is concerned. So there you are! But don’t take me as a general example, probably I’m just a special case: one of the men who like women, but don’t love women, and even hate them if they force me into a pretence of love, or an entangled appearance.

    ‘But doesn’t it make you sad?’

    ‘Why should it? Not a bit! I look at Charlie May, and the rest of the men who have affairs…No, I don’t envy them a bit! If fate sent me a woman I wanted, well and good. Since I don’t know any woman I want, and never see one…why, I presume I’m cold, and really like some women very much.’

    ‘Do you like me?’

    ‘Very much! And you see there’s no question of kissing between us, is there?’

    ‘None at all!’ said Connie. ‘But oughtn’t there to be?’

    ‘Why, in God’s name? I like Clifford, but what would you say if I went and kissed him?’

    ‘But isn’t there a difference?’

    ‘Where does it lie, as far as we’re concerned? We’re all intelligent human beings, and the male and female business is in abeyance. Just in abeyance. How would you like me to start acting up like a continental male at this moment, and parading the sex thing?’

    ‘I should hate it.’

    ‘Well then! I tell you, if I’m really a male thing at all, I never run across the female of my species. And I don’t miss her, I just like women. Who’s going to force me into loving or pretending to love them, working up the sex game?’

    ‘No, I’m not. But isn’t something wrong?’

    ‘You may feel it, I don’t.’

    ‘Yes, I feel something is wrong between men and women. A woman has no glamour for a man any more.’

    ‘Has a man for a woman?’

    She pondered the other side of the question.

    ‘Not much,’ she said truthfully.

    ‘Then let’s leave it all alone, and just be decent and simple, like proper human beings with one another. Be damned to the artificial sex-compulsion! I refuse it!’

    Connie knew he was right, really. Yet it left her feeling so forlorn, so forlorn and stray. Like a chip on a dreary pond, she felt. What was the point, of her or anything?

    It was her youth which rebelled. These men seemed so old and cold. Everything seemed old and cold. And Michaelis let one down so; he was no good. The men didn’t want one; they just didn’t really want a woman, even Michaelis didn’t.

    And the bounders who pretended they did, and started working the sex game, they were worse than ever.

    It was just dismal, and one had to put up with it. It was quite true, men had no real glamour for a woman: if you could fool yourself into thinking they had, even as she had fooled herself over Michaelis, that was the best you could do. Meanwhile you just lived on and there was nothing to it. She understood perfectly well why people had cocktail parties, and jazzed, and Charlestoned till they were ready to drop. You had to take it out some way or other, your youth, or it ate you up. But what a ghastly thing, this youth! You felt as old as Methuselah, and yet the thing fizzed somehow, and didn’t let you be comfortable. A mean sort of life! And no prospect! She almost wished she had gone off with Mick, and made her life one long cocktail party, and jazz evening. Anyhow that was better than just mooning yourself into the grave.

    On one of her bad days she went out alone to walk in the wood, ponderously, heeding nothing, not even noticing where she was. The report of a gun not far off startled and angered her.

    Then, as she went, she heard voices, and recoiled. People! She didn’t want people. But her quick ear caught another sound, and she roused; it was a child sobbing. At once she attended; someone was ill-treating a child. She strode swinging down the wet drive, her sullen resentment uppermost. She felt just prepared to make a scene.

    Turning the corner, she saw two figures in the drive beyond her: the keeper, and a little girl in a purple coat and moleskin cap, crying.

    ‘Ah, shut it up, tha false little bitch!’ came the man’s angry voice, and the child sobbed louder.

    Constance strode nearer, with blazing eyes. The man turned and looked at her, saluting coolly, but he was pale with anger.

    ‘What’s the matter? Why is she crying?’ demanded Constance, peremptory but a little breathless.

    A faint smile like a sneer came on the man’s face. ‘Nay, yo mun ax ‘er,’ he replied callously, in broad vernacular.

    Connie felt as if he had hit her in the face, and she changed colour. Then she gathered her defiance, and looked at him, her dark blue eyes blazing rather vaguely.

    ‘I asked you,’ she panted.

    He gave a queer little bow, lifting his hat. ‘You did, your Ladyship,’ he said; then, with a return to the vernacular: ‘but I canna tell yer.’ And he became a soldier, inscrutable, only pale with annoyance.

    Connie turned to the child, a ruddy, black-haired thing of nine or ten. ‘What is it, dear? Tell me why you’re crying!’ she said, with the conventionalized sweetness suitable. More violent sobs, self-conscious. Still more sweetness on Connie’s part.

    ‘There, there, don’t you cry! Tell me what they’ve done to you!’…an intense tenderness of tone. At the same time she felt in the pocket of her knitted jacket, and luckily found a sixpence.

    ‘Don’t you cry then!’ she said, bending in front of the child. ‘See what I’ve got for you!’

    Sobs, snuffles, a fist taken from a blubbered face, and a black shrewd eye cast for a second on the sixpence. Then more sobs, but subduing. ‘There, tell me what’s the matter, tell me!’ said Connie, putting the coin into the child’s chubby hand, which closed over it.

    ‘It’s the…it’s the…pussy!’

    Shudders of subsiding sobs.

    ‘What pussy, dear?’

    After a silence the shy fist, clenching on sixpence, pointed into the bramble brake.

    ‘There!’

    Connie looked, and there, sure enough, was a big black cat, stretched out grimly, with a bit of blood on it.

    ‘Oh!’ she said in repulsion.

    ‘A poacher, your Ladyship,’ said the man satirically.

    She glanced at him angrily. ‘No wonder the child cried,’ she said, ‘if you shot it when she was there. No wonder she cried!’

    He looked into Connie’s eyes, laconic, contemptuous, not hiding his feelings. And again Connie flushed; she felt she had been making a scene, the man did not respect her.

    ‘What is your name?’ she said playfully to the child. ‘Won’t you tell me your name?’

    Sniffs; then very affectedly in a piping voice: ‘Connie Mellors!’

    ‘Connie Mellors! Well, that’s a nice name! And did you come out with your Daddy, and he shot a pussy? But it was a bad pussy!’

    The child looked at her, with bold, dark eyes of scrutiny, sizing her up, and her condolence.

    ‘I wanted to stop with my Gran,’ said the little girl.

    ‘Did you? But where is your Gran?’

    The child lifted an arm, pointing down the drive. ‘At th’ cottidge.’

    ‘At the cottage! And would you like to go back to her?’

    Sudden, shuddering quivers of reminiscent sobs. ‘Yes!’

    ‘Come then, shall I take you? Shall I take you to your Gran? Then your Daddy can do what he has to do.’ She turned to the man. ‘It is your little girl, isn’t it?’

    He saluted, and made a slight movement of the head in affirmation.

    ‘I suppose I can take her to the cottage?’ asked Connie.

    ‘If your Ladyship wishes.’

    Again he looked into her eyes, with that calm, searching detached glance. A man very much alone, and on his own.

    ‘Would you like to come with me to the cottage, to your Gran, dear?’

    The child peeped up again. ‘Yes!’ she simpered.

    Connie disliked her; the spoilt, false little female. Nevertheless she wiped her face and took her hand. The keeper saluted in silence.

    ‘Good morning!’ said Connie.

    It was nearly a mile to the cottage, and Connie senior was well bored by Connie junior by the time the game-keeper’s picturesque little home was in sight. The child was already as full to the brim with tricks as a little monkey, and so self-assured.

    At the cottage the door stood open, and there was a rattling heard inside. Connie lingered, the child slipped her hand, and ran indoors.

    ‘Gran! Gran!’

    ‘Why, are yer back a’ready!’

    The grandmother had been blackleading the stove, it was Saturday morning. She came to the door in her sacking apron, a blacklead-brush in her hand, and a black smudge on her nose. She was a little, rather dry woman.

    ‘Why, whatever?’ she said, hastily wiping her arm across her face as she saw Connie standing outside.

    ‘Good morning!’ said Connie. ‘She was crying, so I just brought her home.’

    The grandmother looked around swiftly at the child:

    ‘Why, wheer was yer Dad?’

    The little girl clung to her grandmother’s skirts and simpered.

    ‘He was there,’ said Connie, ‘but he’d shot a poaching cat, and the child was upset.’

    ‘Oh, you’d no right t’ave bothered, Lady Chatterley, I’m sure! I’m sure it was very good of you, but you shouldn’t ‘ave bothered. Why, did ever you see!’–and the old woman turned to the child: ‘Fancy Lady Chatterley takin’ all that trouble over yer! Why, she shouldn’t ‘ave bothered!’

    ‘It was no bother, just a walk,’ said Connie smiling.

    ‘Why, I’m sure ’twas very kind of you, I must say! So she was crying! I knew there’d be something afore they got far. She’s frightened of ‘im, that’s wheer it is. Seems ‘e’s almost a stranger to ‘er, fair a stranger, and I don’t think they’re two as’d hit it off very easy. He’s got funny ways.’

    Connie didn’t know what to say.

    ‘Look, Gran!’ simpered the child.

    The old woman looked down at the sixpence in the little girl’s hand.

    ‘An’ sixpence an’ all! Oh, your Ladyship, you shouldn’t, you shouldn’t. Why, isn’t Lady Chatterley good to yer! My word, you’re a lucky girl this morning!’

    She pronounced the name, as all the people did: Chat’ley.–Isn’t Lady Chat’ley good to you!’–Connie couldn’t help looking at the old woman’s nose, and the latter again vaguely wiped her face with the back of her wrist, but missed the smudge.

    Connie was moving away ‘Well, thank you ever so much, Lady Chat’ley, I’m sure. Say thank you to Lady Chat’ley!’–this last to the child.

    ‘Thank you,’ piped the child.

    ‘There’s a dear!’ laughed Connie, and she moved away, saying ‘Good morning’, heartily relieved to get away from the contact.

    Curious, she thought, that that thin, proud man should have that little, sharp woman for a mother!

    And the old woman, as soon as Connie had gone, rushed to the bit of mirror in the scullery, and looked at her face. Seeing it, she stamped her foot with impatience. ‘Of course she had to catch me in my coarse apron, and a dirty face! Nice idea she’d get of me!’

    Connie went slowly home to Wragby. ‘Home!’…it was a warm word to use for that great, weary warren. But then it was a word that had had its day. It was somehow cancelled. All the great words, it seemed to Connie, were cancelled for her generation: love, joy, happiness, home, mother, father, husband, all these great, dynamic words were half dead now, and dying from day to day. Home was a place you lived in, love was a thing you didn’t fool yourself about, joy was a word you applied to a good Charleston, happiness was a term of hypocrisy used to bluff other people, a father was an individual who enjoyed his own existence, a husband was a man you lived with and kept going in spirits. As for sex, the last of the great words, it was just a cocktail term for an excitement that bucked you up for a while, then left you more raggy than ever. Frayed! It was as if the very material you were made of was cheap stuff, and was fraying out to nothing.

    All that really remained was a stubborn stoicism: and in that there was a certain pleasure. In the very experience of the nothingness of life, phase after phase, étape after étape, there was a certain grisly satisfaction. So that’s that! Always this was the last utterance: home, love, marriage, Michaelis: So that’s that! And when one died, the last words to life would be: So that’s that!

    Money? Perhaps one couldn’t say the same there. Money one always wanted. Money, Success, the bitch-goddess, as Tommy Dukes persisted in calling it, after Henry James, that was a permanent necessity. You couldn’t spend your last sou, and say finally: So that’s that! No, if you lived even another ten minutes, you wanted a few more sous for something or other. Just to keep the business mechanically going, you needed money. You had to have it. Money you have to have. You needn’t really have anything else. So that’s that!

    Since, of course, it’s not your own fault you are alive. Once you are alive, money is a necessity, and the only absolute necessity. All the rest you can get along without, at a pinch. But not money. Emphatically, that’s that!

    She thought of Michaelis, and the money she might have had with him; and even that she didn’t want. She preferred the lesser amount which she helped Clifford to make by his writing. That she actually helped to make.–‘Clifford and I together, we make twelve hundred a year out of writing’; so she put it to herself. Make money! Make it! Out of nowhere. Wring it out of the thin air! The last feat to be humanly proud of! The rest all-my-eye-Betty-Martin.

    So she plodded home to Clifford, to join forces with him again, to make another story out of nothingness: and a story meant money. Clifford seemed to care very much whether his stories were considered first-class literature or not. Strictly, she didn’t care. Nothing in it! said her father. Twelve hundred pounds last year! was the retort simple and final.

    If you were young, you just set your teeth, and bit on and held on, till the money began to flow from the invisible; it was a question of power. It was a question of will; a subtle, subtle, powerful emanation of will out of yourself brought back to you the mysterious nothingness of money a word on a bit of paper. It was a sort of magic, certainly it was triumph. The bitch-goddess! Well, if one had to prostitute oneself, let it be to a bitch-goddess! One could always despise her even while one prostituted oneself to her, which was good.

    Clifford, of course, had still many childish taboos and fetishes. He wanted to be thought ‘really good’, which was all cock-a-hoopy nonsense. What was really good was what actually caught on. It was no good being really good and getting left with it. It seemed as if most of the ‘really good’ men just missed the bus. After all you only lived one life, and if you missed the bus, you were just left on the pavement, along with the rest of the failures.

    Connie was contemplating a winter in London with Clifford, next winter. He and she had caught the bus all right, so they might as well ride on top for a bit, and show it.

    The worst of it was, Clifford tended to become vague, absent, and to fall into fits of vacant depression. It was the wound to his psyche coming out. But it made Connie want to scream. Oh God, if the mechanism of the consciousness itself was going to go wrong, then what was one to do? Hang it all, one did one’s bit! Was one to be let down absolutely?

    Sometimes she wept bitterly, but even as she wept she was saying to herself: Silly fool, wetting hankies! As if that would get you anywhere!

    Since Michaelis, she had made up her mind she wanted nothing. That seemed the simplest solution of the otherwise insoluble. She wanted nothing more than what she’d got; only she wanted to get ahead with what she’d got: Clifford, the stories, Wragby, the Lady-Chatterley business, money and fame, such as it was…she wanted to go ahead with it all. Love, sex, all that sort of stuff, just water-ices! Lick it up and forget it. If you don’t hang on to it in your mind, it’s nothing. Sex especially…nothing! Make up your mind to it, and you’ve solved the problem. Sex and a cocktail: they both lasted about as long, had the same effect, and amounted to about the same thing.

    But a child, a baby! That was still one of the sensations. She would venture very gingerly on that experiment. There was the man to consider, and it was curious, there wasn’t a man in the world whose children you wanted. Mick’s children! Repulsive thought! As lief have a child to a rabbit! Tommy Dukes? he was very nice, but somehow you couldn’t associate him with a baby, another generation. He ended in himself. And out of all the rest of Clifford’s pretty wide acquaintance, there was not a man who did not rouse her contempt, when she thought of having a child by him. There were several who would have been quite possible as lover, even Mick. But to let them breed a child on you! Ugh! Humiliation and abomination.

    So that was that!

    Nevertheless, Connie had the child at the back of her mind. Wait! wait! She would sift the generations of men through her sieve, and see if she couldn’t find one who would do.–‘Go ye into the streets and by ways of Jerusalem, and see if you can find a man.’ It had been impossible to find a man in the Jerusalem of the prophet, though there were thousands of male humans. But a man! c’est une autre chose!

    She had an idea that he would have to be a foreigner: not an Englishman, still less an Irishman. A real foreigner.

    But wait! wait! Next winter she would get Clifford to London; the following winter she would get him abroad to the South of France, Italy. Wait! She was in no hurry about the child. That was her own private affair, and the one point on which, in her own queer, female way, she was serious to the bottom of her soul. She was not going to risk any chance comer, not she! One might take a lover almost at any moment, but a man who should beget a child on one…wait! wait! it’s a very different matter.–‘Go ye into the streets and byways of Jerusalem…’ It was not a question of love; it was a question of a man. Why, one might even rather hate him, personally. Yet if he was the man, what would one’s personal hate matter? This business concerned another part of oneself.

    It had rained as usual, and the paths were too sodden for Clifford’s chair, but Connie would go out. She went out alone every day now, mostly in the wood, where she was really alone. She saw nobody there.

    This day, however, Clifford wanted to send a message to the keeper, and as the boy was laid up with influenza, somebody always seemed to have influenza at Wragby, Connie said she would call at the cottage.

    The air was soft and dead, as if all the world were slowly dying. Grey and clammy and silent, even from the shuffling of the collieries, for the pits were working short time, and today they were stopped altogether. The end of all things!

    In the wood all was utterly inert and motionless, only great drops fell from the bare boughs, with a hollow little crash. For the rest, among the old trees was depth within depth of grey, hopeless inertia, silence, nothingness.

    Connie walked dimly on. From the old wood came an ancient melancholy, somehow soothing to her, better than the harsh insentience of the outer world. She liked the inwardness of the remnant of forest, the unspeaking reticence of the old trees. They seemed a very power of silence, and yet a vital presence. They, too, were waiting: obstinately, stoically waiting, and giving off a potency of silence. Perhaps they were only waiting for the end; to be cut down, cleared away, the end of the forest, for them the end of all things. But perhaps their strong and aristocratic silence, the silence of strong trees, meant something else.

    As she came out of the wood on the north side, the keeper’s cottage, a rather dark, brown stone cottage, with gables and a handsome chimney, looked uninhabited, it was so silent and alone. But a thread of smoke rose from the chimney, and the little railed-in garden in the front of the house was dug and kept very tidy. The door was shut.

    Now she was here she felt a little shy of the man, with his curious far-seeing eyes. She did not like bringing him orders, and felt like going away again. She knocked softly, no one came. She knocked again, but still not loudly. There was no answer. She peeped through the window, and saw the dark little room, with its almost sinister privacy, not wanting to be invaded.

    She stood and listened, and it seemed to her she heard sounds from the back of the cottage. Having failed to make herself heard, her mettle was roused, she would not be defeated.

    So she went round the side of the house. At the back of the cottage the land rose steeply, so the back yard was sunken, and enclosed by a low stone wall. She turned the corner of the house and stopped. In the little yard two paces beyond her, the man was washing himself, utterly unaware. He was naked to the hips, his velveteen breeches slipping down over his slender loins. And his white slim back was curved over a big bowl of soapy water, in which he ducked his head, shaking his head with a queer, quick little motion, lifting his slender white arms, and pressing the soapy water from his ears, quick, subtle as a weasel playing with water, and utterly alone. Connie backed away round the corner of the house, and hurried away to the wood. In spite of herself, she had had a shock. After all, merely a man washing himself, commonplace enough, Heaven knows!

    Yet in some curious way it was a visionary experience: it had hit her in the middle of the body. She saw the clumsy breeches slipping down over the pure, delicate, white loins, the bones showing a little, and the sense of aloneness, of a creature purely alone, overwhelmed her. Perfect, white, solitary nudity of a creature that lives alone, and inwardly alone. And beyond that, a certain beauty of a pure creature. Not the stuff of beauty, not even the body of beauty, but a lambency, the warm, white flame of a single life, revealing itself in contours that one might touch: a body!

    Connie had received the shock of vision in her womb, and she knew it; it lay inside her. But with her mind she was inclined to ridicule. A man washing himself in a back yard! No doubt with evil-smelling yellow soap! She was rather annoyed; why should she be made to stumble on these vulgar privacies?

    So she walked away from herself, but after a while she sat down on a stump. She was too confused to think. But in the coil of her confusion, she was determined to deliver her message to the fellow. She would not be balked. She must give him time to dress himself, but not time to go out. He was probably preparing to go out somewhere.

    So she sauntered slowly back, listening. As she came near, the cottage looked just the same. A dog barked, and she knocked at the door, her heart beating in spite of herself.

    She heard the man coming lightly downstairs. He opened the door quickly, and startled her. He looked uneasy himself, but instantly a laugh came on his face.

    ‘Lady Chatterley!’ he said. ‘Will you come in?’

    His manner was so perfectly easy and good, she stepped over the threshold into the rather dreary little room.

    ‘I only called with a message from Sir Clifford,’ she said in her soft, rather breathless voice.

    The man was looking at her with those blue, all-seeing eyes of his, which made her turn her face aside a little. He thought her comely, almost beautiful, in her shyness, and he took command of the situation himself at once.

    ‘Would you care to sit down?’ he asked, presuming she would not. The door stood open.

    ‘No thanks! Sir Clifford wondered if you would and she delivered her message, looking unconsciously into his eyes again. And now his eyes looked warm and kind, particularly to a woman, wonderfully warm, and kind, and at ease.

    ‘Very good, your Ladyship. I will see to it at once.’

    Taking an order, his whole self had changed, glazed over with a sort of hardness and distance. Connie hesitated, she ought to go. But she looked round the clean, tidy, rather dreary little sitting-room with something like dismay.

    ‘Do you live here quite alone?’ she asked.

    ‘Quite alone, your Ladyship.’

    ‘But your mother…?’

    ‘She lives in her own cottage in the village.’

    ‘With the child?’ asked Connie.

    ‘With the child!’

    And his plain, rather worn face took on an indefinable look of derision. It was a face that changed all the time, baffling.

    ‘No,’ he said, seeing Connie stand at a loss, ‘my mother comes and cleans up for me on Saturdays; I do the rest myself.’

    Again Connie looked at him. His eyes were smiling again, a little mockingly, but warm and blue, and somehow kind. She wondered at him. He was in trousers and flannel shirt and a grey tie, his hair soft and damp, his face rather pale and worn-looking. When the eyes ceased to laugh they looked as if they had suffered a great deal, still without losing their warmth. But a pallor of isolation came over him, she was not really there for him.

    She wanted to say so many things, and she said nothing. Only she looked up at him again, and remarked:

    ‘I hope I didn’t disturb you?’

    The faint smile of mockery narrowed his eyes.

    ‘Only combing my hair, if you don’t mind. I’m sorry I hadn’t a coat on, but then I had no idea who was knocking. Nobody knocks here, and the unexpected sounds ominous.’

    He went in front of her down the garden path to hold the gate. In his shirt, without the clumsy velveteen coat, she saw again how slender he was, thin, stooping a little. Yet, as she passed him, there was something young and bright in his fair hair, and his quick eyes. He would be a man about thirty-seven or eight.

    She plodded on into the wood, knowing he was looking after her; he upset her so much, in spite of herself.

    And he, as he went indoors, was thinking: ‘She’s nice, she’s real! She’s nicer than she knows.’

    She wondered very much about him; he seemed so unlike a game-keeper, so unlike a working-man anyhow; although he had something in common with the local people. But also something very uncommon.

    ‘The game-keeper, Mellors, is a curious kind of person,’ she said to Clifford; ‘he might almost be a gentleman.’

    ‘Might he?’ said Clifford. ‘I hadn’t noticed.’

    ‘But isn’t there something special about him?’ Connie insisted.

    ‘I think he’s quite a nice fellow, but I know very little about him. He only came out of the army last year, less than a year ago. From India, I rather think. He may have picked up certain tricks out there, perhaps he was an officer’s servant, and improved on his position. Some of the men were like that. But it does them no good, they have to fall back into their old places when they get home again.’

    Connie gazed at Clifford contemplatively. She saw in him the peculiar tight rebuff against anyone of the lower classes who might be really climbing up, which she knew was characteristic of his breed.

    ‘But don’t you think there is something special about him?’ she asked.

    ‘Frankly, no! Nothing I had noticed.’

    He looked at her curiously, uneasily, half-suspiciously. And she felt he wasn’t telling her the real truth; he wasn’t telling himself the real truth, that was it. He disliked any suggestion of a really exceptional human being. People must be more or less at his level, or below it.

    Connie felt again the tightness, niggardliness of the men of her generation. They were so tight, so scared of life!

    Chapter 7

    When Connie went up to her bedroom she did what she had not done for a long time: took off all her clothes, and looked at herself naked in the huge mirror. She did not know what she was looking for, or at, very definitely, yet she moved the lamp till it shone full on her.

    And she thought, as she had thought so often, what a frail, easily hurt, rather pathetic thing a human body is, naked; somehow a little unfinished, incomplete!

    She had been supposed to have rather a good figure, but now she was out of fashion: a little too female, not enough like an adolescent boy. She was not very tall, a bit Scottish and short; but she had a certain fluent, down-slipping grace that might have been beauty. Her skin was faintly tawny, her limbs had a certain stillness, her body should have had a full, down-slipping richness; but it lacked something.

    Instead of ripening its firm, down-running curves, her body was flattening and going a little harsh. It was as if it had not had enough sun and warmth; it was a little greyish and sapless.

    Disappointed of its real womanhood, it had not succeeded in becoming boyish, and unsubstantial, and transparent; instead it had gone opaque.

    Her breasts were rather small, and dropping pear-shaped. But they were unripe, a little bitter, without meaning hanging there. And her belly had lost the fresh, round gleam it had had when she was young, in the days of her German boy, who really loved her physically. Then it was young and expectant, with a real look of its own. Now it was going slack, and a little flat, thinner, but with a slack thinness. Her thighs, too, they used to look so quick and glimpsy in their female roundness, somehow they too were going flat, slack, meaningless.

    Her body was going meaningless, going dull and opaque, so much insignificant substance. It made her feel immensely depressed and hopeless. What hope was there? She was old, old at twenty-seven, with no gleam and sparkle in the flesh. Old through neglect and denial, yes, denial. Fashionable women kept their bodies bright like delicate porcelain, by external attention. There was nothing inside the porcelain; but she was not even as bright as that. The mental life! Suddenly she hated it with a rushing fury, the swindle!

    She looked in the other mirror’s reflection at her back, her waist, her loins. She was getting thinner, but to her it was not becoming. The crumple of her waist at the back, as she bent back to look, was a little weary; and it used to be so gay-looking. And the longish slope of her haunches and her buttocks had lost its gleam and its sense of richness. Gone! Only the German boy had loved it, and he was ten years dead, very nearly. How time went by! Ten years dead, and she was only twenty-seven. The healthy boy with his fresh, clumsy sensuality that she had then been so scornful of! Where would she find it now? It was gone out of men. They had their pathetic, two-seconds spasms like Michaelis; but no healthy human sensuality, that warms the blood and freshens the whole being.

    Still she thought the most beautiful part of her was the long-sloping fall of the haunches from the socket of the back, and the slumberous, round stillness of the buttocks. Like hillocks of sand, the Arabs say, soft and downward-slipping with a long slope. Here the life still lingered hoping. But here too she was thinner, and going unripe, astringent.

    But the front of her body made her miserable. It was already beginning to slacken, with a slack sort of thinness, almost withered, going old before it had ever really lived. She thought of the child she might somehow bear. Was she fit, anyhow?

    She slipped into her nightdress, and went to bed, where she sobbed bitterly. And in her bitterness burned a cold indignation against Clifford, and his writings and his talk: against all the men of his sort who defrauded a woman even of her own body.

    Unjust! Unjust! The sense of deep physical injustice burned to her very soul.

    But in the morning, all the same, she was up at seven, and going downstairs to Clifford. She had to help him in all the intimate things, for he had no man, and refused a woman-servant. The housekeeper’s husband, who had known him as a boy, helped him, and did any heavy lifting; but Connie did the personal things, and she did them willingly. It was a demand on her, but she had wanted to do what she could.

    So she hardly ever went away from Wragby, and never for more than a day or two; when Mrs Betts, the housekeeper, attended to Clifford. He, as was inevitable in the course of time, took all the service for granted. It was natural he should.

    And yet, deep inside herself, a sense of injustice, of being defrauded, had begun to burn in Connie. The physical sense of injustice is a dangerous feeling, once it is awakened. It must have outlet, or it eats away the one in whom it is aroused. Poor Clifford, he was not to blame. His was the greater misfortune. It was all part of the general catastrophe.

    And yet was he not in a way to blame? This lack of warmth, this lack of the simple, warm, physical contact, was he not to blame for that? He was never really warm, nor even kind, only thoughtful, considerate, in a well-bred, cold sort of way! But never warm as a man can be warm to a woman, as even Connie’s father could be warm to her, with the warmth of a man who did himself well, and intended to, but who still could comfort a woman with a bit of his masculine glow.

    But Clifford was not like that. His whole race was not like that. They were all inwardly hard and separate, and warmth to them was just bad taste. You had to get on without it, and hold your own; which was all very well if you were of the same class and race. Then you could keep yourself cold and be very estimable, and hold your own, and enjoy the satisfaction of holding it. But if you were of another class and another race it wouldn’t do; there was no fun merely holding your own, and feeling you belonged to the ruling class. What was the point, when even the smartest aristocrats had really nothing positive of their own to hold, and their rule was really a farce, not rule at all? What was the point? It was all cold nonsense.

    A sense of rebellion smouldered in Connie. What was the good of it all? What was the good of her sacrifice, her devoting her life to Clifford? What was she serving, after all? A cold spirit of vanity, that had no warm human contacts, and that was as corrupt as any low-born Jew, in craving for prostitution to the bitch-goddess, Success. Even Clifford’s cool and contactless assurance that he belonged to the ruling class didn’t prevent his tongue lolling out of his mouth, as he panted after the bitch-goddess. After all, Michaelis was really more dignified in the matter, and far, far more successful. Really, if you looked closely at Clifford, he was a buffoon, and a buffoon is more humiliating than a bounder.

    As between the two men, Michaelis really had far more use for her than Clifford had. He had even more need of her. Any good nurse can attend to crippled legs! And as for the heroic effort, Michaelis was a heroic rat, and Clifford was very much of a poodle showing off.

    There were people staying in the house, among them Clifford’s Aunt Eva, Lady Bennerley. She was a thin woman of sixty, with a red nose, a widow, and still something of a grande dame. She belonged to one of the best families, and had the character to carry it off. Connie liked her, she was so perfectly simple and frank, as far as she intended to be frank, and superficially kind. Inside herself she was a past-mistress in holding her own, and holding other people a little lower. She was not at all a snob: far too sure of herself. She was perfect at the social sport of coolly holding her own, and making other people defer to her.

    She was kind to Connie, and tried to worm into her woman’s soul with the sharp gimlet of her well-born observations.

    ‘You’re quite wonderful, in my opinion,’ she said to Connie. ‘You’ve done wonders for Clifford. I never saw any budding genius myself, and there he is, all the rage.’ Aunt Eva was quite complacently proud of Clifford’s success. Another feather in the family cap! She didn’t care a straw about his books, but why should she?

    ‘Oh, I don’t think it’s my doing,’ said Connie.

    ‘It must be! Can’t be anybody else’s. And it seems to me you don’t get enough out of it.’

    ‘How?’

    ‘Look at the way you are shut up here. I said to Clifford: If that child rebels one day you’ll have yourself to thank!’

    ‘But Clifford never denies me anything,’ said Connie.

    ‘Look here, my dear child’–and Lady Bennerley laid her thin hand on Connie’s arm. ‘A woman has to live her life, or live to repent not having lived it. Believe me!’ And she took another sip of brandy, which maybe was her form of repentance.

    ‘But I do live my life, don’t I?’

    ‘Not in my idea! Clifford should bring you to London, and let you go about. His sort of friends are all right for him, but what are they for you? If I were you I should think it wasn’t good enough. You’ll let your youth slip by, and you’ll spend your old age, and your middle age too, repenting it.’

    Her ladyship lapsed into contemplative silence, soothed by the brandy.

    But Connie was not keen on going to London, and being steered into the smart world by Lady Bennerley. She didn’t feel really smart, it wasn’t interesting. And she did feel the peculiar, withering coldness under it all; like the soil of Labrador, which his gay little flowers on its surface, and a foot down is frozen.

    Tommy Dukes was at Wragby, and another man, Harry Winterslow, and Jack Strangeways with his wife Olive. The talk was much more desultory than when only the cronies were there, and everybody was a bit bored, for the weather was bad, and there was only billiards, and the pianola to dance to.

    Olive was reading a book about the future, when babies would be bred in bottles, and women would be ‘immunized’.

    ‘Jolly good thing too!’ she said. ‘Then a woman can live her own life.’ Strangeways wanted children, and she didn’t.

    ‘How’d you like to be immunized?’ Winterslow asked her, with an ugly smile.

    ‘I hope I am; naturally,’ she said. ‘Anyhow the future’s going to have more sense, and a woman needn’t be dragged down by her functions.’

    ‘Perhaps she’ll float off into space altogether,’ said Dukes.

    ‘I do think sufficient civilization ought to eliminate a lot of the physical disabilities,’ said Clifford. ‘All the love-business for example, it might just as well go. I suppose it would if we could breed babies in bottles.’

    ‘No!’ cried Olive. ‘That might leave all the more room for fun.’

    ‘I suppose,’ said Lady Bennerley, contemplatively, ‘if the love-business went, something else would take its place. Morphia, perhaps. A little morphine in all the air. It would be wonderfully refreshing for everybody.’

    ‘The government releasing ether into the air on Saturdays, for a cheerful weekend!’ said Jack. ‘Sounds all right, but where should we be by Wednesday?’

    ‘So long as you can forget your body you are happy,’ said Lady Bennerley. ‘And the moment you begin to be aware of your body, you are wretched. So, if civilization is any good, it has to help us to forget our bodies, and then time passes happily without our knowing it.’

    ‘Help us to get rid of our bodies altogether,’ said Winterslow. ‘It’s quite time man began to improve on his own nature, especially the physical side of it.’

    ‘Imagine if we floated like tobacco smoke,’ said Connie.

    ‘It won’t happen,’ said Dukes. ‘Our old show will come flop; our civilization is going to fall. It’s going down the bottomless pit, down the chasm. And believe me, the only bridge across the chasm will be the phallus!’

    ‘Oh do! Dobe impossible, General!’ cried Olive.

    ‘I believe our civilization is going to collapse,’ said Aunt Eva.

    ‘And what will come after it?’ asked Clifford.

    ‘I haven’t the faintest idea, but something, I suppose,’ said the elderly lady.

    ‘Connie says people like wisps of smoke, and Olive says immunized women, and babies in bottles, and Dukes says the phallus is the bridge to what comes next. I wonder what it will really be?’ said Clifford.

    ‘Oh, don’t bother! let’s get on with today,’ said Olive. ‘Only hurry up with the breeding bottle, and let us poor women off.’

    ‘There might even be real men, in the next phase,’ said Tommy. ‘Real, intelligent, wholesome men, and wholesome nice women! Wouldn’t that be a change, an enormous change from us? we’re not men, and the women aren’t women. We’re only cerebrating make-shifts, mechanical and intellectual experiments. There may even come a civilization of genuine men and women, instead of our little lot of clever-jacks, all at the intelligence-age of seven. It would be even more amazing than men of smoke or babies in bottles.’

    ‘Oh, when people begin to talk about real women, I give up,’ said Olive.

    ‘Certainly nothing but the spirit in us is worth having,’ said Winterslow.

    ‘Spirits!’ said Jack, drinking his whisky and soda.

    ‘Think so? Give me the resurrection of the body!’ said Dukes.

    ‘But it’ll come, in time, when we’ve shoved the cerebral stone away a bit, the money and the rest. Then we’ll get a democracy of touch, instead of a democracy of pocket.’

    Something echoed inside Connie: ‘Give me the democracy of touch, the resurrection of the body!’ She didn’t at all know what it meant, but it comforted her, as meaningless things may do.

    Anyhow everything was terribly silly, and she was exasperatedly bored by it all, by Clifford, by Aunt Eva, by Olive and Jack, and Winterslow, and even by Dukes. Talk, talk, talk! What hell it was, the continual rattle of it!

    Then, when all the people went, it was no better. She continued plodding on, but exasperation and irritation had got hold of her lower body, she couldn’t escape. The days seemed to grind by, with curious painfulness, yet nothing happened. Only she was getting thinner; even the housekeeper noticed it, and asked her about herself. Even Tommy Dukes insisted she was not well, though she said she was all right. Only she began to be afraid of the ghastly white tombstones, that peculiar loathsome whiteness of Carrara marble, detestable as false teeth, which stuck up on the hillside, under Tevershall church, and which she saw with such grim painfulness from the park. The bristling of the hideous false teeth of tombstones on the hill affected her with a grisly kind of horror. She felt the time not far off when she would be buried there, added to the ghastly host under the tombstones and the monuments, in these filthy Midlands.

    She needed help, and she knew it: so she wrote a little cri du coeur to her sister, Hilda. ‘I’m not well lately, and I don’t know what’s the matter with me.’

    Down posted Hilda from Scotland, where she had taken up her abode. She came in March, alone, driving herself in a nimble two-seater. Up the drive she came, tooting up the incline, then sweeping round the oval of grass, where the two great wild beech-trees stood, on the flat in front of the house.

    Connie had run out to the steps. Hilda pulled up her car, got out, and kissed her sister.

    ‘But Connie!’ she cried. ‘Whatever is the matter?’

    ‘Nothing!’ said Connie, rather shamefacedly; but she knew how she had suffered in contrast to Hilda. Both sisters had the same rather golden, glowing skin, and soft brown hair, and naturally strong, warm physique. But now Connie was thin and earthy-looking, with a scraggy, yellowish neck, that stuck out of her jumper.

    ‘But you’re ill, child!’ said Hilda, in the soft, rather breathless voice that both sisters had alike. Hilda was nearly, but not quite, two years older than Connie.

    ‘No, not ill. Perhaps I’m bored,’ said Connie a little pathetically.

    The light of battle glowed in Hilda’s face; she was a woman, soft and still as she seemed, of the old amazon sort, not made to fit with men.

    ‘This wretched place!’ she said softly, looking at poor, old, lumbering Wragby with real hate. She looked soft and warm herself, as a ripe pear, and she was an amazon of the real old breed.

    She went quietly in to Clifford. He thought how handsome she looked, but also he shrank from her. His wife’s family did not have his sort of manners, or his sort of etiquette. He considered them rather outsiders, but once they got inside they made him jump through the hoop.

    He sat square and well-groomed in his chair, his hair sleek and blond, and his face fresh, his blue eyes pale, and a little prominent, his expression inscrutable, but well-bred. Hilda thought it sulky and stupid, and he waited. He had an air of aplomb, but Hilda didn’t care what he had an air of; she was up in arms, and if he’d been Pope or Emperor it would have been just the same.

    ‘Connie’s looking awfully unwell,’ she said in her soft voice, fixing him with her beautiful, glowering grey eyes. She looked so maidenly, so did Connie; but he well knew the tone of Scottish obstinacy underneath.

    ‘She’s a little thinner,’ he said.

    ‘Haven’t you done anything about it?’

    ‘Do you think it necessary?’ he asked, with his suavest English stiffness, for the two things often go together.

    Hilda only glowered at him without replying; repartee was not her forte, nor Connie’s; so she glowered, and he was much more uncomfortable than if she had said things.

    ‘I’ll take her to a doctor,’ said Hilda at length. ‘Can you suggest a good one round here?’

    ‘I’m afraid I can’t.’

    ‘Then I’ll take her to London, where we have a doctor we trust.’

    Though boiling with rage, Clifford said nothing.

    ‘I suppose I may as well stay the night,’ said Hilda, pulling off her gloves, ‘and I’ll drive her to town tomorrow.’

    Clifford was yellow at the gills with anger, and at evening the whites of his eyes were a little yellow too. He ran to liver. But Hilda was consistently modest and maidenly.

    ‘You must have a nurse or somebody, to look after you personally. You should really have a manservant,’ said Hilda as they sat, with apparent calmness, at coffee after dinner. She spoke in her soft, seemingly gentle way, but Clifford felt she was hitting him on the head with a bludgeon.

    ‘You think so?’ he said coldly.

    ‘I’m sure! It’s necessary. Either that, or Father and I must take Connie away for some months. This can’t go on.’

    ‘What can’t go on?’

    ‘Haven’t you looked at the child!’ asked Hilda, gazing at him full stare. He looked rather like a huge, boiled crayfish at the moment; or so she thought.

    ‘Connie and I will discuss it,’ he said.

    ‘I’ve already discussed it with her,’ said Hilda.

    Clifford had been long enough in the hands of nurses; he hated them, because they left him no real privacy. And a manservant!…he couldn’t stand a man hanging round him. Almost better any woman. But why not Connie?

    The two sisters drove off in the morning, Connie looking rather like an Easter lamb, rather small beside Hilda, who held the wheel. Sir Malcolm was away, but the Kensington house was open.

    The doctor examined Connie carefully, and asked her all about her life. ‘I see your photograph, and Sir Clifford’s, in the illustrated papers sometimes. Almost notorieties, aren’t you? That’s how the quiet little girls grow up, though you’re only a quiet little girl even now, in spite of the illustrated papers. No, no! There’s nothing organically wrong, but it won’t do! It won’t do! Tell Sir Clifford he’s got to bring you to town, or take you abroad, and amuse you. You’ve got to be amused, got to! Your vitality is much too low; no reserves, no reserves. The nerves of the heart a bit queer already: oh, yes! Nothing but nerves; I’d put you right in a month at Cannes or Biarritz. But it mustn’t go on, mustn’t, I tell you, or I won’t be answerable for consequences. You’re spending your life without renewing it. You’ve got to be amused, properly, healthily amused. You’re spending your vitality without making any. Can’t go on, you know. Depression! Avoid depression!’

    Hilda set her jaw, and that meant something.

    Michaelis heard they were in town, and came running with roses. ‘Why, whatever’s wrong?’ he cried. ‘You’re a shadow of yourself. Why, I never saw such a change! Why ever didn’t you let me know? Come to Nice with me! Come down to Sicily! Go on, come to Sicily with me. It’s lovely there just now. You want sun! You want life! Why, you’re wasting away! Come away with me! Come to Africa! Oh, hang Sir Clifford! Chuck him, and come along with me. I’ll marry you the minute he divorces you. Come along and try a life! God’s love! That place Wragby would kill anybody. Beastly place! Foul place! Kill anybody! Come away with me into the sun! It’s the sun you want, of course, and a bit of normal life.’

    But Connie’s heart simply stood still at the thought of abandoning Clifford there and then. She couldn’t do it. No…no! She just couldn’t. She had to go back to Wragby.

    Michaelis was disgusted. Hilda didn’t like Michaelis, but she almost preferred him to Clifford. Back went the sisters to the Midlands.

    Hilda talked to Clifford, who still had yellow eyeballs when they got back. He, too, in his way, was overwrought; but he had to listen to all Hilda said, to all the doctor had said, not what Michaelis had said, of course, and he sat mum through the ultimatum.

    ‘Here is the address of a good manservant, who was with an invalid patient of the doctor’s till he died last month. He is really a good man, and fairly sure to come.’

    ‘But I’m not an invalid, and I will not have a manservant,’ said Clifford, poor devil.

    ‘And here are the addresses of two women; I saw one of them, she would do very well; a woman of about fifty, quiet, strong, kind, and in her way cultured…’

    Clifford only sulked, and would not answer.

    ‘Very well, Clifford. If we don’t settle something by to-morrow, I shall telegraph to Father, and we shall take Connie away.’

    ‘Will Connie go?’ asked Clifford.

    ‘She doesn’t want to, but she knows she must. Mother died of cancer, brought on by fretting. We’re not running any risks.’

    So next day Clifford suggested Mrs Bolton, Tevershall parish nurse. Apparently Mrs Betts had thought of her. Mrs Bolton was just retiring from her parish duties to take up private nursing jobs. Clifford had a queer dread of delivering himself into the hands of a stranger, but this Mrs Bolton had once nursed him through scarlet fever, and he knew her.

    The two sisters at once called on Mrs Bolton, in a newish house in a row, quite select for Tevershall. They found a rather good-looking woman of forty-odd, in a nurse’s uniform, with a white collar and apron, just making herself tea in a small crowded sitting-room.

    Mrs Bolton was most attentive and polite, seemed quite nice, spoke with a bit of a broad slur, but in heavily correct English, and from having bossed the sick colliers for a good many years, had a very good opinion of herself, and a fair amount of assurance. In short, in her tiny way, one of the governing class in the village, very much respected.

    ‘Yes, Lady Chatterley’s not looking at all well! Why, she used to be that bonny, didn’t she now? But she’s been failing all winter! Oh, it’s hard, it is. Poor Sir Clifford! Eh, that war, it’s a lot to answer for.’

    And Mrs Bolton would come to Wragby at once, if Dr Shardlow would let her off. She had another fortnight’s parish nursing to do, by rights, but they might get a substitute, you know.

    Hilda posted off to Dr Shardlow, and on the following Sunday Mrs Bolton drove up in Leiver’s cab to Wragby with two trunks. Hilda had talks with her; Mrs Bolton was ready at any moment to talk. And she seemed so young! The way the passion would flush in her rather pale cheek. She was forty-seven.

    Her husband, Ted Bolton, had been killed in the pit, twenty-two years ago, twenty-two years last Christmas, just at Christmas time, leaving her with two children, one a baby in arms. Oh, the baby was married now, Edith, to a young man in Boots Cash Chemists in Sheffield. The other one was a schoolteacher in Chesterfield; she came home weekends, when she wasn’t asked out somewhere. Young folks enjoyed themselves nowadays, not like when she, Ivy Bolton, was young.

    Ted Bolton was twenty-eight when he was killed in an explosion down th’ pit. The butty in front shouted to them all to lie down quick, there were four of them. And they all lay down in time, only Ted, and it killed him. Then at the inquiry, on the masters’ side they said Ted had been frightened, and trying to run away, and not obeying orders, so it was like his fault really. So the compensation was only three hundred pounds, and they made out as if it was more of a gift than legal compensation, because it was really the man’s own fault. And they wouldn’t let her have the money down; she wanted to have a little shop. But they said she’d no doubt squander it, perhaps in drink! So she had to draw it thirty shillings a week. Yes, she had to go every Monday morning down to the offices, and stand there a couple of hours waiting her turn; yes, for almost four years she went every Monday. And what could she do with two little children on her hands? But Ted’s mother was very good to her. When the baby could toddle she’d keep both the children for the day, while she, Ivy Bolton, went to Sheffield, and attended classes in ambulance, and then the fourth year she even took a nursing course and got qualified. She was determined to be independent and keep her children. So she was assistant at Uthwaite hospital, just a little place, for a while. But when the Company, the Tevershall Colliery Company, really Sir Geoffrey, saw that she could get on by herself, they were very good to her, gave her the parish nursing, and stood by her, she would say that for them. And she’d done it ever since, till now it was getting a bit much for her; she needed something a bit lighter, there was such a lot of traipsing around if you were a district nurse.

    ‘Yes, the Company’s been very good to me, I always say it. But I should never forget what they said about Ted, for he was as steady and fearless a chap as ever set foot on the cage, and it was as good as branding him a coward. But there, he was dead, and could say nothing to none of ’em.’

    It was a queer mixture of feelings the woman showed as she talked. She liked the colliers, whom she had nursed for so long; but she felt very superior to them. She felt almost upper class; and at the same time a resentment against the ruling class smouldered in her. The masters! In a dispute between masters and men, she was always for the men. But when there was no question of contest, she was pining to be superior, to be one of the upper class. The upper classes fascinated her, appealing to her peculiar English passion for superiority. She was thrilled to come to Wragby; thrilled to talk to Lady Chatterley, my word, different from the common colliers’ wives! She said so in so many words. Yet one could see a grudge against the Chatterleys peep out in her; the grudge against the masters.

    ‘Why, yes, of course, it would wear Lady Chatterley out! It’s a mercy she had a sister to come and help her. Men don’t think, high and low-alike, they take what a woman does for them for granted. Oh, I’ve told the colliers off about it many a time. But it’s very hard for Sir Clifford, you know, crippled like that. They were always a haughty family, standoffish in a way, as they’ve a right to be. But then to be brought down like that! And it’s very hard on Lady Chatterley, perhaps harder on her. What she misses! I only had Ted three years, but my word, while I had him I had a husband I could never forget. He was one in a thousand, and jolly as the day. Who’d ever have thought he’d get killed? I don’t believe it to this day somehow, I’ve never believed it, though I washed him with my own hands. But he was never dead for me, he never was. I never took it in.’

    This was a new voice in Wragby, very new for Connie to hear; it roused a new ear in her.

    For the first week or so, Mrs Bolton, however, was very quiet at Wragby, her assured, bossy manner left her, and she was nervous. With Clifford she was shy, almost frightened, and silent. He liked that, and soon recovered his self-possession, letting her do things for him without even noticing her.

    ‘She’s a useful nonentity!’ he said. Connie opened her eyes in wonder, but she did not contradict him. So different are impressions on two different people!

    And he soon became rather superb, somewhat lordly with the nurse. She had rather expected it, and he played up without knowing. So susceptible we are to what is expected of us! The colliers had been so like children, talking to her, and telling her what hurt them, while she bandaged them, or nursed them. They had always made her feel so grand, almost super-human in her administrations. Now Clifford made her feel small, and like a servant, and she accepted it without a word, adjusting herself to the upper classes.

    She came very mute, with her long, handsome face, and downcast eyes, to administer to him. And she said very humbly: ‘Shall I do this now, Sir Clifford? Shall I do that?’

    ‘No, leave it for a time. I’ll have it done later.’

    ‘Very well, Sir Clifford.’

    ‘Come in again in half an hour.’

    ‘Very well, Sir Clifford.’

    ‘And just take those old papers out, will you?’

    ‘Very well, Sir Clifford.’

    She went softly, and in half an hour she came softly again. She was bullied, but she didn’t mind. She was experiencing the upper classes. She neither resented nor disliked Clifford; he was just part of a phenomenon, the phenomenon of the high-class folks, so far unknown to her, but now to be known. She felt more at home with Lady Chatterley, and after all it’s the mistress of the house matters most.

    Mrs Bolton helped Clifford to bed at night, and slept across the passage from his room, and came if he rang for her in the night. She also helped him in the morning, and soon valeted him completely, even shaving him, in her soft, tentative woman’s way. She was very good and competent, and she soon knew how to have him in her power. He wasn’t so very different from the colliers after all, when you lathered his chin, and softly rubbed the bristles. The stand-offishness and the lack of frankness didn’t bother her; she was having a new experience.

    Clifford, however, inside himself, never quite forgave Connie for giving up her personal care of him to a strange hired woman. It killed, he said to himself, the real flower of the intimacy between him and her. But Connie didn’t mind that. The fine flower of their intimacy was to her rather like an orchid, a bulb stuck parasitic on her tree of life, and producing, to her eyes, a rather shabby flower.

    Now she had more time to herself she could softly play the piano, up in her room, and sing: ‘Touch not the nettle, for the bonds of love are ill to loose.’ She had not realized till lately how ill to loose they were, these bonds of love. But thank Heaven she had loosened them! She was so glad to be alone, not always to have to talk to him. When he was alone he tapped-tapped-tapped on a typewriter, to infinity. But when he was not ‘working’, and she was there, he talked, always talked; infinite small analysis of people and motives, and results, characters and personalities, till now she had had enough. For years she had loved it, until she had enough, and then suddenly it was too much. She was thankful to be alone.

    It was as if thousands and thousands of little roots and threads of consciousness in him and her had grown together into a tangled mass, till they could crowd no more, and the plant was dying. Now quietly, subtly, she was unravelling the tangle of his consciousness and hers, breaking the threads gently, one by one, with patience and impatience to get clear. But the bonds of such love are more ill to loose even than most bonds; though Mrs Bolton’s coming had been a great help.

    But he still wanted the old intimate evenings of talk with Connie: talk or reading aloud. But now she could arrange that Mrs Bolton should come at ten to disturb them. At ten o’clock Connie could go upstairs and be alone. Clifford was in good hands with Mrs Bolton.

    Mrs Bolton ate with Mrs Betts in the housekeeper’s room, since they were all agreeable. And it was curious how much closer the servants’ quarters seemed to have come; right up to the doors of Clifford’s study, when before they were so remote. For Mrs Betts would sometimes sit in Mrs Bolton’s room, and Connie heard their lowered voices, and felt somehow the strong, other vibration of the working people almost invading the sitting-room, when she and Clifford were alone. So changed was Wragby merely by Mrs Bolton’s coming.

    And Connie felt herself released, in another world, she felt she breathed differently. But still she was afraid of how many of her roots, perhaps mortal ones, were tangled with Clifford’s. Yet still, she breathed freer, a new phase was going to begin in her life.

    Chapter 8

    Mrs Bolton also kept a cherishing eye on Connie, feeling she must extend to her her female and professional protection. She was always urging her ladyship to walk out, to drive to Uthwaite, to be in the air. For Connie had got into the habit of sitting still by the fire, pretending to read; or to sew feebly, and hardly going out at all.

    It was a blowy day soon after Hilda had gone, that Mrs Bolton said: ‘Now why don’t you go for a walk through the wood, and look at the daffs behind the keeper’s cottage? They’re the prettiest sight you’d see in a day’s march. And you could put some in your room; wild daffs are always so cheerful-looking, aren’t they?’

    Connie took it in good part, even daffs for daffodils. Wild daffodils! After all, one could not stew in one’s own juice. The spring came back…’Seasons return, but not to me returns Day, or the sweet approach of Ev’n or Morn.’

    And the keeper, his thin, white body, like a lonely pistil of an invisible flower! She had forgotten him in her unspeakable depression. But now something roused…’Pale beyond porch and portal’…the thing to do was to pass the porches and the portals.

    She was stronger, she could walk better, and in the wood the wind would not be so tiring as it was across the park, flattening against her. She wanted to forget, to forget the world, and all the dreadful, carrion-bodied people. ‘Ye must be born again! I believe in the resurrection of the body! Except a grain of wheat fall into the earth and die, it shall by no means bring forth. When the crocus cometh forth I too will emerge and see the sun!’ In the wind of March endless phrases swept through her consciousness.

    Little gusts of sunshine blew, strangely bright, and lit up the celandines at the wood’s edge, under the hazel-rods, they spangled out bright and yellow. And the wood was still, stiller, but yet gusty with crossing sun. The first windflowers were out, and all the wood seemed pale with the pallor of endless little anemones, sprinkling the shaken floor. ‘The world has grown pale with thy breath.’ But it was the breath of Persephone, this time; she was out of hell on a cold morning. Cold breaths of wind came, and overhead there was an anger of entangled wind caught among the twigs. It, too, was caught and trying to tear itself free, the wind, like Absalom. How cold the anemones looked, bobbing their naked white shoulders over crinoline skirts of green. But they stood it. A few first bleached little primroses too, by the path, and yellow buds unfolding themselves.

    The roaring and swaying was overhead, only cold currents came down below. Connie was strangely excited in the wood, and the colour flew in her cheeks, and burned blue in her eyes. She walked ploddingly, picking a few primroses and the first violets, that smelled sweet and cold, sweet and cold. And she drifted on without knowing where she was.

    Till she came to the clearing, at the end of the wood, and saw the green-stained stone cottage, looking almost rosy, like the flesh underneath a mushroom, its stone warmed in a burst of sun. And there was a sparkle of yellow jasmine by the door; the closed door. But no sound; no smoke from the chimney; no dog barking.

    She went quietly round to the back, where the bank rose up; she had an excuse, to see the daffodils.

    And they were there, the short-stemmed flowers, rustling and fluttering and shivering, so bright and alive, but with nowhere to hide their faces, as they turned them away from the wind.

    They shook their bright, sunny little rags in bouts of distress. But perhaps they liked it really; perhaps they really liked the tossing.

    Constance sat down with her back to a young pine-tree, that swayed against her with curious life, elastic, and powerful, rising up. The erect, alive thing, with its top in the sun! And she watched the daffodils turn golden, in a burst of sun that was warm on her hands and lap. Even she caught the faint, tarry scent of the flowers. And then, being so still and alone, she seemed to bet into the current of her own proper destiny. She had been fastened by a rope, and jagging and snarring like a boat at its moorings; now she was loose and adrift.

    The sunshine gave way to chill; the daffodils were in shadow, dipping silently. So they would dip through the day and the long cold night. So strong in their frailty!

    She rose, a little stiff, took a few daffodils, and went down. She hated breaking the flowers, but she wanted just one or two to go with her. She would have to go back to Wragby and its walls, and now she hated it, especially its thick walls. Walls! Always walls! Yet one needed them in this wind.

    When she got home Clifford asked her:

    ‘Where did you go?’

    ‘Right across the wood! Look, aren’t the little daffodils adorable? To think they should come out of the earth!’

    ‘Just as much out of air and sunshine,’ he said.

    ‘But modelled in the earth,’ she retorted, with a prompt contradiction, that surprised her a little.

    The next afternoon she went to the wood again. She followed the broad riding that swerved round and up through the larches to a spring called John’s Well. It was cold on this hillside, and not a flower in the darkness of larches. But the icy little spring softly pressed upwards from its tiny well-bed of pure, reddish-white pebbles. How icy and clear it was! Brilliant! The new keeper had no doubt put in fresh pebbles. She heard the faint tinkle of water, as the tiny overflow trickled over and downhill. Even above the hissing boom of the larchwood, that spread its bristling, leafless, wolfish darkness on the down-slope, she heard the tinkle as of tiny water-bells.

    This place was a little sinister, cold, damp. Yet the well must have been a drinking-place for hundreds of years. Now no more. Its tiny cleared space was lush and cold and dismal.

    She rose and went slowly towards home. As she went she heard a faint tapping away on the right, and stood still to listen. Was it hammering, or a woodpecker? It was surely hammering.

    She walked on, listening. And then she noticed a narrow track between young fir-trees, a track that seemed to lead nowhere. But she felt it had been used. She turned down it adventurously, between the thick young firs, which gave way soon to the old oak wood. She followed the track, and the hammering grew nearer, in the silence of the windy wood, for trees make a silence even in their noise of wind.

    She saw a secret little clearing, and a secret little hut made of rustic poles. And she had never been here before! She realized it was the quiet place where the growing pheasants were reared; the keeper in his shirt-sleeves was kneeling, hammering. The dog trotted forward with a short, sharp bark, and the keeper lifted his face suddenly and saw her. He had a startled look in his eyes.

    He straightened himself and saluted, watching her in silence, as she came forward with weakening limbs. He resented the intrusion; he cherished his solitude as his only and last freedom in life.

    ‘I wondered what the hammering was,’ she said, feeling weak and breathless, and a little afraid of him, as he looked so straight at her.

    ‘Ah’m gettin’ th’ coops ready for th’ young bods,’ he said, in broad vernacular.

    She did not know what to say, and she felt weak. ‘I should like to sit down a bit,’ she said.

    ‘Come and sit ‘ere i’ th’ ‘ut,’ he said, going in front of her to the hut, pushing aside some timber and stuff, and drawing out a rustic chair, made of hazel sticks.

    ‘Am Ah t’ light yer a little fire?’ he asked, with the curious naivete of the dialect.

    ‘Oh, don’t bother,’ she replied.

    But he looked at her hands; they were rather blue. So he quickly took some larch twigs to the little brick fire-place in the corner, and in a moment the yellow flame was running up the chimney. He made a place by the brick hearth.

    ‘Sit ‘ere then a bit, and warm yer,’ he said.

    She obeyed him. He had that curious kind of protective authority she obeyed at once. So she sat and warmed her hands at the blaze, and dropped logs on the fire, whilst outside he was hammering again. She did not really want to sit, poked in a corner by the fire; she would rather have watched from the door, but she was being looked after, so she had to submit.

    The hut was quite cosy, panelled with unvarnished deal, having a little rustic table and stool beside her chair, and a carpenter’s bench, then a big box, tools, new boards, nails; and many things hung from pegs: axe, hatchet, traps, things in sacks, his coat. It had no window, the light came in through the open door. It was a jumble, but also it was a sort of little sanctuary.

    She listened to the tapping of the man’s hammer; it was not so happy. He was oppressed. Here was a trespass on his privacy, and a dangerous one! A woman! He had reached the point where all he wanted on earth was to be alone. And yet he was powerless to preserve his privacy; he was a hired man, and these people were his masters.

    Especially he did not want to come into contact with a woman again. He feared it; for he had a big wound from old contacts. He felt if he could not be alone, and if he could not be left alone, he would die. His recoil away from the outer world was complete; his last refuge was this wood; to hide himself there!

    Connie grew warm by the fire, which she had made too big: then she grew hot. She went and sat on the stool in the doorway, watching the man at work. He seemed not to notice her, but he knew. Yet he worked on, as if absorbedly, and his brown dog sat on her tail near him, and surveyed the untrustworthy world.

    Slender, quiet and quick, the man finished the coop he was making, turned it over, tried the sliding door, then set it aside. Then he rose, went for an old coop, and took it to the chopping log where he was working. Crouching, he tried the bars; some broke in his hands; he began to draw the nails. Then he turned the coop over and deliberated, and he gave absolutely no sign of awareness of the woman’s presence.

    So Connie watched him fixedly. And the same solitary aloneness she had seen in him naked, she now saw in him clothed: solitary, and intent, like an animal that works alone, but also brooding, like a soul that recoils away, away from all human contact. Silently, patiently, he was recoiling away from her even now. It was the stillness, and the timeless sort of patience, in a man impatient and passionate, that touched Connie’s womb. She saw it in his bent head, the quick quiet hands, the crouching of his slender, sensitive loins; something patient and withdrawn. She felt his experience had been deeper and wider than her own; much deeper and wider, and perhaps more deadly. And this relieved her of herself; she felt almost irresponsible.

    So she sat in the doorway of the hut in a dream, utterly unaware of time and of particular circumstances. She was so drifted away that he glanced up at her quickly, and saw the utterly still, waiting look on her face. To him it was a look of waiting. And a little thin tongue of fire suddenly flickered in his loins, at the root of his back, and he groaned in spirit. He dreaded with a repulsion almost of death, any further close human contact. He wished above all things she would go away, and leave him to his own privacy. He dreaded her will, her female will, and her modern female insistency. And above all he dreaded her cool, upper-class impudence of having her own way. For after all he was only a hired man. He hated her presence there.

    Connie came to herself with sudden uneasiness. She rose. The afternoon was turning to evening, yet she could not go away. She went over to the man, who stood up at attention, his worn face stiff and blank, his eyes watching her.

    ‘It is so nice here, so restful,’ she said. ‘I have never been here before.’

    ‘No?’

    ‘I think I shall come and sit here sometimes.

    ‘Yes?’

    ‘Do you lock the hut when you’re not here?’

    ‘Yes, your Ladyship.’

    ‘Do you think I could have a key too, so that I could sit here sometimes? Are there two keys?’

    ‘Not as Ah know on, ther’ isna.’

    He had lapsed into the vernacular. Connie hesitated; he was putting up an opposition. Was it his hut, after all?

    ‘Couldn’t we get another key?’ she asked in her soft voice, that underneath had the ring of a woman determined to get her way.

    ‘Another!’ he said, glancing at her with a flash of anger, touched with derision.

    ‘Yes, a duplicate,’ she said, flushing.

    ”Appen Sir Clifford ‘ud know,’ he said, putting her off.

    ‘Yes!’ she said, ‘he might have another. Otherwise we could have one made from the one you have. It would only take a day or so, I suppose. You could spare your key for so long.’

    ‘Ah canna tell yer, m’Lady! Ah know nob’dy as ma’es keys round ‘ere.’

    Connie suddenly flushed with anger.

    ‘Very well!’ she said. ‘I’ll see to it.’

    ‘All right, your Ladyship.’

    Their eyes met. His had a cold, ugly look of dislike and contempt, and indifference to what would happen. Hers were hot with rebuff.

    But her heart sank, she saw how utterly he disliked her, when she went against him. And she saw him in a sort of desperation.

    ‘Good afternoon!’

    ‘Afternoon, my Lady!’ He saluted and turned abruptly away. She had wakened the sleeping dogs of old voracious anger in him, anger against the self-willed female. And he was powerless, powerless. He knew it!

    And she was angry against the self-willed male. A servant too! She walked sullenly home.

    She found Mrs Bolton under the great beech-tree on the knoll, looking for her.

    ‘I just wondered if you’d be coming, my Lady,’ the woman said brightly.

    ‘Am I late?’ asked Connie.

    ‘Oh only Sir Clifford was waiting for his tea.’

    ‘Why didn’t you make it then?’

    ‘Oh, I don’t think it’s hardly my place. I don’t think Sir Clifford would like it at all, my Lady.’

    ‘I don’t see why not,’ said Connie.

    She went indoors to Clifford’s study, where the old brass kettle was simmering on the tray.

    ‘Am I late, Clifford?’ she said, putting down the few flowers and taking up the tea-caddy, as she stood before the tray in her hat and scarf. ‘I’m sorry! Why didn’t you let Mrs Bolton make the tea?’

    ‘I didn’t think of it,’ he said ironically. ‘I don’t quite see her presiding at the tea-table.’

    ‘Oh, there’s nothing sacrosanct about a silver tea-pot,’ said Connie.

    He glanced up at her curiously.

    ‘What did you do all afternoon?’ he said.

    ‘Walked and sat in a sheltered place. Do you know there are still berries on the big holly-tree?’

    She took off her scarf, but not her hat, and sat down to make tea. The toast would certainly be leathery. She put the tea-cosy over the tea-pot, and rose to get a little glass for her violets. The poor flowers hung over, limp on their stalks.

    ‘They’ll revive again!’ she said, putting them before him in their glass for him to smell.

    ‘Sweeter than the lids of Juno’s eyes,’ he quoted.

    ‘I don’t see a bit of connexion with the actual violets,’ she said. ‘The Elizabethans are rather upholstered.’

    She poured him his tea.

    ‘Do you think there is a second key to that little hut not far from John’s Well, where the pheasants are reared?’ she said.

    ‘There may be. Why?’

    ‘I happened to find it today–and I’d never seen it before. I think it’s a darling place. I could sit there sometimes, couldn’t I?’

    ‘Was Mellors there?’

    ‘Yes! That’s how I found it: his hammering. He didn’t seem to like my intruding at all. In fact he was almost rude when I asked about a second key.’

    ‘What did he say?’

    ‘Oh, nothing: just his manner; and he said he knew nothing about keys.’

    ‘There may be one in Father’s study. Betts knows them all, they’re all there. I’ll get him to look.’

    ‘Oh do!’ she said.

    ‘So Mellors was almost rude?’

    ‘Oh, nothing, really! But I don’t think he wanted me to have the freedom of the castle, quite.’

    ‘I don’t suppose he did.’

    ‘Still, I don’t see why he should mind. It’s not his home, after all! It’s not his private abode. I don’t see why I shouldn’t sit there if I want to.’

    ‘Quite!’ said Clifford. ‘He thinks too much of himself, that man.’

    ‘Do you think he does?’

    ‘Oh, decidedly! He thinks he’s something exceptional. You know he had a wife he didn’t get on with, so he joined up in 1915 and was sent to India, I believe. Anyhow he was blacksmith to the cavalry in Egypt for a time; always was connected with horses, a clever fellow that way. Then some Indian colonel took a fancy to him, and he was made a lieutenant. Yes, they gave him a commission. I believe he went back to India with his colonel, and up to the north-west frontier. He was ill; he was a pension. He didn’t come out of the army till last year, I believe, and then, naturally, it isn’t easy for a man like that to get back to his own level. He’s bound to flounder. But he does his duty all right, as far as I’m concerned. Only I’m not having any of the Lieutenant Mellors touch.’

    ‘How could they make him an officer when he speaks broad Derbyshire?’

    ‘He doesn’t…except by fits and starts. He can speak perfectly well, for him. I suppose he has an idea if he’s come down to the ranks again, he’d better speak as the ranks speak.’

    ‘Why didn’t you tell me about him before?’

    ‘Oh, I’ve no patience with these romances. They’re the ruin of all order. It’s a thousand pities they ever happened.’

    Connie was inclined to agree. What was the good of discontented people who fitted in nowhere?

    In the spell of fine weather Clifford, too, decided to go to the wood. The wind was cold, but not so tiresome, and the sunshine was like life itself, warm and full.

    ‘It’s amazing,’ said Connie, ‘how different one feels when there’s a really fresh fine day. Usually one feels the very air is half dead. People are killing the very air.’

    ‘Do you think people are doing it?’ he asked.

    ‘I do. The steam of so much boredom, and discontent and anger out of all the people, just kills the vitality in the air. I’m sure of it.’

    ‘Perhaps some condition of the atmosphere lowers the vitality of the people?’ he said.

    ‘No, it’s man that poisons the universe,’ she asserted.

    ‘Fouls his own nest,’ remarked Clifford.

    The chair puffed on. In the hazel copse catkins were hanging pale gold, and in sunny places the wood-anemones were wide open, as if exclaiming with the joy of life, just as good as in past days, when people could exclaim along with them. They had a faint scent of apple-blossom. Connie gathered a few for Clifford.

    He took them and looked at them curiously.

    ‘Thou still unravished bride of quietness,’ he quoted. ‘It seems to fit flowers so much better than Greek vases.’

    ‘Ravished is such a horrid word!’ she said. ‘It’s only people who ravish things.’

    ‘Oh, I don’t know…snails and things,’ he said.

    ‘Even snails only eat them, and bees don’t ravish.’

    She was angry with him, turning everything into words. Violets were Juno’s eyelids, and windflowers were on ravished brides. How she hated words, always coming between her and life: they did the ravishing, if anything did: ready-made words and phrases, sucking all the life-sap out of living things.

    The walk with Clifford was not quite a success. Between him and Connie there was a tension that each pretended not to notice, but there it was. Suddenly, with all the force of her female instinct, she was shoving him off. She wanted to be clear of him, and especially of his consciousness, his words, his obsession with himself, his endless treadmill obsession with himself, and his own words.

    The weather came rainy again. But after a day or two she went out in the rain, and she went to the wood. And once there, she went towards the hut. It was raining, but not so cold, and the wood felt so silent and remote, inaccessible in the dusk of rain.

    She came to the clearing. No one there! The hut was locked. But she sat on the log doorstep, under the rustic porch, and snuggled into her own warmth. So she sat, looking at the rain, listening to the many noiseless noises of it, and to the strange soughings of wind in upper branches, when there seemed to be no wind. Old oak-trees stood around, grey, powerful trunks, rain-blackened, round and vital, throwing off reckless limbs. The ground was fairly free of undergrowth, the anemones sprinkled, there was a bush or two, elder, or guelder-rose, and a purplish tangle of bramble: the old russet of bracken almost vanished under green anemone ruffs. Perhaps this was one of the unravished places. Unravished! The whole world was ravished.

    Some things can’t be ravished. You can’t ravish a tin of sardines. And so many women are like that; and men. But the earth…!

    The rain was abating. It was hardly making darkness among the oaks any more. Connie wanted to go; yet she sat on. But she was getting cold; yet the overwhelming inertia of her inner resentment kept her there as if paralysed.

    Ravished! How ravished one could be without ever being touched. Ravished by dead words become obscene, and dead ideas become obsessions.

    A wet brown dog came running and did not bark, lifting a wet feather of a tail. The man followed in a wet black oilskin jacket, like a chauffeur, and face flushed a little. She felt him recoil in his quick walk, when he saw her. She stood up in the handbreadth of dryness under the rustic porch. He saluted without speaking, coming slowly near. She began to withdraw.

    ‘I’m just going,’ she said.

    ‘Was yer waitin’ to get in?’ he asked, looking at the hut, not at her.

    ‘No, I only sat a few minutes in the shelter,’ she said, with quiet dignity.

    He looked at her. She looked cold.

    ‘Sir Clifford ‘adn’t got no other key then?’ he asked.

    ‘No, but it doesn’t matter. I can sit perfectly dry under this porch. Good afternoon!’ She hated the excess of vernacular in his speech.

    He watched her closely, as she was moving away. Then he hitched up his jacket, and put his hand in his breeches pocket, taking out the key of the hut.

    ”Appen yer’d better ‘ave this key, an’ Ah min fend for t’ bods some other road.’

    She looked at him.

    ‘What do you mean?’ she asked.

    ‘I mean as ‘appen Ah can find anuther pleece as’ll du for rearin’ th’ pheasants. If yer want ter be ‘ere, yo’ll non want me messin’ abaht a’ th’ time.’

    She looked at him, getting his meaning through the fog of the dialect.

    ‘Why don’t you speak ordinary English?’ she said coldly.

    ‘Me! Ah thowt it wor ordinary.’

    She was silent for a few moments in anger.

    ‘So if yer want t’ key, yer’d better tacit. Or ‘appen Ah’d better gi’e ‘t yer termorrer, an’ clear all t’ stuff aht fust. Would that du for yer?’

    She became more angry.

    ‘I didn’t want your key,’ she said. ‘I don’t want you to clear anything out at all. I don’t in the least want to turn you out of your hut, thank you! I only wanted to be able to sit here sometimes, like today. But I can sit perfectly well under the porch, so please say no more about it.’

    He looked at her again, with his wicked blue eyes.

    ‘Why,’ he began, in the broad slow dialect. ‘Your Ladyship’s as welcome as Christmas ter th’ hut an’ th’ key an’ iverythink as is. On’y this time O’ th’ year ther’s bods ter set, an’ Ah’ve got ter be potterin’ abaht a good bit, seein’ after ’em, an’ a’. Winter time Ah ned ‘ardly come nigh th’ pleece. But what wi’ spring, an’ Sir Clifford wantin’ ter start th’ pheasants…An’ your Ladyship’d non want me tinkerin’ around an’ about when she was ‘ere, all the time.’

    She listened with a dim kind of amazement.

    ‘Why should I mind your being here?’ she asked.

    He looked at her curiously.

    ‘T’nuisance on me!’ he said briefly, but significantly. She flushed. ‘Very well!’ she said finally. ‘I won’t trouble you. But I don’t think I should have minded at all sitting and seeing you look after the birds. I should have liked it. But since you think it interferes with you, I won’t disturb you, don’t be afraid. You are Sir Clifford’s keeper, not mine.’

    The phrase sounded queer, she didn’t know why. But she let it pass.

    ‘Nay, your Ladyship. It’s your Ladyship’s own ‘ut. It’s as your Ladyship likes an’ pleases, every time. Yer can turn me off at a wik’s notice. It wor only…’

    ‘Only what?’ she asked, baffled.

    He pushed back his hat in an odd comic way.

    ‘On’y as ‘appen yo’d like the place ter yersen, when yer did come, an’ not me messin’ abaht.’

    ‘But why?’ she said, angry. ‘Aren’t you a civilized human being? Do you think I ought to be afraid of you? Why should I take any notice of you and your being here or not? Why is it important?’

    He looked at her, all his face glimmering with wicked laughter.

    ‘It’s not, your Ladyship. Not in the very least,’ he said.

    ‘Well, why then?’ she asked.

    ‘Shall I get your Ladyship another key then?’

    ‘No thank you! I don’t want it.’

    ‘Ah’ll get it anyhow. We’d best ‘ave two keys ter th’ place.’

    ‘And I consider you are insolent,’ said Connie, with her colour up, panting a little.

    ‘Nay, nay!’ he said quickly. ‘Dunna yer say that! Nay, nay! I niver meant nuthink. Ah on’y thought as if yo’ come ‘ere, Ah s’d ave ter clear out, an’ it’d mean a lot of work, settin’ up somewheres else. But if your Ladyship isn’t going ter take no notice O’ me, then…it’s Sir Clifford’s ‘ut, an’ everythink is as your Ladyship likes, everythink is as your Ladyship likes an’ pleases, barrin’ yer take no notice O’ me, doin’ th’ bits of jobs as Ah’ve got ter do.’

    Connie went away completely bewildered. She was not sure whether she had been insulted and mortally offended, or not. Perhaps the man really only meant what he said; that he thought she would expect him to keep away. As if she would dream of it! And as if he could possibly be so important, he and his stupid presence.

    She went home in confusion, not knowing what she thought or felt.

    Chapter 9

    Connie was surprised at her own feeling of aversion from Clifford. What is more, she felt she had always really disliked him. Not hate: there was no passion in it. But a profound physical dislike. Almost, it seemed to her, she had married him because she disliked him, in a secret, physical sort of way. But of course, she had married him really because in a mental way he attracted her and excited her. He had seemed, in some way, her master, beyond her.

    Now the mental excitement had worn itself out and collapsed, and she was aware only of the physical aversion. It rose up in her from her depths: and she realized how it had been eating her life away.

    She felt weak and utterly forlorn. She wished some help would come from outside. But in the whole world there was no help. Society was terrible because it was insane. Civilized society is insane. Money and so-called love are its two great manias; money a long way first. The individual asserts himself in his disconnected insanity in these two modes: money and love. Look at Michaelis! His life and activity were just insanity. His love was a sort of insanity.

    And Clifford the same. All that talk! All that writing! All that wild struggling to push himself forwards! It was just insanity. And it was getting worse, really maniacal.

    Connie felt washed-out with fear. But at least, Clifford was shifting his grip from her on to Mrs Bolton. He did not know it. Like many insane people, his insanity might be measured by the things he was not aware of the great desert tracts in his consciousness.

    Mrs Bolton was admirable in many ways. But she had that queer sort of bossiness, endless assertion of her own will, which is one of the signs of insanity in modern woman. She thought she was utterly subservient and living for others. Clifford fascinated her because he always, or so often, frustrated her will, as if by a finer instinct. He had a finer, subtler will of self-assertion than herself. This was his charm for her.

    Perhaps that had been his charm, too, for Connie.

    ‘It’s a lovely day, today!’ Mrs Bolton would say in her caressive, persuasive voice. ‘I should think you’d enjoy a little run in your chair today, the sun’s just lovely.’

    ‘Yes? Will you give me that book–there, that yellow one. And I think I’ll have those hyacinths taken out.’

    ‘Why they’re so beautiful!’ She pronounced it with the ‘y’ sound: be-yutiful! ‘And the scent is simply gorgeous.’

    ‘The scent is what I object to,’ he said. ‘It’s a little funereal.’

    ‘Do you think so!’ she exclaimed in surprise, just a little offended, but impressed. And she carried the hyacinths out of the room, impressed by his higher fastidiousness.

    ‘Shall I shave you this morning, or would you rather do it yourself?’ Always the same soft, caressive, subservient, yet managing voice.

    ‘I don’t know. Do you mind waiting a while. I’ll ring when I’m ready.’

    ‘Very good, Sir Clifford!’ she replied, so soft and submissive, withdrawing quietly. But every rebuff stored up new energy of will in her.

    When he rang, after a time, she would appear at once. And then he would say:

    ‘I think I’d rather you shaved me this morning.’

    Her heart gave a little thrill, and she replied with extra softness:

    ‘Very good, Sir Clifford!’

    She was very deft, with a soft, lingering touch, a little slow. At first he had resented the infinitely soft touch of her fingers on his face. But now he liked it, with a growing voluptuousness. He let her shave him nearly every day: her face near his, her eyes so very concentrated, watching that she did it right. And gradually her fingertips knew his cheeks and lips, his jaw and chin and throat perfectly. He was well-fed and well-liking, his face and throat were handsome enough and he was a gentleman.

    She was handsome too, pale, her face rather long and absolutely still, her eyes bright, but revealing nothing. Gradually, with infinite softness, almost with love, she was getting him by the throat, and he was yielding to her.

    She now did almost everything for him, and he felt more at home with her, less ashamed of accepting her menial offices, than with Connie. She liked handling him. She loved having his body in her charge, absolutely, to the last menial offices. She said to Connie one day: ‘All men are babies, when you come to the bottom of them. Why, I’ve handled some of the toughest customers as ever went down Tevershall pit. But let anything ail them so that you have to do for them, and they’re babies, just big babies. Oh, there’s not much difference in men!’

    At first Mrs Bolton had thought there really was something different in a gentleman, a real gentleman, like Sir Clifford. So Clifford had got a good start of her. But gradually, as she came to the bottom of him, to use her own term, she found he was like the rest, a baby grown to man’s proportions: but a baby with a queer temper and a fine manner and power in its control, and all sorts of odd knowledge that she had never dreamed of, with which he could still bully her.

    Connie was sometimes tempted to say to him:

    ‘For God’s sake, don’t sink so horribly into the hands of that woman!’ But she found she didn’t care for him enough to say it, in the long run.

    It was still their habit to spend the evening together, till ten o’clock. Then they would talk, or read together, or go over his manuscript. But the thrill had gone out of it. She was bored by his manuscripts. But she still dutifully typed them out for him. But in time Mrs Bolton would do even that.

    For Connie had suggested to Mrs Bolton that she should learn to use a typewriter. And Mrs Bolton, always ready, had begun at once, and practised assiduously. So now Clifford would sometimes dictate a letter to her, and she would take it down rather slowly, but correctly. And he was very patient, spelling for her the difficult words, or the occasional phrases in French. She was so thrilled, it was almost a pleasure to instruct her.

    Now Connie would sometimes plead a headache as an excuse for going up to her room after dinner.

    ‘Perhaps Mrs Bolton will play piquet with you,’ she said to Clifford.

    ‘Oh, I shall be perfectly all right. You go to your own room and rest, darling.’

    But no sooner had she gone, than he rang for Mrs Bolton, and asked her to take a hand at piquet or bezique, or even chess. He had taught her all these games. And Connie found it curiously objectionable to see Mrs Bolton, flushed and tremulous like a little girl, touching her queen or her knight with uncertain fingers, then drawing away again. And Clifford, faintly smiling with a half-teasing superiority, saying to her:

    ‘You must say j’adoube!’

    She looked up at him with bright, startled eyes, then murmured shyly, obediently:

    ‘J’adoube!’

    Yes, he was educating her. And he enjoyed it, it gave him a sense of power. And she was thrilled. She was coming bit by bit into possession of all that the gentry knew, all that made them upper class: apart from the money. That thrilled her. And at the same time, she was making him want to have her there with him. It was a subtle deep flattery to him, her genuine thrill.

    To Connie, Clifford seemed to be coming out in his true colours: a little vulgar, a little common, and uninspired; rather fat. Ivy Bolton’s tricks and humble bossiness were also only too transparent. But Connie did wonder at the genuine thrill which the woman got out of Clifford. To say she was in love with him would be putting it wrongly. She was thrilled by her contact with a man of the upper class, this titled gentleman, this author who could write books and poems, and whose photograph appeared in the illustrated newspapers. She was thrilled to a weird passion. And his ‘educating’ her roused in her a passion of excitement and response much deeper than any love affair could have done. In truth, the very fact that there could be no love affair left her free to thrill to her very marrow with this other passion, the peculiar passion of knowing, knowing as he knew.

    There was no mistake that the woman was in some way in love with him: whatever force we give to the word love. She looked so handsome and so young, and her grey eyes were sometimes marvellous. At the same time, there was a lurking soft satisfaction about her, even of triumph, and private satisfaction. Ugh, that private satisfaction. How Connie loathed it!

    But no wonder Clifford was caught by the woman! She absolutely adored him, in her persistent fashion, and put herself absolutely at his service, for him to use as he liked. No wonder he was flattered!

    Connie heard long conversations going on between the two. Or rather, it was mostly Mrs Bolton talking. She had unloosed to him the stream of gossip about Tevershall village. It was more than gossip. It was Mrs Gaskell and George Eliot and Miss Mitford all rolled in one, with a great deal more, that these women left out.’ Once started, Mrs Bolton was better than any book, about the lives of the people. She knew them all so intimately, and had such a peculiar, flamey zest in all their affairs, it was wonderful, if just a trifle humiliating to listen to her. At first she had not ventured to ‘talk Tevershall’, as she called it, to Clifford. But once started, it went on. Clifford was listening for ‘material’, and he found it in plenty. Connie realized that his so-called genius was just this: a perspicuous talent for personal gossip, clever and apparently detached. Mrs Bolton, of course, was very warm when she ‘talked Tevershall’. Carried away, in fact. And it was marvellous, the things that happened and that she knew about. She would have run to dozens of volumes.

    Connie was fascinated, listening to her. But afterwards always a little ashamed. She ought not to listen with this queer rabid curiosity. After all, one may hear the most private affairs of other people, but only in a spirit of respect for the struggling, battered thing which any human soul is, and in a spirit of fine, discriminative sympathy. For even satire is a form of sympathy. It is the way our sympathy flows and recoils that really determines our lives. And here lies the vast importance of the novel, properly handled. It can inform and lead into new places the flow of our sympathetic consciousness, and it can lead our sympathy away in recoil from things gone dead. Therefore, the novel, properly handled, can reveal the most secret places of life: for it is in the passional secret places of life, above all, that the tide of sensitive awareness needs to ebb and flow, cleansing and freshening.

    But the novel, like gossip, can also excite spurious sympathies and recoils, mechanical and deadening to the psyche. The novel can glorify the most corrupt feelings, so long as they are conventionally ‘pure’. Then the novel, like gossip, becomes at last vicious, and, like gossip, all the more vicious because it is always ostensibly on the side of the angels. Mrs Bolton’s gossip was always on the side of the angels. ‘And he was such a bad fellow, and she was such a nice woman.’ Whereas, as Connie could see even from Mrs Bolton’s gossip, the woman had been merely a mealy-mouthed sort, and the man angrily honest. But angry honesty made a ‘bad man’ of him, and mealy-mouthedness made a ‘nice woman’ of her, in the vicious, conventional channelling of sympathy by Mrs Bolton.

    For this reason, the gossip was humiliating. And for the same reason, most novels, especially popular ones, are humiliating too. The public responds now only to an appeal to its vices.

    Nevertheless, one got a new vision of Tevershall village from Mrs Bolton’s talk. A terrible, seething welter of ugly life it seemed: not at all the flat drabness it looked from outside. Clifford of course knew by sight most of the people mentioned, Connie knew only one or two. But it sounded really more like a Central African jungle than an English village.

    ‘I suppose you heard as Miss Allsopp was married last week! Would you ever! Miss Allsopp, old James’ daughter, the boot-and-shoe Allsopp. You know they built a house up at Pye Croft. The old man died last year from a fall; eighty-three, he was, an’ nimble as a lad. An’ then he slipped on Bestwood Hill, on a slide as the lads ‘ad made last winter, an’ broke his thigh, and that finished him, poor old man, it did seem a shame. Well, he left all his money to Tattie: didn’t leave the boys a penny. An’ Tattie, I know, is five years–yes, she’s fifty-three last autumn. And you know they were such Chapel people, my word! She taught Sunday school for thirty years, till her father died. And then she started carrying on with a fellow from Kinbrook, I don’t know if you know him, an oldish fellow with a red nose, rather dandified, Willcock, as works in Harrison’s woodyard. Well he’s sixty-five, if he’s a day, yet you’d have thought they were a pair of young turtle-doves, to see them, arm in arm, and kissing at the gate: yes, an’ she sitting on his knee right in the bay window on Pye Croft Road, for anybody to see. And he’s got sons over forty: only lost his wife two years ago. If old James Allsopp hasn’t risen from his grave, it’s because there is no rising: for he kept her that strict! Now they’re married and gone to live down at Kinbrook, and they say she goes round in a dressing-gown from morning to night, a veritable sight. I’m sure it’s awful, the way the old ones go on! Why they’re a lot worse than the young, and a sight more disgusting. I lay it down to the pictures, myself. But you can’t keep them away. I was always saying: go to a good instructive film, but do for goodness sake keep away from these melodramas and love films. Anyhow keep the children away! But there you are, grown-ups are worse than the children: and the old ones beat the band.

    ‘Talk about morality! Nobody cares a thing. Folks does as they like, and much better off they are for it, I must say. But they’re having to draw their horns in nowadays, now th’ pits are working so bad, and they haven’t got the money. And the grumbling they do, it’s awful, especially the women. The men are so good and patient! What can they do, poor chaps! But the women, oh, they do carry on! They go and show off, giving contributions for a wedding present for Princess Mary, and then when they see all the grand things that’s been given, they simply rave: who’s she, any better than anybody else! Why doesn’t Swan & Edgar give me one fur coat, instead of giving her six. I wish I’d kept my ten shillings! What’s she going to give me, I should like to know? Here I can’t get a new spring coat, my dad’s working that bad, and she gets van-loads. It’s time as poor folks had some money to spend, rich ones ‘as ‘ad it long enough. I want a new spring coat, I do, an’ wheer am I going to get it? I say to them, be thankful you’re well fed and well clothed, without all the new finery you want! And they fly back at me: “Why isn’t Princess Mary thankful to go about in her old rags, then, an’ have nothing! Folks like her get van-loads, an’ I can’t have a new spring coat. It’s a damned shame. Princess! Bloomin’ rot about Princess! It’s munney as matters, an’ cos she’s got lots, they give her more! Nobody’s givin’ me any, an’ I’ve as much right as anybody else. Don’t talk to me about education. It’s munney as matters. I want a new spring coat, I do, an’ I shan’t get it, cos there’s no munney…”

    ‘That’s all they care about, clothes. They think nothing of giving seven or eight guineas for a winter coat–colliers’ daughters, mind you–and two guineas for a child’s summer hat. And then they go to the Primitive Chapel in their two-guinea hat, girls as would have been proud of a three-and-sixpenny one in my day. I heard that at the Primitive Methodist anniversary this year, when they have a built-up platform for the Sunday School children, like a grandstand going almost up to th’ ceiling, I heard Miss Thompson, who has the first class of girls in the Sunday School, say there’d be over a thousand pounds in new Sunday clothes sitting on that platform! And times are what they are! But you can’t stop them. They’re mad for clothes. And boys the same. The lads spend every penny on themselves, clothes, smoking, drinking in the Miners’ Welfare, jaunting off to Sheffield two or three times a week. Why, it’s another world. And they fear nothing, and they respect nothing, the young don’t. The older men are that patient and good, really, they let the women take everything. And this is what it leads to. The women are positive demons. But the lads aren’t like their dads. They’re sacrificing nothing, they aren’t: they’re all for self. If you tell them they ought to be putting a bit by, for a home, they say: That’ll keep, that will, I’m goin’ t’ enjoy myself while I can. Owt else’ll keep! Oh, they’re rough an’ selfish, if you like. Everything falls on the older men, an’ it’s a bad outlook all round.’

    Clifford began to get a new idea of his own village. The place had always frightened him, but he had thought it more or less stable. Now–?

    ‘Is there much Socialism, Bolshevism, among the people?’ he asked.

    ‘Oh!’ said Mrs Bolton, ‘you hear a few loud-mouthed ones. But they’re mostly women who’ve got into debt. The men take no notice. I don’t believe you’ll ever turn our Tevershall men into reds. They’re too decent for that. But the young ones blether sometimes. Not that they care for it really. They only want a bit of money in their pocket, to spend at the Welfare, or go gadding to Sheffield. That’s all they care. When they’ve got no money, they’ll listen to the reds spouting. But nobody believes in it, really.’

    ‘So you think there’s no danger?’

    ‘Oh no! Not if trade was good, there wouldn’t be. But if things were bad for a long spell, the young ones might go funny. I tell you, they’re a selfish, spoilt lot. But I don’t see how they’d ever do anything. They aren’t ever serious about anything, except showing off on motor-bikes and dancing at the Palais-de-danse in Sheffield. You can’t make them serious. The serious ones dress up in evening clothes and go off to the Pally to show off before a lot of girls and dance these new Charlestons and what not. I’m sure sometimes the bus’ll be full of young fellows in evening suits, collier lads, off to the Pally: let alone those that have gone with their girls in motors or on motor-bikes. They don’t give a serious thought to a thing–save Doncaster races, and the Derby: for they all of them bet on every race. And football! But even football’s not what it was, not by a long chalk. It’s too much like hard work, they say. No, they’d rather be off on motor-bikes to Sheffield or Nottingham, Saturday afternoons.’

    ‘But what do they do when they get there?’

    ‘Oh, hang around–and have tea in some fine tea-place like the Mikado–and go to the Pally or the pictures or the Empire, with some girl. The girls are as free as the lads. They do just what they like.’

    ‘And what do they do when they haven’t the money for these things?’

    ‘They seem to get it, somehow. And they begin talking nasty then. But I don’t see how you’re going to get bolshevism, when all the lads want is just money to enjoy themselves, and the girls the same, with fine clothes: and they don’t care about another thing. They haven’t the brains to be socialists. They haven’t enough seriousness to take anything really serious, and they never will have.’

    Connie thought, how extremely like all the rest of the classes the lower classes sounded. Just the same thing over again, Tevershall or Mayfair or Kensington. There was only one class nowadays: moneyboys. The moneyboy and the moneygirl, the only difference was how much you’d got, and how much you wanted.

    Under Mrs Bolton’s influence, Clifford began to take a new interest in the mines. He began to feel he belonged. A new sort of self-assertion came into him. After all, he was the real boss in Tevershall, he was really the pits. It was a new sense of power, something he had till now shrunk from with dread.

    Tevershall pits were running thin. There were only two collieries: Tevershall itself, and New London. Tevershall had once been a famous mine, and had made famous money. But its best days were over. New London was never very rich, and in ordinary times just got along decently. But now times were bad, and it was pits like New London that got left.

    ‘There’s a lot of Tevershall men left and gone to Stacks Gate and Whiteover,’ said Mrs Bolton. ‘You’ve not seen the new works at Stacks Gate, opened after the war, have you, Sir Clifford? Oh, you must go one day, they’re something quite new: great big chemical works at the pit-head, doesn’t look a bit like a colliery. They say they get more money out of the chemical by-products than out of the coal–I forget what it is. And the grand new houses for the men, fair mansions! of course it’s brought a lot of riff-raff from all over the country. But a lot of Tevershall men got on there, and doin’ well, a lot better than our own men. They say Tevershall’s done, finished: only a question of a few more years, and it’ll have to shut down. And New London’ll go first. My word, won’t it be funny when there’s no Tevershall pit working. It’s bad enough during a strike, but my word, if it closes for good, it’ll be like the end of the world. Even when I was a girl it was the best pit in the country, and a man counted himself lucky if he could on here. Oh, there’s been some money made in Tevershall. And now the men say it’s a sinking ship, and it’s time they all got out. Doesn’t it sound awful! But of course there’s a lot as’ll never go till they have to. They don’t like these new fangled mines, such a depth, and all machinery to work them. Some of them simply dreads those iron men, as they call them, those machines for hewing the coal, where men always did it before. And they say it’s wasteful as well. But what goes in waste is saved in wages, and a lot more. It seems soon there’ll be no use for men on the face of the earth, it’ll be all machines. But they say that’s what folks said when they had to give up the old stocking frames. I can remember one or two. But my word, the more machines, the more people, that’s what it looks like! They say you can’t get the same chemicals out of Tevershall coal as you can out of Stacks Gate, and that’s funny, they’re not three miles apart. But they say so. But everybody says it’s a shame something can’t be started, to keep the men going a bit better, and employ the girls. All the girls traipsing off to Sheffield every day! My word, it would be something to talk about if Tevershall Collieries took a new lease of life, after everybody saying they’re finished, and a sinking ship, and the men ought to leave them like rats leave a sinking ship. But folks talk so much, of course there was a boom during the war. When Sir Geoffrey made a trust of himself and got the money safe for ever, somehow. So they say! But they say even the masters and the owners don’t get much out of it now. You can hardly believe it, can you! Why I always thought the pits would go on for ever and ever. Who’d have thought, when I was a girl! But New England’s shut down, so is Colwick Wood: yes, it’s fair haunting to go through that coppy and see Colwick Wood standing there deserted among the trees, and bushes growing up all over the pit-head, and the lines red rusty. It’s like death itself, a dead colliery. Why, whatever should we do if Tevershall shut down–? It doesn’t bear thinking of. Always that throng it’s been, except at strikes, and even then the fan-wheels didn’t stand, except when they fetched the ponies up. I’m sure it’s a funny world, you don’t know where you are from year to year, you really don’t.’

    It was Mrs Bolton’s talk that really put a new fight into Clifford. His income, as she pointed out to him, was secure, from his father’s trust, even though it was not large. The pits did not really concern him. It was the other world he wanted to capture, the world of literature and fame; the popular world, not the working world.

    Now he realized the distinction between popular success and working success: the populace of pleasure and the populace of work. He, as a private individual, had been catering with his stories for the populace of pleasure. And he had caught on. But beneath the populace of pleasure lay the populace of work, grim, grimy, and rather terrible. They too had to have their providers. And it was a much grimmer business, providing for the populace of work, than for the populace of pleasure. While he was doing his stories, and ‘getting on’ in the world, Tevershall was going to the wall.

    He realized now that the bitch-goddess of Success had two main appetites: one for flattery, adulation, stroking and tickling such as writers and artists gave her; but the other a grimmer appetite for meat and bones. And the meat and bones for the bitch-goddess were provided by the men who made money in industry.

    Yes, there were two great groups of dogs wrangling for the bitch-goddess: the group of the flatterers, those who offered her amusement, stories, films, plays: and the other, much less showy, much more savage breed, those who gave her meat, the real substance of money. The well-groomed showy dogs of amusement wrangled and snarled among themselves for the favours of the bitch-goddess. But it was nothing to the silent fight-to-the-death that went on among the indispensables, the bone-bringers.

    But under Mrs Bolton’s influence, Clifford was tempted to enter this other fight, to capture the bitch-goddess by brute means of industrial production. Somehow, he got his pecker up.

    In one way, Mrs Bolton made a man of him, as Connie never did. Connie kept him apart, and made him sensitive and conscious of himself and his own states. Mrs Bolton made him aware only of outside things. Inwardly he began to go soft as pulp. But outwardly he began to be effective.

    He even roused himself to go to the mines once more: and when he was there, he went down in a tub, and in a tub he was hauled out into the workings. Things he had learned before the war, and seemed utterly to have forgotten, now came back to him. He sat there, crippled, in a tub, with the underground manager showing him the seam with a powerful torch. And he said little. But his mind began to work.

    He began to read again his technical works on the coal-mining industry, he studied the government reports, and he read with care the latest things on mining and the chemistry of coal and of shale which were written in German. Of course the most valuable discoveries were kept secret as far as possible. But once you started a sort of research in the field of coal-mining, a study of methods and means, a study of by-products and the chemical possibilities of coal, it was astounding the ingenuity and the almost uncanny cleverness of the modern technical mind, as if really the devil himself had lent fiend’s wits to the technical scientists of industry. It was far more interesting than art, than literature, poor emotional half-witted stuff, was this technical science of industry. In this field, men were like gods, or demons, inspired to discoveries, and fighting to carry them out. In this activity, men were beyond any mental age calculable. But Clifford knew that when it did come to the emotional and human life, these self-made men were of a mental age of about thirteen, feeble boys. The discrepancy was enormous and appalling.

    But let that be. Let man slide down to general idiocy in the emotional and ‘human’ mind, Clifford did not care. Let all that go hang. He was interested in the technicalities of modern coal-mining, and in pulling Tevershall out of the hole.

    He went down to the pit day after day, he studied, he put the general manager, and the overhead manager, and the underground manager, and the engineers through a mill they had never dreamed of. Power! He felt a new sense of power flowing through him: power over all these men, over the hundreds and hundreds of colliers. He was finding out: and he was getting things into his grip.

    And he seemed verily to be re-born. Now life came into him! He had been gradually dying, with Connie, in the isolated private life of the artist and the conscious being. Now let all that go. Let it sleep. He simply felt life rush into him out of the coal, out of the pit. The very stale air of the colliery was better than oxygen to him. It gave him a sense of power, power. He was doing something: and he was going to do something. He was going to win, to win: not as he had won with his stories, mere publicity, amid a whole sapping of energy and malice. But a man’s victory.

    At first he thought the solution lay in electricity: convert the coal into electric power. Then a new idea came. The Germans invented a new locomotive engine with a self feeder, that did not need a fireman. And it was to be fed with a new fuel, that burnt in small quantities at a great heat, under peculiar conditions.

    The idea of a new concentrated fuel that burnt with a hard slowness at a fierce heat was what first attracted Clifford. There must be some sort of external stimulus of the burning of such fuel, not merely air supply. He began to experiment, and got a clever young fellow, who had proved brilliant in chemistry, to help him.

    And he felt triumphant. He had at last got out of himself. He had fulfilled his life-long secret yearning to get out of himself. Art had not done it for him. Art had only made it worse. But now, now he had done it.

    He was not aware how much Mrs Bolton was behind him. He did not know how much he depended on her. But for all that, it was evident that when he was with her his voice dropped to an easy rhythm of intimacy, almost a trifle vulgar.

    With Connie, he was a little stiff. He felt he owed her everything, and he showed her the utmost respect and consideration, so long as she gave him mere outward respect. But it was obvious he had a secret dread of her. The new Achilles in him had a heel, and in this heel the woman, the woman like Connie, his wife, could lame him fatally. He went in a certain half-subservient dread of her, and was extremely nice to her. But his voice was a little tense when he spoke to her, and he began to be silent whenever she was present.

    Only when he was alone with Mrs Bolton did he really feel a lord and a master, and his voice ran on with her almost as easily and garrulously as her own could run. And he let her shave him or sponge all his body as if he were a child, really as if he were a child.

    Chapter 10

    Connie was a good deal alone now, fewer people came to Wragby. Clifford no longer wanted them. He had turned against even the cronies. He was queer. He preferred the radio, which he had installed at some expense, with a good deal of success at last. He could sometimes get Madrid or Frankfurt, even there in the uneasy Midlands.

    And he would sit alone for hours listening to the loudspeaker bellowing forth. It amazed and stunned Connie. But there he would sit, with a blank entranced expression on his face, like a person losing his mind, and listen, or seem to listen, to the unspeakable thing.

    Was he really listening? Or was it a sort of soporific he took, whilst something else worked on underneath in him? Connie did now know. She fled up to her room, or out of doors to the wood. A kind of terror filled her sometimes, a terror of the incipient insanity of the whole civilized species.

    But now that Clifford was drifting off to this other weirdness of industrial activity, becoming almost a creature, with a hard, efficient shell of an exterior and a pulpy interior, one of the amazing crabs and lobsters of the modern, industrial and financial world, invertebrates of the crustacean order, with shells of steel, like machines, and inner bodies of soft pulp, Connie herself was really completely stranded.

    She was not even free, for Clifford must have her there. He seemed to have a nervous terror that she should leave him. The curious pulpy part of him, the emotional and humanly-individual part, depended on her with terror, like a child, almost like an idiot. She must be there, there at Wragby, a Lady Chatterley, his wife. Otherwise he would be lost like an idiot on a moor.

    This amazing dependence Connie realized with a sort of horror. She heard him with his pit managers, with the members of his Board, with young scientists, and she was amazed at his shrewd insight into things, his power, his uncanny material power over what is called practical men. He had become a practical man himself and an amazingly astute and powerful one, a master. Connie attributed it to Mrs Bolton’s influence upon him, just at the crisis in his life.

    But this astute and practical man was almost an idiot when left alone to his own emotional life. He worshipped Connie. She was his wife, a higher being, and he worshipped her with a queer, craven idolatry, like a savage, a worship based on enormous fear, and even hate of the power of the idol, the dread idol. All he wanted was for Connie to swear, to swear not to leave him, not to give him away.

    ‘Clifford,’ she said to him–but this was after she had the key to the hut–‘Would you really like me to have a child one day?’

    He looked at her with a furtive apprehension in his rather prominent pale eyes.

    ‘I shouldn’t mind, if it made no difference between us,’ he said.

    ‘No difference to what?’ she asked.

    ‘To you and me; to our love for one another. If it’s going to affect that, then I’m all against it. Why, I might even one day have a child of my own!’

    She looked at him in amazement.

    ‘I mean, it might come back to me one of these days.’

    She still stared in amazement, and he was uncomfortable.

    ‘So you would not like it if I had a child?’ she said.

    ‘I tell you,’ he replied quickly, like a cornered dog, ‘I am quite willing, provided it doesn’t touch your love for me. If it would touch that, I am dead against it.’

    Connie could only be silent in cold fear and contempt. Such talk was really the gabbling of an idiot. He no longer knew what he was talking about.

    ‘Oh, it wouldn’t make any difference to my feeling for you,’ she said, with a certain sarcasm.

    ‘There!’ he said. ‘That is the point! In that case I don’t mind in the least. I mean it would be awfully nice to have a child running about the house, and feel one was building up a future for it. I should have something to strive for then, and I should know it was your child, shouldn’t I, dear? And it would seem just the same as my own. Because it is you who count in these matters. You know that, don’t you, dear? I don’t enter, I am a cypher. You are the great I-am! as far as life goes. You know that, don’t you? I mean, as far as I am concerned. I mean, but for you I am absolutely nothing. I live for your sake and your future. I am nothing to myself’

    Connie heard it all with deepening dismay and repulsion. It was one of the ghastly half-truths that poison human existence. What man in his senses would say such things to a woman! But men aren’t in their senses. What man with a spark of honour would put this ghastly burden of life-responsibility upon a woman, and leave her there, in the void?

    Moreover, in half an hour’s time, Connie heard Clifford talking to Mrs Bolton, in a hot, impulsive voice, revealing himself in a sort of passionless passion to the woman, as if she were half mistress, half foster-mother to him. And Mrs Bolton was carefully dressing him in evening clothes, for there were important business guests in the house.

    Connie really sometimes felt she would die at this time. She felt she was being crushed to death by weird lies, and by the amazing cruelty of idiocy. Clifford’s strange business efficiency in a way over-awed her, and his declaration of private worship put her into a panic. There was nothing between them. She never even touched him nowadays, and he never touched her. He never even took her hand and held it kindly. No, and because they were so utterly out of touch, he tortured her with his declaration of idolatry. It was the cruelty of utter impotence. And she felt her reason would give way, or she would die.

    She fled as much as possible to the wood. One afternoon, as she sat brooding, watching the water bubbling coldly in John’s Well, the keeper had strode up to her.

    ‘I got you a key made, my Lady!’ he said, saluting, and he offered her the key.

    ‘Thank you so much!’ she said, startled.

    ‘The hut’s not very tidy, if you don’t mind,’ he said. ‘I cleared it what I could.’

    ‘But I didn’t want you to trouble!’ she said.

    ‘Oh, it wasn’t any trouble. I am setting the hens in about a week. But they won’t be scared of you. I s’ll have to see to them morning and night, but I shan’t bother you any more than I can help.’

    ‘But you wouldn’t bother me,’ she pleaded. ‘I’d rather not go to the hut at all, if I am going to be in the way.’

    He looked at her with his keen blue eyes. He seemed kindly, but distant. But at least he was sane, and wholesome, if even he looked thin and ill. A cough troubled him.

    ‘You have a cough,’ she said.

    ‘Nothing–a cold! The last pneumonia left me with a cough, but it’s nothing.’

    He kept distant from her, and would not come any nearer.

    She went fairly often to the hut, in the morning or in the afternoon, but he was never there. No doubt he avoided her on purpose. He wanted to keep his own privacy.

    He had made the hut tidy, put the little table and chair near the fireplace, left a little pile of kindling and small logs, and put the tools and traps away as far as possible, effacing himself. Outside, by the clearing, he had built a low little roof of boughs and straw, a shelter for the birds, and under it stood the live coops. And, one day when she came, she found two brown hens sitting alert and fierce in the coops, sitting on pheasants’ eggs, and fluffed out so proud and deep in all the heat of the pondering female blood. This almost broke Connie’s heart. She, herself was so forlorn and unused, not a female at all, just a mere thing of terrors.

    Then all the live coops were occupied by hens, three brown and a grey and a black. All alike, they clustered themselves down on the eggs in the soft nestling ponderosity of the female urge, the female nature, fluffing out their feathers. And with brilliant eyes they watched Connie, as she crouched before them, and they gave short sharp clucks of anger and alarm, but chiefly of female anger at being approached.

    Connie found corn in the corn-bin in the hut. She offered it to the hens in her hand. They would not eat it. Only one hen pecked at her hand with a fierce little jab, so Connie was frightened. But she was pining to give them something, the brooding mothers who neither fed themselves nor drank. She brought water in a little tin, and was delighted when one of the hens drank.

    Now she came every day to the hens, they were the only things in the world that warmed her heart. Clifford’s protestations made her go cold from head to foot. Mrs Bolton’s voice made her go cold, and the sound of the business men who came. An occasional letter from Michaelis affected her with the same sense of chill. She felt she would surely die if it lasted much longer.

    Yet it was spring, and the bluebells were coming in the wood, and the leaf-buds on the hazels were opening like the spatter of green rain. How terrible it was that it should be spring, and everything cold-hearted, cold-hearted. Only the hens, fluffed so wonderfully on the eggs, were warm with their hot, brooding female bodies! Connie felt herself living on the brink of fainting all the time.

    Then, one day, a lovely sunny day with great tufts of primroses under the hazels, and many violets dotting the paths, she came in the afternoon to the coops and there was one tiny, tiny perky chicken tinily prancing round in front of a coop, and the mother hen clucking in terror. The slim little chick was greyish brown with dark markings, and it was the most alive little spark of a creature in seven kingdoms at that moment. Connie crouched to watch in a sort of ecstasy. Life, life! pure, sparky, fearless new life! New life! So tiny and so utterly without fear! Even when it scampered a little, scrambling into the coop again, and disappeared under the hen’s feathers in answer to the mother hen’s wild alarm-cries, it was not really frightened, it took it as a game, the game of living. For in a moment a tiny sharp head was poking through the gold-brown feathers of the hen, and eyeing the Cosmos.

    Connie was fascinated. And at the same time, never had she felt so acutely the agony of her own female forlornness. It was becoming unbearable.

    She had only one desire now, to go to the clearing in the wood. The rest was a kind of painful dream. But sometimes she was kept all day at Wragby, by her duties as hostess. And then she felt as if she too were going blank, just blank and insane.

    One evening, guests or no guests, she escaped after tea. It was late, and she fled across the park like one who fears to be called back. The sun was setting rosy as she entered the wood, but she pressed on among the flowers. The light would last long overhead.

    She arrived at the clearing flushed and semi-conscious. The keeper was there, in his shirt-sleeves, just closing up the coops for the night, so the little occupants would be safe. But still one little trio was pattering about on tiny feet, alert drab mites, under the straw shelter, refusing to be called in by the anxious mother.

    ‘I had to come and see the chickens!’ she said, panting, glancing shyly at the keeper, almost unaware of him. ‘Are there any more?’

    ‘Thurty-six so far!’ he said. ‘Not bad!’

    He too took a curious pleasure in watching the young things come out.

    Connie crouched in front of the last coop. The three chicks had run in. But still their cheeky heads came poking sharply through the yellow feathers, then withdrawing, then only one beady little head eyeing forth from the vast mother-body.

    ‘I’d love to touch them,’ she said, putting her fingers gingerly through the bars of the coop. But the mother-hen pecked at her hand fiercely, and Connie drew back startled and frightened.

    ‘How she pecks at me! She hates me!’ she said in a wondering voice. ‘But I wouldn’t hurt them!’

    The man standing above her laughed, and crouched down beside her, knees apart, and put his hand with quiet confidence slowly into the coop. The old hen pecked at him, but not so savagely. And slowly, softly, with sure gentle fingers, he felt among the old bird’s feathers and drew out a faintly-peeping chick in his closed hand.

    ‘There!’ he said, holding out his hand to her. She took the little drab thing between her hands, and there it stood, on its impossible little stalks of legs, its atom of balancing life trembling through its almost weightless feet into Connie’s hands. But it lifted its handsome, clean-shaped little head boldly, and looked sharply round, and gave a little ‘peep’. ‘So adorable! So cheeky!’ she said softly.

    The keeper, squatting beside her, was also watching with an amused face the bold little bird in her hands. Suddenly he saw a tear fall on to her wrist.

    And he stood up, and stood away, moving to the other coop. For suddenly he was aware of the old flame shooting and leaping up in his loins, that he had hoped was quiescent for ever. He fought against it, turning his back to her. But it leapt, and leapt downwards, circling in his knees.

    He turned again to look at her. She was kneeling and holding her two hands slowly forward, blindly, so that the chicken should run in to the mother-hen again. And there was something so mute and forlorn in her, compassion flamed in his bowels for her.

    Without knowing, he came quickly towards her and crouched beside her again, taking the chick from her hands, because she was afraid of the hen, and putting it back in the coop. At the back of his loins the fire suddenly darted stronger.

    He glanced apprehensively at her. Her face was averted, and she was crying blindly, in all the anguish of her generation’s forlornness. His heart melted suddenly, like a drop of fire, and he put out his hand and laid his fingers on her knee.

    ‘You shouldn’t cry,’ he said softly.

    But then she put her hands over her face and felt that really her heart was broken and nothing mattered any more.

    He laid his hand on her shoulder, and softly, gently, it began to travel down the curve of her back, blindly, with a blind stroking motion, to the curve of her crouching loins. And there his hand softly, softly, stroked the curve of her flank, in the blind instinctive caress.

    She had found her scrap of handkerchief and was blindly trying to dry her face.

    ‘Shall you come to the hut?’ he said, in a quiet, neutral voice.

    And closing his hand softly on her upper arm, he drew her up and led her slowly to the hut, not letting go of her till she was inside. Then he cleared aside the chair and table, and took a brown, soldier’s blanket from the tool chest, spreading it slowly. She glanced at his face, as she stood motionless.

    His face was pale and without expression, like that of a man submitting to fate.

    ‘You lie there,’ he said softly, and he shut the door, so that it was dark, quite dark.

    With a queer obedience, she lay down on the blanket. Then she felt the soft, groping, helplessly desirous hand touching her body, feeling for her face. The hand stroked her face softly, softly, with infinite soothing and assurance, and at last there was the soft touch of a kiss on her cheek.

    She lay quite still, in a sort of sleep, in a sort of dream. Then she quivered as she felt his hand groping softly, yet with queer thwarted clumsiness, among her clothing. Yet the hand knew, too, how to unclothe her where it wanted. He drew down the thin silk sheath, slowly, carefully, right down and over her feet. Then with a quiver of exquisite pleasure he touched the warm soft body, and touched her navel for a moment in a kiss. And he had to come in to her at once, to enter the peace on earth of her soft, quiescent body. It was the moment of pure peace for him, the entry into the body of the woman.

    She lay still, in a kind of sleep, always in a kind of sleep. The activity, the orgasm was his, all his; she could strive for herself no more. Even the tightness of his arms round her, even the intense movement of his body, and the springing of his seed in her, was a kind of sleep, from which she did not begin to rouse till he had finished and lay softly panting against her breast.

    Then she wondered, just dimly wondered, why? Why was this necessary? Why had it lifted a great cloud from her and given her peace? Was it real? Was it real?

    Her tormented modern-woman’s brain still had no rest. Was it real? And she knew, if she gave herself to the man, it was real. But if she kept herself for herself it was nothing. She was old; millions of years old, she felt. And at last, she could bear the burden of herself no more. She was to be had for the taking. To be had for the taking.

    The man lay in a mysterious stillness. What was he feeling? What was he thinking? She did not know. He was a strange man to her, she did not know him. She must only wait, for she did not dare to break his mysterious stillness. He lay there with his arms round her, his body on hers, his wet body touching hers, so close. And completely unknown. Yet not unpeaceful. His very stillness was peaceful.

    She knew that, when at last he roused and drew away from her. It was like an abandonment. He drew her dress in the darkness down over her knees and stood a few moments, apparently adjusting his own clothing. Then he quietly opened the door and went out.

    She saw a very brilliant little moon shining above the afterglow over the oaks. Quickly she got up and arranged herself she was tidy. Then she went to the door of the hut.

    All the lower wood was in shadow, almost darkness. Yet the sky overhead was crystal. But it shed hardly any light. He came through the lower shadow towards her, his face lifted like a pale blotch.

    ‘Shall we go then?’ he said.

    ‘Where?’

    ‘I’ll go with you to the gate.’

    He arranged things his own way. He locked the door of the hut and came after her.

    ‘You aren’t sorry, are you?’ he asked, as he went at her side.

    ‘No! No! Are you?’ she said.

    ‘For that! No!’ he said. Then after a while he added: ‘But there’s the rest of things.’

    ‘What rest of things?’ she said.

    ‘Sir Clifford. Other folks. All the complications.’

    ‘Why complications?’ she said, disappointed.

    ‘It’s always so. For you as well as for me. There’s always complications.’ He walked on steadily in the dark.

    ‘And are you sorry?’ she said.

    ‘In a way!’ he replied, looking up at the sky. ‘I thought I’d done with it all. Now I’ve begun again.’

    ‘Begun what?’

    ‘Life.’

    ‘Life!’ she re-echoed, with a queer thrill.

    ‘It’s life,’ he said. ‘There’s no keeping clear. And if you do keep clear you might almost as well die. So if I’ve got to be broken open again, I have.’

    She did not quite see it that way, but still ‘It’s just love,’ she said cheerfully.

    ‘Whatever that may be,’ he replied.

    They went on through the darkening wood in silence, till they were almost at the gate.

    ‘But you don’t hate me, do you?’ she said wistfully.

    ‘Nay, nay,’ he replied. And suddenly he held her fast against his breast again, with the old connecting passion. ‘Nay, for me it was good, it was good. Was it for you?’

    ‘Yes, for me too,’ she answered, a little untruthfully, for she had not been conscious of much.

    He kissed her softly, softly, with the kisses of warmth.

    ‘If only there weren’t so many other people in the world,’ he said lugubriously.

    She laughed. They were at the gate to the park. He opened it for her.

    ‘I won’t come any further,’ he said.

    ‘No!’ And she held out her hand, as if to shake hands. But he took it in both his.

    ‘Shall I come again?’ she asked wistfully.

    ‘Yes! Yes!’

    She left him and went across the park.

    He stood back and watched her going into the dark, against the pallor of the horizon. Almost with bitterness he watched her go. She had connected him up again, when he had wanted to be alone. She had cost him that bitter privacy of a man who at last wants only to be alone.

    He turned into the dark of the wood. All was still, the moon had set. But he was aware of the noises of the night, the engines at Stacks Gate, the traffic on the main road. Slowly he climbed the denuded knoll. And from the top he could see the country, bright rows of lights at Stacks Gate, smaller lights at Tevershall pit, the yellow lights of Tevershall and lights everywhere, here and there, on the dark country, with the distant blush of furnaces, faint and rosy, since the night was clear, the rosiness of the outpouring of white-hot metal. Sharp, wicked electric lights at Stacks Gate! An undefinable quick of evil in them! And all the unease, the ever-shifting dread of the industrial night in the Midlands. He could hear the winding-engines at Stacks Gate turning down the seven-o’clock miners. The pit worked three shifts.

    He went down again into the darkness and seclusion of the wood. But he knew that the seclusion of the wood was illusory. The industrial noises broke the solitude, the sharp lights, though unseen, mocked it. A man could no longer be private and withdrawn. The world allows no hermits. And now he had taken the woman, and brought on himself a new cycle of pain and doom. For he knew by experience what it meant.

    It was not woman’s fault, nor even love’s fault, nor the fault of sex. The fault lay there, out there, in those evil electric lights and diabolical rattlings of engines. There, in the world of the mechanical greedy, greedy mechanism and mechanized greed, sparkling with lights and gushing hot metal and roaring with traffic, there lay the vast evil thing, ready to destroy whatever did not conform. Soon it would destroy the wood, and the bluebells would spring no more. All vulnerable things must perish under the rolling and running of iron.

    He thought with infinite tenderness of the woman. Poor forlorn thing, she was nicer than she knew, and oh! so much too nice for the tough lot she was in contact with. Poor thing, she too had some of the vulnerability of the wild hyacinths, she wasn’t all tough rubber-goods and platinum, like the modern girl. And they would do her in! As sure as life, they would do her in, as they do in all naturally tender life. Tender! Somewhere she was tender, tender with a tenderness of the growing hyacinths, something that has gone out of the celluloid women of today. But he would protect her with his heart for a little while. For a little while, before the insentient iron world and the Mammon of mechanized greed did them both in, her as well as him.

    He went home with his gun and his dog, to the dark cottage, lit the lamp, started the fire, and ate his supper of bread and cheese, young onions and beer. He was alone, in a silence he loved. His room was clean and tidy, but rather stark. Yet the fire was bright, the hearth white, the petroleum lamp hung bright over the table, with its white oil-cloth. He tried to read a book about India, but tonight he could not read. He sat by the fire in his shirt-sleeves, not smoking, but with a mug of beer in reach. And he thought about Connie.

    To tell the truth, he was sorry for what had happened, perhaps most for her sake. He had a sense of foreboding. No sense of wrong or sin; he was troubled by no conscience in that respect. He knew that conscience was chiefly fear of society, or fear of oneself. He was not afraid of himself. But he was quite consciously afraid of society, which he knew by instinct to be a malevolent, partly-insane beast.

    The woman! If she could be there with him, and there were nobody else in the world! The desire rose again, his penis began to stir like a live bird. At the same time an oppression, a dread of exposing himself and her to that outside Thing that sparkled viciously in the electric lights, weighed down his shoulders. She, poor young thing, was just a young female creature to him; but a young female creature whom he had gone into and whom he desired again.

    Stretching with the curious yawn of desire, for he had been alone and apart from man or woman for four years, he rose and took his coat again, and his gun, lowered the lamp and went out into the starry night, with the dog. Driven by desire and by dread of the malevolent Thing outside, he made his round in the wood, slowly, softly. He loved the darkness and folded himself into it. It fitted the turgidity of his desire which, in spite of all, was like a riches; the stirring restlessness of his penis, the stirring fire in his loins! Oh, if only there were other men to be with, to fight that sparkling electric Thing outside there, to preserve the tenderness of life, the tenderness of women, and the natural riches of desire. If only there were men to fight side by side with! But the men were all outside there, glorying in the Thing, triumphing or being trodden down in the rush of mechanized greed or of greedy mechanism.

    Constance, for her part, had hurried across the park, home, almost without thinking. As yet she had no afterthought. She would be in time for dinner.

    She was annoyed to find the doors fastened, however, so that she had to ring. Mrs Bolton opened.

    ‘Why there you are, your Ladyship! I was beginning to wonder if you’d gone lost!’ she said a little roguishly. ‘Sir Clifford hasn’t asked for you, though; he’s got Mr Linley in with him, talking over something. It looks as if he’d stay to dinner, doesn’t it, my Lady?’

    ‘It does rather,’ said Connie.

    ‘Shall I put dinner back a quarter of an hour? That would give you time to dress in comfort.’

    ‘Perhaps you’d better.’

    Mr Linley was the general manager of the collieries, an elderly man from the north, with not quite enough punch to suit Clifford; not up to post-war conditions, nor post-war colliers either, with their ‘ca’ canny’ creed. But Connie liked Mr Linley, though she was glad to be spared the toadying of his wife.

    Linley stayed to dinner, and Connie was the hostess men liked so much, so modest, yet so attentive and aware, with big, wide blue eyes and a soft repose that sufficiently hid what she was really thinking. Connie had played this woman so much, it was almost second nature to her; but still, decidedly second. Yet it was curious how everything disappeared from her consciousness while she played it.

    She waited patiently till she could go upstairs and think her own thoughts. She was always waiting, it seemed to be her forte.

    Once in her room, however, she felt still vague and confused. She didn’t know what to think. What sort of a man was he, really? Did he really like her? Not much, she felt. Yet he was kind. There was something, a sort of warm naive kindness, curious and sudden, that almost opened her womb to him. But she felt he might be kind like that to any woman. Though even so, it was curiously soothing, comforting. And he was a passionate man, wholesome and passionate. But perhaps he wasn’t quite individual enough; he might be the same with any woman as he had been with her. It really wasn’t personal. She was only really a female to him.

    But perhaps that was better. And after all, he was kind to the female in her, which no man had ever been. Men were very kind to the person she was, but rather cruel to the female, despising her or ignoring her altogether. Men were awfully kind to Constance Reid or to Lady Chatterley; but not to her womb they weren’t kind. And he took no notice of Constance or of Lady Chatterley; he just softly stroked her loins or her breasts.

    She went to the wood next day. It was a grey, still afternoon, with the dark-green dogs-mercury spreading under the hazel copse, and all the trees making a silent effort to open their buds. Today she could almost feel it in her own body, the huge heave of the sap in the massive trees, upwards, up, up to the bud-tips, there to push into little flamey oak-leaves, bronze as blood. It was like a ride running turgid upward, and spreading on the sky.

    She came to the clearing, but he was not there. She had only half expected him. The pheasant chicks were running lightly abroad, light as insects, from the coops where the fellow hens clucked anxiously. Connie sat and watched them, and waited. She only waited. Even the chicks she hardly saw. She waited.

    The time passed with dream-like slowness, and he did not come. She had only half expected him. He never came in the afternoon. She must go home to tea. But she had to force herself to leave.

    As she went home, a fine drizzle of rain fell.

    ‘Is it raining again?’ said Clifford, seeing her shake her hat.

    ‘Just drizzle.’

    She poured tea in silence, absorbed in a sort of obstinacy. She did want to see the keeper today, to see if it were really real. If it were really real.

    ‘Shall I read a little to you afterwards?’ said Clifford.

    She looked at him. Had he sensed something?

    ‘The spring makes me feel queer–I thought I might rest a little,’ she said.

    ‘Just as you like. Not feeling really unwell, are you?’

    ‘No! Only rather tired–with the spring. Will you have Mrs Bolton to play something with you?’

    ‘No! I think I’ll listen in.’

    She heard the curious satisfaction in his voice. She went upstairs to her bedroom. There she heard the loudspeaker begin to bellow, in an idiotically velveteen-genteel sort of voice, something about a series of street-cries, the very cream of genteel affectation imitating old criers. She pulled on her old violet coloured mackintosh, and slipped out of the house at the side door.

    The drizzle of rain was like a veil over the world, mysterious, hushed, not cold. She got very warm as she hurried across the park. She had to open her light waterproof.

    The wood was silent, still and secret in the evening drizzle of rain, full of the mystery of eggs and half-open buds, half unsheathed flowers. In the dimness of it all trees glistened naked and dark as if they had unclothed themselves, and the green things on earth seemed to hum with greenness.

    There was still no one at the clearing. The chicks had nearly all gone under the mother-hens, only one or two last adventurous ones still dibbed about in the dryness under the straw roof shelter. And they were doubtful of themselves.

    So! He still had not been. He was staying away on purpose. Or perhaps something was wrong. Perhaps she should go to the cottage and see.

    But she was born to wait. She opened the hut with her key. It was all tidy, the corn put in the bin, the blankets folded on the shelf, the straw neat in a corner; a new bundle of straw. The hurricane lamp hung on a nail. The table and chair had been put back where she had lain.

    She sat down on a stool in the doorway. How still everything was! The fine rain blew very softly, filmily, but the wind made no noise. Nothing made any sound. The trees stood like powerful beings, dim, twilit, silent and alive. How alive everything was!

    Night was drawing near again; she would have to go. He was avoiding her.

    But suddenly he came striding into the clearing, in his black oilskin jacket like a chauffeur, shining with wet. He glanced quickly at the hut, half-saluted, then veered aside and went on to the coops. There he crouched in silence, looking carefully at everything, then carefully shutting the hens and chicks up safe against the night.

    At last he came slowly towards her. She still sat on her stool. He stood before her under the porch.

    ‘You come then,’ he said, using the intonation of the dialect.

    ‘Yes,’ she said, looking up at him. ‘You’re late!’

    ‘Ay!’ he replied, looking away into the wood.

    She rose slowly, drawing aside her stool.

    ‘Did you want to come in?’ she asked.

    He looked down at her shrewdly.

    ‘Won’t folks be thinkin’ somethink, you comin’ here every night?’ he said.

    ‘Why?’ She looked up at him, at a loss. ‘I said I’d come. Nobody knows.’

    ‘They soon will, though,’ he replied. ‘An’ what then?’

    She was at a loss for an answer.

    ‘Why should they know?’ she said.

    ‘Folks always does,’ he said fatally.

    Her lip quivered a little.

    ‘Well I can’t help it,’ she faltered.

    ‘Nay,’ he said. ‘You can help it by not comin’–if yer want to,’ he added, in a lower tone.

    ‘But I don’t want to,’ she murmured.

    He looked away into the wood, and was silent.

    ‘But what when folks finds out?’ he asked at last. ‘Think about it! Think how lowered you’ll feel, one of your husband’s servants.’

    She looked up at his averted face.

    ‘Is it,’ she stammered, ‘is it that you don’t want me?’

    ‘Think!’ he said. ‘Think what if folks find out Sir Clifford an’ a’–an’ everybody talkin’–‘

    ‘Well, I can go away.’

    ‘Where to?’

    ‘Anywhere! I’ve got money of my own. My mother left me twenty thousand pounds in trust, and I know Clifford can’t touch it. I can go away.’

    ‘But ‘appen you don’t want to go away.’

    ‘Yes, yes! I don’t care what happens to me.’

    ‘Ay, you think that! But you’ll care! You’ll have to care, everybody has. You’ve got to remember your Ladyship is carrying on with a game-keeper. It’s not as if I was a gentleman. Yes, you’d care. You’d care.’

    ‘I shouldn’t. What do I care about my ladyship! I hate it really. I feel people are jeering every time they say it. And they are, they are! Even you jeer when you say it.’

    ‘Me!’

    For the first time he looked straight at her, and into her eyes. ‘I don’t jeer at you,’ he said.

    As he looked into her eyes she saw his own eyes go dark, quite dark, the pupils dilating.

    ‘Don’t you care about a’ the risk?’ he asked in a husky voice. ‘You should care. Don’t care when it’s too late!’

    There was a curious warning pleading in his voice.

    ‘But I’ve nothing to lose,’ she said fretfully. ‘If you knew what it is, you’d think I’d be glad to lose it. But are you afraid for yourself?’

    ‘Ay!’ he said briefly. ‘I am. I’m afraid. I’m afraid. I’m afraid o’ things.’

    ‘What things?’ she asked.

    He gave a curious backward jerk of his head, indicating the outer world.

    ‘Things! Everybody! The lot of ’em.’

    Then he bent down and suddenly kissed her unhappy face.

    ‘Nay, I don’t care,’ he said. ‘Let’s have it, an’ damn the rest. But if you was to feel sorry you’d ever done it–!’

    ‘Don’t put me off,’ she pleaded.

    He put his fingers to her cheek and kissed her again suddenly.

    ‘Let me come in then,’ he said softly. ‘An’ take off your mackintosh.’

    He hung up his gun, slipped out of his wet leather jacket, and reached for the blankets.

    ‘I brought another blanket,’ he said, ‘so we can put one over us if you like.’

    ‘I can’t stay long,’ she said. ‘Dinner is half-past seven.’

    He looked at her swiftly, then at his watch.

    ‘All right,’ he said.

    He shut the door, and lit a tiny light in the hanging hurricane lamp. ‘One time we’ll have a long time,’ he said.

    He put the blankets down carefully, one folded for her head. Then he sat down a moment on the stool, and drew her to him, holding her close with one arm, feeling for her body with his free hand. She heard the catch of his intaken breath as he found her. Under her frail petticoat she was naked.

    ‘Eh! what it is to touch thee!’ he said, as his finger caressed the delicate, warm, secret skin of her waist and hips. He put his face down and rubbed his cheek against her belly and against her thighs again and again. And again she wondered a little over the sort of rapture it was to him. She did not understand the beauty he found in her, through touch upon her living secret body, almost the ecstasy of beauty. For passion alone is awake to it. And when passion is dead, or absent, then the magnificent throb of beauty is incomprehensible and even a little despicable; warm, live beauty of contact, so much deeper than the beauty of vision. She felt the glide of his cheek on her thighs and belly and buttocks, and the close brushing of his moustache and his soft thick hair, and her knees began to quiver. Far down in her she felt a new stirring, a new nakedness emerging. And she was half afraid. Half she wished he would not caress her so. He was encompassing her somehow. Yet she was waiting, waiting.

    And when he came into her, with an intensification of relief and consummation that was pure peace to him, still she was waiting. She felt herself a little left out. And she knew, partly it was her own fault. She willed herself into this separateness. Now perhaps she was condemned to it. She lay still, feeling his motion within her, his deep-sunk intentness, the sudden quiver of him at the springing of his seed, then the slow-subsiding thrust. That thrust of the buttocks, surely it was a little ridiculous. If you were a woman, and a part in all the business, surely that thrusting of the man’s buttocks was supremely ridiculous. Surely the man was intensely ridiculous in this posture and this act!

    But she lay still, without recoil. Even when he had finished, she did not rouse herself to get a grip on her own satisfaction, as she had done with Michaelis; she lay still, and the tears slowly filled and ran from her eyes.

    He lay still, too. But he held her close and tried to cover her poor naked legs with his legs, to keep them warm. He lay on her with a close, undoubting warmth.

    ‘Are yer cold?’ he asked, in a soft, small voice, as if she were close, so close. Whereas she was left out, distant.

    ‘No! But I must go,’ she said gently.

    He sighed, held her closer, then relaxed to rest again.

    He had not guessed her tears. He thought she was there with him.

    ‘I must go,’ she repeated.

    He lifted himself kneeled beside her a moment, kissed the inner side of her thighs, then drew down her skirts, buttoning his own clothes unthinking, not even turning aside, in the faint, faint light from the lantern.

    ‘Tha mun come ter th’ cottage one time,’ he said, looking down at her with a warm, sure, easy face.

    But she lay there inert, and was gazing up at him thinking: Stranger! Stranger! She even resented him a little.

    He put on his coat and looked for his hat, which had fallen, then he slung on his gun.

    ‘Come then!’ he said, looking down at her with those warm, peaceful sort of eyes.

    She rose slowly. She didn’t want to go. She also rather resented staying. He helped her with her thin waterproof and saw she was tidy.

    Then he opened the door. The outside was quite dark. The faithful dog under the porch stood up with pleasure seeing him. The drizzle of rain drifted greyly past upon the darkness. It was quite dark.

    ‘Ah mun ta’e th’ lantern,’ he said. ‘The’ll be nob’dy.’

    He walked just before her in the narrow path, swinging the hurricane lamp low, revealing the wet grass, the black shiny tree-roots like snakes, wan flowers. For the rest, all was grey rain-mist and complete darkness.

    ‘Tha mun come to the cottage one time,’ he said, ‘shall ta? We might as well be hung for a sheep as for a lamb.’

    It puzzled her, his queer, persistent wanting her, when there was nothing between them, when he never really spoke to her, and in spite of herself she resented the dialect. His ‘tha mun come’ seemed not addressed to her, but some common woman. She recognized the foxglove leaves of the riding and knew, more or less, where they were.

    ‘It’s quarter past seven,’ he said, ‘you’ll do it.’ He had changed his voice, seemed to feel her distance. As they turned the last bend in the riding towards the hazel wall and the gate, he blew out the light. ‘We’ll see from here,’ be said, taking her gently by the arm.

    But it was difficult, the earth under their feet was a mystery, but he felt his way by tread: he was used to it. At the gate he gave her his electric torch. ‘It’s a bit lighter in the park,’ he said; ‘but take it for fear you get off th’ path.’

    It was true, there seemed a ghost-glimmer of greyness in the open space of the park. He suddenly drew her to him and whipped his hand under her dress again, feeling her warm body with his wet, chill hand.

    ‘I could die for the touch of a woman like thee,’ he said in his throat. ‘If tha’ would stop another minute.’

    She felt the sudden force of his wanting her again.

    ‘No, I must run,’ she said, a little wildly.

    ‘Ay,’ he replied, suddenly changed, letting her go.

    She turned away, and on the instant she turned back to him saying: ‘Kiss me.’

    He bent over her indistinguishable and kissed her on the left eye. She held her mouth and he softly kissed it, but at once drew away. He hated mouth kisses.

    ‘I’ll come tomorrow,’ she said, drawing away; ‘if I can,’ she added.

    ‘Ay! not so late,’ he replied out of the darkness. Already she could not see him at all.

    ‘Goodnight,’ she said.

    ‘Goodnight, your Ladyship,’ his voice.

    She stopped and looked back into the wet dark. She could just see the bulk of him. ‘Why did you say that?’ she said.

    ‘Nay,’ he replied. ‘Goodnight then, run!’

    She plunged on in the dark-grey tangible night. She found the side-door open, and slipped into her room unseen. As she closed the door the gong sounded, but she would take her bath all the same–she must take her bath. ‘But I won’t be late any more,’ she said to herself; ‘it’s too annoying.’

    The next day she did not go to the wood. She went instead with Clifford to Uthwaite. He could occasionally go out now in the car, and had got a strong young man as chauffeur, who could help him out of the car if need be. He particularly wanted to see his godfather, Leslie Winter, who lived at Shipley Hall, not far from Uthwaite. Winter was an elderly gentleman now, wealthy, one of the wealthy coal-owners who had had their hey-day in King Edward’s time. King Edward had stayed more than once at Shipley, for the shooting. It was a handsome old stucco hall, very elegantly appointed, for Winter was a bachelor and prided himself on his style; but the place was beset by collieries. Leslie Winter was attached to Clifford, but personally did not entertain a great respect for him, because of the photographs in illustrated papers and the literature. The old man was a buck of the King Edward school, who thought life was life and the scribbling fellows were something else. Towards Connie the Squire was always rather gallant; he thought her an attractive demure maiden and rather wasted on Clifford, and it was a thousand pities she stood no chance of bringing forth an heir to Wragby. He himself had no heir.

    Connie wondered what he would say if he knew that Clifford’s game-keeper had been having intercourse with her, and saying to her ‘tha mun come to th’ cottage one time.’ He would detest and despise her, for he had come almost to hate the shoving forward of the working classes. A man of her own class he would not mind, for Connie was gifted from nature with this appearance of demure, submissive maidenliness, and perhaps it was part of her nature. Winter called her ‘dear child’ and gave her a rather lovely miniature of an eighteenth-century lady, rather against her will.

    But Connie was preoccupied with her affair with the keeper. After all, Mr Winter, who was really a gentleman and a man of the world, treated her as a person and a discriminating individual; he did not lump her together with all the rest of his female womanhood in his ‘thee’ and ‘tha’.

    She did not go to the wood that day nor the next, nor the day following. She did not go so long as she felt, or imagined she felt, the man waiting for her, wanting her. But the fourth day she was terribly unsettled and uneasy. She still refused to go to the wood and open her thighs once more to the man. She thought of all the things she might do–drive to Sheffield, pay visits, and the thought of all these things was repellent. At last she decided to take a walk, not towards the wood, but in the opposite direction; she would go to Marehay, through the little iron gate in the other side of the park fence. It was a quiet grey day of spring, almost warm. She walked on unheeding, absorbed in thoughts she was not even conscious of She was not really aware of anything outside her, till she was startled by the loud barking of the dog at Marehay Farm. Marehay Farm! Its pastures ran up to Wragby park fence, so they were neighbours, but it was some time since Connie had called.

    ‘Bell!’ she said to the big white bull-terrier. ‘Bell! have you forgotten me? Don’t you know me?’ She was afraid of dogs, and Bell stood back and bellowed, and she wanted to pass through the farmyard on to the warren path.

    Mrs Flint appeared. She was a woman of Constance’s own age, had been a school-teacher, but Connie suspected her of being rather a false little thing.

    ‘Why, it’s Lady Chatterley! Why!’ And Mrs Flint’s eyes glowed again, and she flushed like a young girl. ‘Bell, Bell. Why! barking at Lady Chatterley! Bell! Be quiet!’ She darted forward and slashed at the dog with a white cloth she held in her hand, then came forward to Connie.

    ‘She used to know me,’ said Connie, shaking hands. The Flints were Chatterley tenants.

    ‘Of course she knows your Ladyship! She’s just showing off,’ said Mrs Flint, glowing and looking up with a sort of flushed confusion, ‘but it’s so long since she’s seen you. I do hope you are better.’

    ‘Yes thanks, I’m all right.’

    ‘We’ve hardly seen you all winter. Will you come in and look at the baby?’

    ‘Well!’ Connie hesitated. ‘Just for a minute.’

    Mrs Flint flew wildly in to tidy up, and Connie came slowly after her, hesitating in the rather dark kitchen where the kettle was boiling by the fire. Back came Mrs Flint.

    ‘I do hope you’ll excuse me,’ she said. ‘Will you come in here?’

    They went into the living-room, where a baby was sitting on the rag hearth rug, and the table was roughly set for tea. A young servant-girl backed down the passage, shy and awkward.

    The baby was a perky little thing of about a year, with red hair like its father, and cheeky pale-blue eyes. It was a girl, and not to be daunted. It sat among cushions and was surrounded with rag dolls and other toys in modern excess.

    ‘Why, what a dear she is!’ said Connie, ‘and how she’s grown! A big girl! A big girl!’

    She had given it a shawl when it was born, and celluloid ducks for Christmas.

    ‘There, Josephine! Who’s that come to see you? Who’s this, Josephine? Lady Chatterley–you know Lady Chatterley, don’t you?’

    The queer pert little mite gazed cheekily at Connie. Ladyships were still all the same to her.

    ‘Come! Will you come to me?’ said Connie to the baby.

    The baby didn’t care one way or another, so Connie picked her up and held her in her lap. How warm and lovely it was to hold a child in one’s lap, and the soft little arms, the unconscious cheeky little legs.

    ‘I was just having a rough cup of tea all by myself. Luke’s gone to market, so I can have it when I like. Would you care for a cup, Lady Chatterley? I don’t suppose it’s what you’re used to, but if you would…’

    Connie would, though she didn’t want to be reminded of what she was used to. There was a great relaying of the table, and the best cups brought and the best tea-pot.

    ‘If only you wouldn’t take any trouble,’ said Connie.

    But if Mrs Flint took no trouble, where was the fun! So Connie played with the child and was amused by its little female dauntlessness, and got a deep voluptuous pleasure out of its soft young warmth. Young life! And so fearless! So fearless, because so defenceless. All the other people, so narrow with fear!

    She had a cup of tea, which was rather strong, and very good bread and butter, and bottled damsons. Mrs Flint flushed and glowed and bridled with excitement, as if Connie were some gallant knight. And they had a real female chat, and both of them enjoyed it.

    ‘It’s a poor little tea, though,’ said Mrs Flint.

    ‘It’s much nicer than at home,’ said Connie truthfully.

    ‘Oh-h!’ said Mrs Flint, not believing, of course.

    But at last Connie rose.

    ‘I must go,’ she said. ‘My husband has no idea where I am. He’ll be wondering all kinds of things.’

    ‘He’ll never think you’re here,’ laughed Mrs Flint excitedly. ‘He’ll be sending the crier round.’

    ‘Goodbye, Josephine,’ said Connie, kissing the baby and ruffling its red, wispy hair.

    Mrs Flint insisted on opening the locked and barred front door. Connie emerged in the farm’s little front garden, shut in by a privet hedge. There were two rows of auriculas by the path, very velvety and rich.

    ‘Lovely auriculas,’ said Connie.

    ‘Recklesses, as Luke calls them,’ laughed Mrs Flint. ‘Have some.’

    And eagerly she picked the velvet and primrose flowers.

    ‘Enough! Enough!’ said Connie.

    They came to the little garden gate.

    ‘Which way were you going?’ asked Mrs Flint.

    ‘By the Warren.’

    ‘Let me see! Oh yes, the cows are in the gin close. But they’re not up yet. But the gate’s locked, you’ll have to climb.’

    ‘I can climb,’ said Connie.

    ‘Perhaps I can just go down the close with you.’

    They went down the poor, rabbit-bitten pasture. Birds were whistling in wild evening triumph in the wood. A man was calling up the last cows, which trailed slowly over the path-worn pasture.

    ‘They’re late, milking, tonight,’ said Mrs Flint severely. ‘They know Luke won’t be back till after dark.’

    They came to the fence, beyond which the young fir-wood bristled dense. There was a little gate, but it was locked. In the grass on the inside stood a bottle, empty.

    ‘There’s the keeper’s empty bottle for his milk,’ explained Mrs Flint. ‘We bring it as far as here for him, and then he fetches it himself’

    ‘When?’ said Connie.

    ‘Oh, any time he’s around. Often in the morning. Well, goodbye Lady Chatterley! And do come again. It was so lovely having you.’

    Connie climbed the fence into the narrow path between the dense, bristling young firs. Mrs Flint went running back across the pasture, in a sun-bonnet, because she was really a schoolteacher. Constance didn’t like this dense new part of the wood; it seemed gruesome and choking. She hurried on with her head down, thinking of the Flints’ baby. It was a dear little thing, but it would be a bit bow-legged like its father. It showed already, but perhaps it would grow out of it. How warm and fulfilling somehow to have a baby, and how Mrs Flint had showed it off! She had something anyhow that Connie hadn’t got, and apparently couldn’t have. Yes, Mrs Flint had flaunted her motherhood. And Connie had been just a bit, just a little bit jealous. She couldn’t help it.

    She started out of her muse, and gave a little cry of fear. A man was there.

    It was the keeper. He stood in the path like Balaam’s ass, barring her way.

    ‘How’s this?’ he said in surprise.

    ‘How did you come?’ she panted.

    ‘How did you? Have you been to the hut?’

    ‘No! No! I went to Marehay.’

    He looked at her curiously, searchingly, and she hung her head a little guiltily.

    ‘And were you going to the hut now?’ he asked rather sternly. ‘No! I mustn’t. I stayed at Marehay. No one knows where I am. I’m late. I’ve got to run.’

    ‘Giving me the slip, like?’ he said, with a faint ironic smile. ‘No! No. Not that. Only–‘

    ‘Why, what else?’ he said. And he stepped up to her and put his arms around her. She felt the front of his body terribly near to her, and alive.

    ‘Oh, not now, not now,’ she cried, trying to push him away.

    ‘Why not? It’s only six o’clock. You’ve got half an hour. Nay! Nay! I want you.’

    He held her fast and she felt his urgency. Her old instinct was to fight for her freedom. But something else in her was strange and inert and heavy. His body was urgent against her, and she hadn’t the heart any more to fight.

    He looked around.

    ‘Come–come here! Through here,’ he said, looking penetratingly into the dense fir-trees, that were young and not more than half-grown.

    He looked back at her. She saw his eyes, tense and brilliant, fierce, not loving. But her will had left her. A strange weight was on her limbs. She was giving way. She was giving up.

    He led her through the wall of prickly trees, that were difficult to come through, to a place where was a little space and a pile of dead boughs. He threw one or two dry ones down, put his coat and waistcoat over them, and she had to lie down there under the boughs of the tree, like an animal, while he waited, standing there in his shirt and breeches, watching her with haunted eyes. But still he was provident–he made her lie properly, properly. Yet he broke the band of her underclothes, for she did not help him, only lay inert.

    He too had bared the front part of his body and she felt his naked flesh against her as he came into her. For a moment he was still inside her, turgid there and quivering. Then as he began to move, in the sudden helpless orgasm, there awoke in her new strange thrills rippling inside her. Rippling, rippling, rippling, like a flapping overlapping of soft flames, soft as feathers, running to points of brilliance, exquisite, exquisite and melting her all molten inside. It was like bells rippling up and up to a culmination. She lay unconscious of the wild little cries she uttered at the last. But it was over too soon, too soon, and she could no longer force her own conclusion with her own activity. This was different, different. She could do nothing. She could no longer harden and grip for her own satisfaction upon him. She could only wait, wait and moan in spirit as she felt him withdrawing, withdrawing and contracting, coming to the terrible moment when he would slip out of her and be gone. Whilst all her womb was open and soft, and softly clamouring, like a sea-anemone under the tide, clamouring for him to come in again and make a fulfilment for her. She clung to him unconscious in passion, and he never quite slipped from her, and she felt the soft bud of him within her stirring, and strange rhythms flushing up into her with a strange rhythmic growing motion, swelling and swelling till it filled all her cleaving consciousness, and then began again the unspeakable motion that was not really motion, but pure deepening whirlpools of sensation swirling deeper and deeper through all her tissue and consciousness, till she was one perfect concentric fluid of feeling, and she lay there crying in unconscious inarticulate cries. The voice out of the uttermost night, the life! The man heard it beneath him with a kind of awe, as his life sprang out into her. And as it subsided, he subsided too and lay utterly still, unknowing, while her grip on him slowly relaxed, and she lay inert. And they lay and knew nothing, not even of each other, both lost. Till at last he began to rouse and become aware of his defenceless nakedness, and she was aware that his body was loosening its clasp on her. He was coming apart; but in her breast she felt she could not bear him to leave her uncovered. He must cover her now for ever.

    But he drew away at last, and kissed her and covered her over, and began to cover himself. She lay looking up to the boughs of the tree, unable as yet to move. He stood and fastened up his breeches, looking round. All was dense and silent, save for the awed dog that lay with its paws against its nose. He sat down again on the brushwood and took Connie’s hand in silence.

    She turned and looked at him. ‘We came off together that time,’ he said.

    She did not answer.

    ‘It’s good when it’s like that. Most folks live their lives through and they never know it,’ he said, speaking rather dreamily.

    She looked into his brooding face.

    ‘Do they?’ she said. ‘Are you glad?’

    He looked back into her eyes. ‘Glad,’ he said, ‘Ay, but never mind.’ He did not want her to talk. And he bent over her and kissed her, and she felt, so he must kiss her for ever.

    At last she sat up.

    ‘Don’t people often come off together?’ she asked with naive curiosity.

    ‘A good many of them never. You can see by the raw look of them.’ He spoke unwittingly, regretting he had begun.

    ‘Have you come off like that with other women?’

    He looked at her amused.

    ‘I don’t know,’ he said, ‘I don’t know.’

    And she knew he would never tell her anything he didn’t want to tell her. She watched his face, and the passion for him moved in her bowels. She resisted it as far as she could, for it was the loss of herself to herself.

    He put on his waistcoat and his coat, and pushed a way through to the path again.

    The last level rays of the sun touched the wood. ‘I won’t come with you,’ he said; ‘better not.’

    She looked at him wistfully before she turned. His dog was waiting so anxiously for him to go, and he seemed to have nothing whatever to say. Nothing left.

    Connie went slowly home, realizing the depth of the other thing in her. Another self was alive in her, burning molten and soft in her womb and bowels, and with this self she adored him. She adored him till her knees were weak as she walked. In her womb and bowels she was flowing and alive now and vulnerable, and helpless in adoration of him as the most naive woman. It feels like a child, she said to herself it feels like a child in me. And so it did, as if her womb, that had always been shut, had opened and filled with new life, almost a burden, yet lovely.

    ‘If I had a child!’ she thought to herself; ‘if I had him inside me as a child!’–and her limbs turned molten at the thought, and she realized the immense difference between having a child to oneself and having a child to a man whom one’s bowels yearned towards. The former seemed in a sense ordinary: but to have a child to a man whom one adored in one’s bowels and one’s womb, it made her feel she was very different from her old self and as if she was sinking deep, deep to the centre of all womanhood and the sleep of creation.

    It was not the passion that was new to her, it was the yearning adoration. She knew she had always feared it, for it left her helpless; she feared it still, lest if she adored him too much, then she would lose herself become effaced, and she did not want to be effaced, a slave, like a savage woman. She must not become a slave. She feared her adoration, yet she would not at once fight against it. She knew she could fight it. She had a devil of self-will in her breast that could have fought the full soft heaving adoration of her womb and crushed it. She could even now do it, or she thought so, and she could then take up her passion with her own will.

    Ah yes, to be passionate like a Bacchante, like a Bacchanal fleeing through the woods, to call on Iacchos, the bright phallos that had no independent personality behind it, but was pure god-servant to the woman! The man, the individual, let him not dare intrude. He was but a temple-servant, the bearer and keeper of the bright phallos, her own.

    So, in the flux of new awakening, the old hard passion flamed in her for a time, and the man dwindled to a contemptible object, the mere phallos-bearer, to be torn to pieces when his service was performed. She felt the force of the Bacchae in her limbs and her body, the woman gleaming and rapid, beating down the male; but while she felt this, her heart was heavy. She did not want it, it was known and barren, birthless; the adoration was her treasure.

    It was so fathomless, so soft, so deep and so unknown. No, no, she would give up her hard bright female power; she was weary of it, stiffened with it; she would sink in the new bath of life, in the depths of her womb and her bowels that sang the voiceless song of adoration. It was early yet to begin to fear the man.

    ‘I walked over by Marehay, and I had tea with Mrs Flint,’ she said to Clifford. ‘I wanted to see the baby. It’s so adorable, with hair like red cobwebs. Such a dear! Mr Flint had gone to market, so she and I and the baby had tea together. Did you wonder where I was?’

    ‘Well, I wondered, but I guessed you had dropped in somewhere to tea,’ said Clifford jealously. With a sort of second sight he sensed something new in her, something to him quite incomprehensible, but he ascribed it to the baby. He thought that all that ailed Connie was that she did not have a baby, automatically bring one forth, so to speak.

    ‘I saw you go across the park to the iron gate, my Lady,’ said Mrs Bolton; ‘so I thought perhaps you’d called at the Rectory.’

    ‘I nearly did, then I turned towards Marehay instead.’

    The eyes of the two women met: Mrs Bolton’s grey and bright and searching; Connie’s blue and veiled and strangely beautiful. Mrs Bolton was almost sure she had a lover, yet how could it be, and who could it be? Where was there a man?

    ‘Oh, it’s so good for you, if you go out and see a bit of company sometimes,’ said Mrs Bolton. ‘I was saying to Sir Clifford, it would do her ladyship a world of good if she’d go out among people more.’

    ‘Yes, I’m glad I went, and such a quaint dear cheeky baby, Clifford,’ said Connie. ‘It’s got hair just like spider-webs, and bright orange, and the oddest, cheekiest, pale-blue china eyes. Of course it’s a girl, or it wouldn’t be so bold, bolder than any little Sir Francis Drake.’

    ‘You’re right, my Lady–a regular little Flint. They were always a forward sandy-headed family,’ said Mrs Bolton.

    ‘Wouldn’t you like to see it, Clifford? I’ve asked them to tea for you to see it.’

    ‘Who?’ he asked, looking at Connie in great uneasiness.

    ‘Mrs Flint and the baby, next Monday.’

    ‘You can have them to tea up in your room,’ he said.

    ‘Why, don’t you want to see the baby?’ she cried.

    ‘Oh, I’ll see it, but I don’t want to sit through a tea-time with them.’

    ‘Oh,’ cried Connie, looking at him with wide veiled eyes.

    She did not really see him, he was somebody else.

    ‘You can have a nice cosy tea up in your room, my Lady, and Mrs Flint will be more comfortable than if Sir Clifford was there,’ said Mrs Bolton.

    She was sure Connie had a lover, and something in her soul exulted. But who was he? Who was he? Perhaps Mrs Flint would provide a clue.

    Connie would not take her bath this evening. The sense of his flesh touching her, his very stickiness upon her, was dear to her, and in a sense holy.

    Clifford was very uneasy. He would not let her go after dinner, and she had wanted so much to be alone. She looked at him, but was curiously submissive.

    ‘Shall we play a game, or shall I read to you, or what shall it be?’ he asked uneasily.

    ‘You read to me,’ said Connie.

    ‘What shall I read–verse or prose? Or drama?’

    ‘Read Racine,’ she said.

    It had been one of his stunts in the past, to read Racine in the real French grand manner, but he was rusty now, and a little self-conscious; he really preferred the loudspeaker. But Connie was sewing, sewing a little frock of primrose silk, cut out of one of her dresses, for Mrs Flint’s baby. Between coming home and dinner she had cut it out, and she sat in the soft quiescent rapture of herself sewing, while the noise of the reading went on.

    Inside herself she could feel the humming of passion, like the after-humming of deep bells.

    Clifford said something to her about the Racine. She caught the sense after the words had gone.

    ‘Yes! Yes!’ she said, looking up at him. ‘It is splendid.’

    Again he was frightened at the deep blue blaze of her eyes, and of her soft stillness, sitting there. She had never been so utterly soft and still. She fascinated him helplessly, as if some perfume about her intoxicated him. So he went on helplessly with his reading, and the throaty sound of the French was like the wind in the chimneys to her. Of the Racine she heard not one syllable.

    She was gone in her own soft rapture, like a forest soughing with the dim, glad moan of spring, moving into bud. She could feel in the same world with her the man, the nameless man, moving on beautiful feet, beautiful in the phallic mystery. And in herself in all her veins, she felt him and his child. His child was in all her veins, like a twilight.

    ‘For hands she hath none, nor eyes, nor feet, nor golden Treasure of hair…’

    She was like a forest, like the dark interlacing of the oakwood, humming inaudibly with myriad unfolding buds. Meanwhile the birds of desire were asleep in the vast interlaced intricacy of her body.

    But Clifford’s voice went on, clapping and gurgling with unusual sounds. How extraordinary it was! How extraordinary he was, bent there over the book, queer and rapacious and civilized, with broad shoulders and no real legs! What a strange creature, with the sharp, cold inflexible will of some bird, and no warmth, no warmth at all! One of those creatures of the afterwards, that have no soul, but an extra-alert will, cold will. She shuddered a little, afraid of him. But then, the soft warm flame of life was stronger than he, and the real things were hidden from him.

    The reading finished. She was startled. She looked up, and was more startled still to see Clifford watching her with pale, uncanny eyes, like hate.

    ‘Thank you so much! You do read Racine beautifully!’ she said softly.

    ‘Almost as beautifully as you listen to him,’ he said cruelly. ‘What are you making?’ he asked.

    ‘I’m making a child’s dress, for Mrs Flint’s baby.’

    He turned away. A child! A child! That was all her obsession.

    ‘After all,’ he said in a declamatory voice, ‘one gets all one wants out of Racine. Emotions that are ordered and given shape are more important than disorderly emotions.

    She watched him with wide, vague, veiled eyes. ‘Yes, I’m sure they are,’ she said.

    ‘The modern world has only vulgarized emotion by letting it loose. What we need is classic control.’

    ‘Yes,’ she said slowly, thinking of him listening with vacant face to the emotional idiocy of the radio. ‘People pretend to have emotions, and they really feel nothing. I suppose that is being romantic.’

    ‘Exactly!’ he said.

    As a matter of fact, he was tired. This evening had tired him. He would rather have been with his technical books, or his pit-manager, or listening-in to the radio.

    Mrs Bolton came in with two glasses of malted milk: for Clifford, to make him sleep, and for Connie, to fatten her again. It was a regular night-cap she had introduced.

    Connie was glad to go, when she had drunk her glass, and thankful she needn’t help Clifford to bed. She took his glass and put it on the tray, then took the tray, to leave it outside.

    ‘Goodnight Clifford! Do sleep well! The Racine gets into one like a dream. Goodnight!’

    She had drifted to the door. She was going without kissing him goodnight. He watched her with sharp, cold eyes. So! She did not even kiss him goodnight, after he had spent an evening reading to her. Such depths of callousness in her! Even if the kiss was but a formality, it was on such formalities that life depends. She was a Bolshevik, really. Her instincts were Bolshevistic! He gazed coldly and angrily at the door whence she had gone. Anger!

    And again the dread of the night came on him. He was a network of nerves, and when he was not braced up to work, and so full of energy: or when he was not listening-in, and so utterly neuter: then he was haunted by anxiety and a sense of dangerous impending void. He was afraid. And Connie could keep the fear off him, if she would. But it was obvious she wouldn’t, she wouldn’t. She was callous, cold and callous to all that he did for her. He gave up his life for her, and she was callous to him. She only wanted her own way. ‘The lady loves her will.’

    Now it was a baby she was obsessed by. Just so that it should be her own, all her own, and not his!

    Clifford was so healthy, considering. He looked so well and ruddy in the face, his shoulders were broad and strong, his chest deep, he had put on flesh. And yet, at the same time, he was afraid of death. A terrible hollow seemed to menace him somewhere, somehow, a void, and into this void his energy would collapse. Energyless, he felt at times he was dead, really dead.

    So his rather prominent pale eyes had a queer look, furtive, and yet a little cruel, so cold: and at the same time, almost impudent. It was a very odd look, this look of impudence: as if he were triumphing over life in spite of life. ‘Who knoweth the mysteries of the will–for it can triumph even against the angels–‘

    But his dread was the nights when he could not sleep. Then it was awful indeed, when annihilation pressed in on him on every side. Then it was ghastly, to exist without having any life: lifeless, in the night, to exist.

    But now he could ring for Mrs Bolton. And she would always come. That was a great comfort. She would come in her dressing gown, with her hair in a plait down her back, curiously girlish and dim, though the brown plait was streaked with grey. And she would make him coffee or camomile tea, and she would play chess or piquet with him. She had a woman’s queer faculty of playing even chess well enough, when she was three parts asleep, well enough to make her worth beating. So, in the silent intimacy of the night, they sat, or she sat and he lay on the bed, with the reading-lamp shedding its solitary light on them, she almost gone in sleep, he almost gone in a sort of fear, and they played, played together–then they had a cup of coffee and a biscuit together, hardly speaking, in the silence of night, but being a reassurance to one another.

    And this night she was wondering who Lady Chatterley’s lover was. And she was thinking of her own Ted, so long dead, yet for her never quite dead. And when she thought of him, the old, old grudge against the world rose up, but especially against the masters, that they had killed him. They had not really killed him. Yet, to her, emotionally, they had. And somewhere deep in herself because of it, she was a nihilist, and really anarchic.

    In her half-sleep, thoughts of her Ted and thoughts of Lady Chatterley’s unknown lover commingled, and then she felt she shared with the other woman a great grudge against Sir Clifford and all he stood for. At the same time she was playing piquet with him, and they were gambling sixpences. And it was a source of satisfaction to be playing piquet with a baronet, and even losing sixpences to him.

    When they played cards, they always gambled. It made him forget himself. And he usually won. Tonight too he was winning. So he would not go to sleep till the first dawn appeared. Luckily it began to appear at half past four or thereabouts.

    Connie was in bed, and fast asleep all this time. But the keeper, too, could not rest. He had closed the coops and made his round of the wood, then gone home and eaten supper. But he did not go to bed. Instead he sat by the fire and thought.

    He thought of his boyhood in Tevershall, and of his five or six years of married life. He thought of his wife, and always bitterly. She had seemed so brutal. But he had not seen her now since 1915, in the spring when he joined up. Yet there she was, not three miles away, and more brutal than ever. He hoped never to see her again while he lived.

    He thought of his life abroad, as a soldier. India, Egypt, then India again: the blind, thoughtless life with the horses: the colonel who had loved him and whom he had loved: the several years that he had been an officer, a lieutenant with a very fair chance of being a captain. Then the death of the colonel from pneumonia, and his own narrow escape from death: his damaged health: his deep restlessness: his leaving the army and coming back to England to be a working man again.

    He was temporizing with life. He had thought he would be safe, at least for a time, in this wood. There was no shooting as yet: he had to rear the pheasants. He would have no guns to serve. He would be alone, and apart from life, which was all he wanted. He had to have some sort of a background. And this was his native place. There was even his mother, though she had never meant very much to him. And he could go on in life, existing from day to day, without connexion and without hope. For he did not know what to do with himself.

    He did not know what to do with himself. Since he had been an officer for some years, and had mixed among the other officers and civil servants, with their wives and families, he had lost all ambition to ‘get on’. There was a toughness, a curious rubbernecked toughness and unlivingness about the middle and upper classes, as he had known them, which just left him feeling cold and different from them.

    So, he had come back to his own class. To find there, what he had forgotten during his absence of years, a pettiness and a vulgarity of manner extremely distasteful. He admitted now at last, how important manner was. He admitted, also, how important it was even to pretend not to care about the halfpence and the small things of life. But among the common people there was no pretence. A penny more or less on the bacon was worse than a change in the Gospel. He could not stand it.

    And again, there was the wage-squabble. Having lived among the owning classes, he knew the utter futility of expecting any solution of the wage-squabble. There was no solution, short of death. The only thing was not to care, not to care about the wages.

    Yet, if you were poor and wretched you had to care. Anyhow, it was becoming the only thing they did care about. The care about money was like a great cancer, eating away the individuals of all classes. He refused to care about money.

    And what then? What did life offer apart from the care of money? Nothing.

    Yet he could live alone, in the wan satisfaction of being alone, and raise pheasants to be shot ultimately by fat men after breakfast. It was futility, futility to the nth power.

    But why care, why bother? And he had not cared nor bothered till now, when this woman had come into his life. He was nearly ten years older than she. And he was a thousand years older in experience, starting from the bottom. The connexion between them was growing closer. He could see the day when it would clinch up and they would have to make a life together. ‘For the bonds of love are ill to loose!’

    And what then? What then? Must he start again, with nothing to start on? Must he entangle this woman? Must he have the horrible broil with her lame husband? And also some sort of horrible broil with his own brutal wife, who hated him? Misery! Lots of misery! And he was no longer young and merely buoyant. Neither was he the insouciant sort. Every bitterness and every ugliness would hurt him: and the woman!

    But even if they got clear of Sir Clifford and of his own wife, even if they got clear, what were they going to do? What was he, himself going to do? What was he going to do with his life? For he must do something. He couldn’t be a mere hanger-on, on her money and his own very small pension.

    It was the insoluble. He could only think of going to America, to try a new air. He disbelieved in the dollar utterly. But perhaps, perhaps there was something else.

    He could not rest nor even go to bed. After sitting in a stupor of bitter thoughts until midnight, he got suddenly from his chair and reached for his coat and gun.

    ‘Come on, lass,’ he said to the dog. ‘We’re best outside.’

    It was a starry night, but moonless. He went on a slow, scrupulous, soft-stepping and stealthy round. The only thing he had to contend with was the colliers setting snares for rabbits, particularly the Stacks Gate colliers, on the Marehay side. But it was breeding season, and even colliers respected it a little. Nevertheless the stealthy beating of the round in search of poachers soothed his nerves and took his mind off his thoughts.

    But when he had done his slow, cautious beating of his bounds–it was nearly a five-mile walk–he was tired. He went to the top of the knoll and looked out. There was no sound save the noise, the faint shuffling noise from Stacks Gate colliery, that never ceased working: and there were hardly any lights, save the brilliant electric rows at the works. The world lay darkly and fumily sleeping. It was half past two. But even in its sleep it was an uneasy, cruel world, stirring with the noise of a train or some great lorry on the road, and flashing with some rosy lightning flash from the furnaces. It was a world of iron and coal, the cruelty of iron and the smoke of coal, and the endless, endless greed that drove it all. Only greed, greed stirring in its sleep.

    It was cold, and he was coughing. A fine cold draught blew over the knoll. He thought of the woman. Now he would have given all he had or ever might have to hold her warm in his arms, both of them wrapped in one blanket, and sleep. All hopes of eternity and all gain from the past he would have given to have her there, to be wrapped warm with him in one blanket, and sleep, only sleep. It seemed the sleep with the woman in his arms was the only necessity.

    He went to the hut, and wrapped himself in the blanket and lay on the floor to sleep. But he could not, he was cold. And besides, he felt cruelly his own unfinished nature. He felt his own unfinished condition of aloneness cruelly. He wanted her, to touch her, to hold her fast against him in one moment of completeness and sleep.

    He got up again and went out, towards the park gates this time: then slowly along the path towards the house. It was nearly four o’clock, still clear and cold, but no sign of dawn. He was used to the dark, he could see well.

    Slowly, slowly the great house drew him, as a magnet. He wanted to be near her. It was not desire, not that. It was the cruel sense of unfinished aloneness, that needed a silent woman folded in his arms. Perhaps he could find her. Perhaps he could even call her out to him: or find some way in to her. For the need was imperious.

    He slowly, silently climbed the incline to the hall. Then he came round the great trees at the top of the knoll, on to the drive, which made a grand sweep round a lozenge of grass in front of the entrance. He could already see the two magnificent beeches which stood in this big level lozenge in front of the house, detaching themselves darkly in the dark air.

    There was the house, low and long and obscure, with one light burning downstairs, in Sir Clifford’s room. But which room she was in, the woman who held the other end of the frail thread which drew him so mercilessly, that he did not know.

    He went a little nearer, gun in hand, and stood motionless on the drive, watching the house. Perhaps even now he could find her, come at her in some way. The house was not impregnable: he was as clever as burglars are. Why not come to her?

    He stood motionless, waiting, while the dawn faintly and imperceptibly paled behind him. He saw the light in the house go out. But he did not see Mrs Bolton come to the window and draw back the old curtain of dark-blue silk, and stand herself in the dark room, looking out on the half-dark of the approaching day, looking for the longed-for dawn, waiting, waiting for Clifford to be really reassured that it was daybreak. For when he was sure of daybreak, he would sleep almost at once.

    She stood blind with sleep at the window, waiting. And as she stood, she started, and almost cried out. For there was a man out there on the drive, a black figure in the twilight. She woke up greyly, and watched, but without making a sound to disturb Sir Clifford.

    The daylight began to rustle into the world, and the dark figure seemed to go smaller and more defined. She made out the gun and gaiters and baggy jacket–it would be Oliver Mellors, the keeper. ‘Yes, for there was the dog nosing around like a shadow, and waiting for him’!

    And what did the man want? Did he want to rouse the house? What was he standing there for, transfixed, looking up at the house like a love-sick male dog outside the house where the bitch is?

    Goodness! The knowledge went through Mrs Bolton like a shot. He was Lady Chatterley’s lover! He! He!

    To think of it! Why, she, Ivy Bolton, had once been a tiny bit in love with him herself. When he was a lad of sixteen and she a woman of twenty-six. It was when she was studying, and he had helped her a lot with the anatomy and things she had had to learn. He’d been a clever boy, had a scholarship for Sheffield Grammar School, and learned French and things: and then after all had become an overhead blacksmith shoeing horses, because he was fond of horses, he said: but really because he was frightened to go out and face the world, only he’d never admit it.

    But he’d been a nice lad, a nice lad, had helped her a lot, so clever at making things clear to you. He was quite as clever as Sir Clifford: and always one for the women. More with women than men, they said.

    Till he’d gone and married that Bertha Coutts, as if to spite himself. Some people do marry to spite themselves, because they’re disappointed of something. And no wonder it had been a failure.–For years he was gone, all the time of the war: and a lieutenant and all: quite the gentleman, really quite the gentleman!–Then to come back to Tevershall and go as a game-keeper! Really, some people can’t take their chances when they’ve got them! And talking broad Derbyshire again like the worst, when she, Ivy Bolton, knew he spoke like any gentleman, really.

    Well, well! So her ladyship had fallen for him! Well her ladyship wasn’t the first: there was something about him. But fancy! A Tevershall lad born and bred, and she her ladyship in Wragby Hall! My word, that was a slap back at the high-and-mighty Chatterleys!

    But he, the keeper, as the day grew, had realized: it’s no good! It’s no good trying to get rid of your own aloneness. You’ve got to stick to it all your life. Only at times, at times, the gap will be filled in. At times! But you have to wait for the times. Accept your own aloneness and stick to it, all your life. And then accept the times when the gap is filled in, when they come. But they’ve got to come. You can’t force them.

    With a sudden snap the bleeding desire that had drawn him after her broke. He had broken it, because it must be so. There must be a coming together on both sides. And if she wasn’t coming to him, he wouldn’t track her down. He mustn’t. He must go away, till she came.

    He turned slowly, ponderingly, accepting again the isolation. He knew it was better so. She must come to him: it was no use his trailing after her. No use!

    Mrs Bolton saw him disappear, saw his dog run after him.

    ‘Well, well!’ she said. ‘He’s the one man I never thought of; and the one man I might have thought of. He was nice to me when he was a lad, after I lost Ted. Well, well! Whatever would he say if he knew!’

    And she glanced triumphantly at the already sleeping Clifford, as she stepped softly from the room.

    Chapter 11

    Connie was sorting out one of the Wragby lumber rooms. There were several: the house was a warren, and the family never sold anything. Sir Geoffrey’s father had liked pictures and Sir Geoffrey’s mother had liked cinquecento furniture. Sir Geoffrey himself had liked old carved oak chests, vestry chests. So it went on through the generations. Clifford collected very modern pictures, at very moderate prices.

    So in the lumber room there were bad Sir Edwin Landseers and pathetic William Henry Hunt birds’ nests: and other Academy stuff, enough to frighten the daughter of an R.A. She determined to look through it one day, and clear it all. And the grotesque furniture interested her.

    Wrapped up carefully to preserve it from damage and dry-rot was the old family cradle, of rosewood. She had to unwrap it, to look at it. It had a certain charm: she looked at it a long time.

    ‘It’s thousand pities it won’t be called for,’ sighed Mrs Bolton, who was helping. ‘Though cradles like that are out of date nowadays.’

    ‘It might be called for. I might have a child,’ said Connie casually, as if saying she might have a new hat.

    ‘You mean if anything happened to Sir Clifford!’ stammered Mrs Bolton.

    ‘No! I mean as things are. It’s only muscular paralysis with Sir Clifford–it doesn’t affect him,’ said Connie, lying as naturally as breathing.

    Clifford had put the idea into her head. He had said: ‘Of course I may have a child yet. I’m not really mutilated at all. The potency may easily come back, even if the muscles of the hips and legs are paralysed. And then the seed may be transferred.’

    He really felt, when he had his periods of energy and worked so hard at the question of the mines, as if his sexual potency were returning. Connie had looked at him in terror. But she was quite quick-witted enough to use his suggestion for her own preservation. For she would have a child if she could: but not his.

    Mrs Bolton was for a moment breathless, flabbergasted. Then she didn’t believe it: she saw in it a ruse. Yet doctors could do such things nowadays. They might sort of graft seed.

    ‘Well, my Lady, I only hope and pray you may. It would be lovely for you: and for everybody. My word, a child in Wragby, what a difference it would make!’

    ‘Wouldn’t it!’ said Connie.

    And she chose three R. A. pictures of sixty years ago, to send to the Duchess of Shortlands for that lady’s next charitable bazaar. She was called ‘the bazaar duchess’, and she always asked all the county to send things for her to sell. She would be delighted with three framed R. A.s. She might even call, on the strength of them. How furious Clifford was when she called!

    But oh my dear! Mrs Bolton was thinking to herself. Is it Oliver Mellors’ child you’re preparing us for? Oh my dear, that would be a Tevershall baby in the Wragby cradle, my word! Wouldn’t shame it, neither!

    Among other monstrosities in this lumber room was a largish blackjapanned box, excellently and ingeniously made some sixty or seventy years ago, and fitted with every imaginable object. On top was a concentrated toilet set: brushes, bottles, mirrors, combs, boxes, even three beautiful little razors in safety sheaths, shaving-bowl and all. Underneath came a sort of escritoire outfit: blotters, pens, ink-bottles, paper, envelopes, memorandum books: and then a perfect sewing-outfit, with three different sized scissors, thimbles, needles, silks and cottons, darning egg, all of the very best quality and perfectly finished. Then there was a little medicine store, with bottles labelled Laudanum, Tincture of Myrrh, Ess. Cloves and so on: but empty. Everything was perfectly new, and the whole thing, when shut up, was as big as a small, but fat weekend bag. And inside, it fitted together like a puzzle. The bottles could not possibly have spilled: there wasn’t room.

    The thing was wonderfully made and contrived, excellent craftsmanship of the Victorian order. But somehow it was monstrous. Some Chatterley must even have felt it, for the thing had never been used. It had a peculiar soullessness.

    Yet Mrs Bolton was thrilled.

    ‘Look what beautiful brushes, so expensive, even the shaving brushes, three perfect ones! No! and those scissors! They’re the best that money could buy. Oh, I call it lovely!’

    ‘Do you?’ said Connie. ‘Then you have it.’

    ‘Oh no, my Lady!’

    ‘Of course! It will only lie here till Doomsday. If you won’t have it, I’ll send it to the Duchess as well as the pictures, and she doesn’t deserve so much. Do have it!’

    ‘Oh, your Ladyship! Why, I shall never be able to thank you.’

    ‘You needn’t try,’ laughed Connie.

    And Mrs Bolton sailed down with the huge and very black box in her arms, flushing bright pink in her excitement.

    Mr Betts drove her in the trap to her house in the village, with the box. And she had to have a few friends in, to show it: the school-mistress, the chemist’s wife, Mrs Weedon the undercashier’s wife. They thought it marvellous. And then started the whisper of Lady Chatterley’s child.

    ‘Wonders’ll never cease!’ said Mrs Weedon.

    But Mrs Bolton was convinced, if it did come, it would be Sir Clifford’s child. So there!

    Not long after, the rector said gently to Clifford:

    ‘And may we really hope for an heir to Wragby? Ah, that would be the hand of God in mercy, indeed!’

    ‘Well! We may hope,’ said Clifford, with a faint irony, and at the same time, a certain conviction. He had begun to believe it really possible it might even be his child.

    Then one afternoon came Leslie Winter, Squire Winter, as everybody called him: lean, immaculate, and seventy: and every inch a gentleman, as Mrs Bolton said to Mrs Betts. Every millimetre indeed! And with his old-fashioned, rather haw-haw! manner of speaking, he seemed more out of date than bag wigs. Time, in her flight, drops these fine old feathers.

    They discussed the collieries. Clifford’s idea was, that his coal, even the poor sort, could be made into hard concentrated fuel that would burn at great heat if fed with certain damp, acidulated air at a fairly strong pressure. It had long been observed that in a particularly strong, wet wind the pit-bank burned very vivid, gave off hardly any fumes, and left a fine powder of ash, instead of the slow pink gravel.

    ‘But where will you find the proper engines for burning your fuel?’ asked Winter.

    ‘I’ll make them myself. And I’ll use my fuel myself. And I’ll sell electric power. I’m certain I could do it.’

    ‘If you can do it, then splendid, splendid, my dear boy. Haw! Splendid! If I can be of any help, I shall be delighted. I’m afraid I am a little out of date, and my collieries are like me. But who knows, when I’m gone, there may be men like you. Splendid! It will employ all the men again, and you won’t have to sell your coal, or fail to sell it. A splendid idea, and I hope it will be a success. If I had sons of my own, no doubt they would have up-to-date ideas for Shipley: no doubt! By the way, dear boy, is there any foundation to the rumour that we may entertain hopes of an heir to Wragby?’

    ‘Is there a rumour?’ asked Clifford.

    ‘Well, my dear boy, Marshall from Fillingwood asked me, that’s all I can say about a rumour. Of course I wouldn’t repeat it for the world, if there were no foundation.’

    ‘Well, Sir,’ said Clifford uneasily, but with strange bright eyes. ‘There is a hope. There is a hope.’

    Winter came across the room and wrung Clifford’s hand.

    ‘My dear boy, my dear lad, can you believe what it means to me, to hear that! And to hear you are working in the hopes of a son: and that you may again employ every man at Tevershall. Ah, my boy! to keep up the level of the race, and to have work waiting for any man who cares to work!–‘

    The old man was really moved.

    Next day Connie was arranging tall yellow tulips in a glass vase.

    ‘Connie,’ said Clifford, ‘did you know there was a rumour that you are going to supply Wragby with a son and heir?’

    Connie felt dim with terror, yet she stood quite still, touching the flowers.

    ‘No!’ she said. ‘Is it a joke? Or malice?’

    He paused before he answered:

    ‘Neither, I hope. I hope it may be a prophecy.’

    Connie went on with her flowers.

    ‘I had a letter from Father this morning,’ She said. ‘He wants to know if I am aware he has accepted Sir Alexander Cooper’s Invitation for me for July and August, to the Villa Esmeralda in Venice.’

    ‘July and August?’ said Clifford.

    ‘Oh, I wouldn’t stay all that time. Are you sure you wouldn’t come?’

    ‘I won’t travel abroad,’ said Clifford promptly. She took her flowers to the window.

    ‘Do you mind if I go?’ she said. ‘You know it was promised, for this summer.’

    ‘For how long would you go?’

    ‘Perhaps three weeks.’

    There was silence for a time.

    ‘Well,’ said Clifford slowly, and a little gloomily. ‘I suppose I could stand it for three weeks: if I were absolutely sure you’d want to come back.’

    ‘I should want to come back,’ she said, with a quiet simplicity, heavy with conviction. She was thinking of the other man.

    Clifford felt her conviction, and somehow he believed her, he believed it was for him. He felt immensely relieved, joyful at once.

    ‘In that case,’ he said,

    ‘I think it would be all right, don’t you?’

    ‘I think so,’ she said.

    ‘You’d enjoy the change?’ She looked up at him with strange blue eyes.

    ‘I should like to see Venice again,’ she said, ‘and to bathe from one of the shingle islands across the lagoon. But you know I loathe the Lido! And I don’t fancy I shall like Sir Alexander Cooper and Lady Cooper. But if Hilda is there, and we have a gondola of our own: yes, it will be rather lovely. I do wish you’d come.’

    She said it sincerely. She would so love to make him happy, in these ways.

    ‘Ah, but think of me, though, at the Gare du Nord: at Calais quay!’

    ‘But why not? I see other men carried in litter-chairs, who have been wounded in the war. Besides, we’d motor all the way.’

    ‘We should need to take two men.’

    ‘Oh no! We’d manage with Field. There would always be another man there.’

    But Clifford shook his head.

    ‘Not this year, dear! Not this year! Next year probably I’ll try.’

    She went away gloomily. Next year! What would next year bring? She herself did not really want to go to Venice: not now, now there was the other man. But she was going as a sort of discipline: and also because, if she had a child, Clifford could think she had a lover in Venice.

    It was already May, and in June they were supposed to start. Always these arrangements! Always one’s life arranged for one! Wheels that worked one and drove one, and over which one had no real control!

    It was May, but cold and wet again. A cold wet May, good for corn and hay! Much the corn and hay matter nowadays! Connie had to go into Uthwaite, which was their little town, where the Chatterleys were still the Chatterleys. She went alone, Field driving her.

    In spite of May and a new greenness, the country was dismal. It was rather chilly, and there was smoke on the rain, and a certain sense of exhaust vapour in the air. One just had to live from one’s resistance. No wonder these people were ugly and tough.

    The car ploughed uphill through the long squalid straggle of Tevershall, the blackened brick dwellings, the black slate roofs glistening their sharp edges, the mud black with coal-dust, the pavements wet and black. It was as if dismalness had soaked through and through everything. The utter negation of natural beauty, the utter negation of the gladness of life, the utter absence of the instinct for shapely beauty which every bird and beast has, the utter death of the human intuitive faculty was appalling. The stacks of soap in the grocers’ shops, the rhubarb and lemons in the greengrocers! the awful hats in the milliners! all went by ugly, ugly, ugly, followed by the plaster-and-gilt horror of the cinema with its wet picture announcements, ‘A Woman’s Love!’, and the new big Primitive chapel, primitive enough in its stark brick and big panes of greenish and raspberry glass in the windows. The Wesleyan chapel, higher up, was of blackened brick and stood behind iron railings and blackened shrubs. The Congregational chapel, which thought itself superior, was built of rusticated sandstone and had a steeple, but not a very high one. Just beyond were the new school buildings, expensive pink brick, and gravelled playground inside iron railings, all very imposing, and fixing the suggestion of a chapel and a prison. Standard Five girls were having a singing lesson, just finishing the la-me-doh-la exercises and beginning a ‘sweet children’s song’. Anything more unlike song, spontaneous song, would be impossible to imagine: a strange bawling yell that followed the outlines of a tune. It was not like savages: savages have subtle rhythms. It was not like animals: animals mean something when they yell. It was like nothing on earth, and it was called singing. Connie sat and listened with her heart in her boots, as Field was filling petrol. What could possibly become of such a people, a people in whom the living intuitive faculty was dead as nails, and only queer mechanical yells and uncanny will-power remained?

    A coal-cart was coming downhill, clanking in the rain. Field started upwards, past the big but weary-looking drapers and clothing shops, the post-office, into the little market-place of forlorn space, where Sam Black was peering out of the door of the Sun, that called itself an inn, not a pub, and where the commercial travellers stayed, and was bowing to Lady Chatterley’s car.

    The church was away to the left among black trees. The car slid on downhill, past the Miners’ Arms. It had already passed the Wellington, the Nelson, the Three Tuns, and the Sun, now it passed the Miners’ Arms, then the Mechanics’ Hall, then the new and almost gaudy Miners’ Welfare and so, past a few new ‘villas’, out into the blackened road between dark hedges and dark green fields, towards Stacks Gate.

    Tevershall! That was Tevershall! Merrie England! Shakespeare’s England! No, but the England of today, as Connie had realized since she had come to live in it. It was producing a new race of mankind, over-conscious in the money and social and political side, on the spontaneous, intuitive side dead, but dead. Half-corpses, all of them: but with a terrible insistent consciousness in the other half. There was something uncanny and underground about it all. It was an under-world. And quite incalculable. How shall we understand the reactions in half-corpses? When Connie saw the great lorries full of steel-workers from Sheffield, weird, distorted smallish beings like men, off for an excursion to Matlock, her bowels fainted and she thought: Ah God, what has man done to man? What have the leaders of men been doing to their fellow men? They have reduced them to less than humanness; and now there can be no fellowship any more! It is just a nightmare.

    She felt again in a wave of terror the grey, gritty hopelessness of it all. With such creatures for the industrial masses, and the upper classes as she knew them, there was no hope, no hope any more. Yet she was wanting a baby, and an heir to Wragby! An heir to Wragby! She shuddered with dread.

    Yet Mellors had come out of all this!–Yes, but he was as apart from it all as she was. Even in him there was no fellowship left. It was dead. The fellowship was dead. There was only apartness and hopelessness, as far as all this was concerned. And this was England, the vast bulk of England: as Connie knew, since she had motored from the centre of it.

    The car was rising towards Stacks Gate. The rain was holding off, and in the air came a queer pellucid gleam of May. The country rolled away in long undulations, south towards the Peak, east towards Mansfield and Nottingham. Connie was travelling South.

    As she rose on to the high country, she could see on her left, on a height above the rolling land, the shadowy, powerful bulk of Warsop Castle, dark grey, with below it the reddish plastering of miners’ dwellings, newish, and below those the plumes of dark smoke and white steam from the great colliery which put so many thousand pounds per annum into the pockets of the Duke and the other shareholders. The powerful old castle was a ruin, yet it hung its bulk on the low sky-line, over the black plumes and the white that waved on the damp air below.

    A turn, and they ran on the high level to Stacks Gate. Stacks Gate, as seen from the highroad, was just a huge and gorgeous new hotel, the Coningsby Arms, standing red and white and gilt in barbarous isolation off the road. But if you looked, you saw on the left rows of handsome ‘modern’ dwellings, set down like a game of dominoes, with spaces and gardens, a queer game of dominoes that some weird ‘masters’ were playing on the surprised earth. And beyond these blocks of dwellings, at the back, rose all the astonishing and frightening overhead erections of a really modern mine, chemical works and long galleries, enormous, and of shapes not before known to man. The head-stock and pit-bank of the mine itself were insignificant among the huge new installations. And in front of this, the game of dominoes stood forever in a sort of surprise, waiting to be played.

    This was Stacks Gate, new on the face of the earth, since the war. But as a matter of fact, though even Connie did not know it, downhill half a mile below the ‘hotel’ was old Stacks Gate, with a little old colliery and blackish old brick dwellings, and a chapel or two and a shop or two and a little pub or two.

    But that didn’t count any more. The vast plumes of smoke and vapour rose from the new works up above, and this was now Stacks Gate: no chapels, no pubs, even no shops. Only the great works’, which are the modern Olympia with temples to all the gods; then the model dwellings: then the hotel. The hotel in actuality was nothing but a miners’ pub though it looked first-classy.

    Even since Connie’s arrival at Wragby this new place had arisen on the face of the earth, and the model dwellings had filled with riff-raff drifting in from anywhere, to poach Clifford’s rabbits among other occupations.

    The car ran on along the uplands, seeing the rolling county spread out. The county! It had once been a proud and lordly county. In front, looming again and hanging on the brow of the sky-line, was the huge and splendid bulk of Chadwick Hall, more window than wall, one of the most famous Elizabethan houses. Noble it stood alone above a great park, but out of date, passed over. It was still kept up, but as a show place. ‘Look how our ancestors lorded it!’

    That was the past. The present lay below. God alone knows where the future lies. The car was already turning, between little old blackened miners’ cottages, to descend to Uthwaite. And Uthwaite, on a damp day, was sending up a whole array of smoke plumes and steam, to whatever gods there be. Uthwaite down in the valley, with all the steel threads of the railways to Sheffield drawn through it, and the coal-mines and the steel-works sending up smoke and glare from long tubes, and the pathetic little corkscrew spire of the church, that is going to tumble down, still pricking the fumes, always affected Connie strangely. It was an old market-town, centre of the dales. One of the chief inns was the Chatterley Arms. There, in Uthwaite, Wragby was known as Wragby, as if it were a whole place, not just a house, as it was to outsiders: Wragby Hall, near Tevershall: Wragby, a ‘seat’.

    The miners’ cottages, blackened, stood flush on the pavement, with that intimacy and smallness of colliers’ dwellings over a hundred years old. They lined all the way. The road had become a street, and as you sank, you forgot instantly the open, rolling country where the castles and big houses still dominated, but like ghosts. Now you were just above the tangle of naked railway-lines, and foundries and other ‘works’ rose about you, so big you were only aware of walls. And iron clanked with a huge reverberating clank, and huge lorries shook the earth, and whistles screamed.

    Yet again, once you had got right down and into the twisted and crooked heart of the town, behind the church, you were in the world of two centuries ago, in the crooked streets where the Chatterley Arms stood, and the old pharmacy, streets which used to lead Out to the wild open world of the castles and stately couchant houses.

    But at the corner a policeman held up his hand as three lorries loaded with iron rolled past, shaking the poor old church. And not till the lorries were past could he salute her ladyship.

    So it was. Upon the old crooked burgess streets hordes of oldish blackened miners’ dwellings crowded, lining the roads out. And immediately after these came the newer, pinker rows of rather larger houses, plastering the valley: the homes of more modern workmen. And beyond that again, in the wide rolling regions of the castles, smoke waved against steam, and patch after patch of raw reddish brick showed the newer mining settlements, sometimes in the hollows, sometimes gruesomely ugly along the sky-line of the slopes. And between, in between, were the tattered remnants of the old coaching and cottage England, even the England of Robin Hood, where the miners prowled with the dismalness of suppressed sporting instincts, when they were not at work.

    England, my England! But which is my England? The stately homes of England make good photographs, and create the illusion of a connexion with the Elizabethans. The handsome old halls are there, from the days of Good Queen Anne and Tom Jones. But smuts fall and blacken on the drab stucco, that has long ceased to be golden. And one by one, like the stately homes, they were abandoned. Now they are being pulled down. As for the cottages of England–there they are–great plasterings of brick dwellings on the hopeless countryside.

    ‘Now they are pulling down the stately homes, the Georgian halls are going. Fritchley, a perfect old Georgian mansion, was even now, as Connie passed in the car, being demolished. It was in perfect repair: till the war the Weatherleys had lived in style there. But now it was too big, too expensive, and the country had become too uncongenial. The gentry were departing to pleasanter places, where they could spend their money without having to see how it was made.’

    This is history. One England blots out another. The mines had made the halls wealthy. Now they were blotting them out, as they had already blotted out the cottages. The industrial England blots out the agricultural England. One meaning blots out another. The new England blots out the old England. And the continuity is not Organic, but mechanical.

    Connie, belonging to the leisured classes, had clung to the remnants of the old England. It had taken her years to realize that it was really blotted out by this terrifying new and gruesome England, and that the blotting out would go on till it was complete. Fritchley was gone, Eastwood was gone, Shipley was going: Squire Winter’s beloved Shipley.

    Connie called for a moment at Shipley. The park gates, at the back, opened just near the level crossing of the colliery railway; the Shipley colliery itself stood just beyond the trees. The gates stood open, because through the park was a right-of-way that the colliers used. They hung around the park.

    The car passed the ornamental ponds, in which the colliers threw their newspapers, and took the private drive to the house. It stood above, aside, a very pleasant stucco building from the middle of the eighteenth century. It had a beautiful alley of yew trees, that had approached an older house, and the hall stood serenely spread out, winking its Georgian panes as if cheerfully. Behind, there were really beautiful gardens.

    Connie liked the interior much better than Wragby. It was much lighter, more alive, shapen and elegant. The rooms were panelled with creamy painted panelling, the ceilings were touched with gilt, and everything was kept in exquisite order, all the appointments were perfect, regardless of expense. Even the corridors managed to be ample and lovely, softly curved and full of life.

    But Leslie Winter was alone. He had adored his house. But his park was bordered by three of his own collieries. He had been a generous man in his ideas. He had almost welcomed the colliers in his park. Had the miners not made him rich! So, when he saw the gangs of unshapely men lounging by his ornamental waters–not in the private part of the park, no, he drew the line there–he would say: ‘the miners are perhaps not so ornamental as deer, but they are far more profitable.’

    But that was in the golden–monetarily–latter half of Queen Victoria’s reign. Miners were then ‘good working men’.

    Winter had made this speech, half apologetic, to his guest, the then Prince of Wales. And the Prince had replied, in his rather guttural English:

    ‘You are quite right. If there were coal under Sandringham, I would open a mine on the lawns, and think it first-rate landscape gardening. Oh, I am quite willing to exchange roe-deer for colliers, at the price. Your men are good men too, I hear.’

    But then, the Prince had perhaps an exaggerated idea of the beauty of money, and the blessings of industrialism.

    However, the Prince had been a King, and the King had died, and now there was another King, whose chief function seemed to be to open soup-kitchens.

    And the good working men were somehow hemming Shipley in. New mining villages crowded on the park, and the squire felt somehow that the population was alien. He used to feel, in a good-natured but quite grand way, lord of his own domain and of his own colliers. Now, by a subtle pervasion of the new spirit, he had somehow been pushed out. It was he who did not belong any more. There was no mistaking it. The mines, the industry, had a will of its own, and this will was against the gentleman-owner. All the colliers took part in the will, and it was hard to live up against it. It either shoved you out of the place, or out of life altogether.

    Squire Winter, a soldier, had stood it out. But he no longer cared to walk in the park after dinner. He almost hid, indoors. Once he had walked, bare-headed, and in his patent-leather shoes and purple silk socks, with Connie down to the gate, talking to her in his well-bred rather haw-haw fashion. But when it came to passing the little gangs of colliers who stood and stared without either salute or anything else, Connie felt how the lean, well-bred old man winced, winced as an elegant antelope stag in a cage winces from the vulgar stare. The colliers were not personally hostile: not at all. But their spirit was cold, and shoving him out. And, deep down, there was a profound grudge. They ‘worked for him’. And in their ugliness, they resented his elegant, well-groomed, well-bred existence. ‘Who’s he!’ It was the difference they resented.

    And somewhere, in his secret English heart, being a good deal of a soldier, he believed they were right to resent the difference. He felt himself a little in the wrong, for having all the advantages. Nevertheless he represented a system, and he would not be shoved out.

    Except by death. Which came on him soon after Connie’s call, suddenly. And he remembered Clifford handsomely in his will.

    The heirs at once gave out the order for the demolishing of Shipley. It cost too much to keep up. No one would live there. So it was broken up. The avenue of yews was cut down. The park was denuded of its timber, and divided into lots. It was near enough to Uthwaite. In the strange, bald desert of this still-one-more no-man’s-land, new little streets of semi-detacheds were run up, very desirable! The Shipley Hall Estate!

    Within a year of Connie’s last call, it had happened. There stood Shipley Hall Estate, an array of red-brick semi-detached ‘villas’ in new streets. No one would have dreamed that the stucco hall had stood there twelve months before.

    But this is a later stage of King Edward’s landscape gardening, the sort that has an ornamental coal-mine on the lawn.

    One England blots out another. The England of the Squire Winters and the Wragby Halls was gone, dead. The blotting out was only not yet complete.

    What would come after? Connie could not imagine. She could only see the new brick streets spreading into the fields, the new erections rising at the collieries, the new girls in their silk stockings, the new collier lads lounging into the Pally or the Welfare. The younger generation were utterly unconscious of the old England. There was a gap in the continuity of consciousness, almost American: but industrial really. What next?

    Connie always felt there was no next. She wanted to hide her head in the sand: or, at least, in the bosom of a living man.

    The world was so complicated and weird and gruesome! The common people were so many, and really so terrible. So she thought as she was going home, and saw the colliers trailing from the pits, grey-black, distorted, one shoulder higher than the other, slurring their heavy ironshod boots. Underground grey faces, whites of eyes rolling, necks cringing from the pit roof, shoulders out of shape. Men! Men! Alas, in some ways patient and good men. In other ways, non-existent. Something that men should have was bred and killed out of them. Yet they were men. They begot children. One might bear a child to them. Terrible, terrible thought! They were good and kindly. But they were only half, Only the grey half of a human being. As yet, they were ‘good’. But even that was the goodness of their halfness. Supposing the dead in them ever rose up! But no, it was too terrible to think of. Connie was absolutely afraid of the industrial masses. They seemed so weird to her. A life with utterly no beauty in it, no intuition, always ‘in the pit’.

    Children from such men! Oh God, oh God!

    Yet Mellors had come from such a father. Not quite. Forty years had made a difference, an appalling difference in manhood. The iron and the coal had eaten deep into the bodies and souls of the men.

    Incarnate ugliness, and yet alive! What would become of them all? Perhaps with the passing of the coal they would disappear again, off the face of the earth. They had appeared out of nowhere in their thousands, when the coal had called for them. Perhaps they were only weird fauna of the coal-seams. Creatures of another reality, they were elementals, serving the elements of coal, as the metal-workers were elementals, serving the element of iron. Men not men, but animas of coal and iron and clay. Fauna of the elements, carbon, iron, silicon: elementals. They had perhaps some of the weird, inhuman beauty of minerals, the lustre of coal, the weight and blueness and resistance of iron, the transparency of glass. Elemental creatures, weird and distorted, of the mineral world! They belonged to the coal, the iron, the clay, as fish belong to the sea and worms to dead wood. The anima of mineral disintegration!

    Connie was glad to be home, to bury her head in the sand. She was glad even to babble to Clifford. For her fear of the mining and iron Midlands affected her with a queer feeling that went all over her, like influenza.

    ‘Of course I had to have tea in Miss Bentley’s shop,’ she said.

    ‘Really! Winter would have given you tea.’

    ‘Oh yes, but I daren’t disappoint Miss Bentley.’ Miss Bentley was a shallow old maid with a rather large nose and romantic disposition who served tea with a careful intensity worthy of a sacrament.

    ‘Did she ask after me?’ said Clifford.

    ‘Of course!–may I ask your Ladyship how Sir Clifford is!–I believe she ranks you even higher than Nurse Cavell!’

    ‘And I suppose you said I was blooming.’

    ‘Yes! And she looked as rapt as if I had said the heavens had opened to you. I said if she ever came to Tevershall she was to come to see you.’

    ‘Me! Whatever for! See me!’

    ‘Why yes, Clifford. You can’t be so adored without making some slight return. Saint George of Cappadocia was nothing to you, in her eyes.’

    ‘And do you think she’ll come?’

    ‘Oh, she blushed! and looked quite beautiful for a moment, poor thing! Why don’t men marry the women who would really adore them?’

    ‘The women start adoring too late. But did she say she’d come?’

    ‘Oh!’ Connie imitated the breathless Miss Bentley, ‘your Ladyship, if ever I should dare to presume!’

    ‘Dare to presume! how absurd! But I hope to God she won’t turn up. And how was her tea?’

    ‘Oh, Lipton’s and very strong. But Clifford, do you realize you are the roman de la rose of Miss Bentley and lots like her?’

    ‘I’m not flattered, even then.’

    ‘They treasure up every one of your pictures in the illustrated papers, and probably pray for you every night. It’s rather wonderful.’

    She went upstairs to change.

    That evening he said to her:

    ‘You do think, don’t you, that there is something eternal in marriage?’

    She looked at him.

    ‘But Clifford, you make eternity sound like a lid or a long, long chain that trailed after one, no matter how far one went.’

    He looked at her, annoyed.

    ‘What I mean,’ he said, ‘is that if you go to Venice, you won’t go in the hopes of some love affair that you can take au grand serieux, will you?’

    ‘A love affair in Venice au grand srieux? No. I assure you! No, I’d never take a love affair in Venice more than au tres petit serieux.’

    She spoke with a queer kind of contempt. He knitted his brows, looking at her.

    Coming downstairs in the morning, she found the keeper’s dog Flossie sitting in the corridor outside Clifford’s room, and whimpering very faintly.

    ‘Why, Flossie!’ she said softly. ‘What are you doing here?’

    And she quietly opened Clifford’s door. Clifford was sitting up in bed, with the bed-table and typewriter pushed aside, and the keeper was standing at attention at the foot of the bed. Flossie ran in. With a faint gesture of head and eyes, Mellors ordered her to the door again, and she slunk out.

    ‘Oh, good morning, Clifford!’ Connie said. ‘I didn’t know you were busy.’ Then she looked at the keeper, saying good morning to him. He murmured his reply, looking at her as if vaguely. But she felt a whiff of passion touch her, from his mere presence.

    ‘Did I interrupt you, Clifford? I’m sorry.’

    ‘No, it’s nothing of any importance.’

    She slipped out of the room again, and up to the blue boudoir on the first floor. She sat in the window, and saw him go down the drive, with his curious, silent motion, effaced. He had a natural sort of quiet distinction, an aloof pride, and also a certain look of frailty. A hireling! One of Clifford’s hirelings! ‘The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves, that we are underlings.’

    Was he an underling? Was he? What did he think of her?

    It was a sunny day, and Connie was working in the garden, and Mrs Bolton was helping her. For some reason, the two women had drawn together, in one of the unaccountable flows and ebbs of sympathy that exist between people. They were pegging down carnations, and putting in small plants for the summer. It was work they both liked. Connie especially felt a delight in putting the soft roots of young plants into a soft black puddle, and cradling them down. On this spring morning she felt a quiver in her womb too, as if the sunshine had touched it and made it happy.

    ‘It is many years since you lost your husband?’ she said to Mrs Bolton as she took up another little plant and laid it in its hole.

    ‘Twenty-three!’ said Mrs Bolton, as she carefully separated the young columbines into single plants. ‘Twenty-three years since they brought him home.’

    Connie’s heart gave a lurch, at the terrible finality of it. ‘Brought him home!’

    ‘Why did he get killed, do you think?’ she asked. ‘He was happy with you?’

    It was a woman’s question to a woman. Mrs Bolton put aside a strand of hair from her face, with the back of her hand.

    ‘I don’t know, my Lady! He sort of wouldn’t give in to things: he wouldn’t really go with the rest. And then he hated ducking his head for anything on earth. A sort of obstinacy, that gets itself killed. You see he didn’t really care. I lay it down to the pit. He ought never to have been down pit. But his dad made him go down, as a lad; and then, when you’re over twenty, it’s not very easy to come out.’

    ‘Did he say he hated it?’

    ‘Oh no! Never! He never said he hated anything. He just made a funny face. He was one of those who wouldn’t take care: like some of the first lads as went off so blithe to the war and got killed right away. He wasn’t really wezzle-brained. But he wouldn’t care. I used to say to him: “You care for nought nor nobody!” But he did! The way he sat when my first baby was born, motionless, and the sort of fatal eyes he looked at me with, when it was over! I had a bad time, but I had to comfort him. “It’s all right, lad, it’s all right!” I said to him. And he gave me a look, and that funny sort of smile. He never said anything. But I don’t believe he had any right pleasure with me at nights after; he’d never really let himself go. I used to say to him: Oh, let thysen go, lad!–I’d talk broad to him sometimes. And he said nothing. But he wouldn’t let himself go, or he couldn’t. He didn’t want me to have any more children. I always blamed his mother, for letting him in th’ room. He’d no right t’ave been there. Men makes so much more of things than they should, once they start brooding.’

    ‘Did he mind so much?’ said Connie in wonder.

    ‘Yes, he sort of couldn’t take it for natural, all that pain. And it spoilt his pleasure in his bit of married love. I said to him: If I don’t care, why should you? It’s my look-out!–But all he’d ever say was: It’s not right!’

    ‘Perhaps he was too sensitive,’ said Connie.

    ‘That’s it! When you come to know men, that’s how they are: too sensitive in the wrong place. And I believe, unbeknown to himself he hated the pit, just hated it. He looked so quiet when he was dead, as if he’d got free. He was such a nice-looking lad. It just broke my heart to see him, so still and pure looking, as if he’d wanted to die. Oh, it broke my heart, that did. But it was the pit.’

    She wept a few bitter tears, and Connie wept more. It was a warm spring day, with a perfume of earth and of yellow flowers, many things rising to bud, and the garden still with the very sap of sunshine.

    ‘It must have been terrible for you!’ said Connie.

    ‘Oh, my Lady! I never realized at first. I could only say: Oh my lad, what did you want to leave me for!–That was all my cry. But somehow I felt he’d come back.’

    ‘But he didn’t want to leave you,’ said Connie.

    ‘Oh no, my Lady! That was only my silly cry. And I kept expecting him back. Especially at nights. I kept waking up thinking: Why he’s not in bed with me!–It was as if my feelings wouldn’t believe he’d gone. I just felt he’d have to come back and lie against me, so I could feel him with me. That was all I wanted, to feel him there with me, warm. And it took me a thousand shocks before I knew he wouldn’t come back, it took me years.’

    ‘The touch of him,’ said Connie.

    ‘That’s it, my Lady, the touch of him! I’ve never got over it to this day, and never shall. And if there’s a heaven above, he’ll be there, and will lie up against me so I can sleep.’

    Connie glanced at the handsome, brooding face in fear. Another passionate one out of Tevershall! The touch of him! For the bonds of love are ill to loose!

    ‘It’s terrible, once you’ve got a man into your blood!’ she said. ‘Oh, my Lady! And that’s what makes you feel so bitter. You feel folks wanted him killed. You feel the pit fair wanted to kill him. Oh, I felt, if it hadn’t been for the pit, an’ them as runs the pit, there’d have been no leaving me. But they all want to separate a woman and a man, if they’re together.’

    ‘If they’re physically together,’ said Connie.

    ‘That’s right, my Lady! There’s a lot of hard-hearted folks in the world. And every morning when he got up and went to th’ pit, I felt it was wrong, wrong. But what else could he do? What can a man do?’

    A queer hate flared in the woman.

    ‘But can a touch last so long?’ Connie asked suddenly. ‘That you could feel him so long?’

    ‘Oh my Lady, what else is there to last? Children grows away from you. But the man, well! But even that they’d like to kill in you, the very thought of the touch of him. Even your own children! Ah well! We might have drifted apart, who knows. But the feeling’s something different. It’s ‘appen better never to care. But there, when I look at women who’s never really been warmed through by a man, well, they seem to me poor doolowls after all, no matter how they may dress up and gad. No, I’ll abide by my own. I’ve not much respect for people.’

    Chapter 12

    Connie went to the wood directly after lunch. It was really a lovely day, the first dandelions making suns, the first daisies so white. The hazel thicket was a lace-work, of half-open leaves, and the last dusty perpendicular of the catkins. Yellow celandines now were in crowds, flat open, pressed back in urgency, and the yellow glitter of themselves. It was the yellow, the powerful yellow of early summer. And primroses were broad, and full of pale abandon, thick-clustered primroses no longer shy. The lush, dark green of hyacinths was a sea, with buds rising like pale corn, while in the riding the forget-me-nots were fluffing up, and columbines were unfolding their ink-purple ruches, and there were bits of blue bird’s eggshell under a bush. Everywhere the bud-knots and the leap of life!

    The keeper was not at the hut. Everything was serene, brown chickens running lustily. Connie walked on towards the cottage, because she wanted to find him.

    The cottage stood in the sun, off the wood’s edge. In the little garden the double daffodils rose in tufts, near the wide-open door, and red double daisies made a border to the path. There was the bark of a dog, and Flossie came running.

    The wide-open door! so he was at home. And the sunlight falling on the red-brick floor! As she went up the path, she saw him through the window, sitting at the table in his shirt-sleeves, eating. The dog wuffed softly, slowly wagging her tail.

    He rose, and came to the door, wiping his mouth with a red handkerchief still chewing.

    ‘May I come in?’ she said.

    ‘Come in!’

    The sun shone into the bare room, which still smelled of a mutton chop, done in a dutch oven before the fire, because the dutch oven still stood on the fender, with the black potato-saucepan on a piece of paper, beside it on the white hearth. The fire was red, rather low, the bar dropped, the kettle singing.

    On the table was his plate, with potatoes and the remains of the chop; also bread in a basket, salt, and a blue mug with beer. The table-cloth was white oil-cloth, he stood in the shade.

    ‘You are very late,’ she said. ‘Do go on eating!’

    She sat down on a wooden chair, in the sunlight by the door.

    ‘I had to go to Uthwaite,’ he said, sitting down at the table but not eating.

    ‘Do eat,’ she said. But he did not touch the food.

    ‘Shall y’ave something?’ he asked her. ‘Shall y’ave a cup of tea? t’ kettle’s on t’ boil’–he half rose again from his chair.

    ‘If you’ll let me make it myself,’ she said, rising. He seemed sad, and she felt she was bothering him.

    ‘Well, tea-pot’s in there’–he pointed to a little, drab corner cupboard; ‘an’ cups. An’ tea’s on t’ mantel ower yer ‘ead,’

    She got the black tea-pot, and the tin of tea from the mantel-shelf. She rinsed the tea-pot with hot water, and stood a moment wondering where to empty it.

    ‘Throw it out,’ he said, aware of her. ‘It’s clean.’

    She went to the door and threw the drop of water down the path. How lovely it was here, so still, so really woodland. The oaks were putting out ochre yellow leaves: in the garden the red daisies were like red plush buttons. She glanced at the big, hollow sandstone slab of the threshold, now crossed by so few feet.

    ‘But it’s lovely here,’ she said. ‘Such a beautiful stillness, everything alive and still.’

    He was eating again, rather slowly and unwillingly, and she could feel he was discouraged. She made the tea in silence, and set the tea-pot on the hob, as she knew the people did. He pushed his plate aside and went to the back place; she heard a latch click, then he came back with cheese on a plate, and butter.

    She set the two cups on the table; there were only two. ‘Will you have a cup of tea?’ she said.

    ‘If you like. Sugar’s in th’ cupboard, an’ there’s a little cream jug. Milk’s in a jug in th’ pantry.’

    ‘Shall I take your plate away?’ she asked him. He looked up at her with a faint ironical smile.

    ‘Why…if you like,’ he said, slowly eating bread and cheese. She went to the back, into the pent-house scullery, where the pump was. On the left was a door, no doubt the pantry door. She unlatched it, and almost smiled at the place he called a pantry; a long narrow white-washed slip of a cupboard. But it managed to contain a little barrel of beer, as well as a few dishes and bits of food. She took a little milk from the yellow jug.

    ‘How do you get your milk?’ she asked him, when she came back to the table.

    ‘Flints! They leave me a bottle at the warren end. You know, where I met you!’

    But he was discouraged. She poured out the tea, poising the cream-jug.

    ‘No milk,’ he said; then he seemed to hear a noise, and looked keenly through the doorway.

    ”Appen we’d better shut,’ he said.

    ‘It seems a pity,’ she replied. ‘Nobody will come, will they?’

    ‘Not unless it’s one time in a thousand, but you never know.’

    ‘And even then it’s no matter,’ she said. ‘It’s only a cup of tea.’

    ‘Where are the spoons?’

    He reached over, and pulled open the table drawer. Connie sat at the table in the sunshine of the doorway.

    ‘Flossie!’ he said to the dog, who was lying on a little mat at the stair foot. ‘Go an’ hark, hark!’

    He lifted his finger, and his ‘hark!’ was very vivid. The dog trotted out to reconnoitre.

    ‘Are you sad today?’ she asked him.

    He turned his blue eyes quickly, and gazed direct on her.

    ‘Sad! no, bored! I had to go getting summonses for two poachers I caught, and, oh well, I don’t like people.’

    He spoke cold, good English, and there was anger in his voice. ‘Do you hate being a game-keeper?’ she asked.

    ‘Being a game-keeper, no! So long as I’m left alone. But when I have to go messing around at the police-station, and various other places, and waiting for a lot of fools to attend to me…oh well, I get mad…’ and he smiled, with a certain faint humour.

    ‘Couldn’t you be really independent?’ she asked.

    ‘Me? I suppose I could, if you mean manage to exist on my pension. I could! But I’ve got to work, or I should die. That is, I’ve got to have something that keeps me occupied. And I’m not in a good enough temper to work for myself. It’s got to be a sort of job for somebody else, or I should throw it up in a month, out of bad temper. So altogether I’m very well off here, especially lately…’

    He laughed at her again, with mocking humour.

    ‘But why are you in a bad temper?’ she asked. ‘Do you mean you are always in a bad temper?’

    ‘Pretty well,’ he said, laughing. ‘I don’t quite digest my bile.’

    ‘But what bile?’ she said.

    ‘Bile!’ he said. ‘Don’t you know what that is?’ She was silent, and disappointed. He was taking no notice of her.

    ‘I’m going away for a while next month,’ she said.

    ‘You are! Where to?’

    ‘Venice! With Sir Clifford? For how long?’

    ‘For a month or so,’ she replied. ‘Clifford won’t go.’

    ‘He’ll stay here?’ he asked.

    ‘Yes! He hates to travel as he is.’

    ‘Ay, poor devil!’ he said, with sympathy. There was a pause.

    ‘You won’t forget me when I’m gone, will you?’ she asked. Again he lifted his eyes and looked full at her.

    ‘Forget?’ he said. ‘You know nobody forgets. It’s not a question of memory;’

    She wanted to say: ‘When then?’ but she didn’t. Instead, she said in a mute kind of voice: ‘I told Clifford I might have a child.’

    Now he really looked at her, intense and searching.

    ‘You did?’ he said at last. ‘And what did he say?’

    ‘Oh, he wouldn’t mind. He’d be glad, really, so long as it seemed to be his.’ She dared not look up at him.

    He was silent a long time, then he gazed again on her face.

    ‘No mention of me, of course?’ he said.

    ‘No. No mention of you,’ she said.

    ‘No, he’d hardly swallow me as a substitute breeder. Then where are you supposed to be getting the child?’

    ‘I might have a love-affair in Venice,’ she said.

    ‘You might,’ he replied slowly. ‘So that’s why you’re going?’

    ‘Not to have the love-affair,’ she said, looking up at him, pleading.

    ‘Just the appearance of one,’ he said.

    There was silence. He sat staring out the window, with a faint grin, half mockery, half bitterness, on his face. She hated his grin.

    ‘You’ve not taken any precautions against having a child then?’ he asked her suddenly. ‘Because I haven’t.’

    ‘No,’ she said faintly. ‘I should hate that.’

    He looked at her, then again with the peculiar subtle grin out of the window. There was a tense silence.

    At last he turned his head and said satirically:

    ‘That was why you wanted me, then, to get a child?’

    She hung her head.

    ‘No. Not really,’ she said.

    ‘What then, really?’ he asked rather bitingly.

    She looked up at him reproachfully, saying: ‘I don’t know.’

    He broke into a laugh.

    ‘Then I’m damned if I do,’ he said.

    There was a long pause of silence, a cold silence.

    ‘Well,’ he said at last. ‘It’s as your Ladyship likes. If you get the baby, Sir Clifford’s welcome to it. I shan’t have lost anything. On the contrary, I’ve had a very nice experience, very nice indeed!’–and he stretched in a half-suppressed sort of yawn. ‘If you’ve made use of me,’ he said, ‘it’s not the first time I’ve been made use of; and I don’t suppose it’s ever been as pleasant as this time; though of course one can’t feel tremendously dignified about it.’–He stretched again, curiously, his muscles quivering, and his jaw oddly set.

    ‘But I didn’t make use of you,’ she said, pleading.

    ‘At your Ladyship’s service,’ he replied.

    ‘No,’ she said. ‘I liked your body.’

    ‘Did you?’ he replied, and he laughed. ‘Well, then, we’re quits, because I liked yours.’

    He looked at her with queer darkened eyes.

    ‘Would you like to go upstairs now?’ he asked her, in a strangled sort of voice.

    ‘No, not here. Not now!’ she said heavily, though if he had used any power over her, she would have gone, for she had no strength against him.

    He turned his face away again, and seemed to forget her.

    ‘I want to touch you like you touch me,’ she said. ‘I’ve never really touched your body.’

    He looked at her, and smiled again.

    ‘Now?’ he said.

    ‘No! No! Not here! At the hut. Would you mind?’

    ‘How do I touch you?’ he asked.

    ‘When you feel me.’

    He looked at her, and met her heavy, anxious eyes.

    ‘And do you like it when I feel you?’ he asked, laughing at her still.

    ‘Yes, do you?’ she said.

    ‘Oh, me!’ Then he changed his tone. ‘Yes,’ he said. ‘You know without asking.’ Which was true.

    She rose and picked up her hat. ‘I must go,’ she said.

    ‘Will you go?’ he replied politely.

    She wanted him to touch her, to say something to her, but he said nothing, only waited politely.

    ‘Thank you for the tea,’ she said.

    ‘I haven’t thanked your Ladyship for doing me the honours of my tea-pot,’ he said.

    She went down the path, and he stood in the doorway, faintly grinning. Flossie came running with her tail lifted. And Connie had to plod dumbly across into the wood, knowing he was standing there watching her, with that incomprehensible grin on his face.

    She walked home very much downcast and annoyed. She didn’t at all like his saying he had been made use of because, in a sense, it was true. But he oughtn’t to have said it. Therefore, again, she was divided between two feelings: resentment against him, and a desire to make it up with him.

    She passed a very uneasy and irritated tea-time, and at once went up to her room. But when she was there it was no good; she could neither sit nor stand. She would have to do something about it. She would have to go back to the hut; if he was not there, well and good.

    She slipped out of the side door, and took her way direct and a little sullen. When she came to the clearing she was terribly uneasy. But there he was again, in his shirt-sleeves, stooping, letting the hens out of the coops, among the chicks that were now growing a little gawky, but were much more trim than hen-chickens.

    She went straight across to him. ‘You see I’ve come!’ she said.

    ‘Ay, I see it!’ he said, straightening his back, and looking at her with a faint amusement.

    ‘Do you let the hens out now?’ she asked.

    ‘Yes, they’ve sat themselves to skin and bone,’ he said. ‘An’ now they’re not all that anxious to come out an’ feed. There’s no self in a sitting hen; she’s all in the eggs or the chicks.’

    The poor mother-hens; such blind devotion! even to eggs not their own! Connie looked at them in compassion. A helpless silence fell between the man and the woman.

    ‘Shall us go i’ th’ ‘ut?’ he asked.

    ‘Do you want me?’ she asked, in a sort of mistrust.

    ‘Ay, if you want to come.’

    She was silent.

    ‘Come then!’ he said.

    And she went with him to the hut. It was quite dark when he had shut the door, so he made a small light in the lantern, as before.

    ‘Have you left your underthings off?’ he asked her.

    ‘Yes!’

    ‘Ay, well, then I’ll take my things off too.’

    He spread the blankets, putting one at the side for a coverlet. She took off her hat, and shook her hair. He sat down, taking off his shoes and gaiters, and undoing his cord breeches.

    ‘Lie down then!’ he said, when he stood in his shirt. She obeyed in silence, and he lay beside her, and pulled the blanket over them both.

    ‘There!’ he said.

    And he lifted her dress right back, till he came even to her breasts. He kissed them softly, taking the nipples in his lips in tiny caresses.

    ‘Eh, but tha’rt nice, tha’rt nice!’ he said, suddenly rubbing his face with a snuggling movement against her warm belly.

    And she put her arms round him under his shirt, but she was afraid, afraid of his thin, smooth, naked body, that seemed so powerful, afraid of the violent muscles. She shrank, afraid.

    And when he said, with a sort of little sigh: ‘Eh, tha’rt nice!’ something in her quivered, and something in her spirit stiffened in resistance: stiffened from the terribly physical intimacy, and from the peculiar haste of his possession. And this time the sharp ecstasy of her own passion did not overcome her; she lay with her ends inert on his striving body, and do what she might, her spirit seemed to look on from the top of her head, and the butting of his haunches seemed ridiculous to her, and the sort of anxiety of his penis to come to its little evacuating crisis seemed farcical. Yes, this was love, this ridiculous bouncing of the buttocks, and the wilting of the poor, insignificant, moist little penis. This was the divine love! After all, the moderns were right when they felt contempt for the performance; for it was a performance. It was quite true, as some poets said, that the God who created man must have had a sinister sense of humour, creating him a reasonable being, yet forcing him to take this ridiculous posture, and driving him with blind craving for this ridiculous performance. Even a Maupassant found it a humiliating anti-climax. Men despised the intercourse act, and yet did it.

    Cold and derisive her queer female mind stood apart, and though she lay perfectly still, her impulse was to heave her loins, and throw the man out, escape his ugly grip, and the butting over-riding of his absurd haunches. His body was a foolish, impudent, imperfect thing, a little disgusting in its unfinished clumsiness. For surely a complete evolution would eliminate this performance, this ‘function’.

    And yet when he had finished, soon over, and lay very very still, receding into silence, and a strange motionless distance, far, farther than the horizon of her awareness, her heart began to weep. She could feel him ebbing away, ebbing away, leaving her there like a stone on a shore. He was withdrawing, his spirit was leaving her. He knew.

    And in real grief, tormented by her own double consciousness and reaction, she began to weep. He took no notice, or did not even know. The storm of weeping swelled and shook her, and shook him.

    ‘Ay!’ he said. ‘It was no good that time. You wasn’t there.’–So he knew! Her sobs became violent.

    ‘But what’s amiss?’ he said. ‘It’s once in a while that way.’

    ‘I…I can’t love you,’ she sobbed, suddenly feeling her heart breaking.

    ‘Canna ter? Well, dunna fret! There’s no law says as tha’s got to. Ta’e it for what it is.’

    He still lay with his hand on her breast. But she had drawn both her hands from him.

    His words were small comfort. She sobbed aloud.

    ‘Nay, nay!’ he said. ‘Ta’e the thick wi’ th’ thin. This wor a bit o’ thin for once.’

    She wept bitterly, sobbing. ‘But I want to love you, and I can’t. It only seems horrid.’

    He laughed a little, half bitter, half amused.

    ‘It isna horrid,’ he said, ‘even if tha thinks it is. An’ tha canna ma’e it horrid. Dunna fret thysen about lovin’ me. Tha’lt niver force thysen to ‘t. There’s sure to be a bad nut in a basketful. Tha mun ta’e th’ rough wi’ th’ smooth.’

    He took his hand away from her breast, not touching her. And now she was untouched she took an almost perverse satisfaction in it. She hated the dialect: the thee and the tha and the thysen. He could get up if he liked, and stand there, above her, buttoning down those absurd corduroy breeches, straight in front of her. After all, Michaelis had had the decency to turn away. This man was so assured in himself he didn’t know what a clown other people found him, a half-bred fellow.

    Yet, as he was drawing away, to rise silently and leave her, she clung to him in terror.

    ‘Don’t! Don’t go! Don’t leave me! Don’t be cross with me! Hold me! Hold me fast!’ she whispered in blind frenzy, not even knowing what she said, and clinging to him with uncanny force. It was from herself she wanted to be saved, from her own inward anger and resistance. Yet how powerful was that inward resistance that possessed her!

    He took her in his arms again and drew her to him, and suddenly she became small in his arms, small and nestling. It was gone, the resistance was gone, and she began to melt in a marvellous peace. And as she melted small and wonderful in his arms, she became infinitely desirable to him, all his blood-vessels seemed to scald with intense yet tender desire, for her, for her softness, for the penetrating beauty of her in his arms, passing into his blood. And softly, with that marvellous swoon-like caress of his hand in pure soft desire, softly he stroked the silky slope of her loins, down, down between her soft warm buttocks, coming nearer and nearer to the very quick of her. And she felt him like a flame of desire, yet tender, and she felt herself melting in the flame. She let herself go. She felt his penis risen against her with silent amazing force and assertion and she let herself go to him. She yielded with a quiver that was like death, she went all open to him. And oh, if he were not tender to her now, how cruel, for she was all open to him and helpless!

    She quivered again at the potent inexorable entry inside her, so strange and terrible. It might come with the thrust of a sword in her softly-opened body, and that would be death. She clung in a sudden anguish of terror. But it came with a strange slow thrust of peace, the dark thrust of peace and a ponderous, primordial tenderness, such as made the world in the beginning. And her terror subsided in her breast, her breast dared to be gone in peace, she held nothing. She dared to let go everything, all herself and be gone in the flood.

    And it seemed she was like the sea, nothing but dark waves rising and heaving, heaving with a great swell, so that slowly her whole darkness was in motion, and she was Ocean rolling its dark, dumb mass. Oh, and far down inside her the deeps parted and rolled asunder, in long, fair-travelling billows, and ever, at the quick of her, the depths parted and rolled asunder, from the centre of soft plunging, as the plunger went deeper and deeper, touching lower, and she was deeper and deeper and deeper disclosed, the heavier the billows of her rolled away to some shore, uncovering her, and closer and closer plunged the palpable unknown, and further and further rolled the waves of herself away from herself leaving her, till suddenly, in a soft, shuddering convulsion, the quick of all her plasm was touched, she knew herself touched, the consummation was upon her, and she was gone. She was gone, she was not, and she was born: a woman.

    Ah, too lovely, too lovely! In the ebbing she realized all the loveliness. Now all her body clung with tender love to the unknown man, and blindly to the wilting penis, as it so tenderly, frailly, unknowingly withdrew, after the fierce thrust of its potency. As it drew out and left her body, the secret, sensitive thing, she gave an unconscious cry of pure loss, and she tried to put it back. It had been so perfect! And she loved it so!

    And only now she became aware of the small, bud-like reticence and tenderness of the penis, and a little cry of wonder and poignancy escaped her again, her woman’s heart crying out over the tender frailty of that which had been the power.

    ‘It was so lovely!’ she moaned. ‘It was so lovely!’ But he said nothing, only softly kissed her, lying still above her. And she moaned with a sort of bliss, as a sacrifice, and a newborn thing.

    And now in her heart the queer wonder of him was awakened.

    A man! The strange potency of manhood upon her! Her hands strayed over him, still a little afraid. Afraid of that strange, hostile, slightly repulsive thing that he had been to her, a man. And now she touched him, and it was the sons of god with the daughters of men. How beautiful he felt, how pure in tissue! How lovely, how lovely, strong, and yet pure and delicate, such stillness of the sensitive body! Such utter stillness of potency and delicate flesh. How beautiful! How beautiful! Her hands came timorously down his back, to the soft, smallish globes of the buttocks. Beauty! What beauty! a sudden little flame of new awareness went through her. How was it possible, this beauty here, where she had previously only been repelled? The unspeakable beauty to the touch of the warm, living buttocks! The life within life, the sheer warm, potent loveliness. And the strange weight of the balls between his legs! What a mystery! What a strange heavy weight of mystery, that could lie soft and heavy in one’s hand! The roots, root of all that is lovely, the primeval root of all full beauty.

    She clung to him, with a hiss of wonder that was almost awe, terror. He held her close, but he said nothing. He would never say anything. She crept nearer to him, nearer, only to be near to the sensual wonder of him. And out of his utter, incomprehensible stillness, she felt again the slow momentous, surging rise of the phallus again, the other power. And her heart melted out with a kind of awe.

    And this time his being within her was all soft and iridescent, purely soft and iridescent, such as no consciousness could seize. Her whole self quivered unconscious and alive, like plasm. She could not know what it was. She could not remember what it had been. Only that it had been more lovely than anything ever could be. Only that. And afterwards she was utterly still, utterly unknowing, she was not aware for how long. And he was still with her, in an unfathomable silence along with her. And of this, they would never speak.

    When awareness of the outside began to come back, she clung to his breast, murmuring ‘My love! My love!’ And he held her silently. And she curled on his breast, perfect.

    But his silence was fathomless. His hands held her like flowers, so still aid strange.

    ‘Where are you?’ she whispered to him. ‘Where are you? Speak to me! Say something to me!’

    He kissed her softly, murmuring: ‘Ay, my lass!’

    But she did not know what he meant, she did not know where he was. In his silence he seemed lost to her.

    ‘You love me, don’t you?’ she murmured.

    ‘Ay, tha knows!’ he said.

    ‘But tell me!’ she pleaded.

    ‘Ay! Ay! ‘asn’t ter felt it?’ he said dimly, but softly and surely. And she clung close to him, closer. He was so much more peaceful in love than she was, and she wanted him to reassure her.

    ‘You do love me!’ she whispered, assertive. And his hands stroked her softly, as if she were a flower, without the quiver of desire, but with delicate nearness. And still there haunted her a restless necessity to get a grip on love.

    ‘Say you’ll always love me!’ she pleaded.

    ‘Ay!’ he said, abstractedly. And she felt her questions driving him away from her.

    ‘Mustn’t we get up?’ he said at last.

    ‘No!’ she said.

    But she could feel his consciousness straying, listening to the noises outside.

    ‘It’ll be nearly dark,’ he said. And she heard the pressure of circumstances in his voice. She kissed him, with a woman’s grief at yielding up her hour.

    He rose, and turned up the lantern, then began to pull on his clothes, quickly disappearing inside them. Then he stood there, above her, fastening his breeches and looking down at her with dark, wide-eyes, his face a little flushed and his hair ruffled, curiously warm and still and beautiful in the dim light of the lantern, so beautiful, she would never tell him how beautiful. It made her want to cling fast to him, to hold him, for there was a warm, half-sleepy remoteness in his beauty that made her want to cry out and clutch him, to have him. She would never have him. So she lay on the blanket with curved, soft naked haunches, and he had no idea what she was thinking, but to him too she was beautiful, the soft, marvellous thing he could go into, beyond everything.

    ‘I love thee that I can go into thee,’ he said.

    ‘Do you like me?’ she said, her heart beating.

    ‘It heals it all up, that I can go into thee. I love thee that tha opened to me. I love thee that I came into thee like that.’

    He bent down and kissed her soft flank, rubbed his cheek against it, then covered it up.

    ‘And will you never leave me?’ she said.

    ‘Dunna ask them things,’ he said.

    ‘But you do believe I love you?’ she said.

    ‘Tha loved me just now, wider than iver tha thout tha would. But who knows what’ll ‘appen, once tha starts thinkin’ about it!’

    ‘No, don’t say those things!–And you don’t really think that I wanted to make use of you, do you?’

    ‘How?’

    ‘To have a child–?’

    ‘Now anybody can ‘ave any childt i’ th’ world,’ he said, as he sat down fastening on his leggings.

    ‘Ah no!’ she cried. ‘You don’t mean it?’

    ‘Eh well!’ he said, looking at her under his brows. ‘This wor t’ best.’

    She lay still. He softly opened the door. The sky was dark blue, with crystalline, turquoise rim. He went out, to shut up the hens, speaking softly to his dog. And she lay and wondered at the wonder of life, and of being.

    When he came back she was still lying there, glowing like a gipsy. He sat on the stool by her.

    ‘Tha mun come one naight ter th’ cottage, afore tha goos; sholl ter?’ he asked, lifting his eyebrows as he looked at her, his hands dangling between his knees.

    ‘Sholl ter?’ she echoed, teasing.

    He smiled. ‘Ay, sholl ter?’ he repeated.

    ‘Ay!’ she said, imitating the dialect sound.

    ‘Yi!’ he said.

    ‘Yi!’ she repeated.

    ‘An’ slaip wi’ me,’ he said. ‘It needs that. When sholt come?’

    ‘When sholl I?’ she said.

    ‘Nay,’ he said, ‘tha canna do’t. When sholt come then?’

    ”Appen Sunday,’ she said.

    ”Appen a’ Sunday! Ay!’

    He laughed at her quickly.

    ‘Nay, tha canna,’ he protested.

    ‘Why canna I?’ she said.

    Chapter 13

    On Sunday Clifford wanted to go into the wood. It was a lovely morning, the pear-blossom and plum had suddenly appeared in the world in a wonder of white here and there.

    It was cruel for Clifford, while the world bloomed, to have to be helped from chair to bath-chair. But he had forgotten, and even seemed to have a certain conceit of himself in his lameness. Connie still suffered, having to lift his inert legs into place. Mrs Bolton did it now, or Field.

    She waited for him at the top of the drive, at the edge of the screen of beeches. His chair came puffing along with a sort of valetudinarian slow importance. As he joined his wife he said:

    ‘Sir Clifford on his roaming steed!’

    ‘Snorting, at least!’ she laughed.

    He stopped and looked round at the facade of the long, low old brown house.

    ‘Wragby doesn’t wink an eyelid!’ he said. ‘But then why should it! I ride upon the achievements of the mind of man, and that beats a horse.’

    ‘I suppose it does. And the souls in Plato riding up to heaven in a two-horse chariot would go in a Ford car now,’ she said.

    ‘Or a Rolls-Royce: Plato was an aristocrat!’

    ‘Quite! No more black horse to thrash and maltreat. Plato never thought we’d go one better than his black steed and his white steed, and have no steeds at all, only an engine!’

    ‘Only an engine and gas!’ said Clifford. ‘I hope I can have some repairs done to the old place next year. I think I shall have about a thousand to spare for that: but work costs so much!’ he added.

    ‘Oh, good!’ said Connie. ‘If only there aren’t more strikes!’

    ‘What would be the use of their striking again! Merely ruin the industry, what’s left of it: and surely the owls are beginning to see it!’

    ‘Perhaps they don’t mind ruining the industry,’ said Connie.

    ‘Ah, don’t talk like a woman! The industry fills their bellies, even if it can’t keep their pockets quite so flush,’ he said, using turns of speech that oddly had a twang of Mrs Bolton.

    ‘But didn’t you say the other day that you were a conservative-anarchist,’ she asked innocently.

    ‘And did you understand what I meant?’ he retorted. ‘All I meant is, people can be what they like and feel what they like and do what they like, strictly privately, so long as they keep the form of life intact, and the apparatus.’

    Connie walked on in silence a few paces. Then she said, obstinately:

    ‘It sounds like saying an egg may go as addled as it likes, so long as it keeps its shell on whole. But addled eggs do break of themselves.’

    ‘I don’t think people are eggs,’ he said. ‘Not even angels’ eggs, my dear little evangelist.’

    He was in rather high feather this bright morning. The larks were trilling away over the park, the distant pit in the hollow was fuming silent steam. It was almost like old days, before the war. Connie didn’t really want to argue. But then she did not really want to go to the wood with Clifford either. So she walked beside his chair in a certain obstinacy of spirit.

    ‘No,’ he said. ‘There will be no more strikes, if the thing is properly managed.’

    ‘Why not?’

    ‘Because strikes will be made as good as impossible.’

    ‘But will the men let you?’ she asked.

    ‘We shan’t ask them. We shall do it while they aren’t looking: for their own good, to save the industry.’

    ‘For your own good too,’ she said.

    ‘Naturally! For the good of everybody. But for their good even more than mine. I can live without the pits. They can’t. They’ll starve if there are no pits. I’ve got other provision.’

    They looked up the shallow valley at the mine, and beyond it, at the black-lidded houses of Tevershall crawling like some serpent up the hill. From the old brown church the bells were ringing: Sunday, Sunday, Sunday!

    ‘But will the men let you dictate terms?’ she said.

    ‘My dear, they will have to: if one does it gently.’

    ‘But mightn’t there be a mutual understanding?’

    ‘Absolutely: when they realize that the industry comes before the individual.’

    ‘But must you own the industry?’ she said.

    ‘I don’t. But to the extent I do own it, yes, most decidedly. The ownership of property has now become a religious question: as it has been since Jesus and St Francis. The point is not: take all thou hast and give to the poor, but use all thou hast to encourage the industry and give work to the poor. It’s the only way to feed all the mouths and clothe all the bodies. Giving away all we have to the poor spells starvation for the poor just as much as for us. And universal starvation is no high aim. Even general poverty is no lovely thing. Poverty is ugly.’

    ‘But the disparity?’

    ‘That is fate. Why is the star Jupiter bigger than the star Neptune? You can’t start altering the make-up of things!’

    ‘But when this envy and jealousy and discontent has once started—’ she began.

    ‘Do your best to stop it. Somebody’s got to be boss of the show.’

    ‘But who is boss of the show?’ she asked.

    ‘The men who own and run the industries.’

    There was a long silence.

    ‘It seems to me they’re a bad boss,’ she said.

    ‘Then you suggest what they should do.’

    ‘They don’t take their boss-ship seriously enough,’ she said.

    ‘They take it far more seriously than you take your ladyship,’ he said.

    ‘That’s thrust upon me. I don’t really want it,’ she blurted out. He stopped the chair and looked at her.

    ‘Who’s shirking their responsibility now!’ he said. ‘Who is trying to get away now from the responsibility of their own boss-ship, as you call it?’

    ‘But I don’t want any boss-ship,’ she protested.

    ‘Ah! But that is funk. You’ve got it: fated to it. And you should live up to it. Who has given the colliers all they have that’s worth having: all their political liberty, and their education, such as it is, their sanitation, their health-conditions, their books, their music, everything. Who has given it them? Have colliers given it to colliers? No! All the Wragbys and Shipleys in England have given their part, and must go on giving. There’s your responsibility.’

    Connie listened, and flushed very red.

    ‘I’d like to give something,’ she said. ‘But I’m not allowed. Everything is to be sold and paid for now; and all the things you mention now, Wragby and Shipley sells them to the people, at a good profit. Everything is sold. You don’t give one heart-beat of real sympathy. And besides, who has taken away from the people their natural life and manhood, and given them this industrial horror? Who has done that?’

    ‘And what must I do?’ he asked, green. ‘Ask them to come and pillage me?’

    ‘Why is Tevershall so ugly, so hideous? Why are their lives so hopeless?’

    ‘They built their own Tevershall, that’s part of their display of freedom. They built themselves their pretty Tevershall, and they live their own pretty lives. I can’t live their lives for them. Every beetle must live its own life.’

    ‘But you make them work for you. They live the life of your coal-mine.’

    ‘Not at all. Every beetle finds its own food. Not one man is forced to work for me.

    ‘Their lives are industrialized and hopeless, and so are ours,’ she cried.

    ‘I don’t think they are. That’s just a romantic figure of speech, a relic of the swooning and die-away romanticism. You don’t look at all a hopeless figure standing there, Connie my dear.’

    Which was true. For her dark-blue eyes were flashing, her colour was hot in her cheeks, she looked full of a rebellious passion far from the dejection of hopelessness. She noticed, in the tussocky places of the grass, cottony young cowslips standing up still bleared in their down. And she wondered with rage, why it was she felt Clifford was so wrong, yet she couldn’t say it to him, she could not say exactly where he was wrong.

    ‘No wonder the men hate you,’ she said.

    ‘They don’t!’ he replied. ‘And don’t fall into errors: in your sense of the word, they are not men. They are animals you don’t understand, and never could. Don’t thrust your illusions on other people. The masses were always the same, and will always be the same. Nero’s slaves were extremely little different from our colliers or the Ford motor-car workmen. I mean Nero’s mine slaves and his field slaves. It is the masses: they are the unchangeable. An individual may emerge from the masses. But the emergence doesn’t alter the mass. The masses are unalterable. It is one of the most momentous facts of social science. panem et circenses! Only today education is one of the bad substitutes for a circus. What is wrong today is that we’ve made a profound hash of the circuses part of the programme, and poisoned our masses with a little education.’

    When Clifford became really roused in his feelings about the common people, Connie was frightened. There was something devastatingly true in what he said. But it was a truth that killed.

    Seeing her pale and silent, Clifford started the chair again, and no more was said till he halted again at the wood gate, which she opened.

    ‘And what we need to take up now,’ he said, ‘is whips, not swords. The masses have been ruled since time began, and till time ends, ruled they will have to be. It is sheer hypocrisy and farce to say they can rule themselves.’

    ‘But can you rule them?’ she asked.

    ‘I? Oh yes! Neither my mind nor my will is crippled, and I don’t rule with my legs. I can do my share of ruling: absolutely, my share; and give me a son, and he will be able to rule his portion after me.’

    ‘But he wouldn’t be your own son, of your own ruling class; or perhaps not,’ she stammered.

    ‘I don’t care who his father may be, so long as he is a healthy man not below normal intelligence. Give me the child of any healthy, normally intelligent man, and I will make a perfectly competent Chatterley of him. It is not who begets us, that matters, but where fate places us. Place any child among the ruling classes, and he will grow up, to his own extent, a ruler. Put kings’ and dukes’ children among the masses, and they’ll be little plebeians, mass products. It is the overwhelming pressure of environment.’

    ‘Then the common people aren’t a race, and the aristocrats aren’t blood,’ she said.

    ‘No, my child! All that is romantic illusion. Aristocracy is a function, a part of fate. And the masses are a functioning of another part of fate. The individual hardly matters. It is a question of which function you are brought up to and adapted to. It is not the individuals that make an aristocracy: it is the functioning of the aristocratic whole. And it is the functioning of the whole mass that makes the common man what he is.’

    ‘Then there is no common humanity between us all!’

    ‘Just as you like. We all need to fill our bellies. But when it comes to expressive or executive functioning, I believe there is a gulf and an absolute one, between the ruling and the serving classes. The two functions are opposed. And the function determines the individual.’

    Connie looked at him with dazed eyes.

    ‘Won’t you come on?’ she said.

    And he started his chair. He had said his say. Now he lapsed into his peculiar and rather vacant apathy, that Connie found so trying. In the wood, anyhow, she was determined not to argue.

    In front of them ran the open cleft of the riding, between the hazel walls and the gay grey trees. The chair puffed slowly on, slowly surging into the forget-me-nots that rose up in the drive like milk froth, beyond the hazel shadows. Clifford steered the middle course, where feet passing had kept a channel through the flowers. But Connie, walking behind, had watched the wheels jolt over the wood-ruff and the bugle, and squash the little yellow cups of the creeping-jenny. Now they made a wake through the forget-me-nots.

    All the flowers were there, the first bluebells in blue pools, like standing water.

    ‘You are quite right about its being beautiful,’ said Clifford. ‘It is so amazingly. What is quite so lovely as an English spring!’

    Connie thought it sounded as if even the spring bloomed by act of Parliament. An English spring! Why not an Irish one? or Jewish? The chair moved slowly ahead, past tufts of sturdy bluebells that stood up like wheat and over grey burdock leaves. When they came to the open place where the trees had been felled, the light flooded in rather stark. And the bluebells made sheets of bright blue colour, here and there, sheering off into lilac and purple. And between, the bracken was lifting its brown curled heads, like legions of young snakes with a new secret to whisper to Eve. Clifford kept the chair going till he came to the brow of the hill; Connie followed slowly behind. The oak-buds were opening soft and brown. Everything came tenderly out of the old hardness. Even the snaggy craggy oak-trees put out the softest young leaves, spreading thin, brown little wings like young bat-wings in the light. Why had men never any newness in them, any freshness to come forth with! Stale men!

    Clifford stopped the chair at the top of the rise and looked down. The bluebells washed blue like flood-water over the broad riding, and lit up the downhill with a warm blueness.

    ‘It’s a very fine colour in itself,’ said Clifford, ‘but useless for making a painting.’

    ‘Quite!’ said Connie, completely uninterested.

    ‘Shall I venture as far as the spring?’ said Clifford.

    ‘Will the chair get up again?’ she said.

    ‘We’ll try; nothing venture, nothing win!’

    And the chair began to advance slowly, joltingly down the beautiful broad riding washed over with blue encroaching hyacinths. O last of all ships, through the hyacinthian shallows! O pinnace on the last wild waters, sailing in the last voyage of our civilization! Whither, O weird wheeled ship, your slow course steering. Quiet and complacent, Clifford sat at the wheel of adventure: in his old black hat and tweed jacket, motionless and cautious. O Captain, my Captain, our splendid trip is done! Not yet though! Downhill, in the wake, came Constance in her grey dress, watching the chair jolt downwards.

    They passed the narrow track to the hut. Thank heaven it was not wide enough for the chair: hardly wide enough for one person. The chair reached the bottom of the slope, and swerved round, to disappear. And Connie heard a low whistle behind her. She glanced sharply round: the keeper was striding downhill towards her, his dog keeping behind him.

    ‘Is Sir Clifford going to the cottage?’ he asked, looking into her eyes.

    ‘No, only to the well.’

    ‘Ah! Good! Then I can keep out of sight. But I shall see you tonight. I shall wait for you at the park-gate about ten.’

    He looked again direct into her eyes.

    ‘Yes,’ she faltered.

    They heard the Papp! Papp! of Clifford’s horn, tooting for Connie. She ‘Coo-eed!’ in reply. The keeper’s face flickered with a little grimace, and with his hand he softly brushed her breast upwards, from underneath. She looked at him, frightened, and started running down the hill, calling Coo-ee! again to Clifford. The man above watched her, then turned, grinning faintly, back into his path.

    She found Clifford slowly mounting to the spring, which was halfway up the slope of the dark larch-wood. He was there by the time she caught him up.

    ‘She did that all right,’ he said, referring to the chair.

    Connie looked at the great grey leaves of burdock that grew out ghostly from the edge of the larch-wood. The people call it Robin Hood’s Rhubarb. How silent and gloomy it seemed by the well! Yet the water bubbled so bright, wonderful! And there were bits of eye-bright and strong blue bugle…And there, under the bank, the yellow earth was moving. A mole! It emerged, rowing its pink hands, and waving its blind gimlet of a face, with the tiny pink nose-tip uplifted.

    ‘It seems to see with the end of its nose,’ said Connie.

    ‘Better than with its eyes!’ he said. ‘Will you drink?’

    ‘Will you?’

    She took an enamel mug from a twig on a tree, and stooped to fill it for him. He drank in sips. Then she stooped again, and drank a little herself.

    ‘So icy!’ she said gasping.

    ‘Good, isn’t it! Did you wish?’

    ‘Did you?’

    ‘Yes, I wished. But I won’t tell.’

    She was aware of the rapping of a woodpecker, then of the wind, soft and eerie through the larches. She looked up. White clouds were crossing the blue.

    ‘Clouds!’ she said.

    ‘White lambs only,’ he replied.

    A shadow crossed the little clearing. The mole had swum out on to the soft yellow earth.

    ‘Unpleasant little beast, we ought to kill him,’ said Clifford.

    ‘Look! he’s like a parson in a pulpit,’ she said.

    She gathered some sprigs of woodruff and brought them to him.

    ‘New-mown hay!’ he said. ‘Doesn’t it smell like the romantic ladies of the last century, who had their heads screwed on the right way after all!’

    She was looking at the white clouds.

    ‘I wonder if it will rain,’ she said.

    ‘Rain! Why! Do you want it to?’

    They started on the return journey, Clifford jolting cautiously downhill. They came to the dark bottom of the hollow, turned to the right, and after a hundred yards swerved up the foot of the long slope, where bluebells stood in the light.

    ‘Now, old girl!’ said Clifford, putting the chair to it.

    It was a steep and jolty climb. The chair pugged slowly, in a struggling unwilling fashion. Still, she nosed her way up unevenly, till she came to where the hyacinths were all around her, then she balked, struggled, jerked a little way out of the flowers, then stopped

    ‘We’d better sound the horn and see if the keeper will come,’ said Connie. ‘He could push her a bit. For that matter, I will push. It helps.’

    ‘We’ll let her breathe,’ said Clifford. ‘Do you mind putting a scotch under the wheel?’

    Connie found a stone, and they waited. After a while Clifford started his motor again, then set the chair in motion. It struggled and faltered like a sick thing, with curious noises.

    ‘Let me push!’ said Connie, coming up behind.

    ‘No! Don’t push!’ he said angrily. ‘What’s the good of the damned thing, if it has to be pushed! Put the stone under!’

    There was another pause, then another start; but more ineffectual than before.

    ‘You must let me push,’ said she. ‘Or sound the horn for the keeper.’

    ‘Wait!’

    She waited; and he had another try, doing more harm than good.

    ‘Sound the horn then, if you won’t let me push,’ she said.

    ‘Hell! Be quiet a moment!’

    She was quiet a moment: he made shattering efforts with the little motor.

    ‘You’ll only break the thing down altogether, Clifford,’ she remonstrated; ‘besides wasting your nervous energy.’

    ‘If I could only get out and look at the damned thing!’ he said, exasperated. And he sounded the horn stridently. ‘Perhaps Mellors can see what’s wrong.’

    They waited, among the mashed flowers under a sky softly curdling with cloud. In the silence a wood-pigeon began to coo roo-hoo hoo! roo-hoo hoo! Clifford shut her up with a blast on the horn.

    The keeper appeared directly, striding inquiringly round the corner. He saluted.

    ‘Do you know anything about motors?’ asked Clifford sharply.

    ‘I am afraid I don’t. Has she gone wrong?’

    ‘Apparently!’ snapped Clifford.

    The man crouched solicitously by the wheel, and peered at the little engine.

    ‘I’m afraid I know nothing at all about these mechanical things, Sir Clifford,’ he said calmly. ‘If she has enough petrol and oil–‘

    ‘Just look carefully and see if you can see anything broken,’ snapped Clifford.

    The man laid his gun against a tree, took off his coat, and threw it beside it. The brown dog sat guard. Then he sat down on his heels and peered under the chair, poking with his finger at the greasy little engine, and resenting the grease-marks on his clean Sunday shirt.

    ‘Doesn’t seem anything broken,’ he said. And he stood up, pushing back his hat from his forehead, rubbing his brow and apparently studying.

    ‘Have you looked at the rods underneath?’ asked Clifford. ‘See if they are all right!’

    The man lay flat on his stomach on the floor, his neck pressed back, wriggling under the engine and poking with his finger. Connie thought what a pathetic sort of thing a man was, feeble and small-looking, when he was lying on his belly on the big earth.

    ‘Seems all right as far as I can see,’ came his muffled voice.

    ‘I don’t suppose you can do anything,’ said Clifford.

    ‘Seems as if I can’t!’ And he scrambled up and sat on his heels, collier fashion. ‘There’s certainly nothing obviously broken.’

    Clifford started his engine, then put her in gear. She would not move.

    ‘Run her a bit hard, like,’ suggested the keeper.

    Clifford resented the interference: but he made his engine buzz like a blue-bottle. Then she coughed and snarled and seemed to go better.

    ‘Sounds as if she’d come clear,’ said Mellors.

    But Clifford had already jerked her into gear. She gave a sick lurch and ebbed weakly forwards.

    ‘If I give her a push, she’ll do it,’ said the keeper, going behind.

    ‘Keep off!’ snapped Clifford. ‘She’ll do it by herself.’

    ‘But Clifford!’ put in Connie from the bank, ‘you know it’s too much for her. Why are you so obstinate!’

    Clifford was pale with anger. He jabbed at his levers. The chair gave a sort of scurry, reeled on a few more yards, and came to her end amid a particularly promising patch of bluebells.

    ‘She’s done!’ said the keeper. ‘Not power enough.’

    ‘She’s been up here before,’ said Clifford coldly.

    ‘She won’t do it this time,’ said the keeper.

    Clifford did not reply. He began doing things with his engine, running her fast and slow as if to get some sort of tune out of her. The wood re-echoed with weird noises. Then he put her in gear with a jerk, having jerked off his brake.

    ‘You’ll rip her inside out,’ murmured the keeper.

    The chair charged in a sick lurch sideways at the ditch.

    ‘Clifford!’ cried Connie, rushing forward.

    But the keeper had got the chair by the rail. Clifford, however, putting on all his pressure, managed to steer into the riding, and with a strange noise the chair was fighting the hill. Mellors pushed steadily behind, and up she went, as if to retrieve herself.

    ‘You see, she’s doing it!’ said Clifford, victorious, glancing over his shoulder. There he saw the keeper’s face.

    ‘Are you pushing her?’

    ‘She won’t do it without.’

    ‘Leave her alone. I asked you not.

    ‘She won’t do it.’

    ‘Let her try!’ snarled Clifford, with all his emphasis.

    The keeper stood back: then turned to fetch his coat and gun. The chair seemed to strangle immediately. She stood inert. Clifford, seated a prisoner, was white with vexation. He jerked at the levers with his hand, his feet were no good. He got queer noises out of her. In savage impatience he moved little handles and got more noises out of her. But she would not budge. No, she would not budge. He stopped the engine and sat rigid with anger.

    Constance sat on the bank and looked at the wretched and trampled bluebells. ‘Nothing quite so lovely as an English spring.’ ‘I can do my share of ruling.’ ‘What we need to take up now is whips, not swords.’ ‘The ruling classes!’

    The keeper strode up with his coat and gun, Flossie cautiously at his heels. Clifford asked the man to do something or other to the engine. Connie, who understood nothing at all of the technicalities of motors, and who had had experience of breakdowns, sat patiently on the bank as if she were a cipher. The keeper lay on his stomach again. The ruling classes and the serving classes!

    He got to his feet and said patiently:

    ‘Try her again, then.’

    He spoke in a quiet voice, almost as if to a child.

    Clifford tried her, and Mellors stepped quickly behind and began to push. She was going, the engine doing about half the work, the man the rest.

    Clifford glanced round, yellow with anger.

    ‘Will you get off there!’

    The keeper dropped his hold at once, and Clifford added: ‘How shall I know what she is doing!’

    The man put his gun down and began to pull on his coat. He’d done.

    The chair began slowly to run backwards.

    ‘Clifford, your brake!’ cried Connie.

    She, Mellors, and Clifford moved at once, Connie and the keeper jostling lightly. The chair stood. There was a moment of dead silence.

    ‘It’s obvious I’m at everybody’s mercy!’ said Clifford. He was yellow with anger.

    No one answered. Mellors was slinging his gun over his shoulder, his face queer and expressionless, save for an abstracted look of patience. The dog Flossie, standing on guard almost between her master’s legs, moved uneasily, eyeing the chair with great suspicion and dislike, and very much perplexed between the three human beings. The tableau vivant remained set among the squashed bluebells, nobody proffering a word.

    ‘I expect she’ll have to be pushed,’ said Clifford at last, with an affectation of sang froid.

    No answer. Mellors’ abstracted face looked as if he had heard nothing. Connie glanced anxiously at him. Clifford too glanced round.

    ‘Do you mind pushing her home, Mellors!’ he said in a cool superior tone. ‘I hope I have said nothing to offend you,’ he added, in a tone of dislike.

    ‘Nothing at all, Sir Clifford! Do you want me to push that chair?’

    ‘If you please.’

    The man stepped up to it: but this time it was without effect. The brake was jammed. They poked and pulled, and the keeper took off his gun and his coat once more. And now Clifford said never a word. At last the keeper heaved the back of the chair off the ground and, with an instantaneous push of his foot, tried to loosen the wheels. He failed, the chair sank. Clifford was clutching the sides. The man gasped with the weight.

    ‘Don’t do it!’ cried Connie to him.

    ‘If you’ll pull the wheel that way, so!’ he said to her, showing her how.

    ‘No! You mustn’t lift it! You’ll strain yourself,’ she said, flushed now with anger.

    But he looked into her eyes and nodded. And she had to go and take hold of the wheel, ready. He heaved and she tugged, and the chair reeled.

    ‘For God’s sake!’ cried Clifford in terror.

    But it was all right, and the brake was off. The keeper put a stone under the wheel, and went to sit on the bank, his heart beat and his face white with the effort, semi-conscious.

    Connie looked at him, and almost cried with anger. There was a pause and a dead silence. She saw his hands trembling on his thighs.

    ‘Have you hurt yourself?’ she asked, going to him.

    ‘No. No!’ He turned away almost angrily.

    There was dead silence. The back of Clifford’s fair head did not move. Even the dog stood motionless. The sky had clouded over.

    At last he sighed, and blew his nose on his red handkerchief.

    ‘That pneumonia took a lot out of me,’ he said.

    No one answered. Connie calculated the amount of strength it must have taken to heave up that chair and the bulky Clifford: too much, far too much! If it hadn’t killed him!

    He rose, and again picked up his coat, slinging it through the handle of the chair.

    ‘Are you ready, then, Sir Clifford?’

    ‘When you are!’

    He stooped and took out the scotch, then put his weight against the chair. He was paler than Connie had ever seen him: and more absent. Clifford was a heavy man: and the hill was steep. Connie stepped to the keeper’s side.

    ‘I’m going to push too!’ she said.

    And she began to shove with a woman’s turbulent energy of anger. The chair went faster. Clifford looked round.

    ‘Is that necessary?’ he said.

    ‘Very! Do you want to kill the man! If you’d let the motor work while it would–‘

    But she did not finish. She was already panting. She slackened off a little, for it was surprisingly hard work.

    ‘Ay! slower!’ said the man at her side, with a faint smile of his eyes.

    ‘Are you sure you’ve not hurt yourself?’ she said fiercely.

    He shook his head. She looked at his smallish, short, alive hand, browned by the weather. It was the hand that caressed her. She had never even looked at it before. It seemed so still, like him, with a curious inward stillness that made her want to clutch it, as if she could not reach it. All her soul suddenly swept towards him: he was so silent, and out of reach! And he felt his limbs revive. Shoving with his left hand, he laid his right on her round white wrist, softly enfolding her wrist, with a caress. And the flame of strength went down his back and his loins, reviving him. And she bent suddenly and kissed his hand. Meanwhile the back of Clifford’s head was held sleek and motionless, just in front of them.

    At the top of the hill they rested, and Connie was glad to let go. She had had fugitive dreams of friendship between these two men: one her husband, the other the father of her child. Now she saw the screaming absurdity of her dreams. The two males were as hostile as fire and water. They mutually exterminated one another. And she realized for the first time what a queer subtle thing hate is. For the first time, she had consciously and definitely hated Clifford, with vivid hate: as if he ought to be obliterated from the face of the earth. And it was strange, how free and full of life it made her feel, to hate him and to admit it fully to herself.–‘Now I’ve hated him, I shall never be able to go on living with him,’ came the thought into her mind.

    On the level the keeper could push the chair alone. Clifford made a little conversation with her, to show his complete composure: about Aunt Eva, who was at Dieppe, and about Sir Malcolm, who had written to ask would Connie drive with him in his small car, to Venice, or would she and Hilda go by train.

    ‘I’d much rather go by train,’ said Connie. ‘I don’t like long motor drives, especially when there’s dust. But I shall see what Hilda wants.’

    ‘She will want to drive her own car, and take you with her,’ he said.

    ‘Probably!–I must help up here. You’ve no idea how heavy this chair is.’

    She went to the back of the chair, and plodded side by side with the keeper, shoving up the pink path. She did not care who saw.

    ‘Why not let me wait, and fetch Field? He is strong enough for the job,’ said Clifford.

    ‘It’s so near,’ she panted.

    But both she and Mellors wiped the sweat from their faces when they came to the top. It was curious, but this bit of work together had brought them much closer than they had been before.

    ‘Thanks so much, Mellors,’ said Clifford, when they were at the house door. ‘I must get a different sort of motor, that’s all. Won’t you go to the kitchen and have a meal? It must be about time.’

    ‘Thank you, Sir Clifford. I was going to my mother for dinner today, Sunday.’

    ‘As you like.’

    Mellors slung into his coat, looked at Connie, saluted, and was gone. Connie, furious, went upstairs.

    At lunch she could not contain her feeling.

    ‘Why are you so abominably inconsiderate, Clifford?’ she said to him.

    ‘Of whom?’

    ‘Of the keeper! If that is what you call ruling classes, I’m sorry for you.’

    ‘Why?’

    ‘A man who’s been ill, and isn’t strong! My word, if I were the serving classes, I’d let you wait for service. I’d let you whistle.’

    ‘I quite believe it.’

    ‘If he’d been sitting in a chair with paralysed legs, and behaved as you behaved, what would you have done for him?’

    ‘My dear evangelist, this confusing of persons and personalities is in bad taste.’

    ‘And your nasty, sterile want of common sympathy is in the worst taste imaginable. noblesse oblige! You and your ruling class!’

    ‘And to what should it oblige me? To have a lot of unnecessary emotions about my game-keeper? I refuse. I leave it all to my evangelist.’

    ‘As if he weren’t a man as much as you are, my word!’

    ‘My game-keeper to boot, and I pay him two pounds a week and give him a house.’

    ‘Pay him! What do you think you pay for, with two pounds a week and a house?’

    ‘His services.’

    ‘Bah! I would tell you to keep your two pounds a week and your house.’

    ‘Probably he would like to: but can’t afford the luxury!’

    ‘You, and rule!’ she said. ‘You don’t rule, don’t flatter yourself. You have only got more than your share of the money, and make people work for you for two pounds a week, or threaten them with starvation. Rule! What do you give forth of rule? Why, you re dried up! You only bully with your money, like any Jew or any Schieber!’

    ‘You are very elegant in your speech, Lady Chatterley!’

    ‘I assure you, you were very elegant altogether out there in the wood. I was utterly ashamed of you. Why, my father is ten times the human being you are: you gentleman!’

    He reached and rang the bell for Mrs Bolton. But he was yellow at the gills.

    She went up to her room, furious, saying to herself: ‘Him and buying people! Well, he doesn’t buy me, and therefore there’s no need for me to stay with him. Dead fish of a gentleman, with his celluloid soul! And how they take one in, with their manners and their mock wistfulness and gentleness. They’ve got about as much feeling as celluloid has.’

    She made her plans for the night, and determined to get Clifford off her mind. She didn’t want to hate him. She didn’t want to be mixed up very intimately with him in any sort of feeling. She wanted him not to know anything at all about herself: and especially, not to know anything about her feeling for the keeper. This squabble of her attitude to the servants was an old one. He found her too familiar, she found him stupidly insentient, tough and indiarubbery where other people were concerned.

    She went downstairs calmly, with her old demure bearing, at dinner-time. He was still yellow at the gills: in for one of his liver bouts, when he was really very queer.–He was reading a French book.

    ‘Have you ever read Proust?’ he asked her.

    ‘I’ve tried, but he bores me.’

    ‘He’s really very extraordinary.’

    ‘Possibly! But he bores me: all that sophistication! He doesn’t have feelings, he only has streams of words about feelings. I’m tired of self-important mentalities.’

    ‘Would you prefer self-important animalities?’

    ‘Perhaps! But one might possibly get something that wasn’t self-important.’

    ‘Well, I like Proust’s subtlety and his well-bred anarchy.’

    ‘It makes you very dead, really.’

    ‘There speaks my evangelical little wife.’

    They were at it again, at it again! But she couldn’t help fighting him. He seemed to sit there like a skeleton, sending out a skeleton’s cold grizzly will against her. Almost she could feel the skeleton clutching her and pressing her to its cage of ribs. He too was really up in arms: and she was a little afraid of him.

    She went upstairs as soon as possible, and went to bed quite early. But at half past nine she got up, and went outside to listen. There was no sound. She slipped on a dressing-gown and went downstairs. Clifford and Mrs Bolton were playing cards, gambling. They would probably go on until midnight.

    Connie returned to her room, threw her pyjamas on the tossed bed, put on a thin tennis-dress and over that a woollen day-dress, put on rubber tennis-shoes, and then a light coat. And she was ready. If she met anybody, she was just going out for a few minutes. And in the morning, when she came in again, she would just have been for a little walk in the dew, as she fairly often did before breakfast. For the rest, the only danger was that someone should go into her room during the night. But that was most unlikely: not one chance in a hundred.

    Betts had not locked up. He fastened up the house at ten o’clock, and unfastened it again at seven in the morning. She slipped out silently and unseen. There was a half-moon shining, enough to make a little light in the world, not enough to show her up in her dark-grey coat. She walked quickly across the park, not really in the thrill of the assignation, but with a certain anger and rebellion burning in her heart. It was not the right sort of heart to take to a love-meeting. But a la guerre comme a la guerre!

    Chapter 14

    When she got near the park-gate, she heard the click of the latch. He was there, then, in the darkness of the wood, and had seen her!

    ‘You are good and early,’ he said out of the dark. ‘Was everything all right?’

    ‘Perfectly easy.’

    He shut the gate quietly after her, and made a spot of light on the dark ground, showing the pallid flowers still standing there open in the night. They went on apart, in silence.

    ‘Are you sure you didn’t hurt yourself this morning with that chair?’ she asked.

    ‘No, no!’

    ‘When you had that pneumonia, what did it do to you?’

    ‘Oh nothing! it left my heart not so strong and the lungs not so elastic. But it always does that.’

    ‘And you ought not to make violent physical efforts?’

    ‘Not often.’

    She plodded on in an angry silence.

    ‘Did you hate Clifford?’ she said at last.

    ‘Hate him, no! I’ve met too many like him to upset myself hating him. I know beforehand I don’t care for his sort, and I let it go at that.’

    ‘What is his sort?’

    ‘Nay, you know better than I do. The sort of youngish gentleman a bit like a lady, and no balls.’

    ‘What balls?’

    ‘Balls! A man’s balls!’

    She pondered this.

    ‘But is it a question of that?’ she said, a little annoyed.

    ‘You say a man’s got no brain, when he’s a fool: and no heart, when he’s mean; and no stomach when he’s a funker. And when he’s got none of that spunky wild bit of a man in him, you say he’s got no balls. When he’s a sort of tame.’

    She pondered this.

    ‘And is Clifford tame?’ she asked.

    ‘Tame, and nasty with it: like most such fellows, when you come up against ’em.’

    ‘And do you think you’re not tame?’

    ‘Maybe not quite!’

    At length she saw in the distance a yellow light.

    She stood still.

    ‘There is a light!’ she said.

    ‘I always leave a light in the house,’ he said.

    She went on again at his side, but not touching him, wondering why she was going with him at all.

    He unlocked, and they went in, he bolting the door behind them. As if it were a prison, she thought! The kettle was singing by the red fire, there were cups on the table.

    She sat in the wooden arm-chair by the fire. It was warm after the chill outside.

    ‘I’ll take off my shoes, they are wet,’ she said.

    She sat with her stockinged feet on the bright steel fender. He went to the pantry, bringing food: bread and butter and pressed tongue. She was warm: she took off her coat. He hung it on the door.

    ‘Shall you have cocoa or tea or coffee to drink?’ he asked.

    ‘I don’t think I want anything,’ she said, looking at the table. ‘But you eat.’

    ‘Nay, I don’t care about it. I’ll just feed the dog.’

    He tramped with a quiet inevitability over the brick floor, putting food for the dog in a brown bowl. The spaniel looked up at him anxiously.

    ‘Ay, this is thy supper, tha nedna look as if tha wouldna get it!’ he said.

    He set the bowl on the stairfoot mat, and sat himself on a chair by the wall, to take off his leggings and boots. The dog instead of eating, came to him again, and sat looking up at him, troubled.

    He slowly unbuckled his leggings. The dog edged a little nearer.

    ‘What’s amiss wi’ thee then? Art upset because there’s somebody else here? Tha’rt a female, tha art! Go an’ eat thy supper.’

    He put his hand on her head, and the bitch leaned her head sideways against him. He slowly, softly pulled the long silky ear.

    ‘There!’ he said. ‘There! Go an’ eat thy supper! Go!’

    He tilted his chair towards the pot on the mat, and the dog meekly went, and fell to eating.

    ‘Do you like dogs?’ Connie asked him.

    ‘No, not really. They’re too tame and clinging.’

    He had taken off his leggings and was unlacing his heavy boots. Connie had turned from the fire. How bare the little room was! Yet over his head on the wall hung a hideous enlarged photograph of a young married couple, apparently him and a bold-faced young woman, no doubt his wife.

    ‘Is that you?’ Connie asked him.

    He twisted and looked at the enlargement above his head.

    ‘Ay! Taken just afore we was married, when I was twenty-one.’ He looked at it impassively.

    ‘Do you like it?’ Connie asked him.

    ‘Like it? No! I never liked the thing. But she fixed it all up to have it done, like.’

    He returned to pulling off his boots.

    ‘If you don’t like it, why do you keep it hanging there? Perhaps your wife would like to have it,’ she said.

    He looked up at her with a sudden grin.

    ‘She carted off iverything as was worth taking from th’ ‘ouse,’ he said. ‘But she left that!’

    ‘Then why do you keep it? for sentimental reasons?’

    ‘Nay, I niver look at it. I hardly knowed it wor theer. It’s bin theer sin’ we come to this place.’

    ‘Why don’t you burn it?’ she said.

    He twisted round again and looked at the enlarged photograph. It was framed in a brown-and-gilt frame, hideous. It showed a clean-shaven, alert, very young-looking man in a rather high collar, and a somewhat plump, bold young woman with hair fluffed out and crimped, and wearing a dark satin blouse.

    ‘It wouldn’t be a bad idea, would it?’ he said.

    He had pulled off his boots, and put on a pair of slippers. He stood up on the chair, and lifted down the photograph. It left a big pale place on the greenish wall-paper.

    ‘No use dusting it now,’ he said, setting the thing against the wall.

    He went to the scullery, and returned with hammer and pincers. Sitting where he had sat before, he started to tear off the back-paper from the big frame, and to pull out the sprigs that held the backboard in position, working with the immediate quiet absorption that was characteristic of him.

    He soon had the nails out: then he pulled out the backboards, then the enlargement itself, in its solid white mount. He looked at the photograph with amusement.

    ‘Shows me for what I was, a young curate, and her for what she was, a bully,’ he said. ‘The prig and the bully!’

    ‘Let me look!’ said Connie.

    He did look indeed very clean-shaven and very clean altogether, one of the clean young men of twenty years ago. But even in the photograph his eyes were alert and dauntless. And the woman was not altogether a bully, though her jowl was heavy. There was a touch of appeal in her.

    ‘One never should keep these things,’ said Connie.

    ‘That, one shouldn’t! One should never have them made!’

    He broke the cardboard photograph and mount over his knee, and when it was small enough, put it on the fire.

    ‘It’ll spoil the fire though,’ he said.

    The glass and the backboard he carefully took upstairs.

    The frame he knocked asunder with a few blows of the hammer, making the stucco fly. Then he took the pieces into the scullery.

    ‘We’ll burn that tomorrow,’ he said. ‘There’s too much plaster-moulding on it.’

    Having cleared away, he sat down.

    ‘Did you love your wife?’ she asked him.

    ‘Love?’ he said. ‘Did you love Sir Clifford?’

    But she was not going to be put off.

    ‘But you cared for her?’ she insisted.

    ‘Cared?’ He grinned.

    ‘Perhaps you care for her now,’ she said.

    ‘Me!’ His eyes widened. ‘Ah no, I can’t think of her,’ he said quietly.

    ‘Why?’

    But he shook his head.

    ‘Then why don’t you get a divorce? She’ll come back to you one day,’ said Connie.

    He looked up at her sharply.

    ‘She wouldn’t come within a mile of me. She hates me a lot worse than I hate her.’

    ‘You’ll see she’ll come back to you.’

    ‘That she never will. That’s done! It would make me sick to see her.’

    ‘You will see her. And you’re not even legally separated, are you?’

    ‘No.’

    ‘Ah well, then she’ll come back, and you’ll have to take her in.’

    He gazed at Connie fixedly. Then he gave the queer toss of his head.

    ‘You might be right. I was a fool ever to come back here. But I felt stranded and had to go somewhere. A man’s a poor bit of a wastrel blown about. But you’re right. I’ll get a divorce and get clear. I hate those things like death, officials and courts and judges. But I’ve got to get through with it. I’ll get a divorce.’

    And she saw his jaw set. Inwardly she exulted.

    ‘I think I will have a cup of tea now,’ she said.

    He rose to make it. But his face was set.

    As they sat at table she asked him:

    ‘Why did you marry her? She was commoner than yourself. Mrs Bolton told me about her. She could never understand why you married her.’

    He looked at her fixedly.

    ‘I’ll tell you,’ he said. ‘The first girl I had, I began with when I was sixteen. She was a school-master’s daughter over at Ollerton, pretty, beautiful really. I was supposed to be a clever sort of young fellow from Sheffield Grammar School, with a bit of French and German, very much up aloft. She was the romantic sort that hated commonness. She egged me on to poetry and reading: in a way, she made a man of me. I read and I thought like a house on fire, for her. And I was a clerk in Butterley offices, thin, white-faced fellow fuming with all the things I read. And about everything I talked to her: but everything. We talked ourselves into Persepolis and Timbuctoo. We were the most literary-cultured couple in ten counties. I held forth with rapture to her, positively with rapture. I simply went up in smoke. And she adored me. The serpent in the grass was sex. She somehow didn’t have any; at least, not where it’s supposed to be. I got thinner and crazier. Then I said we’d got to be lovers. I talked her into it, as usual. So she let me. I was excited, and she never wanted it. She just didn’t want it. She adored me, she loved me to talk to her and kiss her: in that way she had a passion for me. But the other, she just didn’t want. And there are lots of women like her. And it was just the other that I did want. So there we split. I was cruel, and left her. Then I took on with another girl, a teacher, who had made a scandal by carrying on with a married man and driving him nearly out of his mind. She was a soft, white-skinned, soft sort of a woman, older than me, and played the fiddle. And she was a demon. She loved everything about love, except the sex. Clinging, caressing, creeping into you in every way: but if you forced her to the sex itself, she just ground her teeth and sent out hate. I forced her to it, and she could simply numb me with hate because of it. So I was balked again. I loathed all that. I wanted a woman who wanted me, and wanted it.

    ‘Then came Bertha Coutts. They’d lived next door to us when I was a little lad, so I knew ’em all right. And they were common. Well, Bertha went away to some place or other in Birmingham; she said, as a lady’s companion; everybody else said, as a waitress or something in a hotel. Anyhow just when I was more than fed up with that other girl, when I was twenty-one, back comes Bertha, with airs and graces and smart clothes and a sort of bloom on her: a sort of sensual bloom that you’d see sometimes on a woman, or on a trolly. Well, I was in a state of murder. I chucked up my job at Butterley because I thought I was a weed, clerking there: and I got on as overhead blacksmith at Tevershall: shoeing horses mostly. It had been my dad’s job, and I’d always been with him. It was a job I liked: handling horses: and it came natural to me. So I stopped talking “fine”, as they call it, talking proper English, and went back to talking broad. I still read books, at home: but I blacksmithed and had a pony-trap of my own, and was My Lord Duckfoot. My dad left me three hundred pounds when he died. So I took on with Bertha, and I was glad she was common. I wanted her to be common. I wanted to be common myself. Well, I married her, and she wasn’t bad. Those other “pure” women had nearly taken all the balls out of me, but she was all right that way. She wanted me, and made no bones about it. And I was as pleased as punch. That was what I wanted: a woman who wanted me to fuck her. So I fucked her like a good un. And I think she despised me a bit, for being so pleased about it, and bringin’ her her breakfast in bed sometimes. She sort of let things go, didn’t get me a proper dinner when I came home from work, and if I said anything, flew out at me. And I flew back, hammer and tongs. She flung a cup at me and I took her by the scruff of the neck and squeezed the life out of her. That sort of thing! But she treated me with insolence. And she got so’s she’d never have me when I wanted her: never. Always put me off, brutal as you like. And then when she’d put me right off, and I didn’t want her, she’d come all lovey-dovey, and get me. And I always went. But when I had her, she’d never come off when I did. Never! She’d just wait. If I kept back for half an hour, she’d keep back longer. And when I’d come and really finished, then she’d start on her own account, and I had to stop inside her till she brought herself off, wriggling and shouting, she’d clutch clutch with herself down there, an’ then she’d come off, fair in ecstasy. And then she’d say: That was lovely! Gradually I got sick of it: and she got worse. She sort of got harder and harder to bring off, and she’d sort of tear at me down there, as if it was a beak tearing at me. By God, you think a woman’s soft down there, like a fig. But I tell you the old rampers have beaks between their legs, and they tear at you with it till you’re sick. Self! Self! Self! all self! tearing and shouting! They talk about men’s selfishness, but I doubt if it can ever touch a woman’s blind beakishness, once she’s gone that way. Like an old trull! And she couldn’t help it. I told her about it, I told her how I hated it. And she’d even try. She’d try to lie still and let me work the business. She’d try. But it was no good. She got no feeling off it, from my working. She had to work the thing herself, grind her own coffee. And it came back on her like a raving necessity, she had to let herself go, and tear, tear, tear, as if she had no sensation in her except in the top of her beak, the very outside top tip, that rubbed and tore. That’s how old whores used to be, so men used to say. It was a low kind of self-will in her, a raving sort of self-will: like in a woman who drinks. Well in the end I couldn’t stand it. We slept apart. She herself had started it, in her bouts when she wanted to be clear of me, when she said I bossed her. She had started having a room for herself. But the time came when I wouldn’t have her coming to my room. I wouldn’t.

    ‘I hated it. And she hated me. My God, how she hated me before that child was born! I often think she conceived it out of hate. Anyhow, after the child was born I left her alone. And then came the war, and I joined up. And I didn’t come back till I knew she was with that fellow at Stacks Gate.’

    He broke off, pale in the face.

    ‘And what is the man at Stacks Gate like?’ asked Connie.

    ‘A big baby sort of fellow, very low-mouthed. She bullies him, and they both drink.’

    ‘My word, if she came back!’

    ‘My God, yes! I should just go, disappear again.’

    There was a silence. The pasteboard in the fire had turned to grey ash.

    ‘So when you did get a woman who wanted you,’ said Connie, ‘you got a bit too much of a good thing.’

    ‘Ay! Seems so! Yet even then I’d rather have her than the never-never ones: the white love of my youth, and that other poison-smelling lily, and the rest.’

    ‘What about the rest?’ said Connie.

    ‘The rest? There is no rest. Only to my experience the mass of women are like this: most of them want a man, but don’t want the sex, but they put up with it, as part of the bargain. The more old-fashioned sort just lie there like nothing and let you go ahead. They don’t mind afterwards: then they like you. But the actual thing itself is nothing to them, a bit distasteful. Add most men like it that way. I hate it. But the sly sort of women who are like that pretend they’re not. They pretend they’re passionate and have thrills. But it’s all cockaloopy. They make it up. Then there’s the ones that love everything, every kind of feeling and cuddling and going off, every kind except the natural one. They always make you go off when you’re not in the only place you should be, when you go off.–Then there’s the hard sort, that are the devil to bring off at all, and bring themselves off, like my wife. They want to be the active party.–Then there’s the sort that’s just dead inside: but dead: and they know it. Then there’s the sort that puts you out before you really “come”, and go on writhing their loins till they bring themselves off against your thighs. But they’re mostly the Lesbian sort. It’s astonishing how Lesbian women are, consciously or unconsciously. Seems to me they’re nearly all Lesbian.’

    ‘And do you mind?’ asked Connie.

    ‘I could kill them. When I’m with a woman who’s really Lesbian, I fairly howl in my soul, wanting to kill her.’

    ‘And what do you do?’

    ‘Just go away as fast as I can.’

    ‘But do you think Lesbian women any worse than homosexual men?’

    ‘ I do! Because I’ve suffered more from them. In the abstract, I’ve no idea. When I get with a Lesbian woman, whether she knows she’s one or not, I see red. No, no! But I wanted to have nothing to do with any woman any more. I wanted to keep to myself: keep my privacy and my decency.’

    He looked pale, and his brows were sombre.

    ‘And were you sorry when I came along?’ she asked.

    ‘I was sorry and I was glad.’

    ‘And what are you now?’

    ‘I’m sorry, from the outside: all the complications and the ugliness and recrimination that’s bound to come, sooner or later. That’s when my blood sinks, and I’m low. But when my blood comes up, I’m glad. I’m even triumphant. I was really getting bitter. I thought there was no real sex left: never a woman who’d really “come” naturally with a man: except black women, and somehow, well, we’re white men: and they’re a bit like mud.’

    ‘And now, are you glad of me?’ she asked.

    ‘Yes! When I can forget the rest. When I can’t forget the rest, I want to get under the table and die.’

    ‘Why under the table?’

    ‘Why?’ he laughed. ‘Hide, I suppose. Baby!’

    ‘You do seem to have had awful experiences of women,’ she said.

    ‘You see, I couldn’t fool myself. That’s where most men manage. They take an attitude, and accept a lie. I could never fool myself. I knew what I wanted with a woman, and I could never say I’d got it when I hadn’t.’

    ‘But have you got it now?’

    ‘Looks as if I might have.’

    ‘Then why are you so pale and gloomy?’

    ‘Bellyful of remembering: and perhaps afraid of myself.’

    She sat in silence. It was growing late.

    ‘And do you think it’s important, a man and a woman?’ she asked him.

    ‘For me it is. For me it’s the core of my life: if I have a right relation with a woman.’

    ‘And if you didn’t get it?’

    ‘Then I’d have to do without.’

    Again she pondered, before she asked:

    ‘And do you think you’ve always been right with women?’

    ‘God, no! I let my wife get to what she was: my fault a good deal. I spoilt her. And I’m very mistrustful. You’ll have to expect it. It takes a lot to make me trust anybody, inwardly. So perhaps I’m a fraud too. I mistrust. And tenderness is not to be mistaken.’

    She looked at him.

    ‘You don’t mistrust with your body, when your blood comes up,’ she said. ‘You don’t mistrust then, do you?’

    ‘No, alas! That’s how I’ve got into all the trouble. And that’s why my mind mistrusts so thoroughly.’

    ‘Let your mind mistrust. What does it matter!’

    The dog sighed with discomfort on the mat. The ash-clogged fire sank.

    ‘We are a couple of battered warriors,’ said Connie.

    ‘Are you battered too?’ he laughed. ‘And here we are returning to the fray!’

    ‘Yes! I feel really frightened.’

    ‘Ay!’

    He got up, and put her shoes to dry, and wiped his own and set them near the fire. In the morning he would grease them. He poked the ash of pasteboard as much as possible out of the fire. ‘Even burnt, it’s filthy,’ he said. Then he brought sticks and put them on the hob for the morning. Then he went out awhile with the dog.

    When he came back, Connie said:

    ‘I want to go out too, for a minute.’

    She went alone into the darkness. There were stars overhead. She could smell flowers on the night air. And she could feel her wet shoes getting wetter again. But she felt like going away, right away from him and everybody.

    It was chilly. She shuddered, and returned to the house. He was sitting in front of the low fire.

    ‘Ugh! Cold!’ she shuddered.

    He put the sticks on the fire, and fetched more, till they had a good crackling chimneyful of blaze. The rippling running yellow flame made them both happy, warmed their faces and their souls.

    ‘Never mind!’ she said, taking his hand as he sat silent and remote. ‘One does one’s best.’

    ‘Ay!’ He sighed, with a twist of a smile.

    She slipped over to him, and into his arms, as he sat there before the fire.

    ‘Forget then!’ she whispered. ‘Forget!’

    He held her close, in the running warmth of the fire. The flame itself was like a forgetting. And her soft, warm, ripe weight! Slowly his blood turned, and began to ebb back into strength and reckless vigour again.

    ‘And perhaps the women really wanted to be there and love you properly, only perhaps they couldn’t. Perhaps it wasn’t all their fault,’ she said.

    ‘I know it. Do you think I don’t know what a broken-backed snake that’s been trodden on I was myself!’

    She clung to him suddenly. She had not wanted to start all this again. Yet some perversity had made her.

    ‘But you’re not now,’ she said. ‘You’re not that now: a broken-backed snake that’s been trodden on.’

    ‘I don’t know what I am. There’s black days ahead.’

    ‘No!’ she protested, clinging to him. ‘Why? Why?’

    ‘There’s black days coming for us all and for everybody,’ he repeated with a prophetic gloom.

    ‘No! You’re not to say it!’

    He was silent. But she could feel the black void of despair inside him. That was the death of all desire, the death of all love: this despair that was like the dark cave inside the men, in which their spirit was lost.

    ‘And you talk so coldly about sex,’ she said. ‘You talk as if you had only wanted your own pleasure and satisfaction.’

    She was protesting nervously against him.

    ‘Nay!’ he said. ‘I wanted to have my pleasure and satisfaction of a woman, and I never got it: because I could never get my pleasure and satisfaction of her unless she got hers of me at the same time. And it never happened. It takes two.’

    ‘But you never believed in your women. You don’t even believe really in me,’ she said.

    ‘I don’t know what believing in a woman means.’

    ‘That’s it, you see!’

    She still was curled on his lap. But his spirit was grey and absent, he was not there for her. And everything she said drove him further.

    ‘But what do you believe in?’ she insisted.

    ‘I don’t know.’

    ‘Nothing, like all the men I’ve ever known,’ she said.

    They were both silent. Then he roused himself and said:

    ‘Yes, I do believe in something. I believe in being warm-hearted. I believe especially in being warm-hearted in love, in fucking with a warm heart. I believe if men could fuck with warm hearts, and the women take it warm-heartedly, everything would come all right. It’s all this cold-hearted fucking that is death and idiocy.’

    ‘But you don’t fuck me cold-heartedly,’ she protested.

    ‘I don’t want to fuck you at all. My heart’s as cold as cold potatoes just now.’

    ‘Oh!’ she said, kissing him mockingly. ‘Let’s have them sautes.’

    He laughed, and sat erect.

    ‘It’s a fact!’ he said. ‘Anything for a bit of warm-heartedness. But the women don’t like it. Even you don’t really like it. You like good, sharp, piercing cold-hearted fucking, and then pretending it’s all sugar. Where’s your tenderness for me? You’re as suspicious of me as a cat is of a dog. I tell you it takes two even to be tender and warm-hearted. You love fucking all right: but you want it to be called something grand and mysterious, just to flatter your own self-importance. Your own self-importance is more to you, fifty times more, than any man, or being together with a man.’

    ‘But that’s what I’d say of you. Your own self-importance is everything to you.’

    ‘Ay! Very well then!’ he said, moving as if he wanted to rise. ‘Let’s keep apart then. I’d rather die than do any more cold-hearted fucking.’

    She slid away from him, and he stood up.

    ‘And do you think I want it?’ she said.

    ‘I hope you don’t,’ he replied. ‘But anyhow, you go to bed an’ I’ll sleep down here.’

    She looked at him. He was pale, his brows were sullen, he was as distant in recoil as the cold pole. Men were all alike.

    ‘I can’t go home till morning,’ she said.

    ‘No! Go to bed. It’s a quarter to one.’

    ‘I certainly won’t,’ she said.

    He went across and picked up his boots.

    ‘Then I’ll go out!’ he said.

    He began to put on his boots. She stared at him.

    ‘Wait!’ she faltered. ‘Wait! What’s come between us?’

    He was bent over, lacing his boot, and did not reply. The moments passed. A dimness came over her, like a swoon. All her consciousness died, and she stood there wide-eyed, looking at him from the unknown, knowing nothing any more.

    He looked up, because of the silence, and saw her wide-eyed and lost. And as if a wind tossed him he got up and hobbled over to her, one shoe off and one shoe on, and took her in his arms, pressing her against his body, which somehow felt hurt right through. And there he held her, and there she remained.

    Till his hands reached blindly down and felt for her, and felt under the clothing to where she was smooth and warm.

    ‘Ma lass!’ he murmured. ‘Ma little lass! Dunna let’s fight! Dunna let’s niver fight! I love thee an’ th’ touch on thee. Dunna argue wi’ me! Dunna! Dunna! Dunna! Let’s be together.’

    She lifted her face and looked at him.

    ‘Don’t be upset,’ she said steadily. ‘It’s no good being upset. Do you really want to be together with me?’

    She looked with wide, steady eyes into his face. He stopped, and went suddenly still, turning his face aside. All his body went perfectly still, but did not withdraw.

    Then he lifted his head and looked into her eyes, with his odd, faintly mocking grin, saying: ‘Ay-ay! Let’s be together on oath.’

    ‘But really?’ she said, her eyes filling with tears.

    ‘Ay really! Heart an’ belly an’ cock.’

    He still smiled faintly down at her, with the flicker of irony in his eyes, and a touch of bitterness.

    She was silently weeping, and he lay with her and went into her there on the hearthrug, and so they gained a measure of equanimity. And then they went quickly to bed, for it was growing chill, and they had tired each other out. And she nestled up to him, feeling small and enfolded, and they both went to sleep at once, fast in one sleep. And so they lay and never moved, till the sun rose over the wood and day was beginning.

    Then he woke up and looked at the light. The curtains were drawn. He listened to the loud wild calling of blackbirds and thrushes in the wood. It would be a brilliant morning, about half past five, his hour for rising. He had slept so fast! It was such a new day! The woman was still curled asleep and tender. His hand moved on her, and she opened her blue wondering eyes, smiling unconsciously into his face.

    ‘Are you awake?’ she said to him.

    He was looking into her eyes. He smiled, and kissed her. And suddenly she roused and sat up.

    ‘Fancy that I am here!’ she said.

    She looked round the whitewashed little bedroom with its sloping ceiling and gable window where the white curtains were closed. The room was bare save for a little yellow-painted chest of drawers, and a chair: and the smallish white bed in which she lay with him.

    ‘Fancy that we are here!’ she said, looking down at him. He was lying watching her, stroking her breasts with his fingers, under the thin nightdress. When he was warm and smoothed out, he looked young and handsome. His eyes could look so warm. And she was fresh and young like a flower.

    ‘I want to take this off!’ she said, gathering the thin batiste nightdress and pulling it over her head. She sat there with bare shoulders and longish breasts faintly golden. He loved to make her breasts swing softly, like bells.

    ‘You must take off your pyjamas too,’ she said.

    ‘Eh, nay!’

    ‘Yes! Yes!’ she commanded.

    And he took off his old cotton pyjama-jacket, and pushed down the trousers. Save for his hands and wrists and face and neck he was white as milk, with fine slender muscular flesh. To Connie he was suddenly piercingly beautiful again, as when she had seen him that afternoon washing himself.

    Gold of sunshine touched the closed white curtain. She felt it wanted to come in.

    ‘Oh, do let’s draw the curtains! The birds are singing so! Do let the sun in,’ she said.

    He slipped out of bed with his back to her, naked and white and thin, and went to the window, stooping a little, drawing the curtains and looking out for a moment. The back was white and fine, the small buttocks beautiful with an exquisite, delicate manliness, the back of the neck ruddy and delicate and yet strong.

    There was an inward, not an outward strength in the delicate fine body.

    ‘But you are beautiful!’ she said. ‘So pure and fine! Come!’ She held her arms out.

    He was ashamed to turn to her, because of his aroused nakedness.

    He caught his shirt off the floor, and held it to him, coming to her.

    ‘No!’ she said still holding out her beautiful slim arms from her dropping breasts. ‘Let me see you!’

    He dropped the shirt and stood still looking towards her. The sun through the low window sent in a beam that lit up his thighs and slim belly and the erect phallos rising darkish and hot-looking from the little cloud of vivid gold-red hair. She was startled and afraid.

    ‘How strange!’ she said slowly. ‘How strange he stands there! So big! and so dark and cock-sure! Is he like that?’

    The man looked down the front of his slender white body, and laughed. Between the slim breasts the hair was dark, almost black. But at the root of the belly, where the phallos rose thick and arching, it was gold-red, vivid in a little cloud.

    ‘So proud!’ she murmured, uneasy. ‘And so lordly! Now I know why men are so overbearing! But he’s lovely, really. Like another being! A bit terrifying! But lovely really! And he comes to me!–‘ She caught her lower lip between her teeth, in fear and excitement.

    The man looked down in silence at the tense phallos, that did not change.–‘Ay!’ he said at last, in a little voice. ‘Ay ma lad! tha’re theer right enough. Yi, tha mun rear thy head! Theer on thy own, eh? an’ ta’es no count O’ nob’dy! Tha ma’es nowt O’ me, John Thomas. Art boss? of me? Eh well, tha’re more cocky than me, an’ tha says less. John Thomas! Dost want her? Dost want my lady Jane? Tha’s dipped me in again, tha hast. Ay, an’ tha comes up smilin’.–Ax ‘er then! Ax lady Jane! Say: Lift up your heads, O ye gates, that the king of glory may come in. Ay, th’ cheek on thee! Cunt, that’s what tha’re after. Tell lady Jane tha wants cunt. John Thomas, an’ th’ cunt O’ lady Jane!–‘

    ‘Oh, don’t tease him,’ said Connie, crawling on her knees on the bed towards him and putting her arms round his white slender loins, and drawing him to her so that her hanging, swinging breasts touched the tip of the stirring, erect phallos, and caught the drop of moisture. She held the man fast.

    ‘Lie down!’ he said. ‘Lie down! Let me come!’ He was in a hurry now.

    And afterwards, when they had been quite still, the woman had to uncover the man again, to look at the mystery of the phallos.

    ‘And now he’s tiny, and soft like a little bud of life!’ she said, taking the soft small penis in her hand. ‘Isn’t he somehow lovely! so on his own, so strange! And so innocent! And he comes so far into me! You must never insult him, you know. He’s mine too. He’s not only yours. He’s mine! And so lovely and innocent!’ And she held the penis soft in her hand.

    He laughed.

    ‘Blest be the tie that binds our hearts in kindred love,’ he said.

    ‘Of course!’ she said. ‘Even when he’s soft and little I feel my heart simply tied to him. And how lovely your hair is here! quite, quite different!’

    ‘That’s John Thomas’s hair, not mine!’ he said.

    ‘John Thomas! John Thomas!’ and she quickly kissed the soft penis, that was beginning to stir again.

    ‘Ay!’ said the man, stretching his body almost painfully. ‘He’s got his root in my soul, has that gentleman! An’ sometimes I don’ know what ter do wi’ him. Ay, he’s got a will of his own, an’ it’s hard to suit him. Yet I wouldn’t have him killed.’

    ‘No wonder men have always been afraid of him!’ she said. ‘He’s rather terrible.’

    The quiver was going through the man’s body, as the stream of consciousness again changed its direction, turning downwards. And he was helpless, as the penis in slow soft undulations filled and surged and rose up, and grew hard, standing there hard and overweening, in its curious towering fashion. The woman too trembled a little as she watched.

    ‘There! Take him then! He’s thine,’ said the man.

    And she quivered, and her own mind melted out. Sharp soft waves of unspeakable pleasure washed over her as he entered her, and started the curious molten thrilling that spread and spread till she was carried away with the last, blind flush of extremity.

    He heard the distant hooters of Stacks Gate for seven o’clock. It was Monday morning. He shivered a little, and with his face between her breasts pressed her soft breasts up over his ears, to deafen him.

    She had not even heard the hooters. She lay perfectly still, her soul washed transparent.

    ‘You must get up, mustn’t you?’ he muttered.

    ‘What time?’ came her colourless voice.

    ‘Seven-o’clock blowers a bit sin’.’

    ‘I suppose I must.’

    She was resenting as she always did, the compulsion from outside.

    He sat up and looked blankly out of the window.

    ‘You do love me, don’t you?’ she asked calmly.

    He looked down at her.

    ‘Tha knows what tha knows. What dost ax for!’ he said, a little fretfully.

    ‘I want you to keep me, not to let me go,’ she said.

    His eyes seemed full of a warm, soft darkness that could not think.

    ‘When? Now?’

    ‘Now in your heart. Then I want to come and live with you, always, soon.’

    He sat naked on the bed, with his head dropped, unable to think.

    ‘Don’t you want it?’ she asked.

    ‘Ay!’ he said.

    Then with the same eyes darkened with another flame of consciousness, almost like sleep, he looked at her.

    ‘Dunna ax me nowt now,’ he said. ‘Let me be. I like thee. I luv thee when tha lies theer. A woman’s a lovely thing when ‘er’s deep ter fuck, and cunt’s good. Ah luv thee, thy legs, an’ th’ shape on thee, an’ th’ womanness on thee. Ah luv th’ womanness on thee. Ah luv thee wi’ my balls an’ wi’ my heart. But dunna ax me nowt. Dunna ma’e me say nowt. Let me stop as I am while I can. Tha can ax me iverything after. Now let me be, let me be!’

    And softly, he laid his hand over her mound of Venus, on the soft brown maiden-hair, and himself sat still and naked on the bed, his face motionless in physical abstraction, almost like the face of Buddha. Motionless, and in the invisible flame of another consciousness, he sat with his hand on her, and waited for the turn.

    After a while, he reached for his shirt and put it on, dressed himself swiftly in silence, looked at her once as she still lay naked and faintly golden like a Gloire de Dijon rose on the bed, and was gone. She heard him downstairs opening the door.

    And still she lay musing, musing. It was very hard to go: to go out of his arms. He called from the foot of the stairs: ‘Half past seven!’ She sighed, and got out of bed. The bare little room! Nothing in it at all but the small chest of drawers and the smallish bed. But the board floor was scrubbed clean. And in the corner by the window gable was a shelf with some books, and some from a circulating library. She looked. There were books about Bolshevist Russia, books of travel, a volume about the atom and the electron, another about the composition of the earth’s core, and the causes of earthquakes: then a few novels: then three books on India. So! He was a reader after all.

    The sun fell on her naked limbs through the gable window. Outside she saw the dog Flossie roaming round. The hazel-brake was misted with green, and dark-green dogs-mercury under. It was a clear clean morning with birds flying and triumphantly singing. If only she could stay! If only there weren’t the other ghastly world of smoke and iron! If only he would make her a world.

    She came downstairs, down the steep, narrow wooden stairs. Still she would be content with this little house, if only it were in a world of its own.

    He was washed and fresh, and the fire was burning. ‘Will you eat anything?’ he said.

    ‘No! Only lend me a comb.’

    She followed him into the scullery, and combed her hair before the handbreadth of mirror by the back door. Then she was ready to go.

    She stood in the little front garden, looking at the dewy flowers, the grey bed of pinks in bud already.

    ‘I would like to have all the rest of the world disappear,’ she said, ‘and live with you here.’

    ‘It won’t disappear,’ he said.

    They went almost in silence through the lovely dewy wood. But they were together in a world of their own.

    It was bitter to her to go on to Wragby.

    ‘I want soon to come and live with you altogether,’ she said as she left him.

    He smiled, unanswering.

    She got home quietly and unremarked, and went up to her room.

    Chapter 15

    There was a letter from Hilda on the breakfast-tray. ‘Father is going to London this week, and I shall call for you on Thursday week, June 17th. You must be ready so that we can go at once. I don’t want to waste time at Wragby, it’s an awful place. I shall probably stay the night at Retford with the Colemans, so I should be with you for lunch, Thursday. Then we could start at teatime, and sleep perhaps in Grantham. It is no use our spending an evening with Clifford. If he hates your going, it would be no pleasure to him.’

    So! She was being pushed round on the chess-board again.

    Clifford hated her going, but it was only because he didn’t feel safe in her absence. Her presence, for some reason, made him feel safe, and free to do the things he was occupied with. He was a great deal at the pits, and wrestling in spirit with the almost hopeless problems of getting out his coal in the most economical fashion and then selling it when he’d got it out. He knew he ought to find some way of using it, or converting it, so that he needn’t sell it, or needn’t have the chagrin of failing to sell it. But if he made electric power, could he sell that or use it? And to convert into oil was as yet too costly and too elaborate. To keep industry alive there must be more industry, like a madness.

    It was a madness, and it required a madman to succeed in it. Well, he was a little mad. Connie thought so. His very intensity and acumen in the affairs of the pits seemed like a manifestation of madness to her, his very inspirations were the inspirations of insanity.

    He talked to her of all his serious schemes, and she listened in a kind of wonder, and let him talk. Then the flow ceased, and he turned on the loudspeaker, and became a blank, while apparently his schemes coiled on inside him like a kind of dream.

    And every night now he played pontoon, that game of the Tommies, with Mrs Bolton, gambling with sixpences. And again, in the gambling he was gone in a kind of unconsciousness, or blank intoxication, or intoxication of blankness, whatever it was. Connie could not bear to see him. But when she had gone to bed, he and Mrs Bolton would gamble on till two and three in the morning, safely, and with strange lust. Mrs Bolton was caught in the lust as much as Clifford: the more so, as she nearly always lost.

    She told Connie one day: ‘I lost twenty-three shillings to Sir Clifford last night.’

    ‘And did he take the money from you?’ asked Connie aghast.

    ‘Why of course, my Lady! Debt of honour!’

    Connie expostulated roundly, and was angry with both of them. The upshot was, Sir Clifford raised Mrs Bolton’s wages a hundred a year, and she could gamble on that. Meanwhile, it seemed to Connie, Clifford was really going deader.

    She told him at length she was leaving on the seventeenth.

    ‘Seventeenth!’ he said. ‘And when will you be back?’

    ‘By the twentieth of July at the latest.’

    ‘Yes! the twentieth of July.’

    Strangely and blankly he looked at her, with the vagueness of a child, but with the queer blank cunning of an old man.

    ‘You won’t let me down, now, will you?’ he said.

    ‘How?’

    ‘While you’re away, I mean, you’re sure to come back?’

    ‘I’m as sure as I can be of anything, that I shall come back.’

    ‘Yes! Well! Twentieth of July!’

    He looked at her so strangely.

    Yet he really wanted her to go. That was so curious. He wanted her to go, positively, to have her little adventures and perhaps come home pregnant, and all that. At the same time, he was afraid of her going.

    She was quivering, watching her real opportunity for leaving him altogether, waiting till the time, herself, himself, should be ripe.

    She sat and talked to the keeper of her going abroad.

    ‘And then when I come back,’ she said, ‘I can tell Clifford I must leave him. And you and I can go away. They never need even know it is you. We can go to another country, shall we? To Africa or Australia. Shall we?’

    She was quite thrilled by her plan.

    ‘You’ve never been to the Colonies, have you?’ he asked her.

    ‘No! Have you?’

    ‘I’ve been in India, and South Africa, and Egypt.’

    ‘Why shouldn’t we go to South Africa?’

    ‘We might!’ he said slowly.

    ‘Or don’t you want to?’ she asked.

    ‘I don’t care. I don’t much care what I do.’

    ‘Doesn’t it make you happy? Why not? We shan’t be poor. I have about six hundred a year, I wrote and asked. It’s not much, but it’s enough, isn’t it?’

    ‘It’s riches to me.’

    ‘Oh, how lovely it will be!’

    ‘But I ought to get divorced, and so ought you, unless we’re going to have complications.’

    There was plenty to think about.

    Another day she asked him about himself. They were in the hut, and there was a thunderstorm.

    ‘And weren’t you happy, when you were a lieutenant and an officer and a gentleman?’

    ‘Happy? All right. I liked my Colonel.’

    ‘Did you love him?’

    ‘Yes! I loved him.’

    ‘And did he love you?’

    ‘Yes! In a way, he loved me.’

    ‘Tell me about him.’

    ‘What is there to tell? He had risen from the ranks. He loved the army. And he had never married. He was twenty years older than me. He was a very intelligent man: and alone in the army, as such a man is: a passionate man in his way: and a very clever officer. I lived under his spell while I was with him. I sort of let him run my life. And I never regret it.’

    ‘And did you mind very much when he died?’

    ‘I was as near death myself. But when I came to, I knew another part of me was finished. But then I had always known it would finish in death. All things do, as far as that goes.’

    She sat and ruminated. The thunder crashed outside. It was like being in a little ark in the Flood.

    ‘You seem to have such a lot behind you,’ she said.

    ‘Do I? It seems to me I’ve died once or twice already. Yet here I am, pegging on, and in for more trouble.’

    She was thinking hard, yet listening to the storm.

    ‘And weren’t you happy as an officer and a gentleman, when your Colonel was dead?’

    ‘No! They were a mingy lot.’ He laughed suddenly. ‘The Colonel used to say: Lad, the English middle classes have to chew every mouthful thirty times because their guts are so narrow, a bit as big as a pea would give them a stoppage. They’re the mingiest set of ladylike snipe ever invented: full of conceit of themselves, frightened even if their boot-laces aren’t correct, rotten as high game, and always in the right. That’s what finishes me up. Kow-tow, kow-tow, arse-licking till their tongues are tough: yet they’re always in the right. Prigs on top of everything. Prigs! A generation of ladylike prigs with half a ball each–‘

    Connie laughed. The rain was rushing down.

    ‘He hated them!’

    ‘No,’ said he. ‘He didn’t bother. He just disliked them. There’s a difference. Because, as he said, the Tommies are getting just as priggish and half-balled and narrow-gutted. It’s the fate of mankind, to go that way.’

    ‘The common people too, the working people?’

    ‘All the lot. Their spunk is gone dead. Motor-cars and cinemas and aeroplanes suck that last bit out of them. I tell you, every generation breeds a more rabbity generation, with india rubber tubing for guts and tin legs and tin faces. Tin people! It’s all a steady sort of bolshevism just killing off the human thing, and worshipping the mechanical thing. Money, money, money! All the modern lot get their real kick out of killing the old human feeling out of man, making mincemeat of the old Adam and the old Eve. They’re all alike. The world is all alike: kill off the human reality, a quid for every foreskin, two quid for each pair of balls. What is cunt but machine-fucking!–It’s all alike. Pay ’em money to cut off the world’s cock. Pay money, money, money to them that will take spunk out of mankind, and leave ’em all little twiddling machines.’

    He sat there in the hut, his face pulled to mocking irony. Yet even then, he had one ear set backwards, listening to the storm over the wood. It made him feel so alone.

    ‘But won’t it ever come to an end?’ she said.

    ‘Ay, it will. It’ll achieve its own salvation. When the last real man is killed, and they’re all tame: white, black, yellow, all colours of tame ones: then they’ll all be insane. Because the root of sanity is in the balls. Then they’ll all be insane, and they’ll make their grand auto da fe. You know auto da fe means act of faith? Ay, well, they’ll make their own grand little act of faith. They’ll offer one another up.’

    ‘You mean kill one another?’

    ‘I do, duckie! If we go on at our present rate then in a hundred years’ time there won’t be ten thousand people in this island: there may not be ten. They’ll have lovingly wiped each other out.’ The thunder was rolling further away.

    ‘How nice!’ she said.

    ‘Quite nice! To contemplate the extermination of the human species and the long pause that follows before some other species crops up, it calms you more than anything else. And if we go on in this way, with everybody, intellectuals, artists, government, industrialists and workers all frantically killing off the last human feeling, the last bit of their intuition, the last healthy instinct; if it goes on in algebraical progression, as it is going on: then ta-tah! to the human species! Goodbye! darling! the serpent swallows itself and leaves a void, considerably messed up, but not hopeless. Very nice! When savage wild dogs bark in Wragby, and savage wild pit-ponies stamp on Tevershall pit-bank! te deum laudamus!’

    Connie laughed, but not very happily.

    ‘Then you ought to be pleased that they are all bolshevists,’ she said. ‘You ought to be pleased that they hurry on towards the end.’

    ‘So I am. I don’t stop ’em. Because I couldn’t if I would.’

    ‘Then why are you so bitter?’

    ‘I’m not! If my cock gives its last crow, I don’t mind.’

    ‘But if you have a child?’ she said.

    He dropped his head.

    ‘Why,’ he said at last. ‘It seems to me a wrong and bitter thing to do, to bring a child into this world.’

    ‘No! Don’t say it! Don’t say it!’ she pleaded. ‘I think I’m going to have one. Say you’ll he pleased.’ She laid her hand on his.

    ‘I’m pleased for you to be pleased,’ he said. ‘But for me it seems a ghastly treachery to the unborn creature.

    ‘Ah no!’ she said, shocked. ‘Then you can’t ever really want me! You can’t want me, if you feel that!’

    Again he was silent, his face sullen. Outside there was only the threshing of the rain.

    ‘It’s not quite true!’ she whispered. ‘It’s not quite true! There’s another truth.’ She felt he was bitter now partly because she was leaving him, deliberately going away to Venice. And this half pleased her.

    She pulled open his clothing and uncovered his belly, and kissed his navel. Then she laid her cheek on his belly and pressed her arm round his warm, silent loins. They were alone in the flood.

    ‘Tell me you want a child, in hope!’ she murmured, pressing her face against his belly. ‘Tell me you do!’

    ‘Why!’ he said at last: and she felt the curious quiver of changing consciousness and relaxation going through his body. ‘Why I’ve thought sometimes if one but tried, here among th’ colliers even! They’re workin’ bad now, an’ not earnin’ much. If a man could say to ’em: Dunna think o’ nowt but th’ money. When it comes ter wants, we want but little. Let’s not live for money–‘

    She softly rubbed her cheek on his belly, and gathered his balls in her hand. The penis stirred softly, with strange life, but did not rise up. The rain beat bruisingly outside.

    ‘Let’s live for summat else. Let’s not live ter make money, neither for us-selves nor for anybody else. Now we’re forced to. We’re forced to make a bit for us-selves, an’ a fair lot for th’ bosses. Let’s stop it! Bit by bit, let’s stop it. We needn’t rant an’ rave. Bit by bit, let’s drop the whole industrial life an’ go back. The least little bit o’ money’ll do. For everybody, me an’ you, bosses an’ masters, even th’ king. The least little bit o’ money’ll really do. Just make up your mind to it, an’ you’ve got out o’ th’ mess.’ He paused, then went on:

    ‘An’ I’d tell ’em: Look! Look at Joe! He moves lovely! Look how he moves, alive and aware. He’s beautiful! An’ look at Jonah! He’s clumsy, he’s ugly, because he’s niver willin’ to rouse himself I’d tell ’em: Look! look at yourselves! one shoulder higher than t’other, legs twisted, feet all lumps! What have yer done ter yerselves, wi’ the blasted work? Spoilt yerselves. No need to work that much. Take yer clothes off an’ look at yourselves. Yer ought ter be alive an’ beautiful, an’ yer ugly an’ half dead. So I’d tell ’em. An’ I’d get my men to wear different clothes: appen close red trousers, bright red, an’ little short white jackets. Why, if men had red, fine legs, that alone would change them in a month. They’d begin to be men again, to be men! An’ the women could dress as they liked. Because if once the men walked with legs close bright scarlet, and buttocks nice and showing scarlet under a little white jacket: then the women ‘ud begin to be women. It’s because th’ men aren’t men, that th’ women have to be.–An’ in time pull down Tevershall and build a few beautiful buildings, that would hold us all. An’ clean the country up again. An’ not have many children, because the world is overcrowded.

    ‘But I wouldn’t preach to the men: only strip ’em an’ say: Look at yourselves! That’s workin’ for money!–Hark at yourselves! That’s working for money. You’ve been working for money! Look at Tevershall! It’s horrible. That’s because it was built while you was working for money. Look at your girls! They don’t care about you, you don’t care about them. It’s because you’ve spent your time working an’ caring for money. You can’t talk nor move nor live, you can’t properly be with a woman. You’re not alive. Look at yourselves!’

    There fell a complete silence. Connie was half listening, and threading in the hair at the root of his belly a few forget-me-nots that she had gathered on the way to the hut. Outside, the world had gone still, and a little icy.

    ‘You’ve got four kinds of hair,’ she said to him. ‘On your chest it’s nearly black, and your hair isn’t dark on your head: but your moustache is hard and dark red, and your hair here, your love-hair, is like a little brush of bright red-gold mistletoe. It’s the loveliest of all!’

    He looked down and saw the milky bits of forget-me-nots in the hair on his groin.

    ‘Ay! That’s where to put forget-me-nots, in the man-hair, or the maiden-hair. But don’t you care about the future?’

    She looked up at him.

    ‘Oh, I do, terribly!’ she said.

    ‘Because when I feel the human world is doomed, has doomed itself by its own mingy beastliness, then I feel the Colonies aren’t far enough. The moon wouldn’t be far enough, because even there you could look back and see the earth, dirty, beastly, unsavoury among all the stars: made foul by men. Then I feel I’ve swallowed gall, and it’s eating my inside out, and nowhere’s far enough away to get away. But when I get a turn, I forget it all again. Though it’s a shame, what’s been done to people these last hundred years: men turned into nothing but labour-insects, and all their manhood taken away, and all their real life. I’d wipe the machines off the face of the earth again, and end the industrial epoch absolutely, like a black mistake. But since I can’t, an’ nobody can, I’d better hold my peace, an’ try an’ live my own life: if I’ve got one to live, which I rather doubt.’

    The thunder had ceased outside, but the rain which had abated, suddenly came striking down, with a last blench of lightning and mutter of departing storm. Connie was uneasy. He had talked so long now, and he was really talking to himself not to her. Despair seemed to come down on him completely, and she was feeling happy, she hated despair. She knew her leaving him, which he had only just realized inside himself had plunged him back into this mood. And she triumphed a little.

    She opened the door and looked at the straight heavy rain, like a steel curtain, and had a sudden desire to rush out into it, to rush away. She got up, and began swiftly pulling off her stockings, then her dress and underclothing, and he held his breath. Her pointed keen animal breasts tipped and stirred as she moved. She was ivory-coloured in the greenish light. She slipped on her rubber shoes again and ran out with a wild little laugh, holding up her breasts to the heavy rain and spreading her arms, and running blurred in the rain with the eurhythmic dance movements she had learned so long ago in Dresden. It was a strange pallid figure lifting and falling, bending so the rain beat and glistened on the full haunches, swaying up again and coming belly-forward through the rain, then stooping again so that only the full loins and buttocks were offered in a kind of homage towards him, repeating a wild obeisance.

    He laughed wryly, and threw off his clothes. It was too much. He jumped out, naked and white, with a little shiver, into the hard slanting rain. Flossie sprang before him with a frantic little bark. Connie, her hair all wet and sticking to her head, turned her hot face and saw him. Her blue eyes blazed with excitement as she turned and ran fast, with a strange charging movement, out of the clearing and down the path, the wet boughs whipping her. She ran, and he saw nothing but the round wet head, the wet back leaning forward in flight, the rounded buttocks twinkling: a wonderful cowering female nakedness in flight.

    She was nearly at the wide riding when he came up and flung his naked arm round her soft, naked-wet middle. She gave a shriek and straightened herself and the heap of her soft, chill flesh came up against his body. He pressed it all up against him, madly, the heap of soft, chilled female flesh that became quickly warm as flame, in contact. The rain streamed on them till they smoked. He gathered her lovely, heavy posteriors one in each hand and pressed them in towards him in a frenzy, quivering motionless in the rain. Then suddenly he tipped her up and fell with her on the path, in the roaring silence of the rain, and short and sharp, he took her, short and sharp and finished, like an animal.

    He got up in an instant, wiping the rain from his eyes.

    ‘Come in,’ he said, and they started running back to the hut. He ran straight and swift: he didn’t like the rain. But she came slower, gathering forget-me-nots and campion and bluebells, running a few steps and watching him fleeing away from her.

    When she came with her flowers, panting to the hut, he had already started a fire, and the twigs were crackling. Her sharp breasts rose and fell, her hair was plastered down with rain, her face was flushed ruddy and her body glistened and trickled. Wide-eyed and breathless, with a small wet head and full, trickling, naive haunches, she looked another creature.

    He took the old sheet and rubbed her down, she standing like a child. Then he rubbed himself having shut the door of the hut. The fire was blazing up. She ducked her head in the other end of the sheet, and rubbed her wet hair.

    ‘We’re drying ourselves together on the same towel, we shall quarrel!’ he said.

    She looked up for a moment, her hair all odds and ends.

    ‘No!’ she said, her eyes wide. ‘It’s not a towel, it’s a sheet.’ And she went on busily rubbing her head, while he busily rubbed his.

    Still panting with their exertions, each wrapped in an army blanket, but the front of the body open to the fire, they sat on a log side by side before the blaze, to get quiet. Connie hated the feel of the blanket against her skin. But now the sheet was all wet.

    She dropped her blanket and kneeled on the clay hearth, holding her head to the fire, and shaking her hair to dry it. He watched the beautiful curving drop of her haunches. That fascinated him today. How it sloped with a rich down-slope to the heavy roundness of her buttocks! And in between, folded in the secret warmth, the secret entrances!

    He stroked her tail with his hand, long and subtly taking in the curves and the globe-fullness.

    ‘Tha’s got such a nice tail on thee,’ he said, in the throaty caressive dialect. ‘Tha’s got the nicest arse of anybody. It’s the nicest, nicest woman’s arse as is! An’ ivery bit of it is woman, woman sure as nuts. Tha’rt not one o’ them button-arsed lasses as should be lads, are ter! Tha’s got a real soft sloping bottom on thee, as a man loves in ‘is guts. It’s a bottom as could hold the world up, it is!’

    All the while he spoke he exquisitely stroked the rounded tail, till it seemed as if a slippery sort of fire came from it into his hands. And his finger-tips touched the two secret openings to her body, time after time, with a soft little brush of fire.

    ‘An’ if tha shits an’ if tha pisses, I’m glad. I don’t want a woman as couldna shit nor piss.’

    Connie could not help a sudden snort of astonished laughter, but he went on unmoved.

    ‘Tha’rt real, tha art! Tha’art real, even a bit of a bitch. Here tha shits an’ here tha pisses: an’ I lay my hand on ’em both an’ like thee for it. I like thee for it. Tha’s got a proper, woman’s arse, proud of itself. It’s none ashamed of itself this isna.’

    He laid his hand close and firm over her secret places, in a kind of close greeting.

    ‘I like it,’ he said. ‘I like it! An’ if I only lived ten minutes, an’ stroked thy arse an’ got to know it, I should reckon I’d lived one life, see ter! Industrial system or not! Here’s one o’ my lifetimes.’

    She turned round and climbed into his lap, clinging to him. ‘Kiss me!’ she whispered.

    And she knew the thought of their separation was latent in both their minds, and at last she was sad.

    She sat on his thighs, her head against his breast, and her ivory-gleaming legs loosely apart, the fire glowing unequally upon them. Sitting with his head dropped, he looked at the folds of her body in the fire-glow, and at the fleece of soft brown hair that hung down to a point between her open thighs. He reached to the table behind, and took up her bunch of flowers, still so wet that drops of rain fell on to her.

    ‘Flowers stops out of doors all weathers,’ he said. ‘They have no houses.’

    ‘Not even a hut!’ she murmured.

    With quiet fingers he threaded a few forget-me-not flowers in the fine brown fleece of the mound of Venus.

    ‘There!’ he said. ‘There’s forget-me-nots in the right place!’

    She looked down at the milky odd little flowers among the brown maiden-hair at the lower tip of her body.

    ‘Doesn’t it look pretty!’ she said.

    ‘Pretty as life,’ he replied.

    And he stuck a pink campion-bud among the hair.

    ‘There! That’s me where you won’t forget me! That’s Moses in the bull-rushes.’

    ‘You don’t mind, do you, that I’m going away?’ she asked wistfully, looking up into his face.

    But his face was inscrutable, under the heavy brows. He kept it quite blank.

    ‘You do as you wish,’ he said.

    And he spoke in good English.

    ‘But I won’t go if you don’t wish it,’ she said, clinging to him.

    There was silence. He leaned and put another piece of wood on the fire. The flame glowed on his silent, abstracted face. She waited, but he said nothing.

    ‘Only I thought it would be a good way to begin a break with Clifford. I do want a child. And it would give me a chance to, to–,’ she resumed.

    ‘To let them think a few lies,’ he said.

    ‘Yes, that among other things. Do you want them to think the truth?’

    ‘I don’t care what they think.’

    ‘I do! I don’t want them handling me with their unpleasant cold minds, not while I’m still at Wragby. They can think what they like when I’m finally gone.’

    He was silent.

    ‘But Sir Clifford expects you to come back to him?’

    ‘Oh, I must come back,’ she said: and there was silence.

    ‘And would you have a child in Wragby?’ he asked.

    She closed her arm round his neck.

    ‘If you wouldn’t take me away, I should have to,’ she said.

    ‘Take you where to?’

    ‘Anywhere! away! But right away from Wragby.’

    ‘When?’

    ‘Why, when I come back.’

    ‘But what’s the good of coming back, doing the thing twice, if you’re once gone?’ he said.

    ‘Oh, I must come back. I’ve promised! I’ve promised so faithfully. Besides, I come back to you, really.’

    ‘To your husband’s game-keeper?’

    ‘I don’t see that that matters,’ she said.

    ‘No?’ He mused a while. ‘And when would you think of going away again, then; finally? When exactly?’

    ‘Oh, I don’t know. I’d come back from Venice. And then we’d prepare everything.’

    ‘How prepare?’

    ‘Oh, I’d tell Clifford. I’d have to tell him.’

    ‘Would you!’

    He remained silent. She put her arms round his neck.

    ‘Don’t make it difficult for me,’ she pleaded.

    ‘Make what difficult?’

    ‘For me to go to Venice and arrange things.’

    A little smile, half a grin, flickered on his face.

    ‘I don’t make it difficult,’ he said. ‘I only want to find out just what you are after. But you don’t really know yourself. You want to take time: get away and look at it. I don’t blame you. I think you’re wise. You may prefer to stay mistress of Wragby. I don’t blame you. I’ve no Wragbys to offer. In fact, you know what you’ll get out of me. No, no, I think you’re right! I really do! And I’m not keen on coming to live on you, being kept by you. There’s that too.’

    She felt somehow as if he were giving her tit for tat.

    ‘But you want me, don’t you?’ she asked.

    ‘Do you want me?’

    ‘You know I do. That’s evident.’

    ‘Quite! And when do you want me?’

    ‘You know we can arrange it all when I come back. Now I’m out of breath with you. I must get calm and clear.’

    ‘Quite! Get calm and clear!’

    She was a little offended.

    ‘But you trust me, don’t you?’ she said.

    ‘Oh, absolutely!’

    She heard the mockery in his tone.

    ‘Tell me then,’ she said flatly; ‘do you think it would be better if I don’t go to Venice?’

    ‘I’m sure it’s better if you do go to Venice,’ he replied in the cool, slightly mocking voice.

    ‘You know it’s next Thursday?’ she said.

    ‘Yes!’

    She now began to muse. At last she said:

    ‘And we shall know better where we are when I come back, shan’t we?’

    ‘Oh surely!’

    The curious gulf of silence between them!

    ‘I’ve been to the lawyer about my divorce,’ he said, a little constrainedly.

    She gave a slight shudder.

    ‘Have you!’ she said. ‘And what did he say?’

    ‘He said I ought to have done it before; that may be a difficulty. But since I was in the army, he thinks it will go through all right. If only it doesn’t bring her down on my head!’

    ‘Will she have to know?’

    ‘Yes! she is served with a notice: so is the man she lives with, the co-respondent.’

    ‘Isn’t it hateful, all the performances! I suppose I’d have to go through it with Clifford.’

    There was a silence.

    ‘And of course,’ he said, ‘I have to live an exemplary life for the next six or eight months. So if you go to Venice, there’s temptation removed for a week or two, at least.’

    ‘Am I temptation!’ she said, stroking his face. ‘I’m so glad I’m temptation to you! Don’t let’s think about it! You frighten me when you start thinking: you roll me out flat. Don’t let’s think about it. We can think so much when we are apart. That’s the whole point! I’ve been thinking, I must come to you for another night before I go. I must come once more to the cottage. Shall I come on Thursday night?’

    ‘Isn’t that when your sister will be there?’

    ‘Yes! But she said we would start at tea-time. So we could start at tea-time. But she could sleep somewhere else and I could sleep with you.

    ‘But then she’d have to know.’

    ‘Oh, I shall tell her. I’ve more or less told her already. I must talk it all over with Hilda. She’s a great help, so sensible.’

    He was thinking of her plan.

    ‘So you’d start off from Wragby at tea-time, as if you were going to London? Which way were you going?’

    ‘By Nottingham and Grantham.’

    ‘And then your sister would drop you somewhere and you’d walk or drive back here? Sounds very risky, to me.’

    ‘Does it? Well, then, Hilda could bring me back. She could sleep at Mansfield, and bring me back here in the evening, and fetch me again in the morning. It’s quite easy.’

    ‘And the people who see you?’

    ‘I’ll wear goggles and a veil.’

    He pondered for some time.

    ‘Well,’ he said. ‘You please yourself as usual.’

    ‘But wouldn’t it please you?’

    ‘Oh yes! It’d please me all right,’ he said a little grimly. ‘I might as well smite while the iron’s hot.’

    ‘Do you know what I thought?’ she said suddenly. ‘It suddenly came to me. You are the “Knight of the Burning Pestle”!’

    ‘Ay! And you? Are you the Lady of the Red-Hot Mortar?’

    ‘Yes!’ she said. ‘Yes! You’re Sir Pestle and I’m Lady Mortar.’

    ‘All right, then I’m knighted. John Thomas is Sir John, to your Lady Jane.’

    ‘Yes! John Thomas is knighted! I’m my-lady-maiden-hair, and you must have flowers too. Yes!’

    She threaded two pink campions in the bush of red-gold hair above his penis.

    ‘There!’ she said. ‘Charming! Charming! Sir John!’

    And she pushed a bit of forget-me-not in the dark hair of his breast.

    ‘And you won’t forget me there, will you?’ She kissed him on the breast, and made two bits of forget-me-not lodge one over each nipple, kissing him again.

    ‘Make a calendar of me!’ he said. He laughed, and the flowers shook from his breast.

    ‘Wait a bit!’ he said.

    He rose, and opened the door of the hut. Flossie, lying in the porch, got up and looked at him.

    ‘Ay, it’s me!’ he said.

    The rain had ceased. There was a wet, heavy, perfumed stillness. Evening was approaching.

    He went out and down the little path in the opposite direction from the riding. Connie watched his thin, white figure, and it looked to her like a ghost, an apparition moving away from her.

    When she could see it no more, her heart sank. She stood in the door of the hut, with a blanket round her, looking into the drenched, motionless silence.

    But he was coming back, trotting strangely, and carrying flowers. She was a little afraid of him, as if he were not quite human. And when he came near, his eyes looked into hers, but she could not understand the meaning.

    He had brought columbines and campions, and new-mown hay, and oak-tufts and honeysuckle in small bud. He fastened fluffy young oak-sprays round her breasts, sticking in tufts of bluebells and campion: and in her navel he poised a pink campion flower, and in her maiden-hair were forget-me-nots and woodruff.

    ‘That’s you in all your glory!’ he said. ‘Lady Jane, at her wedding with John Thomas.’

    And he stuck flowers in the hair of his own body, and wound a bit of creeping-jenny round his penis, and stuck a single bell of a hyacinth in his navel. She watched him with amusement, his odd intentness. And she pushed a campion flower in his moustache, where it stuck, dangling under his nose.

    ‘This is John Thomas marryin’ Lady Jane,’ he said. ‘An’ we mun let Constance an’ Oliver go their ways. Maybe–‘

    He spread out his hand with a gesture, and then he sneezed, sneezing away the flowers from his nose and his navel. He sneezed again.

    ‘Maybe what?’ she said, waiting for him to go on.

    He looked at her a little bewildered.

    ‘Eh?’ he said.

    ‘Maybe what? Go on with what you were going to say,’ she insisted.

    ‘Ay, what was I going to say?’

    He had forgotten. And it was one of the disappointments of her life, that he never finished.

    A yellow ray of sun shone over the trees.

    ‘Sun!’ he said. ‘And time you went. Time, my Lady, time! What’s that as flies without wings, your Ladyship? Time! Time!’

    He reached for his shirt.

    ‘Say goodnight! to John Thomas,’ he said, looking down at his penis. ‘He’s safe in the arms of creeping Jenny! Not much burning pestle about him just now.’

    And he put his flannel shirt over his head.

    ‘A man’s most dangerous moment,’ he said, when his head had emerged, ‘is when he’s getting into his shirt. Then he puts his head in a bag. That’s why I prefer those American shirts, that you put on like a jacket.’ She still stood watching him. He stepped into his short drawers, and buttoned them round the waist.

    ‘Look at Jane!’ he said. ‘In all her blossoms! Who’ll put blossoms on you next year, Jinny? Me, or somebody else? “Good-bye, my bluebell, farewell to you!” I hate that song, it’s early war days.’ He then sat down, and was pulling on his stockings. She still stood unmoving. He laid his hand on the slope of her buttocks. ‘Pretty little Lady Jane!’ he said. ‘Perhaps in Venice you’ll find a man who’ll put jasmine in your maiden-hair, and a pomegranate flower in your navel. Poor little lady Jane!’

    ‘Don’t say those things!’ she said. ‘You only say them to hurt me.’

    He dropped his head. Then he said, in dialect:

    ‘Ay, maybe I do, maybe I do! Well then, I’ll say nowt, an’ ha’ done wi’t. But tha mun dress thysen, all’ go back to thy stately homes of England, how beautiful they stand. Time’s up! Time’s up for Sir John, an’ for little Lady Jane! Put thy shimmy on, Lady Chatterley! Tha might be anybody, standin’ there be-out even a shimmy, an’ a few rags o’ flowers. There then, there then, I’ll undress thee, tha bob-tailed young throstle.’ And he took the leaves from her hair, kissing her damp hair, and the flowers from her breasts, and kissed her breasts, and kissed her navel, and kissed her maiden-hair, where he left the flowers threaded. ‘They mun stop while they will,’ he said. ‘So! There tha’rt bare again, nowt but a bare-arsed lass an’ a bit of a Lady Jane! Now put thy shimmy on, for tha mun go, or else Lady Chatterley’s goin’ to be late for dinner, an’ where ‘ave yer been to my pretty maid!’

    She never knew how to answer him when he was in this condition of the vernacular. So she dressed herself and prepared to go a little ignominiously home to Wragby. Or so she felt it: a little ignominiously home.

    He would accompany her to the broad riding. His young pheasants were all right under the shelter.

    When he and she came out on to the riding, there was Mrs Bolton faltering palely towards them.

    ‘Oh, my Lady, we wondered if anything had happened!’

    ‘No! Nothing has happened.’

    Mrs Bolton looked into the man’s face, that was smooth and new-looking with love. She met his half-laughing, half-mocking eyes. He always laughed at mischance. But he looked at her kindly.

    ‘Evening, Mrs Bolton! Your Ladyship will be all right now, so I can leave you. Good-night to your Ladyship! Good-night, Mrs Bolton!’

    He saluted and turned away.

    Chapter 16

    Connie arrived home to an ordeal of cross-questioning. Clifford had been out at tea-time, had come in just before the storm, and where was her ladyship? Nobody knew, only Mrs Bolton suggested she had gone for a walk into the wood. Into the wood, in such a storm! Clifford for once let himself get into a state of nervous frenzy. He started at every flash of lightning, and blenched at every roll of thunder. He looked at the icy thunder-rain as if it dare the end of the world. He got more and more worked up.

    Mrs Bolton tried to soothe him.

    ‘She’ll be sheltering in the hut, till it’s over. Don’t worry, her Ladyship is all right.’

    ‘I don’t like her being in the wood in a storm like this! I don’t like her being in the wood at all! She’s been gone now more than two hours. When did she go out?’

    ‘A little while before you came in.’

    ‘I didn’t see her in the park. God knows where she is and what has happened to her.’

    ‘Oh, nothing’s happened to her. You’ll see, she’ll be home directly after the rain stops. It’s just the rain that’s keeping her.’

    But her ladyship did not come home directly the rain stopped. In fact time went by, the sun came out for his last yellow glimpse, and there still was no sign of her. The sun was set, it was growing dark, and the first dinner-gong had rung.

    ‘It’s no good!’ said Clifford in a frenzy. ‘I’m going to send out Field and Betts to find her.’

    ‘Oh don’t do that!’ cried Mrs Bolton. ‘They’ll think there’s a suicide or something. Oh don’t start a lot of talk going. Let me slip over to the hut and see if she’s not there. I’ll find her all right.’

    So, after some persuasion, Clifford allowed her to go.

    And so Connie had come upon her in the drive, alone and palely loitering.

    ‘You mustn’t mind me coming to look for you, my Lady! But Sir Clifford worked himself up into such a state. He made sure you were struck by lightning, or killed by a falling tree. And he was determined to send Field and Betts to the wood to find the body. So I thought I’d better come, rather than set all the servants agog.

    She spoke nervously. She could still see on Connie’s face the smoothness and the half-dream of passion, and she could feel the irritation against herself.

    ‘Quite!’ said Connie. And she could say no more.

    The two women plodded on through the wet world, in silence, while great drops splashed like explosions in the wood. When they came to the park, Connie strode ahead, and Mrs Bolton panted a little. She was getting plumper.

    ‘How foolish of Clifford to make a fuss!’ said Connie at length, angrily, really speaking to herself.

    ‘Oh, you know what men are! They like working themselves up. But he’ll be all right as soon as he sees your Ladyship.’

    Connie was very angry that Mrs Bolton knew her secret: for certainly she knew it.

    Suddenly Constance stood still on the path.

    ‘It’s monstrous that I should have to be followed!’ she said, her eyes flashing.

    ‘Oh! your Ladyship, don’t say that! He’d certainly have sent the two men, and they’d have come straight to the hut. I didn’t know where it was, really.’

    Connie flushed darker with rage, at the suggestion. Yet, while her passion was on her, she could not lie. She could not even pretend there was nothing between herself and the keeper. She looked at the other woman, who stood so sly, with her head dropped: yet somehow, in her femaleness, an ally.

    ‘Oh well!’ she said. ‘If it is so it is so. I don’t mind!’

    ‘Why, you’re all right, my Lady! You’ve only been sheltering in the hut. It’s absolutely nothing.’

    They went on to the house. Connie marched in to Clifford’s room, furious with him, furious with his pale, over-wrought face and prominent eyes.

    ‘I must say, I don’t think you need send the servants after me,’ she burst out.

    ‘My God!’ he exploded. ‘Where have you been, woman, You’ve been gone hours, hours, and in a storm like this! What the hell do you go to that bloody wood for? What have you been up to? It’s hours even since the rain stopped, hours! Do you know what time it is? You’re enough to drive anybody mad. Where have you been? What in the name of hell have you been doing?’

    ‘And what if I don’t choose to tell you?’ She pulled her hat from her head and shook her hair.

    He looked at her with his eyes bulging, and yellow coming into the whites. It was very bad for him to get into these rages: Mrs Bolton had a weary time with him, for days after. Connie felt a sudden qualm.

    But really!’ she said, milder. ‘Anyone would think I’d been I don’t know where! I just sat in the hut during all the storm, and made myself a little fire, and was happy.’

    She spoke now easily. After all, why work him up any more!

    He looked at her suspiciously.

    And look at your hair!’ he said; ‘look at yourself!’

    ‘Yes!’ she replied calmly. ‘I ran out in the rain with no clothes on.’

    He stared at her speechless.

    ‘You must be mad!’ he said.

    ‘Why? To like a shower bath from the rain?’

    ‘And how did you dry yourself?’

    ‘On an old towel and at the fire.’

    He still stared at her in a dumbfounded way.

    ‘And supposing anybody came,’ he said.

    ‘Who would come?’

    ‘Who? Why, anybody! And Mellors. Does he come? He must come in the evenings.’

    ‘Yes, he came later, when it had cleared up, to feed the pheasants with corn.’

    She spoke with amazing nonchalance. Mrs Bolton, who was listening in the next room, heard in sheer admiration. To think a woman could carry it off so naturally!

    ‘And suppose he’d come while you were running about in the rain with nothing on, like a maniac?’

    ‘I suppose he’d have had the fright of his life, and cleared out as fast as he could.’

    Clifford still stared at her transfixed. What he thought in his under-consciousness he would never know. And he was too much taken aback to form one clear thought in his upper consciousness. He just simply accepted what she said, in a sort of blank. And he admired her. He could not help admiring her. She looked so flushed and handsome and smooth: love smooth.

    ‘At least,’ he said, subsiding, ‘you’ll be lucky if you’ve got off without a severe cold.’

    ‘Oh, I haven’t got a cold,’ she replied. She was thinking to herself of the other man’s words: Tha’s got the nicest woman’s arse of anybody! She wished, she dearly wished she could tell Clifford that this had been said her, during the famous thunderstorm. However! She bore herself rather like an offended queen, and went upstairs to change.

    That evening, Clifford wanted to be nice to her. He was reading one of the latest scientific-religious books: he had a streak of a spurious sort of religion in him, and was egocentrically concerned with the future of his own ego. It was like his habit to make conversation to Connie about some book, since the conversation between them had to be made, almost chemically. They had almost chemically to concoct it in their heads.

    ‘What do you think of this, by the way?’ he said, reaching for his book. ‘You’d have no need to cool your ardent body by running out in the rain, if only we have a few more aeons of evolution behind us. Ah, here it is!–“The universe shows us two aspects: on one side it is physically wasting, on the other it is spiritually ascending.”‘

    Connie listened, expecting more. But Clifford was waiting. She looked at him in surprise.

    ‘And if it spiritually ascends,’ she said, ‘what does it leave down below, in the place where its tail used to be?’

    ‘Ah!’ he said. ‘Take the man for what he means. ascending is the opposite of his wasting, I presume.’

    ‘Spiritually blown out, so to speak!’

    ‘No, but seriously, without joking: do you think there is anything in it?’

    She looked at him again.

    ‘Physically wasting?’ she said. ‘I see you getting fatter, and I’m not wasting myself. Do you think the sun is smaller than he used to be? He’s not to me. And I suppose the apple Adam offered Eve wasn’t really much bigger, if any, than one of our orange pippins. Do you think it was?’

    ‘Well, hear how he goes on: “It is thus slowly passing, with a slowness inconceivable in our measures of time, to new creative conditions, amid which the physical world, as we at present know it, will be represented by a ripple barely to be distinguished from nonentity.”‘

    She listened with a glisten of amusement. All sorts of improper things suggested themselves. But she only said:

    ‘What silly hocus-pocus! As if his little conceited consciousness could know what was happening as slowly as all that! It only means he’s a physical failure on the earth, so he wants to make the whole universe a physical failure. Priggish little impertinence!’

    ‘Oh, but listen! Don’t interrupt the great man’s solemn words!–“The present type of order in the world has risen from an unimaginable part, and will find its grave in an unimaginable future. There remains the inexhaustive realm of abstract forms, and creativity with its shifting character ever determined afresh by its own creatures, and God, upon whose wisdom all forms of order depend.”–There, that’s how he winds up!’

    Connie sat listening contemptuously.

    ‘He’s spiritually blown out,’ she said. ‘What a lot of stuff! Unimaginables, and types of order in graves, and realms of abstract forms, and creativity with a shifty character, and God mixed up with forms of order! Why, it’s idiotic!’

    ‘I must say, it is a little vaguely conglomerate, a mixture of gases, so to speak,’ said Clifford. ‘Still, I think there is something in the idea that the universe is physically wasting and spiritually ascending.’

    ‘Do you? Then let it ascend, so long as it leaves me safely and solidly physically here below.’

    ‘Do you like your physique?’ he asked.

    ‘I love it!’ And through her mind went the words: It’s the nicest, nicest woman’s arse as is!

    ‘But that is really rather extraordinary, because there’s no denying it’s an encumbrance. But then I suppose a woman doesn’t take a supreme pleasure in the life of the mind.’

    ‘Supreme pleasure?’ she said, looking up at him. ‘Is that sort of idiocy the supreme pleasure of the life of the mind? No thank you! Give me the body. I believe the life of the body is a greater reality than the life of the mind: when the body is really wakened to life. But so many people, like your famous wind-machine, have only got minds tacked on to their physical corpses.’

    He looked at her in wonder.

    ‘The life of the body,’ he said, ‘is just the life of the animals.’

    ‘And that’s better than the life of professional corpses. But it’s not true! the human body is only just coming to real life. With the Greeks it gave a lovely flicker, then Plato and Aristotle killed it, and Jesus finished it off. But now the body is coming really to life, it is really rising from the tomb. And It will be a lovely, lovely life in the lovely universe, the life of the human body.’

    ‘My dear, you speak as if you were ushering it all in! True, you are going away on a holiday: but don’t please be quite so indecently elated about it. Believe me, whatever God there is is slowly eliminating the guts and alimentary system from the human being, to evolve a higher, more spiritual being.’

    ‘Why should I believe you, Clifford, when I feel that whatever God there is has at last wakened up in my guts, as you call them, and is rippling so happily there, like dawn. Why should I believe you, when I feel so very much the contrary?’

    ‘Oh, exactly! And what has caused this extraordinary change in you? running out stark naked in the rain, and playing Bacchante? desire for sensation, or the anticipation of going to Venice?’

    ‘Both! Do you think it is horrid of me to be so thrilled at going off?’ she said.

    ‘Rather horrid to show it so plainly.’

    ‘Then I’ll hide it.’

    ‘Oh, don’t trouble! You almost communicate a thrill to me. I almost feel that it is I who am going off.’

    ‘Well, why don’t you come?’

    ‘We’ve gone over all that. And as a matter of fact, I suppose your greatest thrill comes from being able to say a temporary farewell to all this. Nothing so thrilling, for the moment, as Good-bye-to-all!–But every parting means a meeting elsewhere. And every meeting is a new bondage.’

    ‘I’m not going to enter any new bondages.’

    ‘Don’t boast, while the gods are listening,’ he said.

    She pulled up short.

    ‘No! I won’t boast!’ she said.

    But she was thrilled, none the less, to be going off: to feel bonds snap. She couldn’t help it.

    Clifford, who couldn’t sleep, gambled all night with Mrs Bolton, till she was too sleepy almost to live.

    And the day came round for Hilda to arrive. Connie had arranged with Mellors that if everything promised well for their night together, she would hang a green shawl out of the window. If there were frustration, a red one.

    Mrs Bolton helped Connie to pack.

    ‘It will be so good for your Ladyship to have a change.’

    ‘I think it will. You don’t mind having Sir Clifford on your hands alone for a time, do you?’

    ‘Oh no! I can manage him quite all right. I mean, I can do all he needs me to do. Don’t you think he’s better than he used to be?’

    ‘Oh much! You do wonders with him.’

    ‘Do I though! But men are all alike: just babies, and you have to flatter them and wheedle them and let them think they’re having their own way. Don’t you find it so, my Lady?’

    ‘I’m afraid I haven’t much experience.’

    Connie paused in her occupation.

    ‘Even your husband, did you have to manage him, and wheedle him like a baby?’ she asked, looking at the other woman.

    Mrs Bolton paused too.

    ‘Well!’ she said. ‘I had to do a good bit of coaxing, with him too. But he always knew what I was after, I must say that. But he generally gave in to me.’

    ‘He was never the lord and master thing?’

    ‘No! At least there’d be a look in his eyes sometimes, and then I knew I’d got to give in. But usually he gave in to me. No, he was never lord and master. But neither was I. I knew when I could go no further with him, and then I gave in: though it cost me a good bit, sometimes.’

    ‘And what if you had held out against him?’

    ‘Oh, I don’t know, I never did. Even when he was in the wrong, if he was fixed, I gave in. You see, I never wanted to break what was between us. And if you really set your will against a man, that finishes it. If you care for a man, you have to give in to him once he’s really determined; whether you’re in the right or not, you have to give in. Else you break something. But I must say, Ted ‘ud give in to me sometimes, when I was set on a thing, and in the wrong. So I suppose it cuts both ways.’

    ‘And that’s how you are with all your patients?’ asked Connie.

    ‘Oh, That’s different. I don’t care at all, in the same way. I know what’s good for them, or I try to, and then I just contrive to manage them for their own good. It’s not like anybody as you’re really fond of. It’s quite different. Once you’ve been really fond of a man, you can be affectionate to almost any man, if he needs you at all. But it’s not the same thing. You don’t really care. I doubt, once you’ve really cared, if you can ever really care again.’

    These words frightened Connie.

    ‘Do you think one can only care once?’ she asked.

    ‘Or never. Most women never care, never begin to. They don’t know what it means. Nor men either. But when I see a woman as cares, my heart stands still for her.’

    ‘And do you think men easily take offence?’

    ‘Yes! If you wound them on their pride. But aren’t women the same? Only our two prides are a bit different.’

    Connie pondered this. She began again to have some misgiving about her going away. After all, was she not giving her man the go-by, if only for a short time? And he knew it. That’s why he was so queer and sarcastic.

    Still! the human existence is a good deal controlled by the machine of external circumstance. She was in the power of this machine. She couldn’t extricate herself all in five minutes. She didn’t even want to.

    Hilda arrived in good time on Thursday morning, in a nimble two-seater car, with her suit-case strapped firmly behind. She looked as demure and maidenly as ever, but she had the same will of her own. She had the very hell of a will of her own, as her husband had found out. But the husband was now divorcing her.

    Yes, she even made it easy for him to do that, though she had no lover. For the time being, she was ‘off’ men. She was very well content to be quite her own mistress: and mistress of her two children, whom she was going to bring up ‘properly’, whatever that may mean.

    Connie was only allowed a suit-case, also. But she had sent on a trunk to her father, who was going by train. No use taking a car to Venice. And Italy much too hot to motor in, in July. He was going comfortably by train. He had just come down from Scotland.

    So, like a demure arcadian field-marshal, Hilda arranged the material part of the journey. She and Connie sat in the upstairs room, chatting.

    ‘But Hilda!’ said Connie, a little frightened. ‘I want to stay near here tonight. Not here: near here!’

    Hilda fixed her sister with grey, inscrutable eyes. She seemed so calm: and she was so often furious.

    ‘Where, near here?’ she asked softly.

    ‘Well, you know I love somebody, don’t you?’

    ‘I gathered there was something.’

    ‘Well he lives near here, and I want to spend this last night with him. I must! I’ve promised.’

    Connie became insistent.

    Hilda bent her Minerva-like head in silence. Then she looked up.

    ‘Do you want to tell me who he is?’ she said.

    ‘He’s our game-keeper,’ faltered Connie, and she flushed vividly, like a shamed child.

    ‘Connie!’ said Hilda, lifting her nose slightly with disgust: a motion she had from her mother.

    ‘I know: but he’s lovely really. He really understands tenderness,’ said Connie, trying to apologize for him.

    Hilda, like a ruddy, rich-coloured Athena, bowed her head and pondered. She was really violently angry. But she dared not show it, because Connie, taking after her father, would straight away become obstreperous and unmanageable.

    It was true, Hilda did not like Clifford: his cool assurance that he was somebody! She thought he made use of Connie shamefully and impudently. She had hoped her sister would leave him. But, being solid Scotch middle class, she loathed any ‘lowering’ of oneself or the family. She looked up at last.

    ‘You’ll regret it,’ she said,

    ‘I shan’t,’ cried Connie, flushed red. ‘He’s quite the exception. I really love him. He’s lovely as a lover.’

    Hilda still pondered.

    ‘You’ll get over him quite soon,’ she said, ‘and live to be ashamed of yourself because of him.’

    ‘I shan’t! I hope I’m going to have a child of his.’

    ‘Connie!’ said Hilda, hard as a hammer-stroke, and pale with anger.

    ‘I shall if I possibly can. I should be fearfully proud if I had a child by him.’

    It was no use talking to her. Hilda pondered.

    ‘And doesn’t Clifford suspect?’ she said.

    ‘Oh no! Why should he?’

    ‘I’ve no doubt you’ve given him plenty of occasion for suspicion,’ said Hilda.

    ‘Not at all.’

    ‘And tonight’s business seems quite gratuitous folly. Where does the man live?’

    ‘In the cottage at the other end of the wood.’

    ‘Is he a bachelor?’

    ‘No! His wife left him.’

    ‘How old?’

    ‘I don’t know. Older than me.’

    Hilda became more angry at every reply, angry as her mother used to be, in a kind of paroxysm. But still she hid it.

    ‘I would give up tonight’s escapade if I were you,’ she advised calmly.

    ‘I can’t! I must stay with him tonight, or I can’t go to Venice at all. I just can’t.’

    Hilda heard her father over again, and she gave way, out of mere diplomacy. And she consented to drive to Mansfield, both of them, to dinner, to bring Connie back to the lane-end after dark, and to fetch her from the lane-end the next morning, herself sleeping in Mansfield, only half an hour away, good going.

    But she was furious. She stored it up against her sister, this balk in her plans.

    Connie flung an emerald-green shawl over her window-sill.

    On the strength of her anger, Hilda warmed toward Clifford.

    After all, he had a mind. And if he had no sex, functionally, all the better: so much the less to quarrel about! Hilda wanted no more of that sex business, where men became nasty, selfish little horrors. Connie really had less to put up with than many women if she did but know it.

    And Clifford decided that Hilda, after all, was a decidedly intelligent woman, and would make a man a first-rate helpmate, if he were going in for politics for example. Yes, she had none of Connie’s silliness, Connie was more a child: you had to make excuses for her, because she was not altogether dependable.

    There was an early cup of tea in the hall, where doors were open to let in the sun. Everybody seemed to be panting a little.

    ‘Good-bye, Connie girl! Come back to me safely.’

    ‘Good-bye, Clifford! Yes, I shan’t be long.’ Connie was almost tender.

    ‘Good-bye, Hilda! You will keep an eye on her, won’t you?’

    ‘I’ll even keep two!’ said Hilda. ‘She shan’t go very far astray.’

    ‘It’s a promise!’

    ‘Good-bye, Mrs Bolton! I know you’ll look after Sir Clifford nobly.’

    ‘I’ll do what I can, your Ladyship.’

    ‘And write to me if there is any news, and tell me about Sir Clifford, how he is.’

    ‘Very good, your Ladyship, I will. And have a good time, and come back and cheer us up.’

    Everybody waved. The car went off Connie looked back and saw Clifford, sitting at the top of the steps in his house-chair. After all, he was her husband: Wragby was her home: circumstance had done it.

    Mrs Chambers held the gate and wished her ladyship a happy holiday. The car slipped out of the dark spinney that masked the park, on to the highroad where the colliers were trailing home. Hilda turned to the Crosshill Road, that was not a main road, but ran to Mansfield. Connie put on goggles. They ran beside the railway, which was in a cutting below them. Then they crossed the cutting on a bridge.

    ‘That’s the lane to the cottage!’ said Connie.

    Hilda glanced at it impatiently.

    ‘It’s a frightful pity we can’t go straight off!’ she said. We could have been in Pall Mall by nine o’clock.’

    ‘I’m sorry for your sake,’ said Connie, from behind her goggles.

    They were soon at Mansfield, that once-romantic, now utterly disheartening colliery town. Hilda stopped at the hotel named in the motor-car book, and took a room. The whole thing was utterly uninteresting, and she was almost too angry to talk. However, Connie had to tell her something of the man’s history.

    ‘He! He! What name do you call him by? You only say he,’ said Hilda.

    ‘I’ve never called him by any name: nor he me: which is curious, when you come to think of it. Unless we say Lady Jane and John Thomas. But his name is Oliver Mellors.’

    ‘And how would you like to be Mrs Oliver Mellors, instead of Lady Chatterley?’

    ‘I’d love it.’

    There was nothing to be done with Connie. And anyhow, if the man had been a lieutenant in the army in India for four or five years, he must be more or less presentable. Apparently he had character. Hilda began to relent a little.

    ‘But you’ll be through with him in awhile,’ she said, ‘and then you’ll be ashamed of having been connected with him. One can’t mix up with the working people.’

    ‘But you are such a socialist! you’re always on the side of the working classes.’

    ‘I may be on their side in a political crisis, but being on their side makes me know how impossible it is to mix one’s life with theirs. Not out of snobbery, but just because the whole rhythm is different.’

    Hilda had lived among the real political intellectuals, so she was disastrously unanswerable.

    The nondescript evening in the hotel dragged out, and at last they had a nondescript dinner. Then Connie slipped a few things into a little silk bag, and combed her hair once more.

    ‘After all, Hilda,’ she said, ‘love can be wonderful: when you feel you live, and are in the very middle of creation.’ It was almost like bragging on her part.

    ‘I suppose every mosquito feels the same,’ said Hilda. ‘Do you think it does? How nice for it!’

    The evening was wonderfully clear and long-lingering, even in the small town. It would be half-light all night. With a face like a mask, from resentment, Hilda started her car again, and the two sped back on their traces, taking the other road, through Bolsover.

    Connie wore her goggles and disguising cap, and she sat in silence. Because of Hilda’s opposition, she was fiercely on the sidle of the man, she would stand by him through thick and thin.

    They had their head-lights on, by the time they passed Crosshill, and the small lit-up train that chuffed past in the cutting made it seem like real night. Hilda had calculated the turn into the lane at the bridge-end. She slowed up rather suddenly and swerved off the road, the lights glaring white into the grassy, overgrown lane. Connie looked out. She saw a shadowy figure, and she opened the door.

    ‘Here we are!’ she said softly.

    But Hilda had switched off the lights, and was absorbed backing, making the turn.

    ‘Nothing on the bridge?’ she asked shortly.

    ‘You’re all right,’ said the man’s voice.

    She backed on to the bridge, reversed, let the car run forwards a few yards along the road, then backed into the lane, under a wych-elm tree, crushing the grass and bracken. Then all the lights went out. Connie stepped down. The man stood under the trees.

    ‘Did you wait long?’ Connie asked.

    ‘Not so very,’ he replied.

    They both waited for Hilda to get out. But Hilda shut the door of the car and sat tight.

    ‘This is my sister Hilda. Won’t you come and speak to her? Hilda! This is Mr Mellors.’

    The keeper lifted his hat, but went no nearer.

    ‘Do walk down to the cottage with us, Hilda,’ Connie pleaded. ‘It’s not far.’

    ‘What about the car?’

    ‘People do leave them on the lanes. You have the key.’

    Hilda was silent, deliberating. Then she looked backwards down the lane.

    ‘Can I back round the bush?’ she said.

    ‘Oh yes!’ said the keeper.

    She backed slowly round the curve, out of sight of the road, locked the car, and got down. It was night, but luminous dark. The hedges rose high and wild, by the unused lane, and very dark seeming. There was a fresh sweet scent on the air. The keeper went ahead, then came Connie, then Hilda, and in silence. He lit up the difficult places with a flash-light torch, and they went on again, while an owl softly hooted over the oaks, and Flossie padded silently around. Nobody could speak. There was nothing to say.

    At length Connie saw the yellow light of the house, and her heart beat fast. She was a little frightened. They trailed on, still in Indian file.

    He unlocked the door and preceded them into the warm but bare little room. The fire burned low and red in the grate. The table was set with two plates and two glasses on a proper white table-cloth for once. Hilda shook her hair and looked round the bare, cheerless room. Then she summoned her courage and looked at the man.

    He was moderately tall, and thin, and she thought him good-looking. He kept a quiet distance of his own, and seemed absolutely unwilling to speak.

    ‘Do sit down, Hilda,’ said Connie.

    ‘Do!’ he said. ‘Can I make you tea or anything, or will you drink a glass of beer? It’s moderately cool.’

    ‘Beer!’ said Connie.

    ‘Beer for me, please!’ said Hilda, with a mock sort of shyness. He looked at her and blinked.

    He took a blue jug and tramped to the scullery. When he came back with the beer, his face had changed again.

    Connie sat down by the door, and Hilda sat in his seat, with the back to the wall, against the window corner.

    ‘That is his chair,’ said Connie softly.’ And Hilda rose as if it had burnt her.

    ‘Sit yer still, sit yer still! Ta’e ony cheer as yo’n a mind to, none of us is th’ big bear,’ he said, with complete equanimity.

    And he brought Hilda a glass, and poured her beer first from the blue jug.

    ‘As for cigarettes,’ he said, ‘I’ve got none, but ‘appen you’ve got your own. I dunna smoke, mysen. Shall y’ eat summat?’ He turned direct to Connie. ‘Shall t’eat a smite o’ summat, if I bring it thee? Tha can usually do wi’ a bite.’ He spoke the vernacular with a curious calm assurance, as if he were the landlord of the Inn.

    ‘What is there?’ asked Connie, flushing.

    ‘Boiled ham, cheese, pickled wa’nuts, if yer like.–Nowt much.’

    ‘Yes,’ said Connie. ‘Won’t you, Hilda?’

    Hilda looked up at him.

    ‘Why do you speak Yorkshire?’ she said softly.

    ‘That! That’s non Yorkshire, that’s Derby.’

    He looked back at her with that faint, distant grin.

    ‘Derby, then! Why do you speak Derby? You spoke natural English at first.’

    ‘Did Ah though? An’ canna Ah change if Ah’m a mind to ‘t? Nay, nay, let me talk Derby if it suits me. If yo’n nowt against it.’

    ‘It sounds a little affected,’ said Hilda.

    ‘Ay, ‘appen so! An’ up i’ Tevershall yo’d sound affected.’ He looked again at her, with a queer calculating distance, along his cheek-bone: as if to say: Yi, an’ who are you?

    He tramped away to the pantry for the food.

    The sisters sat in silence. He brought another plate, and knife and fork. Then he said:

    ‘An’ if it’s the same to you, I s’ll ta’e my coat off like I allers do.’

    And he took off his coat, and hung it on the peg, then sat down to table in his shirt-sleeves: a shirt of thin, cream-coloured flannel.

    ”Elp yerselves!’ he said. ”Elp yerselves! Dunna wait f’r axin’!’ He cut the bread, then sat motionless. Hilda felt, as Connie once used to, his power of silence and distance. She saw his smallish, sensitive, loose hand on the table. He was no simple working man, not he: he was acting! acting!

    ‘Still!’ she said, as she took a little cheese. ‘It would be more natural if you spoke to us in normal English, not in vernacular.’

    He looked at her, feeling her devil of a will.

    ‘Would it?’ he said in the normal English. ‘Would it? Would anything that was said between you and me be quite natural, unless you said you wished me to hell before your sister ever saw me again: and unless I said something almost as unpleasant back again? Would anything else be natural?’

    ‘Oh yes!’ said Hilda. ‘Just good manners would be quite natural.’

    ‘Second nature, so to speak!’ he said: then he began to laugh. ‘Nay,’ he said. ‘I’m weary o’ manners. Let me be!’

    Hilda was frankly baffled and furiously annoyed. After all, he might show that he realized he was being honoured. Instead of which, with his play-acting and lordly airs, he seemed to think it was he who was conferring the honour. Just impudence! Poor misguided Connie, in the man’s clutches!

    The three ate in silence. Hilda looked to see what his table-manners were like. She could not help realizing that he was instinctively much more delicate and well-bred than herself. She had a certain Scottish clumsiness. And moreover, he had all the quiet self-contained assurance of the English, no loose edges. It would be very difficult to get the better of him.

    But neither would he get the better of her.

    ‘And do you really think,’ she said, a little more humanly, ‘it’s worth the risk.’

    ‘Is what worth what risk?’

    ‘This escapade with my sister.’

    He flickered his irritating grin.

    ‘Yo’ maun ax ‘er!’ Then he looked at Connie.

    ‘Tha comes o’ thine own accord, lass, doesn’t ter? It’s non me as forces thee?’

    Connie looked at Hilda.

    ‘I wish you wouldn’t cavil, Hilda.’

    ‘Naturally I don’t want to. But someone has to think about things. You’ve got to have some sort of continuity in your life. You can’t just go making a mess.’

    There was a moment’s pause.

    ‘Eh, continuity!’ he said. ‘An’ what by that? What continuity ave yer got i’ your life? I thought you was gettin’ divorced. What continuity’s that? Continuity o’ yer own stubbornness. I can see that much. An’ what good’s it goin’ to do yer? You’ll be sick o’ yer continuity afore yer a fat sight older. A stubborn woman an er own self-will: ay, they make a fast continuity, they do. Thank heaven, it isn’t me as ‘as got th’ ‘andlin’ of yer!’

    ‘What right have you to speak like that to me?’ said Hilda.

    ‘Right! What right ha’ yo’ ter start harnessin’ other folks i’ your continuity? Leave folks to their own continuities.’

    ‘My dear man, do you think I am concerned with you?’ said Hilda softly.

    ‘Ay,’ he said. ‘Yo’ are. For it’s a force-put. Yo’ more or less my sister-in-law.’

    ‘Still far from it, I assure you.

    ‘Not a’ that far, I assure you. I’ve got my own sort o’ continuity, back your life! Good as yours, any day. An’ if your sister there comes ter me for a bit o’ cunt an’ tenderness, she knows what she’s after. She’s been in my bed afore: which you ‘aven’t, thank the Lord, with your continuity.’ There was a dead pause, before he added: ‘–Eh, I don’t wear me breeches arse-forrards. An’ if I get a windfall, I thank my stars. A man gets a lot of enjoyment out o’ that lass theer, which is more than anybody gets out o’ th’ likes o’ you. Which is a pity, for you might appen a’ bin a good apple, ‘stead of a handsome crab. Women like you needs proper graftin’.’

    He was looking at her with an odd, flickering smile, faintly sensual and appreciative.

    ‘And men like you,’ she said, ‘ought to be segregated: justifying their own vulgarity and selfish lust.’

    ‘Ay, ma’am! It’s a mercy there’s a few men left like me. But you deserve what you get: to be left severely alone.’

    Hilda had risen and gone to the door. He rose and took his coat from the peg.

    ‘I can find my way quite well alone,’ she said.

    ‘I doubt you can’t,’ he replied easily.

    They tramped in ridiculous file down the lane again, in silence. An owl still hooted. He knew he ought to shoot it.

    The car stood untouched, a little dewy. Hilda got in and started the engine. The other two waited.

    ‘All I mean,’ she said from her entrenchment, ‘is that I doubt if you’ll find it’s been worth it, either of you!’

    ‘One man’s meat is another man’s poison,’ he said, out of the darkness. ‘But it’s meat an’ drink to me.

    The lights flared out.

    ‘Don’t make me wait in the morning,’

    ‘No, I won’t. Goodnight!’

    The car rose slowly on to the highroad, then slid swiftly away, leaving the night silent.

    Connie timidly took his arm, and they went down the lane. He did not speak. At length she drew him to a standstill.

    ‘Kiss me!’ she murmured.

    ‘Nay, wait a bit! Let me simmer down,’ he said.

    That amused her. She still kept hold of his arm, and they went quickly down the lane, in silence. She was so glad to be with him, just now. She shivered, knowing that Hilda might have snatched her away. He was inscrutably silent.

    When they were in the cottage again, she almost jumped with pleasure, that she should be free of her sister.

    ‘But you were horrid to Hilda,’ she said to him.

    ‘She should ha’ been slapped in time.’

    ‘But why? and she’s so nice.’

    He didn’t answer, went round doing the evening chores, with a quiet, inevitable sort of motion. He was outwardly angry, but not with her. So Connie felt. And his anger gave him a peculiar handsomeness, an inwardness and glisten that thrilled her and made her limbs go molten.

    Still he took no notice of her.

    Till he sat down and began to unlace his boots. Then he looked up at her from under his brows, on which the anger still sat firm.

    ‘Shan’t you go up?’ he said. ‘There’s a candle!’

    He jerked his head swiftly to indicate the candle burning on the table. She took it obediently, and he watched the full curve of her hips as she went up the first stairs.

    It was a night of sensual passion, in which she was a little startled and almost unwilling: yet pierced again with piercing thrills of sensuality, different, sharper, more terrible than the thrills of tenderness, but, at the moment, more desirable. Though a little frightened, she let him have his way, and the reckless, shameless sensuality shook her to her foundations, stripped her to the very last, and made a different woman of her. It was not really love. It was not voluptuousness. It was sensuality sharp and searing as fire, burning the soul to tinder.

    Burning out the shames, the deepest, oldest shames, in the most secret places. It cost her an effort to let him have his way and his will of her. She had to be a passive, consenting thing, like a slave, a physical slave. Yet the passion licked round her, consuming, and when the sensual flame of it pressed through her bowels and breast, she really thought she was dying: yet a poignant, marvellous death.

    She had often wondered what Abelard meant, when he said that in their year of love he and Heloise had passed through all the stages and refinements of passion. The same thing, a thousand years ago: ten thousand years ago! The same on the Greek vases, everywhere! The refinements of passion, the extravagances of sensuality! And necessary, forever necessary, to burn out false shames and smelt out the heaviest ore of the body into purity. With the fire of sheer sensuality.

    In the short summer night she learnt so much. She would have thought a woman would have died of shame. Instead of which, the shame died. Shame, which is fear: the deep organic shame, the old, old physical fear which crouches in the bodily roots of us, and can only be chased away by the sensual fire, at last it was roused up and routed by the phallic hunt of the man, and she came to the very heart of the jungle of herself. She felt, now, she had come to the real bed-rock of her nature, and was essentially shameless. She was her sensual self, naked and unashamed. She felt a triumph, almost a vainglory. So! That was how it was! That was life! That was how oneself really was! There was nothing left to disguise or be ashamed of. She shared her ultimate nakedness with a man, another being.

    And what a reckless devil the man was! really like a devil! One had to be strong to bear him. But it took some getting at, the core of the physical jungle, the last and deepest recess of organic shame. The phallos alone could explore it. And how he had pressed in on her!

    And how, in fear, she had hated it. But how she had really wanted it! She knew now. At the bottom of her soul, fundamentally, she had needed this phallic hunting out, she had secretly wanted it, and she had believed that she would never get it. Now suddenly there it was, and a man was sharing her last and final nakedness, she was shameless.

    What liars poets and everybody were! They made one think one wanted sentiment. When what one supremely wanted was this piercing, consuming, rather awful sensuality. To find a man who dared do it, without shame or sin or final misgiving! If he had been ashamed afterwards, and made one feel ashamed, how awful! What a pity most men are so doggy, a bit shameful, like Clifford! Like Michaelis even! Both sensually a bit doggy and humiliating. The supreme pleasure of the mind! And what is that to a woman? What is it, really, to the man either! He becomes merely messy and doggy, even in his mind. It needs sheer sensuality even to purify and quicken the mind. Sheer fiery sensuality, not messiness.

    Ah, God, how rare a thing a man is! They are all dogs that trot and sniff and copulate. To have found a man who was not afraid and not ashamed! She looked at him now, sleeping so like a wild animal asleep, gone, gone in the remoteness of it. She nestled down, not to be away from him.

    Till his rousing waked her completely. He was sitting up in bed, looking down at her. She saw her own nakedness in his eyes, immediate knowledge of her. And the fluid, male knowledge of herself seemed to flow to her from his eyes and wrap her voluptuously. Oh, how voluptuous and lovely it was to have limbs and body half-asleep, heavy and suffused with passion.

    ‘Is it time to wake up?’ she said.

    ‘Half past six.’

    She had to be at the lane-end at eight. Always, always, always this compulsion on one!

    ‘I might make the breakfast and bring it up here; should I?’ he said.

    ‘Oh yes!’

    Flossie whimpered gently below. He got up and threw off his pyjamas, and rubbed himself with a towel. When the human being is full of courage and full of life, how beautiful it is! So she thought, as she watched him in silence.

    ‘Draw the curtain, will you?’

    The sun was shining already on the tender green leaves of morning, and the wood stood bluey-fresh, in the nearness. She sat up in bed, looking dreamily out through the dormer window, her naked arms pushing her naked breasts together. He was dressing himself. She was half-dreaming of life, a life together with him: just a life.

    He was going, fleeing from her dangerous, crouching nakedness.

    ‘Have I lost my nightie altogether?’ she said.

    He pushed his hand down in the bed, and pulled out the bit of flimsy silk.

    ‘I knowed I felt silk at my ankles,’ he said.

    But the night-dress was slit almost in two.

    ‘Never mind!’ she said. ‘It belongs here, really. I’ll leave it.’

    ‘Ay, leave it, I can put it between my legs at night, for company. There’s no name nor mark on it, is there?’

    She slipped on the torn thing, and sat dreamily looking out of the window. The window was open, the air of morning drifted in, and the sound of birds. Birds flew continuously past. Then she saw Flossie roaming out. It was morning.

    Downstairs she heard him making the fire, pumping water, going out at the back door. By and by came the smell of bacon, and at length he came upstairs with a huge black tray that would only just go through the door. He set the tray on the bed, and poured out the tea. Connie squatted in her torn nightdress, and fell on her food hungrily. He sat on the one chair, with his plate on his knees.

    ‘How good it is!’ she said. ‘How nice to have breakfast together.’

    He ate in silence, his mind on the time that was quickly passing. That made her remember.

    ‘Oh, how I wish I could stay here with you, and Wragby were a million miles away! It’s Wragby I’m going away from really. You know that, don’t you?’

    ‘Ay!’

    ‘And you promise we will live together and have a life together, you and me! You promise me, don’t you?’

    ‘Ay! When we can.’

    ‘Yes! And we will! we will, won’t we?’ she leaned over, making the tea spill, catching his wrist.

    ‘Ay!’ he said, tidying up the tea.

    ‘We can’t possibly not live together now, can we?’ she said appealingly.

    He looked up at her with his flickering grin.

    ‘No!’ he said. ‘Only you’ve got to start in twenty-five minutes.’

    ‘Have I?’ she cried. Suddenly he held up a warning finger, and rose to his feet.

    Flossie had given a short bark, then three loud sharp yaps of warning.

    Silent, he put his plate on the tray and went downstairs. Constance heard him go down the garden path. A bicycle bell tinkled outside there.

    ‘Morning, Mr Mellors! Registered letter!’

    ‘Oh ay! Got a pencil?’

    ‘Here y’are!’

    There was a pause.

    ‘Canada!’ said the stranger’s voice.

    ‘Ay! That’s a mate o’ mine out there in British Columbia. Dunno what he’s got to register.’

    ”Appen sent y’a fortune, like.’

    ‘More like wants summat.’

    Pause.

    ‘Well! Lovely day again!’

    ‘Ay!’

    ‘Morning!’

    ‘Morning!’

    After a time he came upstairs again, looking a little angry.

    ‘Postman,’ he said.

    ‘Very early!’ she replied.

    ‘Rural round; he’s mostly here by seven, when he does come.

    ‘Did your mate send you a fortune?’

    ‘No! Only some photographs and papers about a place out there in British Columbia.’

    ‘Would you go there?’

    ‘I thought perhaps we might.’

    ‘Oh yes! I believe it’s lovely!’

    But he was put out by the postman’s coming.

    ‘Them damn bikes, they’re on you afore you know where you are. I hope he twigged nothing.’

    ‘After all, what could he twig!’

    ‘You must get up now, and get ready. I’m just goin’ ter look round outside.’

    She saw him go reconnoitring into the lane, with dog and gun. She went downstairs and washed, and was ready by the time he came back, with the few things in the little silk bag.

    He locked up, and they set off, but through the wood, not down the lane. He was being wary.

    ‘Don’t you think one lives for times like last night?’ she said to him.

    ‘Ay! But there’s the rest o’times to think on,’ he replied, rather short.

    They plodded on down the overgrown path, he in front, in silence.

    ‘And we will live together and make a life together, won’t we?’ she pleaded.

    ‘Ay!’ he replied, striding on without looking round. ‘When t’ time comes! Just now you’re off to Venice or somewhere.’

    She followed him dumbly, with sinking heart. Oh, now she was wae to go!

    At last he stopped.

    ‘I’ll just strike across here,’ he said, pointing to the right.

    But she flung her arms round his neck, and clung to him.

    ‘But you’ll keep the tenderness for me, won’t you?’ she whispered. ‘I loved last night. But you’ll keep the tenderness for me, won’t you?’

    He kissed her and held her close for a moment. Then he sighed, and kissed her again.

    ‘I must go an’ look if th’ car’s there.’

    He strode over the low brambles and bracken, leaving a trail through the fern. For a minute or two he was gone. Then he came striding back.

    ‘Car’s not there yet,’ he said. ‘But there’s the baker’s cart on t’ road.’

    He seemed anxious and troubled.

    ‘Hark!’

    They heard a car softly hoot as it came nearer. It slowed up on the bridge.

    She plunged with utter mournfulness in his track through the fern, and came to a huge holly hedge. He was just behind her.

    ‘Here! Go through there!’ he said, pointing to a gap. ‘I shan’t come out.

    She looked at him in despair. But he kissed her and made her go. She crept in sheer misery through the holly and through the wooden fence, stumbled down the little ditch and up into the lane, where Hilda was just getting out of the car in vexation.

    ‘Why you’re there!’ said Hilda. ‘Where’s he?’

    ‘He’s not coming.’

    Connie’s face was running with tears as she got into the car with her little bag. Hilda snatched up the motoring helmet with the disfiguring goggles.

    ‘Put it on!’ she said. And Connie pulled on the disguise, then the long motoring coat, and she sat down, a goggling inhuman, unrecognizable creature. Hilda started the car with a businesslike motion. They heaved out of the lane, and were away down the road. Connie had looked round, but there was no sight of him. Away! Away! She sat in bitter tears. The parting had come so suddenly, so unexpectedly. It was like death.

    ‘Thank goodness you’ll be away from him for some time!’ said Hilda, turning to avoid Crosshill village.

    Chapter 17

    ‘You see, Hilda,’ said Connie after lunch, when they were nearing London, ‘you have never known either real tenderness or real sensuality: and if you do know them, with the same person, it makes a great difference.’

    ‘For mercy’s sake don’t brag about your experiences!’ said Hilda. ‘I’ve never met the man yet who was capable of intimacy with a woman, giving himself up to her. That was what I wanted. I’m not keen on their self-satisfied tenderness, and their sensuality. I’m not content to be any man’s little petsy-wetsy, nor his chair a plaisir either. I wanted a complete intimacy, and I didn’t get it. That’s enough for me.

    Connie pondered this. Complete intimacy! She supposed that meant revealing everything concerning yourself to the other person, and his revealing everything concerning himself. But that was a bore. And all that weary self-consciousness between a man and a woman! a disease!

    ‘I think you’re too conscious of yourself all the time, with everybody,’ she said to her sister.

    ‘I hope at least I haven’t a slave nature,’ said Hilda.

    ‘But perhaps you have! Perhaps you are a slave to your own idea of yourself.’

    Hilda drove in silence for some time after this piece of unheard of insolence from that chit Connie.

    ‘At least I’m not a slave to somebody else’s idea of me: and the somebody else a servant of my husband’s,’ she retorted at last, in crude anger.

    ‘You see, it’s not so,’ said Connie calmly.

    She had always let herself be dominated by her elder sister. Now, though somewhere inside herself she was weeping, she was free of the dominion of other women. Ah! that in itself was a relief, like being given another life: to be free of the strange dominion and obsession of other women. How awful they were, women!

    She was glad to be with her father, whose favourite she had always been. She and Hilda stayed in a little hotel off Pall Mall, and Sir Malcolm was in his club. But he took his daughters out in the evening, and they liked going with him.

    He was still handsome and robust, though just a little afraid of the new world that had sprung up around him. He had got a second wife in Scotland, younger than himself and richer. But he had as many holidays away from her as possible: just as with his first wife.

    Connie sat next to him at the opera. He was moderately stout, and had stout thighs, but they were still strong and well-knit, the thighs of a healthy man who had taken his pleasure in life. His good-humoured selfishness, his dogged sort of independence, his unrepenting sensuality, it seemed to Connie she could see them all in his well-knit straight thighs. Just a man! And now becoming an old man, which is sad. Because in his strong, thick male legs there was none of the alert sensitiveness and power of tenderness which is the very essence of youth, that which never dies, once it is there.

    Connie woke up to the existence of legs. They became more important to her than faces, which are no longer very real. How few people had live, alert legs! She looked at the men in the stalls. Great puddingy thighs in black pudding-cloth, or lean wooden sticks in black funeral stuff, or well-shaped young legs without any meaning whatever, either sensuality or tenderness or sensitiveness, just mere leggy ordinariness that pranced around. Not even any sensuality like her father’s. They were all daunted, daunted out of existence.

    But the women were not daunted. The awful mill-posts of most females! really shocking, really enough to justify murder! Or the poor thin pegs! or the trim neat things in silk stockings, without the slightest look of life! Awful, the millions of meaningless legs prancing meaninglessly around!

    But she was not happy in London. The people seemed so spectral and blank. They had no alive happiness, no matter how brisk and good-looking they were. It was all barren. And Connie had a woman’s blind craving for happiness, to be assured of happiness.

    In Paris at any rate she felt a bit of sensuality still. But what a weary, tired, worn-out sensuality. Worn-out for lack of tenderness. Oh! Paris was sad. One of the saddest towns: weary of its now-mechanical sensuality, weary of the tension of money, money, money, weary even of resentment and conceit, just weary to death, and still not sufficiently Americanized or Londonized to hide the weariness under a mechanical jig-jig-jig! Ah, these manly he-men, these flaneurs, the oglers, these eaters of good dinners! How weary they were! weary, worn-out for lack of a little tenderness, given and taken. The efficient, sometimes charming women knew a thing or two about the sensual realities: they had that pull over their jigging English sisters. But they knew even less of tenderness. Dry, with the endless dry tension of will, they too were wearing out. The human world was just getting worn out. Perhaps it would turn fiercely destructive. A sort of anarchy! Clifford and his conservative anarchy! Perhaps it wouldn’t be conservative much longer. Perhaps it would develop into a very radical anarchy.

    Connie found herself shrinking and afraid of the world. Sometimes she was happy for a little while in the Boulevards or in the Bois or the Luxembourg Gardens. But already Paris was full of Americans and English, strange Americans in the oddest uniforms, and the usual dreary English that are so hopeless abroad.

    She was glad to drive on. It was suddenly hot weather, so Hilda was going through Switzerland and over the Brenner, then through the Dolomites down to Venice. Hilda loved all the managing and the driving and being mistress of the show. Connie was quite content to keep quiet.

    And the trip was really quite nice. Only Connie kept saying to herself: Why don’t I really care! Why am I never really thrilled? How awful, that I don’t really care about the landscape any more! But I don’t. It’s rather awful. I’m like Saint Bernard, who could sail down the lake of Lucerne without ever noticing that there were even mountain and green water. I just don’t care for landscape any more. Why should one stare at it? Why should one? I refuse to.

    No, she found nothing vital in France or Switzerland or the Tyrol or Italy. She just was carted through it all. And it was all less real than Wragby. Less real than the awful Wragby! She felt she didn’t care if she never saw France or Switzerland or Italy again. They’d keep. Wragby was more real.

    As for people! people were all alike, with very little difference. They all wanted to get money out of you: or, if they were travellers, they wanted to get enjoyment, perforce, like squeezing blood out of a stone. Poor mountains! poor landscape! it all had to be squeezed and squeezed and squeezed again, to provide a thrill, to provide enjoyment. What did people mean, with their simply determined enjoying of themselves?

    No! said Connie to herself I’d rather be at Wragby, where I can go about and be still, and not stare at anything or do any performing of any sort. This tourist performance of enjoying oneself is too hopelessly humiliating: it’s such a failure.

    She wanted to go back to Wragby, even to Clifford, even to poor crippled Clifford. He wasn’t such a fool as this swarming holidaying lot, anyhow.

    But in her inner consciousness she was keeping touch with the other man. She mustn’t let her connexion with him go: oh, she mustn’t let it go, or she was lost, lost utterly in this world of riff-raffy expensive people and joy-hogs. Oh, the joy-hogs! Oh ‘enjoying oneself’! Another modern form of sickness.

    They left the car in Mestre, in a garage, and took the regular steamer over to Venice. It was a lovely summer afternoon, the shallow lagoon rippled, the full sunshine made Venice, turning its back to them across the water, look dim.

    At the station quay they changed to a gondola, giving the man the address. He was a regular gondolier in a white-and-blue blouse, not very good-looking, not at all impressive.

    ‘Yes! The Villa Esmeralda! Yes! I know it! I have been the gondolier for a gentleman there. But a fair distance out!’

    He seemed a rather childish, impetuous fellow. He rowed with a certain exaggerated impetuosity, through the dark side-canals with the horrible, slimy green walls, the canals that go through the poorer quarters, where the washing hangs high up on ropes, and there is a slight, or strong, odour of sewage.

    But at last he came to one of the open canals with pavement on either side, and looping bridges, that run straight, at right-angles to the Grand Canal. The two women sat under the little awning, the man was perched above, behind them.

    ‘Are the signorine staying long at the Villa Esmeralda?’ he asked, rowing easy, and wiping his perspiring face with a white-and-blue handkerchief.

    ‘Some twenty days: we are both married ladies,’ said Hilda, in her curious hushed voice, that made her Italian sound so foreign.

    ‘Ah! Twenty days!’ said the man. There was a pause. After which he asked: ‘Do the signore want a gondolier for the twenty days or so that they will stay at the Villa Esmeralda? Or by the day, or by the week?’

    Connie and Hilda considered. In Venice, it is always preferable to have one’s own gondola, as it is preferable to have one’s own car on land.

    ‘What is there at the Villa? what boats?’

    ‘There is a motor-launch, also a gondola. But–‘ The but meant: they won’t be your property.

    ‘How much do you charge?’

    It was about thirty shillings a day, or ten pounds a week.

    ‘Is that the regular price?’ asked Hilda.

    ‘Less, Signora, less. The regular price–‘

    The sisters considered.

    ‘Well,’ said Hilda, ‘come tomorrow morning, and we will arrange it. What is your name?’

    His name was Giovanni, and he wanted to know at what time he should come, and then for whom should he say he was waiting. Hilda had no card. Connie gave him one of hers. He glanced at it swiftly, with his hot, southern blue eyes, then glanced again.

    ‘Ah!’ he said, lighting up. ‘Milady! Milady, isn’t it?’

    ‘Milady Costanza!’ said Connie.

    He nodded, repeating: ‘Milady Costanza!’ and putting the card carefully away in his blouse.

    The Villa Esmeralda was quite a long way out, on the edge of the lagoon looking towards Chioggia. It was not a very old house, and pleasant, with the terraces looking seawards, and below, quite a big garden with dark trees, walled in from the lagoon.

    Their host was a heavy, rather coarse Scotchman who had made a good fortune in Italy before the war, and had been knighted for his ultrapatriotism during the war. His wife was a thin, pale, sharp kind of person with no fortune of her own, and the misfortune of having to regulate her husband’s rather sordid amorous exploits. He was terribly tiresome with the servants. But having had a slight stroke during the winter, he was now more manageable.

    The house was pretty full. Besides Sir Malcolm and his two daughters, there were seven more people, a Scotch couple, again with two daughters; a young Italian Contessa, a widow; a young Georgian prince, and a youngish English clergyman who had had pneumonia and was being chaplain to Sir Alexander for his health’s sake. The prince was penniless, good-looking, would make an excellent chauffeur, with the necessary impudence, and basta! The Contessa was a quiet little puss with a game on somewhere. The clergyman was a raw simple fellow from a Bucks vicarage: luckily he had left his wife and two children at home. And the Guthries, the family of four, were good solid Edinburgh middle class, enjoying everything in a solid fashion, and daring everything while risking nothing.

    Connie and Hilda ruled out the prince at once. The Guthries were more or less their own sort, substantial, but boring: and the girls wanted husbands. The chaplain was not a bad fellow, but too deferential. Sir Alexander, after his slight stroke, had a terrible heaviness his joviality, but he was still thrilled at the presence of so many handsome young women. Lady Cooper was a quiet, catty person who had a thin time of it, poor thing, and who watched every other woman with a cold watchfulness that had become her second nature, and who said cold, nasty little things which showed what an utterly low opinion she had of all human nature. She was also quite venomously overbearing with the servants, Connie found: but in a quiet way. And she skilfully behaved so that Sir Alexander should think that he was lord and monarch of the whole caboosh, with his stout, would-be-genial paunch, and his utterly boring jokes, his humourosity, as Hilda called it.

    Sir Malcolm was painting. Yes, he still would do a Venetian lagoonscape, now and then, in contrast to his Scottish landscapes. So in the morning he was rowed off with a huge canvas, to his ‘site’. A little later, Lady Cooper would he rowed off into the heart of the city, with sketching-block and colours. She was an inveterate watercolour painter, and the house was full of rose-coloured palaces, dark canals, swaying bridges, medieval facades, and so on. A little later the Guthries, the prince, the countess, Sir Alexander, and sometimes Mr Lind, the chaplain, would go off to the Lido, where they would bathe; coming home to a late lunch at half past one.

    The house-party, as a house-party, was distinctly boring. But this did not trouble the sisters. They were out all the time. Their father took them to the exhibition, miles and miles of weary paintings. He took them to all the cronies of his in the Villa Lucchese, he sat with them on warm evenings in the piazza, having got a table at Florian’s: he took them to the theatre, to the Goldoni plays. There were illuminated water-fetes, there were dances. This was a holiday-place of all holiday-places. The Lido, with its acres of sun-pinked or pyjamaed bodies, was like a strand with an endless heap of seals come up for mating. Too many people in the piazza, too many limbs and trunks of humanity on the Lido, too many gondolas, too many motor-launches, too many steamers, too many pigeons, too many ices, too many cocktails, too many menservants wanting tips, too many languages rattling, too much, too much sun, too much smell of Venice, too many cargoes of strawberries, too many silk shawls, too many huge, raw-beef slices of watermelon on stalls: too much enjoyment, altogether far too much enjoyment!

    Connie and Hilda went around in their sunny frocks. There were dozens of people they knew, dozens of people knew them. Michaelis turned up like a bad penny. ‘Hullo! Where you staying? Come and have an ice-cream or something! Come with me somewhere in my gondola.’ Even Michaelis almost sun-burned: though sun-cooked is more appropriate to the look of the mass of human flesh.

    It was pleasant in a way. It was almost enjoyment. But anyhow, with all the cocktails, all the lying in warmish water and sunbathing on hot sand in hot sun, jazzing with your stomach up against some fellow in the warm nights, cooling off with ices, it was a complete narcotic. And that was what they all wanted, a drug: the slow water, a drug; the sun, a drug; jazz, a drug; cigarettes, cocktails, ices, vermouth. To be drugged! Enjoyment! Enjoyment!

    Hilda half liked being drugged. She liked looking at all the women, speculating about them. The women were absorbingly interested in the women. How does she look! what man has she captured? what fun is she getting out of it?–The men were like great dogs in white flannel trousers, waiting to be patted, waiting to wallow, waiting to plaster some woman’s stomach against their own, in jazz.

    Hilda liked jazz, because she could plaster her stomach against the stomach of some so-called man, and let him control her movement from the visceral centre, here and there across the floor, and then she could break loose and ignore ‘the creature’. He had been merely made use of. Poor Connie was rather unhappy. She wouldn’t jazz, because she simply couldn’t plaster her stomach against some ‘creature’s’ stomach. She hated the conglomerate mass of nearly nude flesh on the Lido: there was hardly enough water to wet them all. She disliked Sir Alexander and Lady Cooper. She did not want Michaelis or anybody else trailing her.

    The happiest times were when she got Hilda to go with her away across the lagoon, far across to some lonely shingle-bank, where they could bathe quite alone, the gondola remaining on the inner side of the reef.

    Then Giovanni got another gondolier to help him, because it was a long way and he sweated terrifically in the sun. Giovanni was very nice: affectionate, as the Italians are, and quite passionless. The Italians are not passionate: passion has deep reserves. They are easily moved, and often affectionate, but they rarely have any abiding passion of any sort.

    So Giovanni was already devoted to his ladies, as he had been devoted to cargoes of ladies in the past. He was perfectly ready to prostitute himself to them, if they wanted him: he secretly hoped they would want him. They would give him a handsome present, and it would come in very handy, as he was just going to be married. He told them about his marriage, and they were suitably interested.

    He thought this trip to some lonely bank across the lagoon probably meant business: business being l’amore, love. So he got a mate to help him, for it was a long way; and after all, they were two ladies. Two ladies, two mackerels! Good arithmetic! Beautiful ladies, too! He was justly proud of them. And though it was the Signora who paid him and gave him orders, he rather hoped it would be the young milady who would select him for l’amore. She would give more money too.

    The mate he brought was called Daniele. He was not a regular gondolier, so he had none of the cadger and prostitute about him. He was a sandola man, a sandola being a big boat that brings in fruit and produce from the islands.

    Daniele was beautiful, tall and well-shapen, with a light round head of little, close, pale-blond curls, and a good-looking man’s face, a little like a lion, and long-distance blue eyes. He was not effusive, loquacious, and bibulous like Giovanni. He was silent and he rowed with a strength and ease as if he were alone on the water. The ladies were ladies, remote from him. He did not even look at them. He looked ahead.

    He was a real man, a little angry when Giovanni drank too much wine and rowed awkwardly, with effusive shoves of the great oar. He was a man as Mellors was a man, unprostituted. Connie pitied the wife of the easily-overflowing Giovanni. But Daniele’s wife would be one of those sweet Venetian women of the people whom one still sees, modest and flower-like in the back of that labyrinth of a town.

    Ah, how sad that man first prostitutes woman, then woman prostitutes man. Giovanni was pining to prostitute himself, dribbling like a dog, wanting to give himself to a woman. And for money!

    Connie looked at Venice far off, low and rose-coloured upon the water. Built of money, blossomed of money, and dead with money. The money-deadness! Money, money, money, prostitution and deadness.

    Yet Daniele was still a man capable of a man’s free allegiance. He did not wear the gondolier’s blouse: only the knitted blue jersey. He was a little wild, uncouth and proud. So he was hireling to the rather doggy Giovanni who was hireling again to two women. So it is! When Jesus refused the devil’s money, he left the devil like a Jewish banker, master of the whole situation.

    Connie would come home from the blazing light of the lagoon in a kind of stupor, to find letters from home. Clifford wrote regularly. He wrote very good letters: they might all have been printed in a book. And for this reason Connie found them not very interesting.

    She lived in the stupor of the light of the lagoon, the lapping saltiness of the water, the space, the emptiness, the nothingness: but health, health, complete stupor of health. It was gratifying, and she was lulled away in it, not caring for anything. Besides, she was pregnant. She knew now. So the stupor of sunlight and lagoon salt and sea-bathing and lying on shingle and finding shells and drifting away, away in a gondola, was completed by the pregnancy inside her, another fullness of health, satisfying and stupefying.

    She had been at Venice a fortnight, and she was to stay another ten days or a fortnight. The sunshine blazed over any count of time, and the fullness of physical health made forgetfulness complete. She was in a sort of stupor of well-being.

    From which a letter of Clifford roused her.

    We too have had our mild local excitement. It appears the truant wife of Mellors, the keeper, turned up at the cottage and found herself unwelcome. He packed her off, and locked the door. Report has it, however, that when he returned from the wood he found the no longer fair lady firmly established in his bed, in puris naturalibus; or one should say, in impuris naturalibus. She had broken a window and got in that way. Unable to evict the somewhat man-handled Venus from his couch, he beat a retreat and retired, it is said, to his mother’s house in Tevershall. Meanwhile the Venus of Stacks Gate is established in the cottage, which she claims is her home, and Apollo, apparently, is domiciled in Tevershall.

    I repeat this from hearsay, as Mellors has not come to me personally. I had this particular bit of local garbage from our garbage bird, our ibis, our scavenging turkey-buzzard, Mrs Bolton. I would not have repeated it had she not exclaimed: her Ladyship will go no more to the wood if that woman’s going to be about!

    I like your picture of Sir Malcolm striding into the sea with white hair blowing and pink flesh glowing. I envy you that sun. Here it rains. But I don’t envy Sir Malcolm his inveterate mortal carnality. However, it suits his age. Apparently one grows more carnal and more mortal as one grows older. Only youth has a taste of immortality–

    This news affected Connie in her state of semi-stupefied well-being with vexation amounting to exasperation. Now she had got to be bothered by that beast of a woman! Now she must start and fret! She had no letter from Mellors. They had agreed not to write at all, but now she wanted to hear from him personally. After all, he was the father of the child that was coming. Let him write!

    But how hateful! Now everything was messed up. How foul those low people were! How nice it was here, in the sunshine and the indolence, compared to that dismal mess of that English Midlands! After all, a clear sky was almost the most important thing in life.

    She did not mention the fact of her pregnancy, even to Hilda. She wrote to Mrs Bolton for exact information.

    Duncan Forbes, an artist friend of theirs, had arrived at the Villa Esmeralda, coming north from Rome. Now he made a third in the gondola, and he bathed with them across the lagoon, and was their escort: a quiet, almost taciturn young man, very advanced in his art.

    She had a letter from Mrs Bolton:

    You will be pleased, I am sure, my Lady, when you see Sir Clifford. He’s looking quite blooming and working very hard, and very hopeful. Of course he is looking forward to seeing you among us again. It is a dull house without my Lady, and we shall all welcome her presence among us once more.

    About Mr Mellors, I don’t know how much Sir Clifford told you. It seems his wife came back all of a sudden one afternoon, and he found her sitting on the doorstep when he came in from the wood. She said she was come back to him and wanted to live with him again, as she was his legal wife, and he wasn’t going to divorce her. But he wouldn’t have anything to do with her, and wouldn’t let her in the house, and did not go in himself; he went back into the wood without ever opening the door.

    But when he came back after dark, he found the house broken into, so he went upstairs to see what she’d done, and he found her in bed without a rag on her. He offered her money, but she said she was his wife and he must take her back. I don’t know what sort of a scene they had. His mother told me about it, she’s terribly upset. Well, he told her he’d die rather than ever live with her again, so he took his things and went straight to his mother’s on Tevershall hill. He stopped the night and went to the wood next day through the park, never going near the cottage. It seems he never saw his wife that day. But the day after she was at her brother Dan’s at Beggarlee, swearing and carrying on, saying she was his legal wife, and that he’d been having women at the cottage, because she’d found a scent-bottle in his drawer, and gold-tipped cigarette-ends on the ash-heap, and I don’t know what all. Then it seems the postman Fred Kirk says he heard somebody talking in Mr Mellors’ bedroom early one morning, and a motor-car had been in the lane.

    Mr Mellors stayed on with his mother, and went to the wood through the park, and it seems she stayed on at the cottage. Well, there was no end of talk. So at last Mr Mellors and Tom Phillips went to the cottage and fetched away most of the furniture and bedding, and unscrewed the handle of the pump, so she was forced to go. But instead of going back to Stacks Gate she went and lodged with that Mrs Swain at Beggarlee, because her brother Dan’s wife wouldn’t have her. And she kept going to old Mrs Mellors’ house, to catch him, and she began swearing he’d got in bed with her in the cottage and she went to a lawyer to make him pay her an allowance. She’s grown heavy, and more common than ever, and as strong as a bull. And she goes about saying the most awful things about him, how he has women at the cottage, and how he behaved to her when they were married, the low, beastly things he did to her, and I don’t know what all. I’m sure it’s awful, the mischief a woman can do, once she starts talking. And no matter how low she may be, there’ll be some as will believe her, and some of the dirt will stick. I’m sure the way she makes out that Mr Mellors was one of those low, beastly men with women, is simply shocking. And people are only too ready to believe things against anybody, especially things like that. She declared she’ll never leave him alone while he lives. Though what I say is, if he was so beastly to her, why is she so anxious to go back to him? But of course she’s coming near her change of life, for she’s years older than he is. And these common, violent women always go partly insane when the change of life comes upon them–

    This was a nasty blow to Connie. Here she was, sure as life, coming in for her share of the lowness and dirt. She felt angry with him for not having got clear of a Bertha Coutts: nay, for ever having married her. Perhaps he had a certain hankering after lowness. Connie remembered the last night she had spent with him, and shivered. He had known all that sensuality, even with a Bertha Coutts! It was really rather disgusting. It would be well to be rid of him, clear of him altogether. He was perhaps really common, really low.

    She had a revulsion against the whole affair, and almost envied the Guthrie girls their gawky inexperience and crude maidenliness. And she now dreaded the thought that anybody would know about herself and the keeper. How unspeakably humiliating! She was weary, afraid, and felt a craving for utter respectability, even for the vulgar and deadening respectability of the Guthrie girls. If Clifford knew about her affair, how unspeakably humiliating! She was afraid, terrified of society and its unclean bite. She almost wished she could get rid of the child again, and be quite clear. In short, she fell into a state of funk.

    As for the scent-bottle, that was her own folly. She had not been able to refrain from perfuming his one or two handkerchiefs and his shirts in the drawer, just out of childishness, and she had left a little bottle of Coty’s Wood-violet perfume, half empty, among his things. She wanted him to remember her in the perfume. As for the cigarette-ends, they were Hilda’s.

    She could not help confiding a little in Duncan Forbes. She didn’t say she had been the keeper’s lover, she only said she liked him, and told Forbes the history of the man.

    ‘Oh,’ said Forbes, ‘you’ll see, they’ll never rest till they’ve pulled the man down and done him in. If he has refused to creep up into the middle classes, when he had a chance; and if he’s a man who stands up for his own sex, then they’ll do him in. It’s the one thing they won’t let you be, straight and open in your sex. You can be as dirty as you like. In fact the more dirt you do on sex the better they like it. But if you believe in your own sex, and won’t have it done dirt to: they’ll down you. It’s the one insane taboo left: sex as a natural and vital thing. They won’t have it, and they’ll kill you before they’ll let you have it. You’ll see, they’ll hound that man down. And what’s he done, after all? If he’s made love to his wife all ends on, hasn’t he a right to? She ought to be proud of it. But you see, even a low bitch like that turns on him, and uses the hyena instinct of the mob against sex, to pull him down. You have a snivel and feel sinful or awful about your sex, before you’re allowed to have any. Oh, they’ll hound the poor devil down.’

    Connie had a revulsion in the opposite direction now. What had he done, after all? what had he done to herself, Connie, but give her an exquisite pleasure and a sense of freedom and life? He had released her warm, natural sexual flow. And for that they would hound him down.

    No no, it should not be. She saw the image of him, naked white with tanned face and hands, looking down and addressing his erect penis as if it were another being, the odd grin flickering on his face. And she heard his voice again: Tha’s got the nicest woman’s arse of anybody! And she felt his hand warmly and softly closing over her tail again, over her secret places, like a benediction. And the warmth ran through her womb, and the little flames flickered in her knees, and she said: Oh, no! I mustn’t go back on it! I must not go back on him. I must stick to him and to what I had of him, through everything. I had no warm, flamy life till he gave it me. And I won’t go back on it.

    She did a rash thing. She sent a letter to Ivy Bolton, enclosing a note to the keeper, and asking Mrs Bolton to give it him. And she wrote to him:

    I am very much distressed to hear of all the trouble your wife is making for you, but don’t mind it, it is only a sort of hysteria. It will all blow over as suddenly as it came. But I’m awfully sorry about it, and I do hope you are not minding very much. After all, it isn’t worth it. She is only a hysterical woman who wants to hurt you. I shall be home in ten days’ time, and I do hope everything will be all right.

    A few days later came a letter from Clifford. He was evidently upset.

    I am delighted to hear you are prepared to leave Venice on the sixteenth. But if you are enjoying it, don’t hurry home. We miss you, Wragby misses you. But it is essential that you should get your full amount of sunshine, sunshine and pyjamas, as the advertisements of the Lido say. So please do stay on a little longer, if it is cheering you up and preparing you for our sufficiently awful winter. Even today, it rains.

    I am assiduously, admirably looked after by Mrs Bolton. She is a queer specimen. The more I live, the more I realize what strange creatures human beings are. Some of them might just as well have a hundred legs, like a centipede, or six, like a lobster. The human consistency and dignity one has been led to expect from one’s fellow-men seem actually nonexistent. One doubts if they exist to any startling degree even is oneself.

    The scandal of the keeper continues and gets bigger like a snowball. Mrs Bolton keeps me informed. She reminds me of a fish which, though dumb, seems to be breathing silent gossip through its gills, while ever it lives. All goes through the sieve of her gills, and nothing surprises her. It is as if the events of other people’s lives were the necessary oxygen of her own.

    She is preoccupied with the Mellors scandal, and if I will let her begin, she takes me down to the depths. Her great indignation, which even then is like the indignation of an actress playing a role, is against the wife of Mellors, whom she persists in calling Bertha Courts. I have been to the depths of the muddy lies of the Bertha Couttses of this world, and when, released from the current of gossip, I slowly rise to the surface again, I look at the daylight its wonder that it ever should be.

    It seems to me absolutely true, that our world, which appears to us the surface of all things, is really the bottom of a deep ocean: all our trees are submarine growths, and we are weird, scaly-clad submarine fauna, feeding ourselves on offal like shrimps. Only occasionally the soul rises gasping through the fathomless fathoms under which we live, far up to the surface of the ether, where there is true air. I am convinced that the air we normally breathe is a kind of water, and men and women are a species of fish.

    But sometimes the soul does come up, shoots like a kittiwake into the light, with ecstasy, after having preyed on the submarine depths. It is our mortal destiny, I suppose, to prey upon the ghastly subaqueous life of our fellow-men, in the submarine jungle of mankind. But our immortal destiny is to escape, once we have swallowed our swimmy catch, up again into the bright ether, bursting out from the surface of Old Ocean into real light. Then one realizes one’s eternal nature.

    When I hear Mrs Bolton talk, I feel myself plunging down, down, to the depths where the fish of human secrets wriggle and swim. Carnal appetite makes one seize a beakful of prey: then up, up again, out of the dense into the ethereal, from the wet into the dry. To you I can tell the whole process. But with Mrs Bolton I only feel the downward plunge, down, horribly, among the sea-weeds and the pallid monsters of the very bottom.

    I am afraid we are going to lose our game-keeper. The scandal of the truant wife, instead of dying down, has reverberated to greater and greater dimensions. He is accused of all unspeakable things and curiously enough, the woman has managed to get the bulk of the colliers’ wives behind her, gruesome fish, and the village is putrescent with talk.

    I hear this Bertha Coutts besieges Mellors in his mother’s house, having ransacked the cottage and the hut. She seized one day upon her own daughter, as that chip of the female block was returning from school; but the little one, instead of kissing the loving mother’s hand, bit it firmly, and so received from the other hand a smack in the face which sent her reeling into the gutter: whence she was rescued by an indignant and harassed grandmother.

    The woman has blown off an amazing quantity of poison-gas. She has aired in detail all those incidents of her conjugal life which are usually buried down in the deepest grave of matrimonial silence, between married couples. Having chosen to exhume them, after ten years of burial, she has a weird array. I hear these details from Linley and the doctor: the latter being amused. Of course there is really nothing in it. Humanity has always had a strange avidity for unusual sexual postures, and if a man likes to use his wife, as Benvenuto Cellini says, ‘in the Italian way’, well that is a matter of taste. But I had hardly expected our game-keeper to be up to so many tricks. No doubt Bertha Coutts herself first put him up to them. In any case, it is a matter of their own personal squalor, and nothing to do with anybody else.

    However, everybody listens: as I do myself. A dozen years ago, common decency would have hushed the thing. But common decency no longer exists, and the colliers’ wives are all up in arms and unabashed in voice. One would think every child in Tevershall, for the last fifty years, had been an immaculate conception, and every one of our nonconformist females was a shining Joan of Arc. That our estimable game-keeper should have about him a touch of Rabelais seems to make him more monstrous and shocking than a murderer like Crippen. Yet these people in Tevershall are a loose lot, if one is to believe all accounts.

    The trouble is, however, the execrable Bertha Coutts has not confined herself to her own experiences and sufferings. She has discovered, at the top of her voice, that her husband has been ‘keeping’ women down at the cottage, and has made a few random shots at naming the women. This has brought a few decent names trailing through the mud, and the thing has gone quite considerably too far. An injunction has been taken out against the woman.

    I have had to interview Mellors about the business, as it was impossible to keep the woman away from the wood. He goes about as usual, with his Miller-of-the-Dee air, I care for nobody, no not I, if nobody care for me! Nevertheless, I shrewdly suspect he feels like a dog with a tin can tied to its tail: though he makes a very good show of pretending the tin can isn’t there. But I heard that in the village the women call away their children if he is passing, as if he were the Marquis de Sade in person. He goes on with a certain impudence, but I am afraid the tin can is firmly tied to his tail, and that inwardly he repeats, like Don Rodrigo in the Spanish ballad: ‘Ah, now it bites me where I most have sinned!’

    I asked him if he thought he would be able to attend to his duty in the wood, and he said he did not think he had neglected it. I told him it was a nuisance to have the woman trespassing: to which he replied that he had no power to arrest her. Then I hinted at the scandal and its unpleasant course. ‘Ay,’ he said. ‘folks should do their own fuckin’, then they wouldn’t want to listen to a lot of clatfart about another man’s.’

    He said it with some bitterness, and no doubt it contains the real germ of truth. The mode of putting it, however, is neither delicate nor respectful. I hinted as much, and then I heard the tin can rattle again. ‘It’s not for a man the shape you’re in, Sir Clifford, to twit me for havin’ a cod atween my legs.’

    These things, said indiscriminately to all and sundry, of course do not help him at all, and the rector, and Finley, and Burroughs all think it would be as well if the man left the place.

    I asked him if it was true that he entertained ladies down at the cottage, and all he said was: ‘Why, what’s that to you, Sir Clifford?’ I told him I intended to have decency observed on my estate, to which he replied: ‘Then you mun button the mouths o’ a’ th’ women.’–When I pressed him about his manner of life at the cottage, he said: ‘Surely you might ma’e a scandal out o’ me an’ my bitch Flossie. You’ve missed summat there.’ As a matter of fact, for an example of impertinence he’d be hard to beat.

    I asked him if it would be easy for him to find another job. He said: ‘If you’re hintin’ that you’d like to shunt me out of this job, it’d be easy as wink.’ So he made no trouble at all about leaving at the end of next week, and apparently is willing to initiate a young fellow, Joe Chambers, into as many mysteries of the craft as possible. I told him I would give him a month’s wages extra, when he left. He said he’d rather I kept my money, as I’d no occasion to ease my conscience. I asked him what he meant, and he said: ‘You don’t owe me nothing extra, Sir Clifford, so don’t pay me nothing extra. If you think you see my shirt hanging out, just tell me.’

    Well, there is the end of it for the time being. The woman has gone away: we don’t know where to: but she is liable to arrest if she shows her face in Tevershall. And I heard she is mortally afraid of gaol, because she merits it so well. Mellors will depart on Saturday week, and the place will soon become normal again.

    Meanwhile, my dear Connie, if you would enjoy to stay in Venice or in Switzerland till the beginning of August, I should be glad to think you were out of all this buzz of nastiness, which will have died quite away by the end of the month.

    So you see, we are deep-sea monsters, and when the lobster walks on mud, he stirs it up for everybody. We must perforce take it philosophically.

    The irritation, and the lack of any sympathy in any direction, of Clifford’s letter, had a bad effect on Connie. But she understood it better when she received the following from Mellors:

    The cat is out of the bag, along with various other pussies. You have heard that my wife Bertha came back to my unloving arms, and took up her abode in the cottage: where, to speak disrespectfully, she smelled a rat, in the shape of a little bottle of Coty. Other evidence she did not find, at least for some days, when she began to howl about the burnt photograph. She noticed the glass and the back-board in the square bedroom. Unfortunately, on the back-board somebody had scribbled little sketches, and the initials, several times repeated: C. S. R. This, however, afforded no clue until she broke into the hut, and found one of your books, an autobiography of the actress Judith, with your name, Constance Stewart Reid, on the front page. After this, for some days she went round loudly saying that my paramour was no less a person than Lady Chatterley herself. The news came at last to the rector, Mr Burroughs, and to Sir Clifford. They then proceeded to take legal steps against my liege lady, who for her part disappeared, having always had a mortal fear of the police.

    Sir Clifford asked to see me, so I went to him. He talked around things and seemed annoyed with me. Then he asked if I knew that even her ladyship’s name had been mentioned. I said I never listened to scandal, and was surprised to hear this bit from Sir Clifford himself. He said, of course it was a great insult, and I told him there was Queen Mary on a calendar in the scullery, no doubt because Her Majesty formed part of my harem. But he didn’t appreciate the sarcasm. He as good as told me I was a disreputable character who walked about with my breeches’ buttons undone, and I as good as told him he’d nothing to unbutton anyhow, so he gave me the sack, and I leave on Saturday week, and the place thereof shall know me no more.

    I shall go to London, and my old landlady, Mrs Inger, 17 Coburg Square, will either give me a room or will find one for me.

    Be sure your sins will find you out, especially if you’re married and her name’s Bertha–

    There was not a word about herself, or to her. Connie resented this. He might have said some few words of consolation or reassurance. But she knew he was leaving her free, free to go back to Wragby and to Clifford. She resented that too. He need not be so falsely chivalrous. She wished he had said to Clifford: ‘Yes, she is my lover and my mistress and I am proud of it!’ But his courage wouldn’t carry him so far.

    So her name was coupled with his in Tevershall! It was a mess. But that would soon die down.

    She was angry, with the complicated and confused anger that made her inert. She did not know what to do nor what to say, so she said and did nothing. She went on at Venice just the same, rowing out in the gondola with Duncan Forbes, bathing, letting the days slip by. Duncan, who had been rather depressingly in love with her ten years ago, was in love with her again. But she said to him: ‘I only want one thing of men, and that is, that they should leave me alone.’

    So Duncan left her alone: really quite pleased to be able to. All the same, he offered her a soft stream of a queer, inverted sort of love. He wanted to be with her.

    ‘Have you ever thought,’ he said to her one day, ‘how very little people are connected with one another. Look at Daniele! He is handsome as a son of the sun. But see how alone he looks in his handsomeness. Yet I bet he has a wife and family, and couldn’t possibly go away from them.’

    ‘Ask him,’ said Connie.

    Duncan did so. Daniele said he was married, and had two children, both male, aged seven and nine. But he betrayed no emotion over the fact.

    ‘Perhaps only people who are capable of real togetherness have that look of being alone in the universe,’ said Connie. ‘The others have a certain stickiness, they stick to the mass, like Giovanni.’ ‘And,’ she thought to herself, ‘like you, Duncan.’

    Chapter 18

    She had to make up her mind what to do. She would leave Venice on the Saturday that he was leaving Wragby: in six days’ time. This would bring her to London on the Monday following, and she would then see him. She wrote to him to the London address, asking him to send her a letter to Hartland’s hotel, and to call for her on the Monday evening at seven.

    Inside herself she was curiously and complicatedly angry, and all her responses were numb. She refused to confide even in Hilda, and Hilda, offended by her steady silence, had become rather intimate with a Dutch woman. Connie hated these rather stifling intimacies between women, intimacy into which Hilda always entered ponderously.

    Sir Malcolm decided to travel with Connie, and Duncan could come on with Hilda. The old artist always did himself well: he took berths on the Orient Express, in spite of Connie’s dislike of trains de luxe, the atmosphere of vulgar depravity there is aboard them nowadays. However, it would make the journey to Paris shorter.

    Sir Malcolm was always uneasy going back to his wife. It was habit carried over from the first wife. But there would be a house-party for the grouse, and he wanted to be well ahead. Connie, sunburnt and handsome, sat in silence, forgetting all about the landscape.

    ‘A little dull for you, going back to Wragby,’ said her father, noticing her glumness.

    ‘I’m not sure I shall go back to Wragby,’ she said, with startling abruptness, looking into his eyes with her big blue eyes. His big blue eyes took on the frightened look of a man whose social conscience is not quite clear.

    ‘You mean you’ll stay on in Paris a while?’

    ‘No! I mean never go back to Wragby.’

    He was bothered by his own little problems, and sincerely hoped he was getting none of hers to shoulder.

    ‘How’s that, all at once?’ he asked.

    ‘I’m going to have a child.’

    It was the first time she had uttered the words to any living soul, and it seemed to mark a cleavage in her life.

    ‘How do you know?’ said her father.

    She smiled.

    ‘How should I know?’

    ‘But not Clifford’s child, of course?’

    ‘No! Another man’s.’

    She rather enjoyed tormenting him.

    ‘Do I know the man?’ asked Sir Malcolm.

    ‘No! You’ve never seen him.’

    There was a long pause.

    ‘And what are your plans?’

    ‘I don’t know. That’s the point.’

    ‘No patching it up with Clifford?’

    ‘I suppose Clifford would take it,’ said Connie. ‘He told me, after last time you talked to him, he wouldn’t mind if I had a child, so long as I went about it discreetly.’

    ‘Only sensible thing he could say, under the circumstances. Then I suppose it’ll be all right.’

    ‘In what way?’ said Connie, looking into her father’s eyes. They were big blue eyes rather like her own, but with a certain uneasiness in them, a look sometimes of an uneasy little boy, sometimes a look of sullen selfishness, usually good-humoured and wary.

    ‘You can present Clifford with an heir to all the Chatterleys, and put another baronet in Wragby.’

    Sir Malcolm’s face smiled with a half-sensual smile.

    ‘But I don’t think I want to,’ she said.

    ‘Why not? Feeling entangled with the other man? Well! If you want the truth from me, my child, it’s this. The world goes on. Wragby stands and will go on standing. The world is more or less a fixed thing and, externally, we have to adapt ourselves to it. Privately, in my private opinion, we can please ourselves. Emotions change. You may like one man this year and another next. But Wragby still stands. Stick by Wragby as far as Wragby sticks by you. Then please yourself. But you’ll get very little out of making a break. You can make a break if you wish. You have an independent income, the only thing that never lets you down. But you won’t get much out of it. Put a little baronet in Wragby. It’s an amusing thing to do.’

    And Sir Malcolm sat back and smiled again. Connie did not answer.

    ‘I hope you had a real man at last,’ he said to her after a while, sensually alert.

    ‘I did. That’s the trouble. There aren’t many of them about,’ she said.

    ‘No, by God!’ he mused. ‘There aren’t! Well, my dear, to look at you, he was a lucky man. Surely he wouldn’t make trouble for you?’

    ‘Oh no! He leaves me my own mistress entirely.’

    ‘Quite! Quite! A genuine man would.’

    Sir Malcolm was pleased. Connie was his favourite daughter, he had always liked the female in her. Not so much of her mother in her as in Hilda. And he had always disliked Clifford. So he was pleased, and very tender with his daughter, as if the unborn child were his child.

    He drove with her to Hartland’s hotel, and saw her installed: then went round to his club. She had refused his company for the evening.

    She found a letter from Mellors.

    I won’t come round to your hotel, but I’ll wait for you outside the Golden Cock in Adam Street at seven.

    There he stood, tall and slender, and so different, in a formal suit of thin dark cloth. He had a natural distinction, but he had not the cut-to-pattern look of her class. Yet, she saw at once, he could go anywhere. He had a native breeding which was really much nicer than the cut-to-pattern class thing.

    ‘Ah, there you are! How well you look!’

    ‘Yes! But not you.’

    She looked in his face anxiously. It was thin, and the cheekbones showed. But his eyes smiled at her, and she felt at home with him. There it was: suddenly, the tension of keeping up her appearances fell from her. Something flowed out of him physically, that made her feel inwardly at ease and happy, at home. With a woman’s now alert instinct for happiness, she registered it at once. ‘I’m happy when he’s there!’ Not all the sunshine of Venice had given her this inward expansion and warmth.

    ‘Was it horrid for you?’ she asked as she sat opposite him at table. He was too thin; she saw it now. His hand lay as she knew it, with the curious loose forgottenness of a sleeping animal. She wanted so much to take it and kiss it. But she did not quite dare.

    ‘People are always horrid,’ he said.

    ‘And did you mind very much?’

    ‘I minded, as I always shall mind. And I knew I was a fool to mind.’

    ‘Did you feel like a dog with a tin can tied to its tail? Clifford said you felt like that.’

    He looked at her. It was cruel of her at that moment: for his pride had suffered bitterly.

    ‘I suppose I did,’ he said.

    She never knew the fierce bitterness with which he resented insult.

    There was a long pause.

    ‘And did you miss me?’ she asked.

    ‘I was glad you were out of it.’

    Again there was a pause.

    ‘But did people believe about you and me?’ she asked.

    ‘No! I don’t think so for a moment.’

    ‘Did Clifford?’

    ‘I should say not. He put it off without thinking about it. But naturally it made him want to see the last of me.’

    ‘I’m going to have a child.’

    The expression died utterly out of his face, out of his whole body. He looked at her with darkened eyes, whose look she could not understand at all: like some dark-flamed spirit looking at her.

    ‘Say you’re glad!’ she pleaded, groping for his hand. And she saw a certain exultance spring up in him. But it was netted down by things she could not understand.

    ‘It’s the future,’ he said.

    ‘But aren’t you glad?’ she persisted.

    ‘I have such a terrible mistrust of the future.’

    ‘But you needn’t be troubled by any responsibility. Clifford would have it as his own, he’d be glad.’

    She saw him go pale, and recoil under this. He did not answer.

    ‘Shall I go back to Clifford and put a little baronet into Wragby?’ she asked.

    He looked at her, pale and very remote. The ugly little grin flickered on his face.

    ‘You wouldn’t have to tell him who the father was?’

    ‘Oh!’ she said; ‘he’d take it even then, if I wanted him to.’

    He thought for a time.

    ‘Ay!’ he said at last, to himself. ‘I suppose he would.’

    There was silence. A big gulf was between them.

    ‘But you don’t want me to go back to Clifford, do you?’ she asked him.

    ‘What do you want yourself?’ he replied.

    ‘I want to live with you,’ she said simply.

    In spite of himself, little flames ran over his belly as he heard her say it, and he dropped his head. Then he looked up at her again, with those haunted eyes.

    ‘If it’s worth it to you,’ he said. ‘I’ve got nothing.’

    ‘You’ve got more than most men. Come, you know it,’ she said.

    ‘In one way, I know it.’ He was silent for a time, thinking. Then he resumed: ‘They used to say I had too much of the woman in me. But it’s not that. I’m not a woman not because I don’t want to shoot birds, neither because I don’t want to make money, or get on. I could have got on in the army, easily, but I didn’t like the army. Though I could manage the men all right: they liked me and they had a bit of a holy fear of me when I got mad. No, it was stupid, dead-handed higher authority that made the army dead: absolutely fool-dead. I like men, and men like me. But I can’t stand the twaddling bossy impudence of the people who run this world. That’s why I can’t get on. I hate the impudence of money, and I hate the impudence of class. So in the world as it is, what have I to offer a woman?’

    ‘But why offer anything? It’s not a bargain. It’s just that we love one another,’ she said.

    ‘Nay, nay! It’s more than that. Living is moving and moving on. My life won’t go down the proper gutters, it just won’t. So I’m a bit of a waste ticket by myself. And I’ve no business to take a woman into my life, unless my life does something and gets somewhere, inwardly at least, to keep us both fresh. A man must offer a woman some meaning in his life, if it’s going to be an isolated life, and if she’s a genuine woman. I can’t be just your male concubine.’

    ‘Why not?’ she said.

    ‘Why, because I can’t. And you would soon hate it.’

    ‘As if you couldn’t trust me,’ she said.

    The grin flickered on his face.

    ‘The money is yours, the position is yours, the decisions will lie with you. I’m not just my Lady’s fucker, after all.’

    ‘What else are you?’

    ‘You may well ask. It no doubt is invisible. Yet I’m something to myself at least. I can see the point of my own existence, though I can quite understand nobody else’s seeing it.’

    ‘And will your existence have less point, if you live with me?’

    He paused a long time before replying:

    ‘It might.’

    She too stayed to think about it.

    ‘And what is the point of your existence?’

    ‘I tell you, it’s invisible. I don’t believe in the world, not in money, nor in advancement, nor in the future of our civilization. If there’s got to be a future for humanity, there’ll have to be a very big change from what now is.’

    ‘And what will the real future have to be like?’

    ‘God knows! I can feel something inside me, all mixed up with a lot of rage. But what it really amounts to, I don’t know.’

    ‘Shall I tell you?’ she said, looking into his face. ‘Shall I tell you what you have that other men don’t have, and that will make the future? Shall I tell you?’

    ‘Tell me then,’ he replied.

    ‘It’s the courage of your own tenderness, that’s what it is: like when you put your hand on my tail and say I’ve got a pretty tail.’

    The grin came flickering on his face.

    ‘That!’ he said.

    Then he sat thinking.

    ‘Ay!’ he said. ‘You’re right. It’s that really. It’s that all the way through. I knew it with the men. I had to be in touch with them, physically, and not go back on it. I had to be bodily aware of them and a bit tender to them, even if I put em through hell. It’s a question of awareness, as Buddha said. But even he fought shy of the bodily awareness, and that natural physical tenderness, which is the best, even between men; in a proper manly way. Makes ’em really manly, not so monkeyish. Ay! it’s tenderness, really; it’s cunt-awareness. Sex is really only touch, the closest of all touch. And it’s touch we’re afraid of. We’re only half-conscious, and half alive. We’ve got to come alive and aware. Especially the English have got to get into touch with one another, a bit delicate and a bit tender. It’s our crying need.’

    She looked at him.

    ‘Then why are you afraid of me?’ she said.

    He looked at her a long time before he answered.

    ‘It’s the money, really, and the position. It’s the world in you.’

    ‘But isn’t there tenderness in me?’ she said wistfully.

    He looked down at her, with darkened, abstract eyes.

    ‘Ay! It comes an’ goes, like in me.’

    ‘But can’t you trust it between you and me?’ she asked, gazing anxiously at him.

    She saw his face all softening down, losing its armour. ‘Maybe!’ he said. They were both silent.

    ‘I want you to hold me in your arms,’ she said. ‘I want you to tell me you are glad we are having a child.’

    She looked so lovely and warm and wistful, his bowels stirred towards her.

    ‘I suppose we can go to my room,’ he said. ‘Though it’s scandalous again.’

    But she saw the forgetfulness of the world coming over him again, his face taking the soft, pure look of tender passion.

    They walked by the remoter streets to Coburg Square, where he had a room at the top of the house, an attic room where he cooked for himself on a gas ring. It was small, but decent and tidy.

    She took off her things, and made him do the same. She was lovely in the soft first flush of her pregnancy.

    ‘I ought to leave you alone,’ he said.

    ‘No!’ she said. ‘Love me! Love me, and say you’ll keep me. Say you’ll keep me! Say you’ll never let me go, to the world nor to anybody.’

    She crept close against him, clinging fast to his thin, strong naked body, the only home she had ever known.

    ‘Then I’ll keep thee,’ he said. ‘If tha wants it, then I’ll keep thee.’

    He held her round and fast.

    ‘And say you’re glad about the child,’ she repeated.

    ‘Kiss it! Kiss my womb and say you’re glad it’s there.’

    But that was more difficult for him.

    ‘I’ve a dread of puttin’ children i’ th’ world,’ he said. ‘I’ve such a dread o’ th’ future for ’em.’

    ‘But you’ve put it into me. Be tender to it, and that will be its future already. Kiss it!’

    He quivered, because it was true. ‘Be tender to it, and that will be its future.’–At that moment he felt a sheer love for the woman. He kissed her belly and her mound of Venus, to kiss close to the womb and the foetus within the womb.

    ‘Oh, you love me! You love me!’ she said, in a little cry like one of her blind, inarticulate love cries. And he went in to her softly, feeling the stream of tenderness flowing in release from his bowels to hers, the bowels of compassion kindled between them.

    And he realized as he went into her that this was the thing he had to do, to come into tender touch, without losing his pride or his dignity or his integrity as a man. After all, if she had money and means, and he had none, he should be too proud and honourable to hold back his tenderness from her on that account. ‘I stand for the touch of bodily awareness between human beings,’ he said to himself, ‘and the touch of tenderness. And she is my mate. And it is a battle against the money, and the machine, and the insentient ideal monkeyishness of the world. And she will stand behind me there. Thank God I’ve got a woman! Thank God I’ve got a woman who is with me, and tender and aware of me. Thank God she’s not a bully, nor a fool. Thank God she’s a tender, aware woman.’ And as his seed sprang in her, his soul sprang towards her too, in the creative act that is far more than procreative.

    She was quite determined now that there should be no parting between him and her. But the ways and means were still to settle.

    ‘Did you hate Bertha Coutts?’ she asked him.

    ‘Don’t talk to me about her.’

    ‘Yes! You must let me. Because once you liked her. And once you were as intimate with her as you are with me. So you have to tell me. Isn’t it rather terrible, when you’ve been intimate with her, to hate her so? Why is it?’

    ‘I don’t know. She sort of kept her will ready against me, always, always: her ghastly female will: her freedom! A woman’s ghastly freedom that ends in the most beastly bullying! Oh, she always kept her freedom against me, like vitriol in my face.’

    ‘But she’s not free of you even now. Does she still love you?’

    ‘No, no! If she’s not free of me, it’s because she’s got that mad rage, she must try to bully me.’

    ‘But she must have loved you.’

    ‘No! Well, in specks she did. She was drawn to me. And I think even that she hated. She loved me in moments. But she always took it back, and started bullying. Her deepest desire was to bully me, and there was no altering her. Her will was wrong, from the first.’

    ‘But perhaps she felt you didn’t really love her, and she wanted to make you.’

    ‘My God, it was bloody making.’

    ‘But you didn’t really love her, did you? You did her that wrong.’

    ‘How could I? I began to. I began to love her. But somehow, she always ripped me up. No, don’t let’s talk of it. It was a doom, that was. And she was a doomed woman. This last time, I’d have shot her like I shoot a stoat, if I’d but been allowed: a raving, doomed thing in the shape of a woman! If only I could have shot her, and ended the whole misery! It ought to be allowed. When a woman gets absolutely possessed by her own will, her own will set against everything, then it’s fearful, and she should be shot at last.’

    ‘And shouldn’t men be shot at last, if they get possessed by their own will?’

    ‘Ay!–the same! But I must get free of her, or she’ll be at me again. I wanted to tell you. I must get a divorce if I possibly can. So we must be careful. We mustn’t really be seen together, you and I. I never, never could stand it if she came down on me and you.’

    Connie pondered this.

    ‘Then we can’t be together?’ she said.

    ‘Not for six months or so. But I think my divorce will go through in September; then till March.’

    ‘But the baby will probably be born at the end of February,’ she said.

    He was silent.

    ‘I could wish the Cliffords and Berthas all dead,’ he said.

    ‘It’s not being very tender to them,’ she said.

    ‘Tender to them? Yea, even then the tenderest thing you could do for them, perhaps, would be to give them death. They can’t live! They only frustrate life. Their souls are awful inside them. Death ought to be sweet to them. And I ought to be allowed to shoot them.’

    ‘But you wouldn’t do it,’ she said.

    ‘I would though! and with less qualms than I shoot a weasel. It anyhow has a prettiness and a loneliness. But they are legion. Oh, I’d shoot them.’

    ‘Then perhaps it is just as well you daren’t.’

    ‘Well.’

    Connie had now plenty to think of. It was evident he wanted absolutely to be free of Bertha Coutts. And she felt he was right. The last attack had been too grim. This meant her living alone, till spring. Perhaps she could get divorced from Clifford. But how? If Mellors were named, then there was an end to his divorce. How loathsome! Couldn’t one go right away, to the far ends of the earth, and be free from it all?

    One could not. The far ends of the world are not five minutes from Charing Cross, nowadays. While the wireless is active, there are no far ends of the earth. Kings of Dahomey and Lamas of Tibet listen in to London and New York.

    Patience! Patience! The world is a vast and ghastly intricacy of mechanism, and one has to be very wary, not to get mangled by it.

    Connie confided in her father.

    ‘You see, Father, he was Clifford’s game-keeper: but he was an officer in the army in India. Only he is like Colonel C. E. Florence, who preferred to become a private soldier again.’

    Sir Malcolm, however, had no sympathy with the unsatisfactory mysticism of the famous C. E. Florence. He saw too much advertisement behind all the humility. It looked just like the sort of conceit the knight most loathed, the conceit of self-abasement.

    ‘Where did your game-keeper spring from?’ asked Sir Malcolm irritably.

    ‘He was a collier’s son in Tevershall. But he’s absolutely presentable.’

    The knighted artist became more angry.

    ‘Looks to me like a gold-digger,’ he said. ‘And you’re a pretty easy gold-mine, apparently.’

    ‘No, Father, it’s not like that. You’d know if you saw him. He’s a man. Clifford always detested him for not being humble.’

    ‘Apparently he had a good instinct, for once.’

    What Sir Malcolm could not bear was the scandal of his daughter’s having an intrigue with a game-keeper. He did not mind the intrigue: he minded the scandal.

    ‘I care nothing about the fellow. He’s evidently been able to get round you all right. But, by God, think of all the talk. Think of your step-mother how she’ll take it!’

    ‘I know,’ said Connie. ‘Talk is beastly: especially if you live in society. And he wants so much to get his own divorce. I thought we might perhaps say it was another man’s child, and not mention Mellors’ name at all.’

    ‘Another man’s! What other man’s?’

    ‘Perhaps Duncan Forbes. He has been our friend all his life.’

    ‘And he’s a fairly well-known artist. And he’s fond of me.’

    ‘Well I’m damned! Poor Duncan! And what’s he going to get out of it?’

    ‘I don’t know. But he might rather like it, even.’

    ‘He might, might he? Well, he’s a funny man if he does. Why, you’ve never even had an affair with him, have you?’

    ‘No! But he doesn’t really want it. He only loves me to be near him, but not to touch him.’

    ‘My God, what a generation!’

    ‘He would like me most of all to be a model for him to paint from. Only I never wanted to.’

    ‘God help him! But he looks down-trodden enough for anything.’

    ‘Still, you wouldn’t mind so much the talk about him?’

    ‘My God, Connie, all the bloody contriving!’

    ‘I know! It’s sickening! But what can I do?’

    ‘Contriving, conniving; conniving, contriving! Makes a man think he’s lived too long.’

    ‘Come, Father, if you haven’t done a good deal of contriving and conniving in your time, you may talk.’

    ‘But it was different, I assure you.’

    ‘It’s always different.’

    Hilda arrived, also furious when she heard of the new developments. And she also simply could not stand the thought of a public scandal about her sister and a game-keeper. Too, too humiliating!

    ‘Why should we not just disappear, separately, to British Columbia, and have no scandal?’ said Connie.

    But that was no good. The scandal would come out just the same. And if Connie was going with the man, she’d better be able to marry him. This was Hilda’s opinion. Sir Malcolm wasn’t sure. The affair might still blow over.

    ‘But will you see him, Father?’

    Poor Sir Malcolm! he was by no means keen on it. And poor Mellors, he was still less keen. Yet the meeting took place: a lunch in a private room at the club, the two men alone, looking one another up and down.

    Sir Malcolm drank a fair amount of whisky, Mellors also drank. And they talked all the while about India, on which the young man was well informed.

    This lasted during the meal. Only when coffee was served, and the waiter had gone, Sir Malcolm lit a cigar and said, heartily:

    ‘Well, young man, and what about my daughter?’

    The grin flickered on Mellors’ face.

    ‘Well, Sir, and what about her?’

    ‘You’ve got a baby in her all right.’

    ‘I have that honour!’ grinned Mellors.

    ‘Honour, by God!’ Sir Malcolm gave a little squirting laugh, and became Scotch and lewd. ‘Honour! How was the going, eh? Good, my boy, what?’

    ‘Good!’

    ‘I’ll bet it was! Ha-ha! My daughter, chip of the old block, what! I never went back on a good bit of fucking, myself. Though her mother, oh, holy saints!’ He rolled his eyes to heaven. ‘But you warmed her up, oh, you warmed her up, I can see that. Ha-ha! My blood in her! You set fire to her haystack all right. Ha-ha-ha! I was jolly glad of it, I can tell you. She needed it. Oh, she’s a nice girl, she’s a nice girl, and I knew she’d be good going, if only some damned man would set her stack on fire! Ha-ha-ha! A game-keeper, eh, my boy! Bloody good poacher, if you ask me. Ha-ha! But now, look here, speaking seriously, what are we going to do about it? Speaking seriously, you know!’

    Speaking seriously, they didn’t get very far. Mellors, though a little tipsy, was much the soberer of the two. He kept the conversation as intelligent as possible: which isn’t saying much.

    ‘So you’re a game-keeper! Oh, you’re quite right! That sort of game is worth a man’s while, eh, what? The test of a woman is when you pinch her bottom. You can tell just by the feel of her bottom if she’s going to come up all right. Ha-ha! I envy you, my boy. How old are you?’

    ‘Thirty-nine.’

    The knight lifted his eyebrows.

    ‘As much as that! Well, you’ve another good twenty years, by the look of you. Oh, game-keeper or not, you’re a good cock. I can see that with one eye shut. Not like that blasted Clifford! A lily-livered hound with never a fuck in him, never had. I like you, my boy, I’ll bet you’ve a good cod on you; oh, you’re a bantam, I can see that. You’re a fighter. Game-keeper! Ha-ha, by crikey, I wouldn’t trust my game to you! But look here, seriously, what are we going to do about it? The world’s full of blasted old women.’

    Seriously, they didn’t do anything about it, except establish the old free-masonry of male sensuality between them.

    ‘And look here, my boy, if ever I can do anything for you, you can rely on me. Game-keeper! Christ, but it’s rich! I like it! Oh, I like it! Shows the girl’s got spunk. What? After all, you know, she has her own income, moderate, moderate, but above starvation. And I’ll leave her what I’ve got. By God, I will. She deserves it for showing spunk, in a world of old women. I’ve been struggling to get myself clear of the skirts of old women for seventy years, and haven’t managed it yet. But you’re the man, I can see that.’

    ‘I’m glad you think so. They usually tell me, in a sideways fashion, that I’m the monkey.’

    ‘Oh, they would! My dear fellow, what could you be but a monkey, to all the old women?’

    They parted most genially, and Mellors laughed inwardly all the time for the rest of the day.

    The following day he had lunch with Connie and Hilda, at some discreet place.

    ‘It’s a very great pity it’s such an ugly situation all round,’ said Hilda.

    ‘I had a lot o’ fun out of it,’ said he.

    ‘I think you might have avoided putting children into the world until you were both free to marry and have children.’

    ‘The Lord blew a bit too soon on the spark,’ said he.

    ‘I think the Lord had nothing to do with it. Of course, Connie has enough money to keep you both, but the situation is unbearable.’

    ‘But then you don’t have to bear more than a small corner of it, do you?’ said he.

    ‘If you’d been in her own class.’

    ‘Or if I’d been in a cage at the Zoo.’

    There was silence.

    ‘I think,’ said Hilda, ‘it will be best if she names quite another man as co-respondent and you stay out of it altogether.’

    ‘But I thought I’d put my foot right in.’

    ‘I mean in the divorce proceedings.’

    He gazed at her in wonder. Connie had not dared mention the Duncan scheme to him.

    ‘I don’t follow,’ he said.

    ‘We have a friend who would probably agree to be named as co-respondent, so that your name need not appear,’ said Hilda.

    ‘You mean a man?’

    ‘Of course!’

    ‘But she’s got no other?’

    He looked in wonder at Connie.

    ‘No, no!’ she said hastily. ‘Only that old friendship, quite simple, no love.’

    ‘Then why should the fellow take the blame? If he’s had nothing out of you?’

    ‘Some men are chivalrous and don’t only count what they get out of a woman,’ said Hilda.

    ‘One for me, eh? But who’s the johnny?’

    ‘A friend whom we’ve known since we were children in Scotland, an artist.’

    ‘Duncan Forbes!’ he said at once, for Connie had talked to him.

    ‘And how would you shift the blame on to him?’

    ‘They could stay together in some hotel, or she could even stay in his apartment.’

    ‘Seems to me like a lot of fuss for nothing,’ he said.

    ‘What else do you suggest?’ said Hilda. ‘If your name appears, you will get no divorce from your wife, who is apparently quite an impossible person to be mixed up with.’

    ‘All that!’ he said grimly.

    There was a long silence.

    ‘We could go right away,’ he said.

    ‘There is no right away for Connie,’ said Hilda. ‘Clifford is too well known.’

    Again the silence of pure frustration.

    ‘The world is what it is. If you want to live together without being persecuted, you will have to marry. To marry, you both have to be divorced. So how are you both going about it?’

    He was silent for a long time.

    ‘How are you going about it for us?’ he said.

    ‘We will see if Duncan will consent to figure as co-respondent: then we must get Clifford to divorce Connie: and you must go on with your divorce, and you must both keep apart till you are free.’

    ‘Sounds like a lunatic asylum.’

    ‘Possibly! And the world would look on you as lunatics: or worse.

    ‘What is worse?’

    ‘Criminals, I suppose.’

    ‘Hope I can plunge in the dagger a few more times yet,’ he said, grinning. Then he was silent, and angry.

    ‘Well!’ he said at last. ‘I agree to anything. The world is a raving idiot, and no man can kill it: though I’ll do my best. But you’re right. We must rescue ourselves as best we can.’

    He looked in humiliation, anger, weariness and misery at Connie.

    ‘Ma lass!’ he said. ‘The world’s goin’ to put salt on thy tail.’

    ‘Not if we don’t let it,’ she said.

    She minded this conniving against the world less than he did.

    Duncan, when approached, also insisted on seeing the delinquent game-keeper, so there was a dinner, this time in his flat: the four of them. Duncan was a rather short, broad, dark-skinned, taciturn Hamlet of a fellow with straight black hair and a weird Celtic conceit of himself. His art was all tubes and valves and spirals and strange colours, ultra-modern, yet with a certain power, even a certain purity of form and tone: only Mellors thought it cruel and repellent. He did not venture to say so, for Duncan was almost insane on the point of his art: it was a personal cult, a personal religion with him.

    They were looking at the pictures in the studio, and Duncan kept his smallish brown eyes on the other man. He wanted to hear what the game-keeper would say. He knew already Connie’s and Hilda’s opinions.

    ‘It is like a pure bit of murder,’ said Mellors at last; a speech Duncan by no means expected from a game-keeper.

    ‘And who is murdered?’ asked Hilda, rather coldly and sneeringly.

    ‘Me! It murders all the bowels of compassion in a man.’

    A wave of pure hate came out of the artist. He heard the note of dislike in the other man’s voice, and the note of contempt. And he himself loathed the mention of bowels of compassion. Sickly sentiment!

    Mellors stood rather tall and thin, worn-looking, gazing with flickering detachment that was something like the dancing of a moth on the wing, at the pictures.

    ‘Perhaps stupidity is murdered; sentimental stupidity,’ sneered the artist.

    ‘Do you think so? I think all these tubes and corrugated vibrations are stupid enough for anything, and pretty sentimental. They show a lot of self-pity and an awful lot of nervous self-opinion, seems to me.’

    In another wave of hate the artist’s face looked yellow. But with a sort of silent hauteur he turned the pictures to the wall.

    ‘I think we may go to the dining-room,’ he said. And they trailed off, dismally.

    After coffee, Duncan said:

    ‘I don’t at all mind posing as the father of Connie’s child. But only on the condition that she’ll come and pose as a model for me. I’ve wanted her for years, and she’s always refused.’ He uttered it with the dark finality of an inquisitor announcing an auto da fe.

    ‘Ah!’ said Mellors. ‘You only do it on condition, then?’

    ‘Quite! I only do it on that condition.’ The artist tried to put the utmost contempt of the other person into his speech. He put a little too much.

    ‘Better have me as a model at the same time,’ said Mellors. ‘Better do us in a group, Vulcan and Venus under the net of art. I used to be a blacksmith, before I was a game-keeper.’

    ‘Thank you,’ said the artist. ‘I don’t think Vulcan has a figure that interests me.’

    ‘Not even if it was tubified and titivated up?’

    There was no answer. The artist was too haughty for further words.

    It was a dismal party, in which the artist henceforth steadily ignored the presence of the other man, and talked only briefly, as if the words were wrung out of the depths of his gloomy portentousness, to the women.

    ‘You didn’t like him, but he’s better than that, really. He’s really kind,’ Connie explained as they left.

    ‘He’s a little black pup with a corrugated distemper,’ said Mellors.

    ‘No, he wasn’t nice today.’

    ‘And will you go and be a model to him?’

    ‘Oh, I don’t really mind any more. He won’t touch me. And I don’t mind anything, if it paves the way to a life together for you and me.’

    ‘But he’ll only shit on you on canvas.’

    ‘I don’t care. He’ll only be painting his own feelings for me, and I don’t mind if he does that. I wouldn’t have him touch me, not for anything. But if he thinks he can do anything with his owlish arty staring, let him stare. He can make as many empty tubes and corrugations out of me as he likes. It’s his funeral. He hated you for what you said: that his tubified art is sentimental and self-important. But of course it’s true.’

    Chapter 19

    Dear Clifford, I am afraid what you foresaw has happened. I am really in love with another man, and do hope you will divorce me. I am staying at present with Duncan in his flat. I told you he was at Venice with us. I’m awfully unhappy for your sake: but do try to take it quietly. You don’t really need me any more, and I can’t bear to come back to Wragby. I’m awfully sorry. But do try to forgive me, and divorce me and find someone better. I’m not really the right person for you, I am too impatient and selfish, I suppose. But I can’t ever come back to live with you again. And I feel so frightfully sorry about it all, for your sake. But if you don’t let yourself get worked up, you’ll see you won’t mind so frightfully. You didn’t really care about me personally. So do forgive me and get rid of me.

    Clifford was not inwardly surprised to get this letter. Inwardly, he had known for a long time she was leaving him. But he had absolutely refused any outward admission of it. Therefore, outwardly, it came as the most terrible blow and shock to him, He had kept the surface of his confidence in her quite serene.

    And that is how we are. By strength of will we cut off our inner intuitive knowledge from admitted consciousness. This causes a state of dread, or apprehension, which makes the blow ten times worse when it does fall.

    Clifford was like a hysterical child. He gave Mrs Bolton a terrible shock, sitting up in bed ghastly and blank.

    ‘Why, Sir Clifford, whatever’s the matter?’

    No answer! She was terrified lest he had had a stroke. She hurried and felt his face, took his pulse.

    ‘Is there a pain? Do try and tell me where it hurts you. Do tell me!’

    No answer!

    ‘Oh dear, oh dear! Then I’ll telephone to Sheffield for Dr Carrington, and Dr Lecky may as well run round straight away.’

    She was moving to the door, when he said in a hollow tone:

    ‘No!’

    She stopped and gazed at him. His face was yellow, blank, and like the face of an idiot.

    ‘Do you mean you’d rather I didn’t fetch the doctor?’

    ‘Yes! I don’t want him,’ came the sepulchral voice.

    ‘Oh, but Sir Clifford, you’re ill, and I daren’t take the responsibility. I must send for the doctor, or I shall be blamed.’

    A pause: then the hollow voice said:

    ‘I’m not ill. My wife isn’t coming back.’ It was as if an image spoke.

    ‘Not coming back? you mean her ladyship?’ Mrs Bolton moved a little nearer to the bed. ‘Oh, don’t you believe it. You can trust her ladyship to come back.’

    The image in the bed did not change, but it pushed a letter over the counterpane.

    ‘Read it!’ said the sepulchral voice.

    ‘Why, if it’s a letter from her ladyship, I’m sure her ladyship wouldn’t want me to read her letter to you, Sir Clifford. You can tell me what she says, if you wish.’

    ‘Read it!’ repeated the voice.

    ‘Why, if I must, I do it to obey you, Sir Clifford,’ she said. And she read the letter.

    ‘Well, I am, surprised at her ladyship,’ she said. ‘She promised so faithfully she’d come back!’

    The face in the bed seemed to deepen its expression of wild, but motionless distraction. Mrs Bolton looked at it and was worried. She knew what she was up against: male hysteria. She had not nursed soldiers without learning something about that very unpleasant disease.

    She was a little impatient of Sir Clifford. Any man in his senses must have known his wife was in love with somebody else, and was going to leave him. Even, she was sure, Sir Clifford was inwardly absolutely aware of it, only he wouldn’t admit it to himself. If he would have admitted it, and prepared himself for it: or if he would have admitted it, and actively struggled with his wife against it: that would have been acting like a man. But no! he knew it, and all the time tried to kid himself it wasn’t so. He felt the devil twisting his tail, and pretended it was the angels smiling on him. This state of falsity had now brought on that crisis of falsity and dislocation, hysteria, which is a form of insanity. ‘It comes’, she thought to herself, hating him a little, ‘because he always thinks of himself. He’s so wrapped up in his own immortal self, that when he does get a shock he’s like a mummy tangled in its own bandages. Look at him!’

    But hysteria is dangerous: and she was a nurse, it was her duty to pull him out. Any attempt to rouse his manhood and his pride would only make him worse: for his manhood was dead, temporarily if not finally. He would only squirm softer and softer, like a worm, and become more dislocated.

    The only thing was to release his self-pity. Like the lady in Tennyson, he must weep or he must die.

    So Mrs Bolton began to weep first. She covered her face with her hand and burst into little wild sobs. ‘I would never have believed it of her ladyship, I wouldn’t!’ she wept, suddenly summoning up all her old grief and sense of woe, and weeping the tears of her own bitter chagrin. Once she started, her weeping was genuine enough, for she had had something to weep for.

    Clifford thought of the way he had been betrayed by the woman Connie, and in a contagion of grief, tears filled his eyes and began to run down his cheeks. He was weeping for himself. Mrs Bolton, as soon as she saw the tears running over his blank face, hastily wiped her own wet cheeks on her little handkerchief, and leaned towards him.

    ‘Now, don’t you fret, Sir Clifford!’ she said, in a luxury of emotion. ‘Now, don’t you fret, don’t, you’ll only do yourself an injury!’

    His body shivered suddenly in an indrawn breath of silent sobbing, and the tears ran quicker down his face. She laid her hand on his arm, and her own tears fell again. Again the shiver went through him, like a convulsion, and she laid her arm round his shoulder. ‘There, there! There, there! Don’t you fret, then, don’t you! Don’t you fret!’ she moaned to him, while her own tears fell. And she drew him to her, and held her arms round his great shoulders, while he laid his face on her bosom and sobbed, shaking and hulking his huge shoulders, whilst she softly stroked his dusky-blond hair and said: ‘There! There! There! There then! There then! Never you mind! Never you mind, then!’

    And he put his arms round her and clung to her like a child, wetting the bib of her starched white apron, and the bosom of her pale-blue cotton dress, with his tears. He had let himself go altogether, at last.

    So at length she kissed him, and rocked him on her bosom, and in her heart she said to herself: ‘Oh, Sir Clifford! Oh, high and mighty Chatterleys! Is this what you’ve come down to!’ And finally he even went to sleep, like a child. And she felt worn out, and went to her own room, where she laughed and cried at once, with a hysteria of her own. It was so ridiculous! It was so awful! Such a come-down! So shameful! And it was so upsetting as well.

    After this, Clifford became like a child with Mrs Bolton. He would hold her hand, and rest his head on her breast, and when she once lightly kissed him, he said! ‘Yes! Do kiss me! Do kiss me!’ And when she sponged his great blond body, he would say the same! ‘Do kiss me!’ and she would lightly kiss his body, anywhere, half in mockery.

    And he lay with a queer, blank face like a child, with a bit of the wonderment of a child. And he would gaze on her with wide, childish eyes, in a relaxation of madonna-worship. It was sheer relaxation on his part, letting go all his manhood, and sinking back to a childish position that was really perverse. And then he would put his hand into her bosom and feel her breasts, and kiss them in exultation, the exultation of perversity, of being a child when he was a man.

    Mrs Bolton was both thrilled and ashamed, she both loved and hated it. Yet she never rebuffed nor rebuked him. And they drew into a closer physical intimacy, an intimacy of perversity, when he was a child stricken with an apparent candour and an apparent wonderment, that looked almost like a religious exaltation: the perverse and literal rendering of: ‘except ye become again as a little child’. While she was the Magna Mater, full of power and potency, having the great blond child-man under her will and her stroke entirely.

    The curious thing was that when this child-man, which Clifford was now and which he had been becoming for years, emerged into the world, it was much sharper and keener than the real man he used to be. This perverted child-man was now a real business-man; when it was a question of affairs, he was an absolute he-man, sharp as a needle, and impervious as a bit of steel. When he was out among men, seeking his own ends, and ‘making good’ his colliery workings, he had an almost uncanny shrewdness, hardness, and a straight sharp punch. It was as if his very passivity and prostitution to the Magna Mater gave him insight into material business affairs, and lent him a certain remarkable inhuman force. The wallowing in private emotion, the utter abasement of his manly self, seemed to lend him a second nature, cold, almost visionary, business-clever. In business he was quite inhuman.

    And in this Mrs Bolton triumphed. ‘How he’s getting on!’ she would say to herself in pride. ‘And that’s my doing! My word, he’d never have got on like this with Lady Chatterley. She was not the one to put a man forward. She wanted too much for herself.’

    At the same time, in some corner of her weird female soul, how she despised him and hated him! He was to her the fallen beast, the squirming monster. And while she aided and abetted him all she could, away in the remotest corner of her ancient healthy womanhood she despised him with a savage contempt that knew no bounds. The merest tramp was better than he.

    His behaviour with regard to Connie was curious. He insisted on seeing her again. He insisted, moreover, on her coming to Wragby. On this point he was finally and absolutely fixed. Connie had promised to come back to Wragby, faithfully.

    ‘But is it any use?’ said Mrs Bolton. ‘Can’t you let her go, and be rid of her?’

    ‘No! She said she was coming back, and she’s got to come.’

    Mrs Bolton opposed him no more. She knew what she was dealing with.

    I needn’t tell you what effect your letter has had on me [he wrote to Connie to London]. Perhaps you can imagine it if you try, though no doubt you won’t trouble to use your imagination on my behalf.

    I can only say one thing in answer: I must see you personally, here at Wragby, before I can do anything. You promised faithfully to come back to Wragby, and I hold you to the promise. I don’t believe anything nor understand anything until I see you personally, here under normal circumstances. I needn’t tell you that nobody here suspects anything, so your return would be quite normal. Then if you feel, after we have talked things over, that you still remain in the same mind, no doubt we can come to terms.

    Connie showed this letter to Mellors.

    ‘He wants to begin his revenge on you,’ he said, handing the letter back.

    Connie was silent. She was somewhat surprised to find that she was afraid of Clifford. She was afraid to go near him. She was afraid of him as if he were evil and dangerous.

    ‘What shall I do?’ she said.

    ‘Nothing, if you don’t want to do anything.’

    She replied, trying to put Clifford off. He answered:

    If you don’t come back to Wragby now, I shall consider that you are coming back one day, and act accordingly. I shall just go on the same, and wait for you here, if I wait for fifty years.

    She was frightened. This was bullying of an insidious sort. She had no doubt he meant what he said. He would not divorce her, and the child would be his, unless she could find some means of establishing its illegitimacy.

    After a time of worry and harassment, she decided to go to Wragby. Hilda would go with her. She wrote this to Clifford. He replied:

    I shall not welcome your sister, but I shall not deny her the door. I have no doubt she has connived at your desertion of your duties and responsibilities, so do not expect me to show pleasure in seeing her.

    They went to Wragby. Clifford was away when they arrived. Mrs Bolton received them.

    ‘Oh, your Ladyship, it isn’t the happy home-coming we hoped for, is it!’ she said.

    ‘Isn’t it?’ said Connie.

    So this woman knew! How much did the rest of the servants know or suspect?

    She entered the house, which now she hated with every fibre in her body. The great, rambling mass of a place seemed evil to her, just a menace over her. She was no longer its mistress, she was its victim.

    ‘I can’t stay long here,’ she whispered to Hilda, terrified.

    And she suffered going into her own bedroom, re-entering into possession as if nothing had happened. She hated every minute inside the Wragby walls.

    They did not meet Clifford till they went down to dinner. He was dressed, and with a black tie: rather reserved, and very much the superior gentleman. He behaved perfectly politely during the meal and kept a polite sort of conversation going: but it seemed all touched with insanity.

    ‘How much do the servants know?’ asked Connie, when the woman was out of the room.

    ‘Of your intentions? Nothing whatsoever.’

    ‘Mrs Bolton knows.’

    He changed colour.

    ‘Mrs Bolton is not exactly one of the servants,’ he said.

    ‘Oh, I don’t mind.’

    There was tension till after coffee, when Hilda said she would go up to her room.

    Clifford and Connie sat in silence when she had gone. Neither would begin to speak. Connie was so glad that he wasn’t taking the pathetic line, she kept him up to as much haughtiness as possible. She just sat silent and looked down at her hands.

    ‘I suppose you don’t at all mind having gone back on your word?’ he said at last.

    ‘I can’t help it,’ she murmured.

    ‘But if you can’t, who can?’

    ‘I suppose nobody.’

    He looked at her with curious cold rage. He was used to her. She was as it were embedded in his will. How dared she now go back on him, and destroy the fabric of his daily existence? How dared she try to cause this derangement of his personality?

    ‘And for what do you want to go back on everything?’ he insisted.

    ‘Love!’ she said. It was best to be hackneyed.

    ‘Love of Duncan Forbes? But you didn’t think that worth having, when you met me. Do you mean to say you now love him better than anything else in life?’

    ‘One changes,’ she said.

    ‘Possibly! Possibly you may have whims. But you still have to convince me of the importance of the change. I merely don’t believe in your love of Duncan Forbes.’

    ‘But why should you believe in it? You have only to divorce me, not to believe in my feelings.’

    ‘And why should I divorce you?’

    ‘Because I don’t want to live here any more. And you really don’t want me.’

    ‘Pardon me! I don’t change. For my part, since you are my wife, I should prefer that you should stay under my roof in dignity and quiet. Leaving aside personal feelings, and I assure you, on my part it is leaving aside a great deal, it is bitter as death to me to have this order of life broken up, here in Wragby, and the decent round of daily life smashed, just for some whim of yours.’

    After a time of silence she said:

    ‘I can’t help it. I’ve got to go. I expect I shall have a child.’

    He too was silent for a time.

    ‘And is it for the child’s sake you must go?’ he asked at length.

    She nodded.

    ‘And why? Is Duncan Forbes so keen on his spawn?’

    ‘Surely keener than you would be,’ she said.

    ‘But really? I want my wife, and I see no reason for letting her go. If she likes to bear a child under my roof, she is welcome, and the child is welcome: provided that the decency and order of life is preserved. Do you mean to tell me that Duncan Forbes has a greater hold over you? I don’t believe it.’

    There was a pause.

    ‘But don’t you see,’ said Connie. ‘I must go away from you, and I must live with the man I love.’

    ‘No, I don’t see it! I don’t give tuppence for your love, nor for the man you love. I don’t believe in that sort of cant.’

    ‘But you see, I do.’

    ‘Do you? My dear Madam, you are too intelligent, I assure you, to believe in your own love for Duncan Forbes. Believe me, even now you really care more for me. So why should I give in to such nonsense!’

    She felt he was right there. And she felt she could keep silent no longer.

    ‘Because it isn’t Duncan that I do love,’ she said, looking up at him.

    ‘We only said it was Duncan, to spare your feelings.’

    ‘To spare my feelings?’

    ‘Yes! Because who I really love, and it’ll make you hate me, is Mr Mellors, who was our game-keeper here.’

    If he could have sprung out of his chair, he would have done so. His face went yellow, and his eyes bulged with disaster as he glared at her.

    Then he dropped back in the chair, gasping and looking up at the ceiling.

    At length he sat up.

    ‘Do you mean to say you’re telling me the truth?’ he asked, looking gruesome.

    ‘Yes! You know I am.’

    ‘And when did you begin with him?’

    ‘In the spring.’

    He was silent like some beast in a trap.

    ‘And it was you, then, in the bedroom at the cottage?’

    So he had really inwardly known all the time.

    ‘Yes!’

    He still leaned forward in his chair, gazing at her like a cornered beast.

    ‘My God, you ought to be wiped off the face of the earth!’

    ‘Why?’ she ejaculated faintly.

    But he seemed not to hear.

    ‘That scum! That bumptious lout! That miserable cad! And carrying on with him all the time, while you were here and he was one of my servants! My God, my God, is there any end to the beastly lowness of women!’

    He was beside himself with rage, as she knew he would be.

    ‘And you mean to say you want to have a child to a cad like that?’

    ‘Yes! I’m going to.’

    ‘You’re going to! You mean you’re sure! How long have you been sure?’

    ‘Since June.’

    He was speechless, and the queer blank look of a child came over him again.

    ‘You’d wonder,’ he said at last, ‘that such beings were ever allowed to be born.’

    ‘What beings?’ she asked.

    He looked at her weirdly, without an answer. It was obvious, he couldn’t even accept the fact of the existence of Mellors, in any connexion with his own life. It was sheer, unspeakable, impotent hate.

    ‘And do you mean to say you’d marry him?–and bear his foul name?’ he asked at length.

    ‘Yes, that’s what I want.’

    He was again as if dumbfounded.

    ‘Yes!’ he said at last. ‘That proves that what I’ve always thought about you is correct: you’re not normal, you’re not in your right senses. You’re one of those half-insane, perverted women who must run after depravity, the nostalgie de la boue.’

    Suddenly he had become almost wistfully moral, seeing himself the incarnation of good, and people like Mellors and Connie the incarnation of mud, of evil. He seemed to be growing vague, inside a nimbus.

    ‘So don’t you think you’d better divorce me and have done with it?’ she said.

    ‘No! You can go where you like, but I shan’t divorce you,’ he said idiotically.

    ‘Why not?’

    He was silent, in the silence of imbecile obstinacy.

    ‘Would you even let the child be legally yours, and your heir?’ she said.

    ‘I care nothing about the child.’

    ‘But if it’s a boy it will be legally your son, and it will inherit your title, and have Wragby.’

    ‘I care nothing about that,’ he said.

    ‘But you must! I shall prevent the child from being legally yours, if I can. I’d so much rather it were illegitimate, and mine: if it can’t be Mellors’.’

    ‘Do as you like about that.’

    He was immovable.

    ‘And won’t you divorce me?’ she said. ‘You can use Duncan as a pretext! There’d be no need to bring in the real name. Duncan doesn’t mind.’

    ‘ I shall never divorce you,’ he said, as if a nail had been driven in.

    ‘But why? Because I want you to?’

    ‘Because I follow my own inclination, and I’m not inclined to.’

    It was useless. She went upstairs and told Hilda the upshot.

    ‘Better get away tomorrow,’ said Hilda, ‘and let him come to his senses.’

    So Connie spent half the night packing her really private and personal effects. In the morning she had her trunks sent to the station, without telling Clifford. She decided to see him only to say good-bye, before lunch.

    But she spoke to Mrs Bolton.

    ‘I must say good-bye to you, Mrs Bolton, you know why. But I can trust you not to talk.’

    ‘Oh, you can trust me, your Ladyship, though it’s a sad blow for us here, indeed. But I hope you’ll be happy with the other gentleman.’

    ‘The other gentleman! It’s Mr Mellors, and I care for him. Sir Clifford knows. But don’t say anything to anybody. And if one day you think Sir Clifford may be willing to divorce me, let me know, will you? I should like to be properly married to the man I care for.’

    ‘I’m sure you would, my Lady. Oh, you can trust me. I’ll be faithful to Sir Clifford, and I’ll be faithful to you, for I can see you’re both right in your own ways.’

    ‘Thank you! And look! I want to give you this–may I?’ So Connie left Wragby once more, and went on with Hilda to Scotland. Mellors went into the country and got work on a farm. The idea was, he should get his divorce, if possible, whether Connie got hers or not. And for six months he should work at farming, so that eventually he and Connie could have some small farm of their own, into which he could put his energy. For he would have to have some work, even hard work, to do, and he would have to make his own living, even if her capital started him.

    So they would have to wait till spring was in, till the baby was born, till the early summer came round again.

    The Grange Farm

    Old Heanor

    29 September

    I got on here with a bit of contriving, because I knew Richards, the company engineer, in the army. It is a farm belonging to Butler and Smitham Colliery Company, they use it for raising hay and oats for the pit-ponies; not a private concern. But they’ve got cows and pigs and all the rest of it, and I get thirty shillings a week as labourer. Rowley, the farmer, puts me on to as many jobs as he can, so that I can learn as much as possible between now and next Easter. I’ve not heard a thing about Bertha. I’ve no idea why she didn’t show up at the divorce, nor where she is nor what she’s up to. But if I keep quiet till March I suppose I shall be free. And don’t you bother about Sir Clifford. He’ll want to get rid of you one of these days. If he leaves you alone, it’s a lot.

    I’ve got lodging in a bit of an old cottage in Engine Row very decent. The man is engine-driver at High Park, tall, with a beard, and very chapel. The woman is a birdy bit of a thing who loves anything superior. King’s English and allow-me! all the time. But they lost their only son in the war, and it’s sort of knocked a hole in them. There’s a long gawky lass of a daughter training for a school-teacher, and I help her with her lessons sometimes, so we’re quite the family. But they’re very decent people, and only too kind to me. I expect I’m more coddled than you are.

    I like farming all right. It’s not inspiring, but then I don’t ask to be inspired. I’m used to horses, and cows, though they are very female, have a soothing effect on me. When I sit with my head in her side, milking, I feel very solaced. They have six rather fine Herefords. Oat-harvest is just over and I enjoyed it, in spite of sore hands and a lot of rain. I don’t take much notice of people, but get on with them all right. Most things one just ignores.

    The pits are working badly; this is a colliery district like Tevershall. only prettier. I sometimes sit in the Wellington and talk to the men. They grumble a lot, but they’re not going to alter anything. As everybody says, the Notts-Derby miners have got their hearts in the right place. But the rest of their anatomy must be in the wrong place, in a world that has no use for them. I like them, but they don’t cheer me much: not enough of the old fighting-cock in them. They talk a lot about nationalization, nationalization of royalties, nationalization of the whole industry. But you can’t nationalize coal and leave all the other industries as they are. They talk about putting coal to new uses, like Sir Clifford is trying to do. It may work here and there, but not as a general thing, I doubt. Whatever you make you’ve got to sell it. The men are very apathetic. They feel the whole damned thing is doomed, and I believe it is. And they are doomed along with it. Some of the young ones spout about a Soviet, but there’s not much conviction in them. There’s no sort of conviction about anything, except that it’s all a muddle and a hole. Even under a Soviet you’ve still got to sell coal: and that’s the difficulty.

    We’ve got this great industrial population, and they’ve got to be fed, so the damn show has to be kept going somehow. The women talk a lot more than the men, nowadays, and they are a sight more cock-sure. The men are limp, they feel a doom somewhere, and they go about as if there was nothing to be done. Anyhow, nobody knows what should be done in spite of all the talk, the young ones get mad because they’ve no money to spend. Their whole life depends on spending money, and now they’ve got none to spend. That’s our civilization and our education: bring up the masses to depend entirely on spending money, and then the money gives out. The pits are working two days, two and a half days a week, and there’s no sign of betterment even for the winter. It means a man bringing up a family on twenty-five and thirty shillings. The women are the maddest of all. But then they’re the maddest for spending, nowadays.

    If you could only tell them that living and spending isn’t the same thing! But it’s no good. If only they were educated to live instead of earn and spend, they could manage very happily on twenty-five shillings. If the men wore scarlet trousers as I said, they wouldn’t think so much of money: if they could dance and hop and skip, and sing and swagger and be handsome, they could do with very little cash. And amuse the women themselves, and be amused by the women. They ought to learn to be naked and handsome, and to sing in a mass and dance the old group dances, and carve the stools they sit on, and embroider their own emblems. Then they wouldn’t need money. And that’s the only way to solve the industrial problem: train the people to be able to live and live in handsomeness, without needing to spend. But you can’t do it. They’re all one-track minds nowadays. Whereas the mass of people oughtn’t even to try to think, because they can’t. They should be alive and frisky, and acknowledge the great god Pan. He’s the only god for the masses, forever. The few can go in for higher cults if they like. But let the mass be forever pagan.

    But the colliers aren’t pagan, far from it. They’re a sad lot, a deadened lot of men: dead to their women, dead to life. The young ones scoot about on motor-bikes with girls, and jazz when they get a chance, But they’re very dead. And it needs money. Money poisons you when you’ve got it, and starves you when you haven’t.

    I’m sure you’re sick of all this. But I don’t want to harp on myself, and I’ve nothing happening to me. I don’t like to think too much about you, in my head, that only makes a mess of us both. But, of course, what I live for now is for you and me to live together. I’m frightened, really. I feel the devil in the air, and he’ll try to get us. Or not the devil, Mammon: which I think, after all, is only the mass-will of people, wanting money and hating life. Anyhow, I feel great grasping white hands in the air, wanting to get hold of the throat of anybody who tries to live, to live beyond money, and squeeze the life out. There’s a bad time coming. There’s a bad time coming, boys, there’s a bad time coming! If things go on as they are, there’s nothing lies in the future but death and destruction, for these industrial masses. I feel my inside turn to water sometimes, and there you are, going to have a child by me. But never mind. All the bad times that ever have been, haven’t been able to blow the crocus out: not even the love of women. So they won’t be able to blow out my wanting you, nor the little glow there is between you and me. We’ll be together next year. And though I’m frightened, I believe in your being with me. A man has to fend and fettle for the best, and then trust in something beyond himself. You can’t insure against the future, except by really believing in the best bit of you, and in the power beyond it. So I believe in the little flame between us. For me now, it’s the only thing in the world. I’ve got no friends, not inward friends. Only you. And now the little flame is all I care about in my life. There’s the baby, but that is a side issue. It’s my Pentecost, the forked flame between me and you. The old Pentecost isn’t quite right. Me and God is a bit uppish, somehow. But the little forked flame between me and you: there you are! That’s what I abide by, and will abide by, Cliffords and Berthas, colliery companies and governments and the money-mass of people all notwithstanding.

    That’s why I don’t like to start thinking about you actually. It only tortures me, and does you no good. I don’t want you to be away from me. But if I start fretting it wastes something. Patience, always patience. This is my fortieth winter. And I can’t help all the winters that have been. But this winter I’ll stick to my little Pentecost flame, and have some peace. And I won’t let the breath of people blow it out. I believe in a higher mystery, that doesn’t let even the crocus be blown out. And if you’re in Scotland and I’m in the Midlands, and I can’t put my arms round you, and wrap my legs round you, yet I’ve got something of you. My soul softly flaps in the little Pentecost flame with you, like the peace of fucking. We fucked a flame into being. Even the flowers are fucked into being between the sun and the earth. But it’s a delicate thing, and takes patience and the long pause.

    So I love chastity now, because it is the peace that comes of fucking. I love being chaste now. I love it as snowdrops love the snow. I love this chastity, which is the pause of peace of our fucking, between us now like a snowdrop of forked white fire. And when the real spring comes, when the drawing together comes, then we can fuck the little flame brilliant and yellow, brilliant. But not now, not yet! Now is the time to be chaste, it is so good to be chaste, like a river of cool water in my soul. I love the chastity now that it flows between us. It is like fresh water and rain. How can men want wearisomely to philander. What a misery to be like Don Juan, and impotent ever to fuck oneself into peace, and the little flame alight, impotent and unable to be chaste in the cool between-whiles, as by a river.

    Well, so many words, because I can’t touch you. If I could sleep with my arms round you, the ink could stay in the bottle. We could be chaste together just as we can fuck together. But we have to be separate for a while, and I suppose it is really the wiser way. If only one were sure.

    Never mind, never mind, we won’t get worked up. We really trust in the little flame, and in the unnamed god that shields it from being blown out. There’s so much of you here with me, really, that it’s a pity you aren’t all here.

    Never mind about Sir Clifford. If you don’t hear anything from him, never mind. He can’t really do anything to you. Wait, he will want to get rid of you at last, to cast you out. And if he doesn’t, we’ll manage to keep clear of him. But he will. In the end he will want to spew you out as the abominable thing.

    Now I can’t even leave off writing to you.

    But a great deal of us is together, and we can but abide by it, and steer our courses to meet soon. John Thomas says good-night to Lady Jane, a little droopingly, but with a hopeful heart.

  • Kahlil Gibran《Prophet》

    Table Of Contents

    The Coming of the Ship

    On Love

    On Marriage

    On Children

    On Giving

    On Eating & Drinking

    On Work

    On Joy & Sorrow

    On Houses

    On Clothes

    On Buying & Selling

    On Crime & Punishment

    On Laws

    On Freedom

    On Reason & Passion

    On Pain

    On Self-Knowledge

    On Teaching

    On Friendship

    On Talking

    On Time

    On Good & Evil

    On Prayer

    On Pleasure

    On Beauty

    On Religion

    On Death

    The Farewell

    The Coming of the Ship

    Almustafa, the chosen and the beloved, who was a dawn onto his own day, had waited twelve years in the city of Orphalese for his ship that was to return and bear him back to the isle of his birth.

    And in the twelfth year, on the seventh day of Ielool, the month of reaping, he climbed the hill without the city walls and looked seaward; and he beheld the ship coming with the mist.

    Then the gates of his heart were flung open, and his joy flew far over the sea. And he closed his eyes and prayed in the silences of his soul.

    But he descended the hill, a sadness came upon him, and he thought in his heart:

    How shall I go in peace and without sorrow? Nay, not without a wound in the spirit shall I leave this city.

    Long were the days of pain I have spent within its walls, and long were

    the nights of aloneness; and who can depart from his pain and his aloneness

    without regret?

    Too many fragments of the spirit have I scatterd in these streets, and too many are the children of my longing that walk naked among these hills, and I cannot withdraw from them without a bruden and an ache.

    It is not a garment I cast off this day, but a skin that I tear with my own hands.

    Nor is it a thought I leave behind me, but a heart made sweet with hunger and with thirst.

    Yet I cannot tarry longer.

    The sea that calls all things unto her calls me, and I must embark.

    For to stay, though the hours burn in the night, is to freeze and crystallize and be bound in a mould.

    Fain would I take with me all that is here. But how shall I?

    A voice cannot carry the tongue and the lips that give it wings. Alone must it seek the ether.

    And alone and without his nest shall the eagle fly across the sun.

    Now when he reached the foot of the hill, he turned again towards the sea, and he saw his ship approaching the harbour, and upon her prow the mariners, the men of his own land.

    And his soul cried out to them, and he said:

    Sons of my ancient mother, you riders of the tides,

    How often have you sailed in my dreams. And now you come in my awakening, which is my deeper dream.

    Ready am I to go, and my eagerness with sails full set awaits the wind.

    Only another breath will I breathe in this still air, only another loving look cast backward,

    Then I shall stand among you, a seafarer among seafarers.

    And you, vast sea, sleepless mother,

    Who alone are peace and freedom to the river and the stream,

    Only another winding will this stream make, only another murmur in

    this glade,

    And then shall I come to you, a boundless drop to a boundless ocean.

    And as he walked he saw from afar men and women leaving their fields

    and their vineyards and hastening towards the city gates.

    And he heard their voices calling his name, and shouting from the field

    to field telling one another of the coming of the ship.

    And he said to himself:

    Shall the day of parting be the day of gathering?

    And shall it be said that my eve was in truth my dawn?

    And what shall I give unto him who has left his plough in midfurrow, or

    to him who has stopped the wheel of his winepress?

    Shall my heart become a tree heavy-laden with fruit that I may gather

    and give unto them?

    And shall my desires flow like a fountain that I may fill their cups?

    Am I a harp that the hand of the mighty may touch me, or a flute that his

    breath may pass through me?

    A seeker of silences am I, and what treasure have I found in silences that

    I may dispense with confidence?

    If this is my day of harvest, in what fields have I sowed the seed, and in

    what unrembered seasons?

    If this indeed be the our in which I lift up my lantern, it is not my flame

    that shall burn therein.

    Empty and dark shall I raise my lantern,

    And the guardian of the night shall fill it with oil and he shall light it

    also.

    These things he said in words. But much in his heart remained unsaid.

    For he himself could not speak his deeper secret.

    And when he entered into the city all the people came to meet him, and

    they were crying out to him as with one voice.

    And the elders of the city stood forth and said:

    Go not yet away from us.

    A noontide have you been in our twilight, and your youth has given us

    dreams to dream.

    No stranger are you among us, nor a guest, but our son and our dearly

    beloved.

    Suffer not yet our eyes to hunger for your face.

    And the priests and the priestesses said unto him:

    Let not the waves of the sea separate us now, and the years you have

    spent in our midst become a memory.

    You have walked among us a spirit, and your shadow has been a light

    upon our facs.

    Much have we loved you. But speechless was our love, and with veils

    has it been veiled.

    Yet now it cries aloud unto you, and would stand revealed before you.

    And ever has it been that love knows not its own depth until the hour of

    separation.

    And others came also and entreated him.

    But he answered them not. He only bent his head; and those who stood

    near saw his tears falling upon his breast.

    And he and the people proceeded towards the great square before the

    temple.

    And there came out of the sanctuary a woman whose name was Almitra.

    And she was a seeress.

    And he looked upon her with exceeding tenderness, for it was she who

    had first sought and believed in him when he had been but a day in their

    city.

    And she hailed him, saying:

    Prophet of God, in quest for the uttermost, long have you searched the

    distances for your ship.

    And now your ship has come, and you must needs go.

    Deep is your longing for the land of your memories and the dwelling

    place of your greater desires; and our love would not bind you nor our needs

    hold you.

    Yet this we ask ere you leave us, that you speak to us and give us of

    your truth.

    And we will give it unto our children, and they unto their children, and it

    shall not perish.

    In your aloneness you have watched with our days, and in your

    wakefulness you have listened to the weeping and the laughter of our sleep.

    Now therefore disclose us to ourselves, and tell us all that has been

    shown you of that which is between birth and death.

    And he answered,

    People of Orphalese, of what can I speak save of that which is even now

    moving your souls?

    On Love

    Then said Almitra, “Speak to us of Love.”

    And he raised his head and looked upon the people, and there fell a stillness upon them. And with a great voice he said:

    When love beckons to you follow him,

    Though his ways are hard and steep.

    And when his wings enfold you yield to him,

    Though the sword hidden among his pinions may wound you.

    And when he speaks to you believe in him,

    Though his voice may shatter your dreams as the north wind lays waste

    the garden.

    For even as love crowns you so shall he crucify you. Even as he is for

    your growth so is he for your pruning.

    Even as he ascends to your height and caresses your tenderest branches

    that quiver in the sun,

    So shall he descend to your roots and shake them in their clinging to the

    earth.

    Like sheaves of corn he gathers you unto himself.

    He threshes you to make you naked.

    He sifts you to free you from your husks.

    He grinds you to whiteness.

    He kneads you until you are pliant;

    And then he assigns you to his sacred fire, that you may become sacred

    bread for God’s sacred feast.

    All these things shall love do unto you that you may know the secrets of

    your heart, and in that knowledge become a fragment of Life’s heart.

    But if in your fear you would seek only love’s peace and love’s pleasure,

    Then it is better for you that you cover your nakedness and pass out of

    love’s threshing-floor,

    Into the seasonless world where you shall laugh, but not all of your

    laughter, and weep, but not all of your tears.

    Love gives naught but itself and takes naught but from itself.

    Love possesses not nor would it be possessed;

    For love is sufficient unto love.

    When you love you should not say, “God is in my heart,” but rather, I

    am in the heart of God.”

    And think not you can direct the course of love, if it finds you worthy,

    directs your course.

    Love has no other desire but to fulfil itself.

    But if you love and must needs have desires, let these be your desires:

    To melt and be like a running brook that sings its melody to the night.

    To know the pain of too much tenderness.

    To be wounded by your own understanding of love;

    And to bleed willingly and joyfully.

    To wake at dawn with a winged heart and give thanks for another day of

    loving;

    To rest at the noon hour and meditate love’s ecstasy;

    To return home at eventide with gratitude;

    And then to sleep with a prayer for the beloved in your heart and a song

    of praise upon your lips.

    On Marriage

    Then Almitra spoke again and said, “And what of Marriage, master?”

    And he answered saying:

    You were born together, and together you shall be forevermore.

    You shall be together when white wings of death scatter your days.

    Aye, you shall be together even in the silent memory of God.

    But let there be spaces in your togetherness,

    And let the winds of the heavens dance between you.

    Love one another but make not a bond of love:

    Let it rather be a moving sea between the shores of your souls.

    Fill each other’s cup but drink not from one cup.

    Give one another of your bread but eat not from the same loaf.

    Sing and dance together and be joyous, but let each one of you be alone,

    Even as the strings of a lute are alone though they quiver with the same

    music.

    Give your hearts, but not into each other’s keeping.

    For only the hand of Life can contain your hearts.

    And stand together, yet not too near together:

    For the pillars of the temple stand apart,

    And the oak tree and the cypress grow not in each other’s shadow.

    On Children

    And a woman who held a babe against her bosom said, “Speak to us of Children.”

    And he said:

    Your children are not your children.

    They are the sons and daughters of Life’s longing for itself.

    They come through you but not from you,

    And though they are with you, yet they belong not to you.

    You may give them your love but not your thoughts.

    For they have their own thoughts.

    You may house their bodies but not their souls,

    For their souls dwell in the house of tomorrow, which you cannot visit,

    not even in your dreams.

    You may strive to be like them, but seek not to make them like you.

    For life goes not backward nor tarries with yesterday.

    You are the bows from which your children as living arrows are sent

    forth.

    The archer sees the mark upon the path of the infinite, and He bends you

    with His might that His arrows may go swift and far.

    Let your bending in the archer’s hand be for gladness;

    For even as he loves the arrow that flies, so He loves also the bow that is

    stable.

    On Giving

    Then said a rich man, “Speak to us of Giving.”

    And he answered:

    You give but little when you give of your possessions.

    It is when you give of yourself that you truly give.

    For what are your possessions but things you keep and guard for fear

    you may need them tomorrow?

    And tomorrow, what shall tomorrow bring to the overprudent dog

    burying bones in the trackless sand as he follows the pilgrims to the holy

    city?

    And what is fear of need but need itself?

    Is not dread of thirst when your well is full, thirst that is unquenchable?

    There are those who give little of the much which they have – and they

    give it for recognition and their hidden desire makes their gifts

    unwholesome.

    And there are those who have little and give it all.

    These are the believers in life and the bounty of life, and their coffer is

    never empty.

    There are those who give with joy, and that joy is their reward.

    And there are those who give with pain, and that pain is their baptism.

    And there are those who give and know not pain in giving, nor do they

    seek joy, nor give with mindfulness of virtue;

    They give as in yonder valley the myrtle breathes its fragrance into

    space.

    Through the hands of such as these God speaks, and from behind their

    eyes He smiles upon the earth.

    It is well to give when asked, but it is better to give unasked, through

    understanding;

    And to the open-handed the search for one who shall receive is joy

    greater than giving

    And is there aught you would withhold?

    All you have shall some day be given;

    Therefore give now, that the season of giving may be yours and not your inheritors’.

    You often say, “I would give, but only to the deserving.”

    The trees in your orchard say not so, nor the flocks in your pasture.

    They give that they may live, for to withhold is to perish.

    Surely he who is worthy to receive his days and his nights is worthy of all else from you.

    And he who has deserved to drink from the ocean of life deserves to fill his cup from your little stream.

    And what desert greater shall there be than that which lies in the courage and the confidence, nay the charity, of receiving?

    And who are you that men should rend their bosom and unveil their pride, that you may see their worth naked and their pride unabashed?

    See first that you yourself deserve to be a giver, and an instrument of giving.

    For in truth it is life that gives unto life – while you, who deem yourself a giver, are but a witness.

    And you receivers – and you are all receivers – assume no weight of gratitude, lest you lay a yoke upon yourself and upon him who gives.

    Rather rise together with the giver on his gifts as on wings;

    For to be overmindful of your debt, is to doubt his generosity who has

    the free-hearted earth for mother, and God for father.

    On Eating & Drinking

    Then an old man, a keeper of an inn, said, “Speak to us of Eating and Drinking.”

    And he said:

    Would that you could live on the fragerance of the earth, and like an air plant be sustained by the light.

    But since you must kill to eat, and rob the young of its mother’s milk to quench your thirst, let it then be an act of worship,

    And let your board stand an altar on which the pure and the innocent of

    forest and plain are sacrificed for that which is purer and still more innocent in many.

    When you kill a beast say to him in your heart,

    “By the same power that slays you, I to am slain; and I too shall be

    consumed.

    For the law that delivered you into my hand shall deliver me into a mightier

    hand.

    Your blood and my blood is naught but the sap that feeds the tree of

    heaven.”

    And when you crush an apple with your teeth, say to it in your heart,

    “Your seeds shall live in my body,

    And the buds of your tomorrow shall blossom in my heart,

    And your fragrance shall be my breath,

    And together we shall rejoice through all the seasons.”

    And in the autumn, when you gather the grapes of your vineyard for the

    winepress, say in your heart,

    “I to am a vinyard, and my fruit shall be gathered for the winepress,

    And like new wine I shall be kept in eternal vessels.”

    And in winter, when you draw the wine, let there be in your heart a song

    for each cup;

    And let there be in the song a remembrance for the autumn days, and for

    the vineyard, and for the winepress.

    On Work

    Then a ploughman said, “Speak to us of Work.”

    And he answered, saying:

    You work that you may keep pace with the earth and the soul of the

    earth.

    For to be idle is to become a stranger unto the seasons, and to step out of

    life’s procession, that marches in majesty and proud submission towards the

    infinite.

    When you work you are a flute through whose heart the whispering of

    the hours turns to music.

    Which of you would be a reed, dumb and silent, when all else sings

    together in unison?

    Always you have been told that work is a curse and labour a misfortune.

    But I say to you that when you work you fulfil a part of earth’s furthest

    dream, assigned to you when that dream was born,

    And in keeping yourself with labour you are in truth loving life,

    And to love life through labour is to be intimate with life’s inmost secret.

    But if you in your pain call birth an affliction and the support of the flesh

    a curse written upon your brow, then I answer that naught but the sweat of

    your brow shall wash away that which is written.

    You have been told also life is darkness, and in your weariness you echo

    what was said by the weary.

    And I say that life is indeed darkness save when there is urge,

    And all urge is blind save when there is knowledge,

    And all knowledge is vain save when there is work,

    And all work is empty save when there is love;

    And when you work with love you bind yourself to yourself, and to one

    another, and to God.

    And what is it to work with love?

    It is to weave the cloth with threads drawn from your heart, even as if

    your beloved were to wear that cloth.

    It is to build a house with affection, even as if your beloved were to

    dwell in that house.

    It is to sow seeds with tenderness and reap the harvest with joy, even as

    if your beloved were to eat the fruit.

    It is to charge all things you fashion with a breath of your own spirit,

    And to know that all the blessed dead are standing about you and

    watching.

    Often have I heard you say, as if speaking in sleep, “he who works in

    marble, and finds the shape of his own soul in the stone, is a nobler than he

    who ploughs the soil.

    And he who seizes the rainbow to lay it on a cloth in the likeness of

    man, is more than he who makes the sandals for our feet.”

    But I say, not in sleep but in the over-wakefulness of noontide, that the

    wind speaks not more sweetly to the giant oaks than to the least of all the

    blades of grass;

    And he alone is great who turns the voice of the wind into a song made

    sweeter by his own loving.

    Work is love made visible.

    And if you cannot work with love but only with distaste, it is better that

    you should leave your work and sit at the gate of the temple and take alms

    of those who work with joy.

    For if you bake bread with indifference, you bake a bitter bread that

    feeds but half man’s hunger.

    And if you grudge the crushing of the grapes, your grudge distils a

    poison in the wine.

    And if you sing though as angels, and love not the singing, you muffle

    man’s ears to the voices of the day and the voices of the night.

    On Joy & Sorrow

    Then a woman said, “Speak to us of Joy and Sorrow.”

    And he answered:

    Your joy is your sorrow unmasked.

    And the selfsame well from which your laughter rises was oftentimes

    filled with your tears.

    And how else can it be?

    The deeper that sorrow carves into your being, the more joy you can

    contain.

    Is not the cup that hold your wine the very cup that was burned in the

    potter’s oven?

    And is not the lute that soothes your spirit, the very wood that was

    hollowed with knives?

    When you are joyous, look deep into your heart and you shall find it is

    only that which has given you sorrow that is giving you joy.

    When you are sorrowful look again in your heart, and you shall see that

    in truth you are weeping for that which has been your delight.

    Some of you say, “Joy is greater than sorrow,” and others say, “Nay,

    sorrow is the greater.”

    But I say unto you, they are inseparable.

    Together they come, and when one sits alone with you at your board,

    remember that the other is asleep upon your bed.

    Verily you are suspended like scales between your sorrow and your joy.

    Only when you are empty are you at standstill and balanced.

    When the treasure-keeper lifts you to weigh his gold and his silver,

    needs must your joy or your sorrow rise or fall.

    On Houses

    Then a mason came forth and said, “Speak to us of Houses.”

    And he answered and said:

    Build of your imaginings a bower in the wilderness ere you build a

    house within the city walls.

    For even as you have home-comings in your twilight, so has the

    wanderer in you, the ever distant and alone.

    Your house is your larger body.

    It grows in the sun and sleeps in the stillness of the night; and it is not

    dreamless. Does not your house dream? And dreaming, leave the city for

    grove or hilltop?

    Would that I could gather your houses into my hand, and like a sower

    scatter them in forest and meadow.

    Would the valleys were your streets, and the green paths your alleys,

    that you might seek one another through vineyards, and come with the

    fragrance of the earth in your garments.

    But these things are not yet to be.

    In their fear your forefathers gathered you too near together. And that

    fear shall endure a little longer. A little longer shall your city walls separate

    your hearths from your fields.

    And tell me, people of Orphalese, what have you in these houses? And

    what is it you guard with fastened doors?

    Have you peace, the quiet urge that reveals your power?

    Have you remembrances, the glimmering arches that span the summits

    of the mind?

    Have you beauty, that leads the heart from things fashioned of wood and

    stone to the holy mountain?

    Tell me, have you these in your houses?

    Or have you only comfort, and the lust for comfort, that stealthy thing

    that enters the house a guest, and becomes a host, and then a master?

    Ay, and it becomes a tamer, and with hook and scourge makes puppets

    of your larger desires.

    Though its hands are silken, its heart is of iron.

    It lulls you to sleep only to stand by your bed and jeer at the dignity of

    the flesh.

    It makes mock of your sound senses, and lays them in thistledown like

    fragile vessels.

    Verily the lust for comfort murders the passion of the soul, and then

    walks grinning in the funeral.

    But you, children of space, you restless in rest, you shall not be trapped

    nor tamed.

    Your house shall be not an anchor but a mast.

    It shall not be a glistening film that covers a wound, but an eyelid that

    guards the eye.

    You shall not fold your wings that you may pass through doors, nor

    bend your heads that they strike not against a ceiling, nor fear to breathe lest

    walls should crack and fall down.

    You shall not dwell in tombs made by the dead for the living.

    And though of magnificence and splendour, your house shall not hold

    your secret nor shelter your longing.

    For that which is boundless in you abides in the mansion of the sky,

    whose door is the morning mist, and whose windows are the songs and the

    silences of night.

    On Clothes

    And the weaver said, “Speak to us of Clothes.”

    And he answered:

    Your clothes conceal much of your beauty, yet they hide not the unbeautiful.

    And though you seek in garments the freedom of privacy you may find in them a harness and a chain.

    Would that you could meet the sun and the wind with more of your skin

    and less of your raiment,

    For the breath of life is in the sunlight and the hand of life is in the wind.

    Some of you say, “It is the north wind who has woven the clothes to

    wear.”

    But shame was his loom, and the softening of the sinews was his thread.

    And when his work was done he laughed in the forest.

    Forget not that modesty is for a shield against the eye of the unclean.

    And when the unclean shall be no more, what were modesty but a fetter and a fouling of the mind?

    And forget not that the earth delights to feel your bare feet and the winds

    long to play with your hair.

    On Buying & Selling

    And a merchant said, “Speak to us of Buying and Selling.”

    And he answered and said:

    To you the earth yields her fruit, and you shall not want if you but know

    how to fill your hands.

    It is in exchanging the gifts of the earth that you shall find abundance and be satisfied.

    Yet unless the exchange be in love and kindly justice, it will but lead

    some to greed and others to hunger.

    When in the market place you toilers of the sea and fields and vineyards

    meet the weavers and the potters and the gatherers of spices, –

    Invoke then the master spirit of the earth, to come into your midst and

    sanctify the scales and the reckoning that weighs value against value.

    And suffer not the barren-handed to take part in your transactions, who

    would sell their words for your labour.

    To such men you should say,

    “Come with us to the field, or go with our brothers to the sea and cast

    your net;

    For the land and the sea shall be bountiful to you even as to us.”

    And if there come the singers and the dancers and the flute players, – buy of their gifts also.

    For they too are gatherers of fruit and frankincense, and that which they bring, though fashioned of dreams, is raiment and food for your soul.

    And before you leave the marketplace, see that no one has gone his way with empty hands.

    For the master spirit of the earth shall not sleep peacefully upon the wind

    till the needs of the least of you are satisfied.

    On Crime & Punishment

    Then one of the judges of the city stood forth and said, “Speak to us of Crime and Punishment.”

    And he answered saying:

    It is when your spirit goes wandering upon the wind,

    That you, alone and unguarded, commit a wrong unto others and

    therefore unto yourself.

    And for that wrong committed must you knock and wait a while unheeded at the gate of the blessed.

    Like the ocean is your god-self;

    It remains for ever undefiled.

    And like the ether it lifts but the winged.

    Even like the sun is your god-self;

    It knows not the ways of the mole nor seeks it the holes of the serpent.

    But your god-self does not dwell alone in your being.

    Much in you is still man, and much in you is not yet man,

    But a shapeless pigmy that walks asleep in the mist searching for its own awakening.

    And of the man in you would I now speak.

    For it is he and not your god-self nor the pigmy in the mist, that knows crime and the punishment of crime.

    Oftentimes have I heard you speak of one who commits a wrong as though he were not one of you, but a stranger unto you and an intruder upon your world.

    But I say that even as the holy and the righteous cannot rise beyond the

    highest which is in each one of you,

    So the wicked and the weak cannot fall lower than the lowest which is in you also.

    And as a single leaf turns not yellow but with the silent knowledge of the whole tree,

    So the wrong-doer cannot do wrong without the hidden will of you all.

    Like a procession you walk together towards your god-self.

    You are the way and the wayfarers.

    And when one of you falls down he falls for those behind him, a caution

    against the stumbling stone.

    Ay, and he falls for those ahead of him, who though faster and surer of

    foot, yet removed not the stumbling stone.

    And this also, though the word lie heavy upon your hearts:

    The murdered is not unaccountable for his own murder,

    And the robbed is not blameless in being robbed.

    The righteous is not innocent of the deeds of the wicked,

    And the white-handed is not clean in the doings of the felon.

    Yea, the guilty is oftentimes the victim of the injured,

    And still more often the condemned is the burden-bearer for the guiltless

    and unblamed.

    You cannot separate the just from the unjust and the good from the

    wicked;

    For they stand together before the face of the sun even as the black

    thread and the white are woven together.

    And when the black thread breaks, the weaver shall look into the whole

    cloth, and he shall examine the loom also.

    If any of you would bring judgment the unfaithful wife,

    Let him also weight the heart of her husband in scales, and measure his

    soul with measurements.

    And let him who would lash the offender look unto the spirit of the

    offended.

    And if any of you would punish in the name of righteousness and lay the

    ax unto the evil tree, let him see to its roots;

    And verily he will find the roots of the good and the bad, the fruitful and

    the fruitless, all entwined together in the silent heart of the earth.

    And you judges who would be just,

    What judgment pronounce you upon him who though honest in the flesh

    yet is a thief in spirit?

    What penalty lay you upon him who slays in the flesh yet is himself

    slain in the spirit?

    And how prosecute you him who in action is a deceiver and an

    oppressor,

    Yet who also is aggrieved and outraged?

    And how shall you punish those whose remorse is already greater than

    their misdeeds?

    Is not remorse the justice which is administered by that very law which

    you would fain serve?

    Yet you cannot lay remorse upon the innocent nor lift it from the heart

    of the guilty.

    Unbidden shall it call in the night, that men may wake and gaze upon

    themselves.

    And you who would understand justice, how shall you unless you look

    upon all deeds in the fullness of light?

    Only then shall you know that the erect and the fallen are but one man

    standing in twilight between the night of his pigmy-self and the day of his

    god-self,

    And that the corner-stone of the temple is not higher than the lowest

    stone in its foundation.

    On Laws

    Then a lawyer said, “But what of our Laws, master?”

    And he answered:

    You delight in laying down laws,

    Yet you delight more in breaking them.

    Like children playing by the ocean who build sand-towers with

    constancy and then destroy them with laughter.

    But while you build your sand-towers the ocean brings more sand to the

    shore,

    And when you destroy them, the ocean laughs with you.

    Verily the ocean laughs always with the innocent.

    But what of those to whom life is not an ocean, and man-made laws are

    not sand-towers,

    But to whom life is a rock, and the law a chisel with which they would

    carve it in their own likeness?

    What of the cripple who hates dancers?

    What of the ox who loves his yoke and deems the elk and deer of the

    forest stray and vagrant things?

    What of the old serpent who cannot shed his skin, and calls all others

    naked and shameless?

    And of him who comes early to the wedding-feast, and when over-fed

    and tired goes his way saying that all feasts are violation and all feasters

    law-breakers?

    What shall I say of these save that they too stand in the sunlight, but

    with their backs to the sun?

    They see only their shadows, and their shadows are their laws.

    And what is the sun to them but a caster of shadows?

    And what is it to acknowledge the laws but to stoop down and trace their

    shadows upon the earth?

    But you who walk facing the sun, what images drawn on the earth can

    hold you?

    You who travel with the wind, what weathervane shall direct your

    course?

    What man’s law shall bind you if you break your yoke but upon no man’s

    prison door?

    What laws shall you fear if you dance but stumble against no man’s iron

    chains?

    And who is he that shall bring you to judgment if you tear off your

    garment yet leave it in no man’s path?

    People of Orphalese, you can muffle the drum, and you can loosen the

    strings of the lyre, but who shall command the skylark not to sing?

    On Freedom

    And an orator said, “Speak to us of Freedom.”

    And he answered:

    At the city gate and by your fireside I have seen you prostrate yourself

    and worship your own freedom,

    Even as slaves humble themselves before a tyrant and praise him though

    he slays them.

    Ay, in the grove of the temple and in the shadow of the citadel I have

    seen the freest among you wear their freedom as a yoke and a handcuff.

    And my heart bled within me; for you can only be free when even the

    desire of seeking freedom becomes a harness to you, and when you cease to

    speak of freedom as a goal and a fulfillment.

    You shall be free indeed when your days are not without a care nor your

    nights without a want and a grief,

    But rather when these things girdle your life and yet you rise above them

    naked and unbound.

    And how shall you rise beyond your days and nights unless you break

    the chains which you at the dawn of your understanding have fastened

    around your noon hour?

    In truth that which you call freedom is the strongest of these chains,

    though its links glitter in the sun and dazzle the eyes.

    And what is it but fragments of your own self you would discard that

    you may become free?

    If it is an unjust law you would abolish, that law was written with your

    own hand upon your own forehead.

    You cannot erase it by burning your law books nor by washing the

    foreheads of your judges, though you pour the sea upon them.

    And if it is a despot you would dethrone, see first that his throne erected

    within you is destroyed.

    For how can a tyrant rule the free and the proud, but for a tyranny in

    their own freedom and a shame in their won pride?

    And if it is a care you would cast off, that care has been chosen by you

    rather than imposed upon you.

    And if it is a fear you would dispel, the seat of that fear is in your heart

    and not in the hand of the feared.

    Verily all things move within your being in constant half embrace, the

    desired and the dreaded, the repugnant and the cherished, the pursued and

    that which you would escape.

    These things move within you as lights and shadows in pairs that cling.

    And when the shadow fades and is no more, the light that lingers

    becomes a shadow to another light.

    And thus your freedom when it loses its fetters becomes itself the fetter

    of a greater freedom.

    On Reason & Passion

    And the priestess spoke again and said:

    “Speak to us of Reason and Passion.”

    And he answered saying:

    Your soul is oftentimes a battlefield, upon which your reason and your

    judgment wage war against passion and your appetite.

    Would that I could be the peacemaker in your soul, that I might turn the

    discord and the rivalry of your elements into oneness and melody.

    But how shall I, unless you yourselves be also the peacemakers, nay, the

    lovers of all your elements?

    Your reason and your passion are the rudder and the sails of your

    seafaring soul.

    If either your sails or our rudder be broken, you can but toss and drift, or

    else be held at a standstill in mid-seas.

    For reason, ruling alone, is a force confining; and passion, unattended, is

    a flame that burns to its own destruction.

    Therefore let your soul exalt your reason to the height of passion; that it

    may sing;

    And let it direct your passion with reason, that your passion may live

    through its own daily resurrection, and like the phoenix rise above its own

    ashes.

    I would have you consider your judgment and your appetite even as you

    would two loved guests in your house.

    Surely you would not honour one guest above the other; for he who is

    more mindful of one loses the love and the faith of both.

    Among the hills, when you sit in the cool shade of the white poplars,

    sharing the peace and serenity of distant fields and meadows – then let your

    heart say in silence, “God rests in reason.”

    And when the storm comes, and the mighty wind shakes the forest, and

    thunder and lightning proclaim the majesty of the sky, – then let your heart

    say in awe, “God moves in passion.”

    And since you are a breath In God’s sphere, and a leaf in God’s forest,

    you too should rest in reason and move in passion.

    On Pain

    And a woman spoke, saying, “Tell us of Pain.”

    And he said:

    Your pain is the breaking of the shell that encloses your understanding.

    Even as the stone of the fruit must break, that its heart may stand in the

    sun, so must you know pain.

    And could you keep your heart in wonder at the daily miracles of your

    life, your pain would not seem less wondrous than your joy;

    And you would accept the seasons of your heart, even as you have

    always accepted the seasons that pass over your fields.

    And you would watch with serenity through the winters of your grief.

    Much of your pain is self-chosen.

    It is the bitter potion by which the physician within you heals your sick self.

    Therefore trust the physician, and drink his remedy in silence and tranquillity:

    For his hand, though heavy and hard, is guided by the tender hand of the

    Unseen,

    And the cup he brings, though it burn your lips, has been fashioned of

    the clay which the Potter has moistened with His own sacred tears.

    On Self-Knowledge

    And a man said, “Speak to us of Self-Knowledge.”

    And he answered, saying:

    Your hearts know in silence the secrets of the days and the nights.

    But your ears thirst for the sound of your heart’s knowledge.

    You would know in words that which you have always know in thought.

    You would touch with your fingers the naked body of your dreams.

    And it is well you should.

    The hidden well-spring of your soul must needs rise and run murmuring

    to the sea;

    And the treasure of your infinite depths would be revealed to your eyes.

    But let there be no scales to weigh your unknown treasure;

    And seek not the depths of your knowledge with staff or sounding line.

    For self is a sea boundless and measureless.

    Say not, “I have found the truth,” but rather, “I have found a truth.”

    Say not, “I have found the path of the soul.” Say rather, “I have met the

    soul walking upon my path.”

    For the soul walks upon all paths.

    The soul walks not upon a line, neither does it grow like a reed.

    The soul unfolds itself, like a lotus of countless petals.

    On Teaching

    Then said a teacher, “Speak to us of Teaching.”

    And he said:

    No man can reveal to you aught but that which already lies half asleep in the dawning of our knowledge.

    The teacher who walks in the shadow of the temple, among his followers, gives not of his wisdom but rather of his faith and his lovingness.

    If he is indeed wise he does not bid you enter the house of wisdom, but rather leads you to the threshold of your own mind.

    The astronomer may speak to you of his understanding of space, but he

    cannot give you his understanding.

    The musician may sing to you of the rhythm which is in all space, but he cannot give you the ear which arrests the rhythm nor the voice that echoes it.

    And he who is versed in the science of numbers can tell of the regions of weight and measure, but he cannot conduct you thither.

    For the vision of one man lends not its wings to another man.

    And even as each one of you stands alone in God’s knowledge, so must

    each one of you be alone in his knowledge of God and in his understanding

    of the earth.

    On Friendship

    And a youth said, “Speak to us of Friendship.”

    Your friend is your needs answered.

    He is your field which you sow with love and reap with thanksgiving.

    And he is your board and your fireside.

    For you come to him with your hunger, and you seek him for peace.

    When your friend speaks his mind you fear not the “nay” in your own

    mind, nor do you withhold the “ay.”

    And when he is silent your heart ceases not to listen to his heart;

    For without words, in friendship, all thoughts, all desires, all

    expectations are born and shared, with joy that is unacclaimed.

    When you part from your friend, you grieve not;

    For that which you love most in him may be clearer in his absence, as

    the mountain to the climber is clearer from the plain.

    And let there be no purpose in friendship save the deepening of the

    spirit.

    For love that seeks aught but the disclosure of its own mystery is not

    love but a net cast forth: and only the unprofitable is caught.

    And let your best be for your friend.

    If he must know the ebb of your tide, let him know its flood also.

    For what is your friend that you should seek him with hours to kill?

    Seek him always with hours to live.

    For it is his to fill your need, but not your emptiness.

    And in the sweetness of friendship let there be laughter, and sharing of

    pleasures.

    For in the dew of little things the heart finds its morning and is

    refreshed.

    On Talking

    And then a scholar said, “Speak of Talking.”

    And he answered, saying:

    You talk when you cease to be at peace with your thoughts;

    And when you can no longer dwell in the solitude of your heart you live

    in your lips, and sound is a diversion and a pastime.

    And in much of your talking, thinking is half murdered.

    For thought is a bird of space, that in a cage of words many indeed

    unfold its wings but cannot fly.

    There are those among you who seek the talkative through fear of being

    alone.

    The silence of aloneness reveals to their eyes their naked selves and they

    would escape.

    And there are those who talk, and without knowledge or forethought

    reveal a truth which they themselves do not understand.

    And there are those who have the truth within them, but they tell it not in

    words.

    In the bosom of such as these the spirit dwells in rhythmic silence.

    When you meet your friend on the roadside or in the market place, let

    the spirit in you move your lips and direct your tongue.

    Let the voice within your voice speak to the ear of his ear;

    For his soul will keep the truth of your heart as the taste of the wine is

    remembered

    When the colour is forgotten and the vessel is no more.

    On Time

    And an astronomer said, “Master, what of Time?”

    And he answered:

    You would measure time the measureless and the immeasurable.

    You would adjust your conduct and even direct the course of your spirit

    according to hours and seasons.

    Of time you would make a stream upon whose bank you would sit and

    watch its flowing.

    Yet the timeless in you is aware of life’s timelessness,

    And knows that yesterday is but today’s memory and tomorrow is

    today’s dream.

    And that that which sings and contemplates in you is still dwelling

    within the bounds of that first moment which scattered the stars into space.

    Who among you does not feel that his power to love is boundless?

    And yet who does not feel that very love, though boundless,

    encompassed within the centre of his being, and moving not form love

    thought to love thought, nor from love deeds to other love deeds?

    And is not time even as love is, undivided and paceless?

    But if in you thought you must measure time into seasons, let each

    season encircle all the other seasons,

    And let today embrace the past with remembrance and the future with

    longing.

    On Good & Evil

    And one of the elders of the city said, “Speak to us of Good and Evil.”

    And he answered:

    Of the good in you I can speak, but not of the evil.

    For what is evil but good tortured by its own hunger and thirst?

    Verily when good is hungry it seeks food even in dark caves, and when

    it thirsts, it drinks even of dead waters.

    You are good when you are one with yourself.

    Yet when you are not one with yourself you are not evil.

    For a divided house is not a den of thieves; it is only a divided house.

    And a ship without rudder may wander aimlessly among perilous isles

    yet sink not to the bottom.

    You are good when you strive to give of yourself.

    Yet you are not evil when you seek gain for yourself.

    For when you strive for gain you are but a root that clings to the earth

    and sucks at her breast.

    Surely the fruit cannot say to the root, “Be like me, ripe and full and ever

    giving of your abundance.”

    For to the fruit giving is a need, as receiving is a need to the root.

    You are good when you are fully awake in your speech,

    Yet you are not evil when you sleep while your tongue staggers without purpose.

    And even stumbling speech may strengthen a weak tongue.

    You are good when you walk to your goal firmly and with bold steps.

    Yet you are not evil when you go thither limping.

    Even those who limp go not backward.

    But you who are strong and swift, see that you do not limp before the lame, deeming it kindness.

    You are good in countless ways, and you are not evil when you are not good,

    You are only loitering and sluggard.

    Pity that the stags cannot teach swiftness to the turtles.

    In your longing for your giant self lies your goodness: and that longing is in all of you.

    But in some of you that longing is a torrent rushing with might to the

    sea, carrying the secrets of the hillsides and the songs of the forest.

    And in others it is a flat stream that loses itself in angles and bends and lingers before it reaches the shore.

    But let not him who longs much say to him who longs little, “Wherefore are you slow and halting?”

    For the truly good ask not the naked, “Where is your garment?” nor the houseless, “What has befallen your house?”

    On Prayer

    Then a priestess said, “Speak to us of Prayer.”

    And he answered, saying:

    You pray in your distress and in your need; would that you might pray

    also in the fullness of your joy and in your days of abundance.

    For what is prayer but the expansion of yourself into the living ether?

    And if it is for your comfort to pour your darkness into space, it is also

    for your delight to pour forth the dawning of your heart.

    And if you cannot but weep when your soul summons you to prayer, she

    should spur you again and yet again, though weeping, until you shall come

    laughing.

    When you pray you rise to meet in the air those who are praying at that

    very hour, and whom save in prayer you may not meet.

    Therefore let your visit to that temple invisible be for naught but ecstasy

    and sweet communion.

    For if you should enter the temple for no other purpose than asking you

    shall not receive.

    And if you should enter into it to humble yourself you shall not be lifted:

    Or even if you should enter into it to beg for the good of others you shall

    not be heard.

    It is enough that you enter the temple invisible.

    I cannot teach you how to pray in words.

    God listens not to your words save when He Himself utters them

    through your lips.

    And I cannot teach you the prayer of the seas and the forests and the

    mountains.

    But you who are born of the mountains and the forests and the seas can

    find their prayer in your heart,

    And if you but listen in the stillness of the night you shall hear them

    saying in silence,

    “Our God, who art our winged self, it is thy will in us that willeth.

    It is thy desire in us that desireth.

    It is thy urge in us that would turn our nights, which are thine, into days

    which are thine also.

    We cannot ask thee for aught, for thou knowest our needs before they

    are born in us:

    Thou art our need; and in giving us more of thyself thou givest us all.”

    On Pleasure

    Then a hermit, who visited the city once a year, came forth and said, “Speak to us of Pleasure.”

    And he answered, saying:

    Pleasure is a freedom song,

    But it is not freedom.

    It is the blossoming of your desires,

    But it is not their fruit.

    It is a depth calling unto a height,

    But it is not the deep nor the high.

    It is the caged taking wing,

    But it is not space encompassed.

    Ay, in very truth, pleasure is a freedom-song.

    And I fain would have you sing it with fullness of heart; yet I would not have you lose your hearts in the singing.

    Some of your youth seek pleasure as if it were all, and they are judged and rebuked.

    I would not judge nor rebuke them. I would have them seek.

    For they shall find pleasure, but not her alone:

    Seven are her sisters, and the least of them is more beautiful than pleasure.

    Have you not heard of the man who was digging in the earth for roots and found a treasure?

    And some of your elders remember pleasures with regret like wrongs

    committed in drunkenness.

    But regret is the beclouding of the mind and not its chastisement.

    They should remember their pleasures with gratitude, as they would the

    harvest of a summer.

    Yet if it comforts them to regret, let them be comforted.

    And there are among you those who are neither young to seek nor old to

    remember;

    And in their fear of seeking and remembering they shun all pleasures,

    lest they neglect the spirit or offend against it.

    But even in their foregoing is their pleasure.

    And thus they too find a treasure though they dig for roots with

    quivering hands.

    But tell me, who is he that can offend the spirit?

    Shall the nightingale offend the stillness of the night, or the firefly the

    stars?

    And shall your flame or your smoke burden the wind?

    Think you the spirit is a still pool which you can trouble with a staff?

    Oftentimes in denying yourself pleasure you do but store the desire in

    the recesses of your being.

    Who knows but that which seems omitted today, waits for tomorrow?

    Even your body knows its heritage and its rightful need and will not be

    deceived.

    And your body is the harp of your soul,

    And it is yours to bring forth sweet music from it or confused sounds.

    And now you ask in your heart, “How shall we distinguish that which is

    good in pleasure from that which is not good?”

    Go to your fields and your gardens, and you shall learn that it is the

    pleasure of the bee to gather honey of the flower,

    But it is also the pleasure of the flower to yield its honey to the bee.

    For to the bee a flower is a fountain of life,

    And to the flower a bee is a messenger of love,

    And to both, bee and flower, the giving and the receiving of pleasure is a

    need and an ecstasy.

    People of Orphalese, be in your pleasures like the flowers and the bees.

    On Beauty

    And a poet said, “Speak to us of Beauty.”

    Where shall you seek beauty, and how shall you find her unless she

    herself be your way and your guide?

    And how shall you speak of her except she be the weaver of your

    speech?

    The aggrieved and the injured say, “Beauty is kind and gentle.

    Like a young mother half-shy of her own glory she walks among us.”

    And the passionate say, “Nay, beauty is a thing of might and dread.

    Like the tempest she shakes the earth beneath us and the sky above us.”

    The tired and the weary say, “beauty is of soft whisperings. She speaks

    in our spirit.

    Her voice yields to our silences like a faint light that quivers in fear of

    the shadow.”

    But the restless say, “We have heard her shouting among the mountains,

    And with her cries came the sound of hoofs, and the beating of wings

    and the roaring of lions.”

    At night the watchmen of the city say, “Beauty shall rise with the dawn

    from the east.”

    And at noontide the toilers and the wayfarers say, “we have seen her

    leaning over the earth from the windows of the sunset.”

    In winter say the snow-bound, “She shall come with the spring leaping

    upon the hills.”

    And in the summer heat the reapers say, “We have seen her dancing with

    the autumn leaves, and we saw a drift of snow in her hair.”

    All these things have you said of beauty.

    Yet in truth you spoke not of her but of needs unsatisfied,

    And beauty is not a need but an ecstasy.

    It is not a mouth thirsting nor an empty hand stretched forth,

    But rather a heart enflamed and a soul enchanted.

    It is not the image you would see nor the song you would hear,

    But rather an image you see though you close your eyes and a song you

    hear though you shut your ears.

    It is not the sap within the furrowed bark, nor a wing attached to a claw,

    But rather a garden for ever in bloom and a flock of angels for ever in

    flight.

    People of Orphalese, beauty is life when life unveils her holy face.

    But you are life and you are the veil.

    Beauty is eternity gazing at itself in a mirror.

    But you are eternity and your are the mirror.

    On Religion

    And an old priest said, “Speak to us of Religion.”

    And he said:

    Have I spoken this day of aught else?

    Is not religion all deeds and all reflection,

    And that which is neither deed nor reflection, but a wonder and a

    surprise ever springing in the soul, even while the hands hew the stone or

    tend the loom?

    Who can separate his faith from his actions, or his belief from his

    occupations?

    Who can spread his hours before him, saying, “This for God and this for

    myself; This for my soul, and this other for my body?”

    All your hours are wings that beat through space from self to self.

    He who wears his morality but as his best garment were better naked.

    The wind and the sun will tear no holes in his skin.

    And he who defines his conduct by ethics imprisons his song-bird in a

    cage.

    The freest song comes not through bars and wires.

    And he to whom worshipping is a window, to open but also to shut, has

    not yet visited the house of his soul whose windows are from dawn to dawn.

    Your daily life is your temple and your religion.

    Whenever you enter into it take with you your all.

    Take the plough and the forge and the mallet and the lute,

    The things you have fashioned in necessity or for delight.

    For in revery you cannot rise above your achievements nor fall lower

    than your failures.

    And take with you all men:

    For in adoration you cannot fly higher than their hopes nor humble

    yourself lower than their despair.

    And if you would know God be not therefore a solver of riddles.

    Rather look about you and you shall see Him playing with your children.

    And look into space; you shall see Him walking in the cloud,

    outstretching His arms in the lightning and descending in rain.

    You shall see Him smiling in flowers, then rising and waving His hands

    in trees.

    On Death

    Then Almitra spoke, saying, “We would ask now of Death.”

    And he said:

    You would know the secret of death.

    But how shall you find it unless you seek it in the heart of life?

    The owl whose night-bound eyes are blind unto the day cannot unveil

    the mystery of light.

    If you would indeed behold the spirit of death, open your heart wide

    unto the body of life.

    For life and death are one, even as the river and the sea are one.

    In the depth of your hopes and desires lies your silent knowledge of the

    beyond;

    And like seeds dreaming beneath the snow your heart dreams of spring.

    Trust the dreams, for in them is hidden the gate to eternity.

    Your fear of death is but the trembling of the shepherd when he stands

    before the king whose hand is to be laid upon him in honour.

    Is the shepherd not joyful beneath his trembling, that he shall wear the

    mark of the king?

    Yet is he not more mindful of his trembling?

    For what is it to die but to stand naked in the wind and to melt into the

    sun?

    And what is to cease breathing, but to free the breath from its restless

    tides, that it may rise and expand and seek God unencumbered?

    Only when you drink from the river of silence shall you indeed sing.

    And when you have reached the mountain top, then you shall begin to

    climb.

    And when the earth shall claim your limbs, then shall you truly dance.

    The Farewell

    And now it was evening.

    And Almitra the seeress said, “Blessed be this day and this place and your spirit that has spoken.”

    And he answered, Was it I who spoke? Was I not also a listener?

    Then he descended the steps of the Temple and all the people followed him. And he reached his ship and stood upon the deck.

    And facing the people again, he raised his voice and said:

    People of Orphalese, the wind bids me leave you.

    Less hasty am I than the wind, yet I must go.

    We wanderers, ever seeking the lonelier way, begin no day where we have ended another day; and no sunrise finds us where sunset left us.

    Even while the earth sleeps we travel.

    We are the seeds of the tenacious plant, and it is in our ripeness and our fullness of heart that we are given to the wind and are scattered.

    Brief were my days among you, and briefer still the words I have spoken.

    But should my voice fade in your ears, and my love vanish in your memory, then I will come again,

    And with a richer heart and lips more yielding to the spirit will I speak.

    Yea, I shall return with the tide,

    And though death may hide me, and the greater silence enfold me, yet again will I seek your understanding.

    And not in vain will I seek.

    If aught I have said is truth, that truth shall reveal itself in a clearer voice, and in words more kin to your thoughts.

    I go with the wind, people of Orphalese, but not down into emptiness;

    And if this day is not a fulfillment of your needs and my love, then let it be a promise till another day.

    Know therefore, that from the greater silence I shall return.

    The mist that drifts away at dawn, leaving but dew in the fields, shall

    rise and gather into a cloud and then fall down in rain.

    And not unlike the mist have I been.

    In the stillness of the night I have walked in your streets, and my spirit

    has entered your houses,

    And your heart-beats were in my heart, and your breath was upon my

    face, and I knew you all.

    Ay, I knew your joy and your pain, and in your sleep your dreams were my dreams.

    And oftentimes I was among you a lake among the mountains.

    I mirrored the summits in you and the bending slopes, and even the

    passing flocks of your thoughts and your desires.

    And to my silence came the laughter of your children in streams, and the

    longing of your youths in rivers.

    And when they reached my depth the streams and the rivers ceased not yet to sing.

    But sweeter still than laughter and greater than longing came to me.

    It was boundless in you;

    The vast man in whom you are all but cells and sinews;

    He in whose chant all your singing is but a soundless throbbing.

    It is in the vast man that you are vast,

    And in beholding him that I beheld you and loved you.

    For what distances can love reach that are not in that vast sphere?

    What visions, what expectations and what presumptions can outsoar that flight?

    Like a giant oak tree covered with apple blossoms is the vast man in you.

    His mind binds you to the earth, his fragrance lifts you into space, and in

    his durability you are deathless.

    You have been told that, even like a chain, you are as weak as your weakest link.

    This is but half the truth. You are also as strong as your strongest link.

    To measure you by your smallest deed is to reckon the power of ocean by the frailty of its foam.

    To judge you by your failures is to cast blame upon the seasons for their inconsistency.

    Ay, you are like an ocean,

    And though heavy-grounded ships await the tide upon your shores, yet, even like an ocean, you cannot hasten your tides.

    And like the seasons you are also,

    And though in your winter you deny your spring,

    Yet spring, reposing within you, smiles in her drowsiness and is not offended.

    Think not I say these things in order that you may say the one to the other, “He praised us well. He saw but the good in us.”

    I only speak to you in words of that which you yourselves know in thought.

    And what is word knowledge but a shadow of wordless knowledge?

    Your thoughts and my words are waves from a sealed memory that keeps records of our yesterdays,

    And of the ancient days when the earth knew not us nor herself,

    And of nights when earth was upwrought with confusion,

    Wise men have come to you to give you of their wisdom. I came to take of your wisdom:

    And behold I have found that which is greater than wisdom.

    It is a flame spirit in you ever gathering more of itself,

    While you, heedless of its expansion, bewail the withering of your days.

    It is life in quest of life in bodies that fear the grave.

    There are no graves here.

    These mountains and plains are a cradle and a stepping-stone.

    Whenever you pass by the field where you have laid your ancestors look well thereupon, and you shall see yourselves and your children dancing hand in hand.

    Verily you often make merry without knowing.

    Others have come to you to whom for golden promises made unto your faith you have given but riches and power and glory.

    Less than a promise have I given, and yet more generous have you been to me.

    You have given me deeper thirsting after life.

    Surely there is no greater gift to a man than that which turns all his aims into parching lips and all life into a fountain.

    And in this lies my honour and my reward, –

    That whenever I come to the fountain to drink I find the living water itself thirsty;

    And it drinks me while I drink it.

    Some of you have deemed me proud and over-shy to receive gifts.

    To proud indeed am I to receive wages, but not gifts.

    And though I have eaten berries among the hill when you would have had me sit at your board,

    And slept in the portico of the temple where you would gladly have

    sheltered me,

    Yet was it not your loving mindfulness of my days and my nights that

    made food sweet to my mouth and girdled my sleep with visions?

    For this I bless you most:

    You give much and know not that you give at all.

    Verily the kindness that gazes upon itself in a mirror turns to stone,

    And a good deed that calls itself by tender names becomes the parent to a curse.

    And some of you have called me aloof, and drunk with my own aloneness,

    And you have said, “He holds council with the trees of the forest, but not with men.

    He sits alone on hill-tops and looks down upon our city.”

    True it is that I have climbed the hills and walked in remote places.

    How could I have seen you save from a great height or a great distance?

    How can one be indeed near unless he be far?

    And others among you called unto me, not in words, and they said,

    Stranger, stranger, lover of unreachable heights, why dwell you among the summits where eagles build their nests?

    Why seek you the unattainable?

    What storms would you trap in your net,

    And what vaporous birds do you hunt in the sky?

    Come and be one of us.

    Descend and appease your hunger with our bread and quench your thirst with our wine.”

    In the solitude of their souls they said these things;

    But were their solitude deeper they would have known that I sought but the secret of your joy and your pain,

    And I hunted only your larger selves that walk the sky.

    But the hunter was also the hunted:

    For many of my arrows left my bow only to seek my own breast.

    And the flier was also the creeper;

    For when my wings were spread in the sun their shadow upon the earth was a turtle.

    And I the believer was also the doubter;

    For often have I put my finger in my own wound that I might have the greater belief in you and the greater knowledge of you.

    And it is with this belief and this knowledge that I say,

    You are not enclosed within your bodies, nor confined to houses or fields.

    That which is you dwells above the mountain and roves with the wind.

    It is not a thing that crawls into the sun for warmth or digs holes into darkness for safety,

    But a thing free, a spirit that envelops the earth and moves in the ether.

    If this be vague words, then seek not to clear them.

    Vague and nebulous is the beginning of all things, but not their end,

    And I fain would have you remember me as a beginning.

    Life, and all that lives, is conceived in the mist and not in the crystal.

    And who knows but a crystal is mist in decay?

    This would I have you remember in remembering me:

    That which seems most feeble and bewildered in you is the strongest and most determined.

    Is it not your breath that has erected and hardened the structure of your bones?

    And is it not a dream which none of you remember having dreamt that building your city and fashioned all there is in it?

    Could you but see the tides of that breath you would cease to see all else,

    And if you could hear the whispering of the dream you would hear no other sound.

    But you do not see, nor do you hear, and it is well.

    The veil that clouds your eyes shall be lifted by the hands that wove it,

    And the clay that fills your ears shall be pierced by those fingers that kneaded it.

    And you shall see

    And you shall hear.

    Yet you shall not deplore having known blindness, nor regret having been deaf.

    For in that day you shall know the hidden purposes in all things,

    And you shall bless darkness as you would bless light.

    After saying these things he looked about him, and he saw the pilot of his ship standing by the helm and gazing now at the full sails and now at the distance.

    And he said:

    Patient, over-patient, is the captain of my ship.

    The wind blows, and restless are the sails;

    Even the rudder begs direction;

    Yet quietly my captain awaits my silence.

    And these my mariners, who have heard the choir of the greater sea, they too have heard me patiently.

    Now they shall wait no longer.

    I am ready.

    The stream has reached the sea, and once more the great mother holds her son against her breast.

    Fare you well, people of Orphalese.

    This day has ended.

    It is closing upon us even as the water-lily upon its own tomorrow.

    What was given us here we shall keep,

    And if it suffices not, then again must we come together and together stretch our hands unto the giver.

    Forget not that I shall come back to you.

    A little while, and my longing shall gather dust and foam for another body.

    A little while, a moment of rest upon the wind, and another woman shall bear me.

    Farewell to you and the youth I have spent with you.

    It was but yesterday we met in a dream.

    You have sung to me in my aloneness, and I of your longings have built a tower in the sky.

    But now our sleep has fled and our dream is over, and it is no longer dawn.

    The noontide is upon us and our half waking has turned to fuller day, and we must part.

    If in the twilight of memory we should meet once more, we shall speak again together and you shall sing to me a deeper song.

    And if our hands should meet in another dream, we shall build another tower in the sky.

    So saying he made a signal to the seamen, and straightaway they weighed anchor and cast the ship loose from its moorings, and they moved eastward.

    And a cry came from the people as from a single heart, and it rose the dusk and was carried out over the sea like a great trumpeting.

    Only Almitra was silent, gazing after the ship until it had vanished into the mist.

    And when all the people were dispersed she still stood alone upon the sea-wall, remembering in her heart his saying,

    A little while, a moment of rest upon the wind, and another woman shall bear me.”

  • Rabindranath Tagore《Gitanjalii(吉檀迦利)》

       《吉檀迦利》是泰戈尔中期诗歌创作的高峰,也是最能代表他思想观念和艺术风格的作品。这部宗教抒情诗集,是一份”奉献给神的祭品”(不少人以为”吉檀迦利”是奉献之意,其实是献诗之意;作者的另外一部诗集<<奈维德雅>>才具奉献之意)。泰戈尔向神敬献的歌是“生命之歌”,以轻快、欢畅的笔调歌唱生命的枯荣、现实生活的欢乐和悲哀。

    翻译:冰心

    1. 你已经使我永生,这样做是你的欢乐。这脆薄的杯儿,你不断地把它倒空,又不断地以新生命来充满。

    这小小的苇笛,你携带着它逾山越谷,从笛管里吹出永新的音乐。

    在你双手的不朽的按抚下,我的小小的心,消融在无边快乐之中,发出不可言说的词调。

    你的无穷的赐予只倾入我小小的手里。时代过去了,你还在倾注,而我的手里还有余量待充满。

    1.  Thou hast made me endless, such is thy pleasure. This frail vessel thou emptiest again and again, and fillest it ever with fresh life.

    This little flute of a reed thou hast carried over hills and dales, and hast breathed through it melodies eternally new.

    At the immortal touch of thy hands my little heart loses its limits in joy and gives birth to utterance ineffable.

    Thy infinite gifts come to me only on these very small hands of mine. Ages pass, and still thou pourest, and still there is room to fill.

    ——————————————————————————-

    2.  当你命令我歌唱的时候,我的心似乎要因着骄傲而炸裂,我仰望着你的脸,眼泪涌上我的眶里。

    我生命中一切的凝涩与矛盾融化成一片甜柔的谐音--

    我的赞颂像一只欢乐的鸟,振翼飞越海洋。

    我知道你欢喜我的歌唱。我知道只因为我是个歌者,才能走到你的面前。

    我用我的歌曲的远伸的翅梢,触到了你的双脚,那是我从来不敢想望触到的。

    在歌唱中的陶醉,我忘了自己,你本是我的主人,我却称你为朋友。

    2. When thou commandest me to sing it seems that my heart would break with pride; and I look to thy face, and tears come to my eyes.

    All that is harsh and dissonant in my life melts into one sweet harmony—and my adoration spreads wings like a glad bird on its flight across the sea.

    I know thou takest pleasure in my singing. I know that only as a singer I come before thy presence.

    I touch by the edge of the far-spreading wing of my song thy feet which I could never aspire to reach.

    Drunk with the joy of singing I forget myself and call thee friend who art my lord.

    ——————————————————————————-

    3. 我不知道你怎样地唱,我的主人!我总在惊奇地静听。

    你的音乐的光辉照亮了世界。你的音乐的气息透彻诸天。

    你的音乐的圣泉冲过一切阻挡的岩石,向前奔涌。

    我的心渴望和你合唱,而挣扎不出一点声音。我想说话,但是言语不成歌曲,我叫

    不出来。呵,你使我的心变成了你的音乐的漫天大网中的俘虏,我的主人!

    3.I know not how thou singest, my master! I ever listen in silent amazement.

    The light of thy music illumines the world. The life breath of thy music runs from sky to sky. The holy stream of thy music breaks through all stony obstacles and rushes on.

    My heart longs to join in thy song, but vainly struggles for a voice. I would speak, but speech breaks not into song, and I cry out baffled. Ah, thou hast made my heart captive in the endless meshes of thy music, my master!

    ——————————————————————————-

    4.  我生命的生命,我要保持我的躯体永远纯洁,因为我知道你的生命的摩抚,接触着我的四肢。

    我要永远从我的思想中屏除虚伪,因为我知道你就是那在我心中燃起理智之火的真理。

    我要从我心中驱走一切的丑恶,使我的爱开花,因为我知道你在我的心宫深处安设了座位。

    我要努力在我的行为上表现你,因为我知道是你的威力,给我力量来行动。

    4.  Life of my life, I shall ever try to keep my body pure, knowing that thy living touch is upon all my limbs.

    I shall ever try to keep all untruths out from my thoughts, knowing that thou art that truth which has kindled the light of reason in my mind.

    I shall ever try to drive all evils away from my heart and keep my love in flower, knowing that thou hast thy seat in the inmost shrine of my heart.

    And it shall be my endeavour to reveal thee in my actions, knowing it is thy power gives me strength to act.

    ——————————————————————————-

    5.  请容我懈怠一会儿,来坐在你的身旁。我手边的工作等一下子再去完成。

    不在你的面前,我的心就不知道什么是安逸和休息,我的工作变成了无边的劳役海中的无尽的劳役。

    今天,炎暑来到我的窗前,轻嘘微语:群蜂在花树的宫廷中尽情弹唱。

    这正是应该静坐的时光,和你相对,在这静寂和无边的闲暇里唱出生命的献歌。

    5.  I ask for a moment’s indulgence to sit by thy side. The works that I have in hand I will finish afterwards.

    Away from the sight of thy face my heart knows no rest nor respite, and my work becomes an endless toil in a shoreless sea of toil.

    Today the summer has come at my window with its sighs and murmurs; and the bees are plying their minstrelsy at the court of the flowering grove.

    Now it is time to sit quite, face to face with thee, and to sing dedication of live in this silent and overflowing leisure.

    ——————————————————————————-

    6.  摘下这朵花来,拿了去罢,不要迟延!我怕它会萎谢了,掉在尘土里。

    它也许配不上你的花冠,但请你采折它,以你手采折的痛苦来给它光宠。我怕在我

    警觉之先,日光已逝,供献的时间过了。

    虽然它颜色不深,香气很淡,请仍用这花来礼拜,趁着还有时间,就采折罢。

    6.  Pluck this little flower and take it, delay not! I fear lest it droop and drop into the dust.

    I may not find a place in thy garland, but honour it with a touch of pain from thy hand and pluck it. I fear lest the day end before I am aware, and the time of offering go by.

    Though its colour be not deep and its smell be faint, use this flower in thy service and pluck it while there is time.

    ——————————————————————————-

    7.  我的歌曲把她的妆饰卸掉。她没有了衣饰的骄奢。妆饰会成为我们合一之玷:它们

    会横阻在我们之间,它们丁当的声音会掩没了你的细语。

    我的诗人的虚荣心,在你的容光中羞死。呵,诗圣,我已经拜倒在你的脚前。只让

    我的生命简单正直像一枝苇笛,让你来吹出音乐。

    7.  My song has put off her adornments. She has no pride of dress and decoration. Ornaments would mar our union; they would come between thee and me; their jingling would drown thy whispers.

    My poet’s vanity dies in shame before thy sight. O master poet, I have sat down at thy feet. Only let me make my life simple and straight, like a flute of reed for thee to fill with music.

    ——————————————————————————-

    8.  那穿起王子的衣袍和挂起珠宝项链的孩子,在游戏中他失去了一切的快乐;他的衣服绊着他的步履。

    为怕衣饰的破裂和污损,他不敢走进世界,甚至于不敢挪动。

    母亲,这是毫无好处的,如你的华美的约束,使人和大地健康的尘土隔断,把人进入日常生活的盛大集会的权利剥夺去了。

    8.  The child who is decked with prince’s robes and who has jewelled chains round his neck loses all pleasure in his play; his dress hampers him at every step.

    In fear that it may be frayed, or stained with dust he keeps himself from the world, and is afraid even to move.

    Mother, it is no gain, thy bondage of finery, if it keeps one shut off from the healthful dust of the earth, if it rob one of the right of entrance to the great fair of common human life.

    ——————————————————————————-

    9.  呵,傻子,想把自己背在肩上!呵,乞人,来到你自己门口求乞!

    把你的负担卸在那双能担当一切的手中罢,永远不要惋惜地回顾。

    你的欲望的气息,会立刻把它接触到的灯火吹灭。它是不圣洁的--不要从它不洁

    的手中接受礼物。只领受神圣的爱所付予的东西。

    9.  O Fool, try to carry thyself upon thy own shoulders! O beggar, to come beg at thy own door!

    Leave all thy burdens on his hands who can bear all, and never look behind in regret.

    Thy desire at once puts out the light from the lamp it touches with its breath. It is unholy—take not thy gifts through its unclean hands. Accept only what is offered by sacred love.

    ——————————————————————————-

    10

    这是你的脚凳,你在最贫最贱最失所的人群中歇足。

    我想向你鞠躬,我的敬礼不能达到你歇足地方的深处--那最贫最贱最失所的人群中。

    你穿着破敝的衣服,在最贫最贱最失所的人群中行走,骄傲永远不能走近这个地方。

    你和那最没有朋友的最贫最贱最失所的人们作伴,我的心永远找不到那个地方。

    10.Here is thy footstool and there rest thy feet where live the poorest, and lowliest, and lost.

    When I try to bow to thee, my obeisance cannot reach down to the depth where thy feet rest among the poorest, and lowliest, and lost.

    Pride can never approach to where thou walkest in the clothes of the humble among the poorest, and lowliest, and lost.

    My heart can never find its way to where thou keepest company with the companionless among the poorest, the lowliest, and the lost.

    ——————————————————————————-

    11

    把礼赞和数珠撇在一边罢!你在门窗紧闭幽暗孤寂的殿角里,向谁礼拜呢?睁开眼你看,上帝不在你的面前!

    他是在锄着枯地的农夫那里,在敲石的造路工人那里。太阳下,阴雨里,他和他们

    同在,衣袍上蒙着尘土。脱掉你的圣袍,甚至像他一样地下到泥土里去罢!

    超脱吗?从哪里找超脱呢?我们的主已经高高兴兴地把创造的锁链带起:他和我们大家永远连系在一起。

    从静坐里走出来罢,丢开供养的香花!你的衣服污损了又何妨呢?去迎接他,在劳动里,流汗里,和他站在一起罢。

    11.Leave this chanting and singing and telling of beads! Whom dost thou worship in this lonely dark corner of a temple with doors all shut? Open thine eyes and see thy God is not before thee!

    He is there where the tiller is tilling the hard ground and where the path maker is breaking stones. He is with them in sun and in shower, and his garment is covered with dust. Put of thy holy mantle and even like him come down on the dusty soil!

    Deliverance? Where is this deliverance to be found? Our master himself has joyfully taken upon him the bonds of creation; he is bound with us all for ever.

    Come out of thy meditations and leave aside thy flowers and incense! What harm is there if thy clothes become tattered and stained? Meet him and stand by him in toil and in sweat of thy brow.

    ——————————————————————————-

    12

    我旅行的时间很长,旅途也是很长的。

    天刚破晓,我就驱车起行,穿遍广漠的世界,在许多星球之上,留下辙痕。

    离你最近的地方,路途最远,最简单的音调,需要最艰苦的练习。

    旅客要在每个生人门口敲叩,才能敲到自己的家门,人要在外面到处漂流,最后才能走到最深的内殿。

    我的眼睛向空阔处四望,最后才合上眼说:“你原来在这里!”

    这句问话和呼唤“呵,在哪儿呢?”融化在千股的泪泉里,和你保证的回答“我在这里!”的洪流,一同泛滥了全世界。

    12.The time that my journey takes is long and the way of it long.

    I came out on the chariot of the first gleam of light, and pursued my voyage through the wildernesses of worlds leaving my track on many a star and planet.

    It is the most distant course that comes nearest to thyself, and that training is the most intricate which leads to the utter simplicity of a tune.

    The traveller has to knock at every alien door to come to his own, and one has to wander through all the outer worlds to reach the innermost shrine at the end.

    My eyes strayed far and wide before I shut them and said `Here art thou!’

    The question and the cry `Oh, where?’ melt into tears of a thousand streams and deluge the world with the flood of the assurance `I am!’

    ——————————————————————————-

    13.  我要唱的歌,直到今天还没有唱出。

    每天我总在乐器上调理弦索。

    时间还没有到来,歌词也未曾填好:只有愿望的痛苦在我心中。

    花蕊还未开放;只有风从旁叹息走过。

    我没有看见过他的脸,也没有听见过他的声音:我只听见他轻蹑的足音,从我房前路上走过。

    悠长的一天消磨在为他在地上铺设座位;但是灯火还未点上,我不能请他进来。

    我生活在和他相会的希望中,但这相会的日子还没有来到。

    13.  The song that I came to sing remains unsung to this day.

    I have spent my days in stringing and in unstringing my instrument.

    The time has not come true, the words have not been rightly set; only there is the agony of wishing in my heart.

    The blossom has not opened; only the wind is sighing by.

    I have not seen his face, nor have I listened to his voice; only I have heard his gentle footsteps from the road before my house.

    The livelong day has passed in spreading his seat on the floor; but the lamp has not been lit and I cannot ask him into my house.

    I live in the hope of meeting with him; but this meeting is not yet.

    ——————————————————————————-

    14.  我的欲望很多,我的哭泣也很可怜,但你永远用坚决的拒绝来拯救我,这刚强的慈悲已经紧密地交织在我的生命里。

    你使我一天一天地更配领受你自动的简单伟大的赐予--这天空和光明,这躯体和

    生命与心灵--把我从极欲的危险中拯救了出来。

    有时候我懈怠地捱延,有时候我急忙警觉寻找我的路向;

    但是你却忍心地躲藏起来。

    你不断地拒绝我,从软弱动摇的欲望的危险中拯救了我,使我一天一天地更配得你完全的接纳。

    14.  My desires are many and my cry is pitiful, but ever didst thou save me by hard refusals; and this strong mercy has been wrought into my life through and through.

    Day by day thou art making me worthy of the simple, great gifts that thou gavest to me unasked—this sky and the light, this body and the life and the mind—saving me from perils of overmuch desire.

    There are times when I languidly linger and times when I awaken and hurry in search of my goal; but cruelly thou hidest thyself from before me.

    Day by day thou art making me worthy of thy full acceptance by refusing me ever and anon, saving me from perils of weak, uncertain desire.

    ——————————————————————————-

    15.  我来为你唱歌。在你的厅堂中,我坐在屋角。

    在你的世界中我无事可做;我无用的生命只能放出无目的的歌声。

    在你黑暗的殿中,夜半敲起默祷的钟声的时候,命令我罢,我的主人,来站在你面前歌唱。

    当金琴在晨光中调好的时候,宠赐我罢,命令我来到你的面前。

    15.  I am here to sing thee songs. In this hall of thine I have a corner seat.

    In thy world I have no work to do; my useless life can only break out in tunes without a purpose.

    When the hour strikes for thy silent worship at the dark temple of midnight, command me, my master, to stand before thee to sing.

    When in the morning air the golden harp is tuned, honour me, commanding my presence.

    ——————————————————————————-

    16.  我接到这世界节日的请柬,我的生命受了祝福。我的眼睛看见了美丽的景象,我的耳朵也听见了醉人的音乐。

    在这宴会中,我的任务是奏乐,我也尽力演奏了。

    现在,我问,那时间终于来到了吗,我可以进去瞻仰你的容颜,并献上我静默的敬礼吗?

    16.  I have had my invitation to this world’s festival, and thus my life has been blessed. My eyes have seen and my ears have heard.

    It was my part at this feast to play upon my instrument, and I have done all I could.

    Now, I ask, has the time come at last when I may go in and see thy face and offer thee my silent salutation?

    ——————————————————————————-

    17.  我只在等候着爱,要最终把我交在他手里。这是我迟误的原因,我对这延误负疚。

    他们要用法律和规章,来紧紧地约束我;但是我总是躲着他们,因为我只等候着爱,要最终把我交在他手里。

    人们责备我,说我不理会人;我也知道他们的责备是有道理的。

    市集已过,忙人的工作都已完毕。叫我不应的人都已含怒回去。我只等候着爱,要最终把我交在他手里。

    17.  I am only waiting for love to give myself up at last into his hands. That is why it is so late and why I have been guilty of such omissions.

    They come with their laws and their codes to bind me fast; but I evade them ever, for I am only waiting for love to give myself up at last into his hands.

    People blame me and call me heedless; I doubt not they are right in their blame.

    The market day is over and work is all done for the busy. Those who came to call me in vain have gone back in anger. I am only waiting for love to give myself up at last into his hands.

    ——————————————————————————-

    18.  云霾堆积,黑暗渐深。呵,爱,你为什么让我独在门外等候?

    在中午工作最忙的时候,我和大家在一起,但在这黑暗寂寞的日子,我只企望着你。

    若是你不容我见面,若是你完全把我抛弃,真不知将如何度过这悠长的雨天。

    我不住地凝望遥远的阴空,我的心和不宁的风一同彷徨悲叹。

    18.  Clouds heap upon clouds and it darkens. Ah, love, why dost thou let me wait outside at the door all alone?

    In the busy moments of the noontide work I am with the crowd, but on this dark lonely day it is only for thee that I hope.

    If thou showest me not thy face, if thou leavest me wholly aside, I know not how I am to pass these long, rainy hours.

    I keep gazing on the far-away gloom of the sky, and my heart wanders wailing with the restless wind.

    ——————————————————————————-

    19

    若是你不说话,我就含忍着,以你的沉默来填满我的心。

    我要沉静地等候,像黑夜在星光中无眠,忍耐地低首。

    清晨一定会来,黑暗也要消隐,你的声音将划破天空从金泉中下注。

    那时你的话语,要在我的每一鸟巢中生翼发声,你的音乐,要在我林丛繁花中盛开怒放。

    19.If thou speakest not I will fill my heart with thy silence and endure it. I will keep still and wait like the night with starry vigil and its head bent low with patience.

    The morning will surely come, the darkness will vanish, and thy voice pour down in golden streams breaking through the sky.

    Then thy words will take wing in songs from every one of my birds’ nests, and thy melodies will break forth in flowers in all my forest groves.

    ——————————————————————————-

    20

    莲花开放的那天,唉,我不自觉地在心魂飘荡。我的花篮空着,花儿我也没有去理睬。

    不时地有一段的幽愁来袭击我,我从梦中惊起,觉得南风里有一阵奇香的芳踪。

    这迷茫的温馨,使我想望得心痛,我觉得这仿佛是夏天渴望的气息,寻求圆满。

    我那时不晓得它离我是那么近,而且是我的,这完美的温馨,还是在我自己心灵的深处开放。

    20.On the day when the lotus bloomed, alas, my mind was straying, and I knew it not. My basket was empty and the flower remained unheeded.

    Only now and again a sadness fell upon me, and I started up from my dream and felt a sweet trace of a strange fragrance in the south wind.

    That vague sweetness made my heart ache with longing and it seemed to me that is was the eager breath of the summer seeking for its completion.

    I knew not then that it was so near, that it was mine, and that this perfect sweetness had blossomed in the depth of my own heart.

    ——————————————————————————-

    21

    我必须撑出我的船去。时光都在岸边捱延消磨了--不堪的我呵!

    春天把花开过就告别了。如今落红遍地,我却等待而又留连。

    潮声渐喧,河岸的荫滩上黄叶飘落。

    你凝望着的是何等的空虚!你不觉得有一阵惊喜和对岸遥远的歌声从天空中一同飘来吗?

    21.I must launch out my boat. The languid hours pass by on the shore—Alas for me!

    The spring has done its flowering and taken leave. And now with the burden of faded futile flowers I wait and linger.

    The waves have become clamorous, and upon the bank in the shady lane the yellow leaves flutter and fall.

    What emptiness do you gaze upon! Do you not feel a thrill passing through the air with the notes of the far-away song floating from the other shore?

    ——————————————————————————-

    22

    在七月淫雨的浓阴中,你用秘密的脚步行走,夜一般的轻悄,躲过一切的守望的人。

    今天,清晨闭上眼,不理连连呼喊的狂啸的东风,一张厚厚的纱幕遮住永远清醒的碧空。

    林野住了歌声,家家闭户。在这冷寂的街上,你是孤独的行人。呵,我唯一的朋友,

    我最爱的人,我的家门是开着的--不要梦一般地走过罢。

    22.In the deep shadows of the rainy July, with secret steps, thou walkest, silent as night, eluding all watchers.

    Today the morning has closed its eyes, heedless of the insistent calls of the loud east wind, and a thick veil has been drawn over the ever-wakeful blue sky.

    The woodlands have hushed their songs, and doors are all shut at every house. Thou art the solitary wayfarer in this deserted street. Oh my only friend, my best beloved, the gates are open in my house—do not pass by like a dream.

    ——————————————————————————-

    23

    在这暴风雨的夜晚你还在外面作爱的旅行吗,我的朋友?

    天空像失望者在哀号。

    我今夜无眠。我不断地开门向黑暗中了望,我的朋友!

    我什么都看不见。我不知道你要走哪一条路!

    是从墨黑的河岸上,是从远远的愁惨的树林边,是穿过昏暗迂回的曲径,你摸索着来到我这里吗,我的朋友?

    23.Art thou abroad on this stormy night on thy journey of love, my friend? The sky groans like one in despair.

    I have no sleep tonight. Ever and again I open my door and look out on the darkness, my friend!

    I can see nothing before me. I wonder where lies thy path!

    By what dim shore of the ink-black river, by what far edge of the frowning forest, through what mazy depth of gloom art thou threading thy course to come to me, my friend?

    ——————————————————————————-

    24

    假如一天已经过去了,鸟儿也不歌唱,假如风也吹倦了,那就用黑暗的厚幕把我盖

    上罢,如同你在黄昏时节用睡眠的衾被裹上大地,又轻柔地将睡莲的花瓣合上。

    旅客的行程未达,粮袋已空,衣裳破裂污损,而又筋疲力尽,你解除了他的羞涩与

    困窘,使他的生命像花朵一样在仁慈的夜幕下苏醒。

    24.If the day is done, if birds sing no more, if the wind has flagged tired, then draw the veil of darkness thick upon me, even as thou hast wrapt the earth with the coverlet of sleep and tenderly closed the petals of the drooping lotus at dusk.

    From the traveller, whose sack of provisions is empty before the voyage is ended, whose garment is torn and dustladen, whose strength is exhausted, remove shame and poverty, and renew his life like a flower under the cover of thy kindly night.

    ——————————————————————————-

    25

    在这困倦的夜里,让我帖服地把自己交给睡眠,把信赖托付给你。

    让我不去勉强我的萎靡的精神,来准备一个对你敷衍的礼拜。

    是你拉上夜幕盖上白日的倦眼,使这眼神在醒觉的清新喜悦中,更新了起来。

    25.In the night of weariness let me give myself up to sleep without struggle, resting my trust upon thee.

    Let me not force my flagging spirit into a poor preparation for thy worship.

    It is thou who drawest the veil of night upon the tired eyes of the day to renew its sight in a fresher gladness of awakening.

    ——————————————————————————-

    26

    他来坐在我的身边,而我没有醒起。多么可恨的睡眠,唉,不幸的我呵!

    他在静夜中来到;手里拿着琴,我的梦魂和他的音乐起了共鸣。

    唉,为什么每夜就这样地虚度了?呵,他的气息接触了我的睡眠,为什么我总看不

    见他的面?

    26.He came and sat by my side but I woke not. What a cursed sleep it was, O miserable me!

    He came when the night was still; he had his harp in his hands, and my dreams became resonant with its melodies.

    Alas, why are my nights all thus lost? Ah, why do I ever miss his sight whose breath touches my sleep?

    ——————————————————————————-

    27

    灯火,灯火在哪里呢?用熊熊的渴望之火把它点上罢!

    灯在这里,却没有一丝火焰,--这是你的命运吗,我的心呵!

    你还不如死了好!

    悲哀在你门上敲着,她传话说你的主醒着呢,他叫你在夜的黑暗中奔赴爱的约会。

    云雾遮满天空,雨也不停地下。我不知道我心里有什么在动荡,--我不懂得它的

    意义。

    一霎的电光,在我的视线上抛下一道更深的黑暗,我的心摸索着寻找那夜的音乐对

    我呼唤的径路。

    灯火,灯火在哪里呢?用熊熊的渴望之火把它点上罢!雷声在响,狂风怒吼着穿过

    天空。夜像黑岩一般的黑。不要让时间在黑暗中度过罢。用你的生命把爱的灯点上罢。

    27.Light, oh where is the light? Kindle it with the burning fire of desire!

    There is the lamp but never a flicker of a flame—is such thy fate, my heart? Ah, death were better by far for thee!

    Misery knocks at thy door, and her message is that thy lord is wakeful, and he calls thee to the love-tryst through the darkness of night.

    The sky is overcast with clouds and the rain is ceaseless. I know not what this is that stirs in me—I know not its meaning.

    A moment’s flash of lightning drags down a deeper gloom on my sight, and my heart gropes for the path to where the music of the night calls me.

    Light, oh where is the light! Kindle it with the burning fire of desire! It thunders and the wind rushes screaming through the void. The night is black as a black stone. Let not the hours pass by in the dark. Kindle the lamp of love with thy life.

    ——————————————————————————-

    28

    罗网是坚韧的,但是要撕破它的时候我又心痛。

    我只要自由,为希望自由我却觉得羞愧。

    我确知那无价之宝是在你那里,而且你是我最好的朋友,但我却舍不得清除我满屋

    的俗物。

    我身上披的是尘灰与死亡之衣;我恨它,却又热爱地把它抱紧。

    我的债务很多,我的失败很大,我的耻辱秘密而又深重;但当我来求福的时候,我

    又战栗,唯恐我的祈求得了允诺。

    28.Obstinate are the trammels, but my heart aches when I try to break them.

    Freedom is all I want, but to hope for it I feel ashamed.

    I am certain that priceless wealth is in thee, and that thou art my best friend, but I have not the heart to sweep away the tinsel that fills my room

    The shroud that covers me is a shroud of dust and death; I hate it, yet hug it in love.

    My debts are large, my failures great, my shame secret and heavy; yet when I come to ask for my good, I quake in fear lest my prayer be granted.

    ——————————————————————————-

    29

    被我用我的名字囚禁起来的那个人,在监牢中哭泣。我每天不停地筑着围墙;当这

    道围墙高起接天的时候,我的真我便被高墙的黑影遮断不见了。

    我以这道高墙自豪,我用沙土把它抹严,唯恐在这名字上还留着一丝罅隙,我煞费

    了苦心,我也看不见了真我。

    29.He whom I enclose with my name is weeping in this dungeon. I am ever busy building this wall all around; and as this wall goes up into the sky day by day I lose sight of my true being in its dark shadow.

    I take pride in this great wall, and I plaster it with dust and sand lest a least hole should be left in this name; and for all the care I take I lose sight of my true being.

    ——————————————————————————-

    30

    我独自去赴幽会。是谁在暗寂中跟着我呢?

    我走开躲他,但是我逃不掉。

    他昂首阔步,使地上尘土飞扬;我说出的每一个字里,都掺杂着他的喊叫。

    他就是我的小我,我的主,他恬不知耻;但和他一同到你门前,我却感到羞愧。

    30.I came out alone on my way to my tryst. But who is this that follows me in the silent dark?

    I move aside to avoid his presence but I escape him not.

    He makes the dust rise from the earth with his swagger; he adds his loud voice to every word that I utter.

    He is my own little self, my lord, he knows no shame; but I am ashamed to come to thy door in his company.

    ——————————————————————————-

    31

    “囚人,告诉我,谁把你捆起来的?”

    “是我的主人,”囚人说。“我以为我的财富与权力胜过世界上一切的人,我把我

    的国王的钱财聚敛在自己的宝库里。我昏困不过,睡在我主的床上,一觉醒来,我发现

    我在自己的宝库里做了囚人。”

    “囚人,告诉我,是谁铸的这条坚牢的锁链?”

    “是我,”囚人说,“是我自己用心铸造的。我以为我的无敌的权力会征服世界,

    使我有无碍的自由。我日夜用烈火重锤打造了这条铁链。等到工作完成,铁链坚牢完善,

    我发现这铁链把我捆住了。”

    31.`Prisoner, tell me, who was it that bound you?’

    `It was my master,’ said the prisoner. `I thought I could outdo everybody in the world in wealth and power, and I amassed in my own treasure-house the money due to my king. When sleep overcame me I lay upon the bad that was for my lord, and on waking up I found I was a prisoner in my own treasure-house.’

    `Prisoner, tell me, who was it that wrought this unbreakable chain?’

    `It was I,’ said the prisoner, `who forged this chain very carefully. I thought my invincible power would hold the world captive leaving me in a freedom undisturbed. Thus night and day I worked at the chain with huge fires and cruel hard strokes. When at last the work was done and the links were complete and unbreakable, I found that it held me in its grip.’

    ——————————————————————————-

    32

    尘世上那些爱我的人,用尽方法拉住我。你的爱就不是那样,你的爱比他们的伟大

    得多,你让我自由。

    他们从不敢离开我,恐怕我把他们忘掉。但是你,日子一天一天地过去,你还没有

    露面。

    若是我不在祈祷中呼唤你,若是我不把你放在心上,你爱我的爱情仍在等待着我的

    爱。

    32.By all means they try to hold me secure who love me in this world. But it is otherwise with thy love which is greater than theirs, and thou keepest me free.

    Lest I forget them they never venture to leave me alone. But day passes by after day and thou art not seen.

    If I call not thee in my prayers, if I keep not thee in my heart, thy love for me still waits for my love.

    ——————————————————————————-

    33

    白天的时候,他们来到我的房子里说:“我们只占用最小的一间屋子。”

    他们说:“我们要帮忙你礼拜你的上帝,而且只谦恭地领受我们应得的一份恩典”;

    他们就在屋角安静谦柔地坐下。

    但是在黑夜里,我发现他们强暴地冲进我的圣堂,贪婪地攫取了神坛上的祭品。

    33.When it was day they came into my house and said, `We shall only take the smallest room here.’

    They said, `We shall help you in the worship of your God and humbly accept only our own share in his grace’; and then they took their seat in a corner and they sat quiet and meek.

    But in the darkness of night I find they break into my sacred shrine, strong and turbulent, and snatch with unholy greed the offerings from God’s altar.

    ——————————————————————————-

    34

    只要我一息尚存,我就称你为我的一切。

    只要我一诚不灭,我就感觉到你在我的四围,任何事情,我都来请教你,任何时候

    都把我的爱献上给你。

    只要我一息尚存,我就永把你藏匿起来。

    只要把我和你的旨意锁在一起的脚镣,还留着一小段,你的意旨就在我的生命中实

    现--这脚镣就是你的爱。

    34.Let only that little be left of me whereby I may name thee my all.

    Let only that little be left of my will whereby I may feel thee on every side, and come to thee in everything, and offer to thee my love every moment.

    Let only that little be left of me whereby I may never hide thee.

    Let only that little of my fetters be left whereby I am bound with thy will, and thy purpose is carried out in my life—and that is the fetter of thy love.

    ——————————————————————————-

    35

    在那里,心是无畏的,头也抬得高昂;

    在那里,知识是自由的;

    在那里,世界还没有被狭小的家国的墙隔成片段;

    在那里,话是从真理的深处说出;

    在那里,不懈的努力向着“完美”伸臂;

    在那里,理智的清泉没有沉没在积习的荒漠之中;

    在那里,心灵是受你的指引,走向那不断放宽的思想与行为--进入那自由的天国,

    我的父呵,让我的国家觉醒起来罢。

    35.Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high;

    Where knowledge is free;

    Where the world has not been broken up into fragments by narrow domestic walls;

    Where words come out from the depth of truth;

    Where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfection;

    Where the clear stream of reason has not lost its way into the dreary desert sand of dead habit;

    Where the mind is led forward by thee into ever-widening thought and action—

    Into that heaven of freedom, my Father, let my country awake.

    ——————————————————————————-

    36

    这是我对你的祈求,我的主--请你铲除,铲除我心里贫乏的根源。

    赐给我力量使我能轻闲地承受欢乐与忧伤。

    赐给我力量使我的爱在服务中得到果实。

    赐给我力量使我永抛弃穷人也永不向淫威屈膝。

    赐给我力量使我的心灵超越于日常琐事之上。

    再赐给我力量使我满怀爱意地把我的力量服从你意志的指挥。

    36.This is my prayer to thee, my lord—strike, strike at the root of penury in my heart.

    Give me the strength lightly to bear my joys and sorrows.

    Give me the strength to make my love fruitful in service.

    Give me the strength never to disown the poor or bend my knees before insolent might.

    Give me the strength to raise my mind high above daily trifles.

    And give me the strength to surrender my strength to thy will with love.

    ——————————————————————————-

    37

    我以为我的精力已竭,旅程已终--前路已绝,储粮已尽,退隐在静默鸿蒙中的时

    间已经到来。

    但是我发现你的意志在我身上不知有终点。旧的言语刚在舌尖上死去,新的音乐又

    从心上迸来;旧辙方迷,新的田野又在面前奇妙地展开。

    37.I thought that my voyage had come to its end at the last limit of my power,—that the path before me was closed, that provisions were exhausted and the time come to take shelter in a silent obscurity.

    But I find that thy will knows no end in me. And when old words die out on the tongue, new melodies break forth from the heart; and where the old tracks are lost, new country is revealed with its wonders.

    ——————————————————————————-

    38

    我需要你,只需要你--让我的心不停地重述这句话。日夜引诱我的种种欲念,都是透顶的诈伪与空虚。

    就像黑夜隐藏在祈求光明的朦胧里,在我潜意识的深处也响出呼声--我需要你,只需要你。

    正如风暴用全力来冲击平静,却寻求终止于平静,我的反抗冲击着你的爱,而它的呼声也还是--我需要你,只需要你。

    38.That I want thee, only thee—let my heart repeat without end. All desires that distract me, day and night, are false and empty to the core.

    As the night keeps hidden in its gloom the petition for light, even thus in the depth of my unconsciousness rings the cry—`I want thee, only thee’.

    As the storm still seeks its end in peace when it strikes against peace with all its might, even thus my rebellion strikes against thy love and still its cry is—`I want thee, only thee’.

    ——————————————————————————-

    39

    在我的心坚硬焦躁的时候,请洒我以慈霖。

    当生命失去恩宠的时候,请赐我以欢歌。

    当烦杂的工作在四周喧闹,使我和外界隔绝的时候,我的宁静的主,请带着你的和平与安息来临。

    当我乞丐似的心,蹲闭在屋角的时候,我的国王,请你以王者的威仪破户而入。

    当欲念以诱惑与尘埃来迷蒙我的心眼的时候,呵,圣者,你是清醒的,请你和你的雷电一同降临。

    39.When the heart is hard and parched up, come upon me with a shower of mercy.

    When grace is lost from life, come with a burst of song.

    When tumultuous work raises its din on all sides shutting me out from beyond, come to me, my lord of silence, with thy peace and rest.

    When my beggarly heart sits crouched, shut up in a corner, break open the door, my king, and come with the ceremony of a king.

    When desire blinds the mind with delusion and dust, O thou holy one, thou wakeful, come with thy light and thy thunder.

    ——————————————————————————-

    40

    在我干枯的心上,好多天没有受到雨水的滋润了,我的上帝。天边是可怕的赤裸――没有一片轻云的遮盖,没有一丝远雨的凉意。

    如果你愿意,请降下你的死黑的盛怒的风雨,以闪电震慑诸天罢。

    但是请你召回,我的主,召回这弥漫沉默的炎热罢,它是沉重尖锐而又残忍,用可怕的绝望焚灼人心。

    让慈云低垂下降,像在父亲发怒的时候,母亲的含泪的眼光。

    40.The rain has held back for days and days, my God, in my arid heart. The horizon is fiercely naked—not the thinnest cover of a soft cloud, not the vaguest hint of a distant cool shower.

    Send thy angry storm, dark with death, if it is thy wish, and with lashes of lightning startle the sky from end to end.

    But call back, my lord, call back this pervading silent heat, still and keen and cruel, burning the heart with dire despair.

    Let the cloud of grace bend low from above like the tearful look of the mother on the day of the father’s wrath.

    ——————————————————————————-

    41

    我的情人,你站在大家背后,藏在何处的阴影中呢?在尘土飞扬的道上,他们把你

    推开走过、没有理睬你。在乏倦的时间,我摆开礼品来等候你,过路的人把我的香花一朵一朵地拿去,我的花篮几乎空了。

    清晨,中午都过去了。暮色中,我倦眼蒙胧。回家的人们瞟着我微笑,使我满心羞惭。我像女丐一般地坐着,拉起裙儿盖上脸,当他们问我要什么的时候,我垂目没有答

    应。

    呵,真的,我怎能告诉他们说我是在等候你,而且你也应许说你一定会来。我又怎能抱愧地说我的妆奁就是贫穷。

    呵,我在我心的微隐处紧抱着这一段骄荣。

    我坐在草地上凝望天空,梦想着你来临时候那忽然炫耀的豪华--万彩交辉,车辇上金旗飞扬,在道旁众目睽睽之下,你从车座下降,把我从尘埃中扶起坐立你的旁边,

    这褴褛的丐女,含羞带喜,像蔓藤在暴风中颤摇。

    但是时间流过了,还听不见你的车辇的轮声。许多仪仗队伍都在光彩喧闹中走过了。

    你只要静默地站在他们背后吗?

    我只能哭泣着等待,把我的心折磨在空虚的伫望之中吗?

    41.Where dost thou stand behind them all, my lover, hiding thyself in the shadows? They push thee and pass thee by on the dusty road, taking thee for naught. I wait here weary hours spreading my offerings for thee, while passers-by come and take my flowers, one by one, and my basket is nearly empty.

    The morning time is past, and the noon. In the shade of evening my eyes are drowsy with sleep. Men going home glance at me and smile and fill me with shame. I sit like a beggar maid, drawing my skirt over my face, and when they ask me, what it is I want, I drop my eyes and answer them not.

    Oh, how, indeed, could I tell them that for thee I wait, and that thou hast promised to come. How could I utter for shame that I keep for my dowry this poverty. Ah, I hug this pride in the secret of my heart.

    I sit on the grass and gaze upon the sky and dream of the sudden splendour of thy coming—all the lights ablaze, golden pennons flying over thy car, and they at the roadside standing agape, when they see thee come down from thy seat to raise me from the dust, and set at thy side this ragged beggar girl a-tremble with shame and pride, like a creeper in a summer breeze.

    But time glides on and still no sound of the wheels of thy chariot. Many a procession passes by with noise and shouts and glamour of glory. Is it only thou who wouldst stand in the shadow silent and behind them all? And only I who would wait and weep and wear out my heart in vain longing?

    ——————————————————————————-

    42

    在清晓的密语中,我们约定了同去泛舟,世界上没有一个人知道我们这无目的无终止的遨游。

    在无边的海洋上,在你静听的微笑中,我的歌唱抑扬成调,像海波一般的自由,不受字句的束缚。

    时间还没有到吗?你还有工作要做吗?看罢,暮色已经笼罩海岸,苍茫里海鸟已群飞归巢。

    谁知道什么时候可以解开链索,这只船会像落日的余光,消融在黑夜之中呢?

    42.Early in the day it was whispered that we should sail in a boat, only thou and I, and never a soul in the world would know of this our pilgrimage to no country and to no end.

    In that shoreless ocean, at thy silently listening smile my songs would swell in melodies, free as waves, free from all bondage of words.

    Is the time not come yet? Are there works still to do? Lo, the evening has come down upon the shore and in the fading light the seabirds come flying to their nests.

    Who knows when the chains will be off, and the boat, like the last glimmer of sunset, vanish into the night?

    ——————————————————————————-

    43

    那天我没有准备好来等候你,我的国王,你就像一个素不相识的平凡的人,自动地进到我的心里,在我生命的许多流逝的时光中,盖上了永生的印记。

    今天我偶然照见了你的签印,我发现它们和我遗忘了的日常哀乐的回忆,杂乱地散掷在尘埃里。

    你不曾鄙夷地避开我童年时代在尘土中的游戏,我在游戏室里所听见的足音,和在群星中的回响是相同的。

    43.The day was when I did not keep myself in readiness for thee; and entering my heart unbidden even as one of the common crowd, unknown to me, my king, thou didst press the signet of eternity upon many a fleeting moment of my life.

    And today when by chance I light upon them and see thy signature, I find they have lain scattered in the dust mixed with the memory of joys and sorrows of my trivial days forgotten.

    Thou didst not turn in contempt from my childish play among dust, and the steps that I heard in my playroom are the same that are echoing from star to star.

    ——————————————————————————-

    44

    阴晴无定,夏至雨来的时节,在路旁等候了望,是我的快乐。

    从不可知的天空带信来的使者们,向我致意又向前赶路。

    我衷心欢畅,吹过的风带着清香。

    从早到晚我在门前坐地,我知道我一看见你,那快乐的时光便要突然来到。

    这时我自歌自笑。这时空气里也充满着应许的芬芳。

    44.This is my delight, thus to wait and watch at the wayside where shadow chases light and the rain comes in the wake of the summer.

    Messengers, with tidings from unknown skies, greet me and speed along the road. My heart is glad within, and the breath of the passing breeze is sweet.

    From dawn till dusk I sit here before my door, and I know that of a sudden the happy moment will arrive when I shall see.

    In the meanwhile I smile and I sing all alone. In the meanwhile the air is filling with the perfume of promise.

    ——————————————————————————-

    45

    你没有听见他静悄的脚步吗?他正在走来,走来,一直不停地走来。

    每一个时间,每一个年代,每日每夜,他总在走来,走来,一直不停地走来。

    在许多不同的心情里,我唱过许多歌曲,但在这些歌调里,我总在宣告说:“他正在走来,走来,一直不停地走来。”

    四月芬芳的晴天里,他从林径中走来,走来,一直不停地走来。

    七月阴暗的雨夜中,他坐着隆隆的云辇,前来,前来,一直不停地前来。

    愁闷相继之中,是他的脚步踏在我的心上,是他的双脚的黄金般的接触,使我的快乐发出光辉。

    45.Have you not heard his silent steps? He comes, comes, ever comes.

    Every moment and every age, every day and every night he comes, comes, ever comes.

    Many a song have I sung in many a mood of mind, but all their notes have always proclaimed, `He comes, comes, ever comes.’

    In the fragrant days of sunny April through the forest path he comes, comes, ever comes.

    In the rainy gloom of July nights on the thundering chariot of clouds he comes, comes, ever comes.

    In sorrow after sorrow it is his steps that press upon my heart, and it is the golden touch of his feet that makes my joy to shine.

    ——————————————————————————-

    46

    我不知道从久远的什么时候,你就一直走近来迎接我。

    你的太阳和星辰永不能把你藏起,使我看不见你。

    在许多清晨和傍晚,我曾听见你的足音,你的使者曾秘密地到我心里来召唤。

    我不知道为什么今天我的生活完全激动了,一种狂欢的感觉穿过了我的心。

    这就像结束工作的时间已到,我感觉到在空气中有你光降的微馨。

    46.I know not from what distant time thou art ever coming nearer to meet me. Thy sun and stars can never keep thee hidden from me for aye.

    In many a morning and eve thy footsteps have been heard and thy messenger has come within my heart and called me in secret.

    I know not only why today my life is all astir, and a feeling of tremulous joy is passing through my heart.

    It is as if the time were come to wind up my work, and I feel in the air a faint smell of thy sweet presence.

    ——————————————————————————-

    47

    夜已将尽,等他又落了空。我怕在清晨我正在倦睡的时候,他忽然来到我的门前。

    呵,朋友们,给他开着门罢--不要拦阻他。

    若是他的脚步声没有把我惊醒,请不要叫醒我。我不愿意小鸟嘈杂的合唱,和庆祝晨光的狂欢的风声,把我从睡梦中吵醒。即使我的主突然来到我的门前,也让我无扰地睡着。呵,我的睡眠,宝贵的睡眠,只等着他的摩触来消散。呵,我的合着的眼,只在他微笑的光中才开睫,当他像从洞黑的睡眠里浮现的梦一般地站立在我面前。

    让他作为最初的光明和形象,来呈现在我的眼前。让他的眼光成为我觉醒的灵魂最初的欢跃。

    让我自我的返回成为向他立地的皈依。

    47.The night is nearly spent waiting for him in vain. I fear lest in the morning he suddenly come to my door when I have fallen asleep wearied out. Oh friends, leave the way open to him—forbid him not.

    If the sounds of his steps does not wake me, do not try to rouse me, I pray. I wish not to be called from my sleep by the clamorous choir of birds, by the riot of wind at the festival of morning light. Let me sleep undisturbed even if my lord comes of a sudden to my door.

    Ah, my sleep, precious sleep, which only waits for his touch to vanish. Ah, my closed eyes that would open their lids only to the light of his smile when he stands before me like a dream emerging from darkness of sleep.

    Let him appear before my sight as the first of all lights and all forms. The first thrill of joy to my awakened soul let it come from his glance. And let my return to myself be immediate return to him.

    ——————————————————————————-

    48

    清晨的静海,漾起鸟语的微波;路旁的繁花,争妍斗艳;在我们匆忙赶路无心理睬的时候,云隙中散射出灿烂的金光。

    我们不唱欢歌,也不嬉游;我们也不到村集中去交易;我们一语不发,也不微笑;我们不在路上留连。时间流逝,我们也加速了脚步。

    太阳升到中天,鸽子在凉阴中叫唤。枯叶在正午的炎风中飞舞。牧童在榕树下做他的倦梦,我在水边卧下,在草地上展布我困乏的四肢。

    我的同伴们嘲笑我;他们抬头疾走;他们不回顾也不休息;他们消失在远远的碧霭之中。他们穿过许多山林,经过生疏遥远的地方。长途上的英雄队伍呵,光荣是属于你们的!讥笑和责备要促我起立,但我却没有反应。我甘心没落在乐受的耻辱的深处--在模糊的快乐阴影之中。

    阳光织成的绿荫的幽静,慢慢地笼罩着我的心。我忘记了旅行的目的,我无抵抗地把我的心灵交给阴影与歌曲的迷宫。

    最后,我从沉睡中睁开眼,我看见你站在我身旁,我的睡眠沐浴在你的微笑之中。

    我从前是如何地惧怕,怕这道路的遥远困难,到你面前的努力是多么艰苦呵!

    48.The morning sea of silence broke into ripples of bird songs; and the flowers were all merry by the roadside; and the wealth of gold was scattered through the rift of the clouds while we busily went on our way and paid no heed.

    We sang no glad songs nor played; we went not to the village for barter; we spoke not a word nor smiled; we lingered not on the way. We quickened our pave more and more as the time sped by.

    The sun rose to the mid sky and doves cooed in the shade. Withered leaves danced and whirled in the hot air of noon. The shepherd boy drowsed and dreamed in the shadow of the banyan tree, and I laid myself down by the water and stretched my tired limbs on the grass.

    My companions laughed at me in scorn; they held their heads high and hurried on; they never looked back nor rested; they vanished in the distant blue haze. They crossed many meadows and hills, and passed through strange, far-away countries. All honour to you, heroic host of the interminable path! Mockery and reproach pricked me to rise, but found no response in me. I gave myself up for lost in the depth of a glad humiliation—in the shadow of a dim delight.

    The repose of the sun-embroidered green gloom slowly spread over my heart. I forgot for what I had travelled, and I surrendered my mind without struggle to the maze of shadows and songs.

    At last, when I woke from my slumber and opened my eyes, I saw thee standing by me, flooding my sleep with thy smile. How I had feared that the path was long and wearisome, and the struggle to reach thee was hard!

    ——————————————————————————-

    49

    你从宝座上下来,站在我草舍门前。

    我正在屋角独唱,歌声被你听到了。你下来站在我草舍门前。

    在你的广厅里有许多名家,一天到晚都有歌曲在唱。但是这初学的简单的音乐,却得到了你的赏识。一支忧郁的小调,和世界的伟大音乐融合了,你还带了花朵作为奖赏,

    下了宝座停留在我的草舍门前。

    49.You came down from your throne and stood at my cottage door.

    I was singing all alone in a corner, and the melody caught your ear. You came down and stood at my cottage door.

    Masters are many in your hall, and songs are sung there at all hours. But the simple carol of this novice struck at your love. One plaintive little strain mingled with the great music of the world, and with a flower for a prize you came down and stopped at my cottage door.

    ——————————————————————————-

    50

    我在村路上沿门求乞,你的金辇像一个华丽的梦从远处出现,我在猜想这位万王之王是谁!

    我的希望高升,我觉得我苦难的日子将要告终,我站着等候你自动的施与,等待那散掷在尘埃里的财宝。

    车替在我站立的地方停住了。你看到我,微笑着下车。我觉得我的运气到底来了。

    忽然你伸出右手来说:“你有什么给我呢?”

    呵,这开的是什么样的帝王的玩笑,向一个乞丐伸手求乞!我糊涂了,犹疑地站着,然后从我的口袋里慢慢地拿出一粒最小的玉米献上给你。

    但是我一惊不小,当我在晚上把口袋倒在地上的时候,在我乞讨来的粗劣东西之中,我发现了一粒金子。我痛哭了,恨我没有慷慨地将我所有都献给你。

    50.I had gone a-begging from door to door in the village path, when thy golden chariot appeared in the distance like a gorgeous dream and I wondered who was this King of all kings!

    My hopes rose high and methought my evil days were at an end, and I stood waiting for alms to be given unasked and for wealth scattered on all sides in the dust.

    The chariot stopped where I stood. Thy glance fell on me and thou camest down with a smile. I felt that the luck of my life had come at last. Then of a sudden thou didst hold out thy right hand and say `What hast thou to give to me?’

    Ah, what a kingly jest was it to open thy palm to a beggar to beg! I was confused and stood undecided, and then from my wallet I slowly took out the least little grain of corn and gave it to thee.

    But how great my surprise when at the day’s end I emptied my bag on the floor to find a least little gram of gold among the poor heap. I bitterly wept and wished that I had had the heart to give thee my all.

    ——————————————————————————-

    51

    夜深了。我们一天的工作都已做完。我们以为投宿的客人都已来到,村里家家都已闭户了。只有几个人说,国王是要来的。我们笑了说:“不会的,这是不可能的事!”

    仿佛门上有敲叩的声音。我们说那不过是风。我们熄灯就寝。只有几个人说:“这是使者!”我们笑了说:“不是,这一定是风!”

    在死沉沉的夜里传来一个声音。朦胧中我们以为是远远的雷响。墙摇地动,我们在睡眠里受了惊扰。只有几个人说:“这是车轮的声音。”我们昏困地嘟哝着说:“不是,这一定是雷响!”

    鼓声响起的时候天还没亮。有声音喊着说:“醒来罢!别耽误了!”我们拿手按住心口,吓得发抖。只有几个人说:“看哪,这是国王的旗子!”我们爬起来站着叫:“没有时间再耽误了!”

    国王已经来了--但是灯火在哪里呢,花环在哪里呢?给他预备的宝座在哪里呢?

    呵,丢脸,呵,太丢脸了!客厅在哪里,陈设又在哪里呢?有几个人说了:“叫也无用了!用空手来迎接他罢,带他到你的空房里去罢!”

    开起门来,吹起法螺罢!在深夜中国王降临到我黑暗凄凉的房子里了。空中雷声怒吼。黑暗和闪电一同颤抖。拿出你的破席铺在院子里罢。我们的国王在可怖之夜与暴风

    雨一同突然来到了。

    51.The night darkened. Our day’s works had been done. We thought that the last guest had arrived for the night and the doors in the village were all shut. Only some said the king was to come. We laughed and said `No, it cannot be!’

    It seemed there were knocks at the door and we said it was nothing but the wind. We put out the lamps and lay down to sleep. Only some said, `It is the messenger!’ We laughed and said `No, it must be the wind!’

    There came a sound in the dead of the night. We sleepily thought it was the distant thunder. The earth shook, the walls rocked, and it troubled us in our sleep. Only some said it was the sound of wheels. We said in a drowsy murmur, `No, it must be the rumbling of clouds!’

    The night was still dark when the drum sounded. The voice came `Wake up! delay not!’ We pressed our hands on our hearts and shuddered with fear. Some said, `Lo, there is the king’s flag!’ We stood up on our feet and cried `There is no time for delay!’

    The king has come—but where are lights, where are wreaths? Where is the throne to seat him? Oh, shame! Oh utter shame! Where is the hall, the decorations? Someone has said, `Vain is this cry! Greet him with empty hands, lead him into thy rooms all bare!’

    Open the doors, let the conch-shells be sounded! in the depth of the night has come the king of our dark, dreary house. The thunder roars in the sky. The darkness shudders with lightning. Bring out thy tattered piece of mat and spread it in the courtyard. With the storm has come of a sudden our king of the fearful night.

    ——————————————————————————-

    52

    我想我应当向你请求--可是我又不敢--你那挂在颈上的玫瑰花环。这样我等到早上,想在你离开的时候,从你床上找到些碎片。我像乞丐一样破晓就来寻找,只为着一两片散落的花瓣。

    呵,我呵,我找到了什么呢?你留下了什么爱的表记呢?那不是花朵,不是香料,也不是一瓶香水。那是你的一把巨剑,火焰般放光,雷霆般沉重。清晨的微光从窗外射到床上。晨鸟叽叽喳喳着问:“女人,你得到了什么呢?”不,这不是花朵,不是香料,也不是一瓶香水--这是你的可畏的宝剑。

    我坐着猜想,你这是什么礼物呢。我没有地方去藏放它。我不好意思佩带它;我是这样的柔弱,当我抱它在怀里的时候,它就把我压痛了。但是我要把这光宠铭记在心,

    你的礼物,这痛苦的负担。

    从今起在这世界上我将没有畏惧,在我的一切奋斗中你将得到胜利。你留下死亡和我作伴,我将以我的生命给他加冕。我带着你的宝剑来斩断我的羁勒,在世界上我将没有畏惧。

    从今起我要抛弃一切琐碎的装饰。我心灵的主,我不再在一隅等待哭泣,也不再畏怯娇羞。你已把你的宝剑给我佩带。我不再要玩偶的装饰品了!

    52.I thought I should ask of thee—but I dared not—the rose wreath thou hadst on thy neck. Thus I waited for the morning, when thou didst depart, to find a few fragments on the bed. And like a beggar I searched in the dawn only for a stray petal or two.

    Ah me, what is it I find? What token left of thy love? It is no flower, no spices, no vase of perfumed water. It is thy mighty sword, flashing as a flame, heavy as a bolt of thunder. The young light of morning comes through the window and spread itself upon thy bed. The morning bird twitters and asks, `Woman, what hast thou got?’ No, it is no flower, nor spices, nor vase of perfumed water—it is thy dreadful sword.

    I sit and muse in wonder, what gift is this of thine. I can find no place to hide it. I am ashamed to wear it, frail as I am, and it hurts me when press it to my bosom. Yet shall I bear in my heart this honour of the burden of pain, this gift of thine.

    From now there shall be no fear left for me in this world, and thou shalt be victorious in all my strife. Thou hast left death for my companion and I shall crown him with my life. Thy sword is with me to cut asunder my bonds, and there shall be no fear left for me in the world.

    From now I leave off all petty decorations. Lord of my heart, no more shall there be for me waiting and weeping in corners, no more coyness and sweetness of demeanour. Thou hast given me thy sword for adornment. No more doll’s decorations for me!

    ——————————————————————————-

    53

    你的手镯真是美丽,镶着星辰,精巧地嵌着五光十色的珠宝。但是依我看来你的宝剑是更美的,那弯弯的闪光像毗湿奴的神鸟展开的翅翼,完美地平悬在落日怒发的红光里。

    它颤抖着像生命受死亡的最后一击时,在痛苦的昏迷中的最后反应;它炫耀着像将烬的世情的纯焰,最后猛烈的一闪。

    你的手镯真是美丽,镶着星辰般的珠宝;但是你的宝剑,呵,雷霆的主,是铸得绝顶美丽,看到想到都是可畏的。

    53.Beautiful is thy wristlet, decked with stars and cunningly wrought in myriad-coloured jewels. But more beautiful to me thy sword with its curve of lightning like the outspread wings of the divine bird of Vishnu, perfectly poised in the angry red light of the sunset.

    It quivers like the one last response of life in ecstasy of pain at the final stroke of death; it shines like the pure flame of being burning up earthly sense with one fierce flash.

    Beautiful is thy wristlet, decked with starry gems; but thy sword, O lord of thunder, is wrought with uttermost beauty, terrible to behold or think of.

    ——————————————————————————-

    54

    我不向你求什么;我不向你耳中陈述我的名字。当你离开的时候我静默地站着。我独立在树影横斜的井旁,女人们已顶着褐色的瓦罐盛满了水回家了。她们叫我说:“和我们一块来罢,都快到了中午了。”但我仍在慵倦地留连,沉入恍惚的默想之中。

    你走来时我没有听到你的足音。你含愁的眼望着我;你低语的时候声音是倦乏的――“呵,我是一个干渴的旅客。”我从幻梦中惊起把我罐里的水倒在你掬着的手掌里。

    树叶在头上萧萧地响着,杜鹃在幽暗处歌唱,曲径传来胶树的花香。

    当你问到我的名字的时候,我羞得悄立无言。真的,我替你作了什么,值得你的忆念?但是我幸能给你饮水止渴的这段回忆,将温馨地贴抱在我的心上。天已不早,鸟儿唱着倦歌,楝树叶子在头上沙沙作响,我坐着反复地想了又想。

    54.I asked nothing from thee; I uttered not my name to thine ear. When thou took’st thy leave I stood silent. I was alone by the well where the shadow of the tree fell aslant, and the women had gone home with their brown earthen pitchers full to the brim. They called me and shouted, `Come with us, the morning is wearing on to noon.’ But I languidly lingered awhile lost in the midst of vague musings.

    I heard not thy steps as thou camest. Thine eyes were sad when they fell on me; thy voice was tired as thou spokest low—`Ah, I am a thirsty traveller.’ I started up from my day-dreams and poured water from my jar on thy joined palms. The leaves rustled overhead; the cuckoo sang from the unseen dark, and perfume of babla flowers came from the bend of the road.

    I stood speechless with shame when my name thou didst ask. Indeed, what had I done for thee to keep me in remembrance? But the memory that I could give water to thee to allay thy thirst will cling to my heart and enfold it in sweetness. The morning hour is late, the bird sings in weary notes, neem leaves rustle overhead and I sit and think and think.

    ——————————————————————————-

    55

    乏倦压在你的心上,你眼中尚有睡意。

    你没有得到消息说荆棘丛中花朵正在盛开吗?醒来罢,呵,醒来!不要让光阴虚度了!

    在石径的尽头,在幽静无人的田野里,我的朋友在独坐着。不要欺骗他罢。醒来,呵,醒来罢!

    即使正午的骄阳使天空喘息摇颤--即使灼热的沙地展布开它干渴的巾衣--

    在你心的深处难道没有快乐吗?你的每一个足音,不会使道路的琴弦迸出痛苦的柔音吗?

    55.Languor is upon your heart and the slumber is still on your eyes.

    Has not the word come to you that the flower is reigning in splendour among thorns? Wake, oh awaken! let not the time pass in vain!

    At the end of the stony path, in the country of virgin solitude, my friend is sitting all alone. Deceive him not. Wake, oh awaken!

    What if the sky pants and trembles with the heat of the midday sun—what if the burning sand spreads its mantle of thirst—

    Is there no joy in the deep of your heart? At every footfall of yours, will not the harp of the road break out in sweet music of pain?

    ——————————————————————————-

    56

    只因你的快乐是这样地充满了我的心。只因你曾这样地俯就我。呵,你这诸天之王,假如没有我,你还爱谁呢?

    你使我做了你这一切财富的共享者。在我心里你的欢乐不住地遨游。在我生命中你的意志永远实现。

    因此,你这万王之王曾把自己修饰了来赢取我的心。因此你的爱也消融在你情人的爱里,在那里,你又以我俩完全合一的形象显现。

    56.Thus it is that thy joy in me is so full. Thus it is that thou hast come down to me. O thou lord of all heavens, where would be thy love if I were not?

    Thou hast taken me as thy partner of all this wealth. In my heart is the endless play of thy delight. In my life thy will is ever taking shape.

    And for this, thou who art the King of kings hast decked thyself in beauty to captivate my heart. And for this thy love loses itself in the love of thy lover, and there art thou seen in the perfect union of two.

    ——————————————————————————-

    57

    光明,我的光明,充满世界的光明,吻着眼目的光明,甜沁心腑的光明!

    呵,我的宝贝,光明在我生命的一角跳舞;我的宝贝,光明在勾拨我爱的心弦;天开了,大风狂奔,笑声响彻大地。

    蝴蝶在光明海上展开翅帆。百合与茉莉在光波的浪花上翻涌。

    我的宝贝,光明在每朵云彩上散映成金,它洒下无量的珠宝。

    我的宝贝,快乐在树叶间伸展,欢喜无边。天河的堤岸淹没了,欢乐的洪水在四散奔流。

    57.Light, my light, the world-filling light, the eye-kissing light, heart-sweetening light!

    Ah, the light dances, my darling, at the centre of my life; the light strikes, my darling, the chords of my love; the sky opens, the wind runs wild, laughter passes over the earth.

    The butterflies spread their sails on the sea of light. Lilies and jasmines surge up on the crest of the waves of light.

    The light is shattered into gold on every cloud, my darling, and it scatters gems in profusion.

    Mirth spreads from leaf to leaf, my darling, and gladness without measure. The heaven’s river has drowned its banks and the flood of joy is abroad.

    ——————————————————————————-

    58

    让一切欢乐的歌调都融和在我最后的歌中--那使大地草海欢呼摇动的快乐,那使

    生和死两个孪生弟兄,在广大的世界上跳舞的快乐,那和暴风雨一同卷来,用笑声震撼

    惊醒一切的生命的快乐,那含泪默坐在盛开的痛苦的红莲上的快乐,那不知所谓,把一

    切所有抛掷于尘埃中的快乐。

    58.Let all the strains of joy mingle in my last song—the joy that makes the earth flow over in the riotous excess of the grass, the joy that sets the twin brothers, life and death, dancing over the wide world, the joy that sweeps in with the tempest, shaking and waking all life with laughter, the joy that sits still with its tears on the open red lotus of pain, and the joy that throws everything it has upon the dust, and knows not a word.

    ——————————————————————————-

    59

    是的,我知道,这只是你的爱,呵,我心爱的人--这在树叶上跳舞的金光,这些驶过天空的闲云,这使我头额清爽的吹过的凉风。

    清风的光辉涌进我的眼睛--这是你传给我心的消息。你的脸容下俯,你的眼睛下望着我的眼睛,我的心接触到了你的双足。

    59.Yes, I know, this is nothing but thy love, O beloved of my heart—this golden light that dances upon the leaves, these idle clouds sailing across the sky, this passing breeze leaving its coolness upon my forehead.

    The morning light has flooded my eyes—this is thy message to my heart. Thy face is bent from above, thy eyes look down on my eyes, and my heart has touched thy feet.

    ——————————————————————————-

    60

    孩子们在无边的世界的海滨聚会。头上是静止的无垠的天空,不宁的海波奔腾喧闹。

    在无边的世界的海滨,孩子们欢呼跳跃地聚会着。

    他们用沙子盖起房屋,用宝贝壳来游戏。他们把枯叶编成小船,微笑着把它们飘浮

    在深远的海上。孩子在世界的海滨做着游戏。

    他们不会凫水,他们也不会撒网。采珠的人潜水寻珠,商人们奔波航行,孩子们收

    集了石子却又把它们丢弃了。他们不搜求宝藏,他们也不会撒网。

    大海涌起了喧笑,海岸闪烁着苍白的微笑。致人死命的波涛,像一个母亲在摇着婴

    儿的抓篮一样,对孩子们唱着无意义的谣歌。大海在同孩子们游戏,海岸闪烁着苍白的

    微笑。

    孩子们在无边的世界的海滨聚会。风暴在无路的天空中飘游,船舶在无轨的海上破

    碎,死亡在猖狂,孩子们却在游戏。在无边的世界的海滨,孩子们盛大地聚会着。

    60.On the seashore of endless worlds children meet. The infinite sky is motionless overhead and the restless water is boisterous. On the seashore of endless worlds the children meet with shouts and dances.

    They build their houses with sand and they play with empty shells. With withered leaves they weave their boats and smilingly float them on the vast deep. Children have their play on the seashore of worlds.

    They know not how to swim, they know not how to cast nets. Pearl fishers dive for pearls, merchants sail in their ships, while children gather pebbles and scatter them again. they seek not for hidden treasures, they know not how to cast nets.

    The sea surges up with laughter and pale gleams the smile of the sea beach. Death-dealing waves sing meaningless ballads to the children, even like a mother while rocking her baby’s cradle. The sea plays with children, and pale gleams the smile of the sea beach.

    On the seashore of endless worlds children meet. Tempest roams in the pathless sky, ships get wrecked in the trackless water, death is abroad and children play. On the seashore of endless worlds is the great meeting of children.

    ——————————————————————————–

    61

    这掠过婴儿眼上的睡眠--有谁知道它是从哪里来的吗?是的,有谣传说它住在林

    荫中,萤火朦胧照着的仙村里,那里挂着两颗甜柔迷人的花蕊。它从那里来吻着婴儿的

    眼睛。

    在婴儿睡梦中唇上闪现的微笑--有谁知道它是从哪里生出来的吗?是的,有谣传

    说一线新月的微笑,触到了消散的秋云的边缘,微笑就在被朝雾洗净的晨梦中,第一次

    生出来了--这就是那婴儿睡梦中唇上闪现的微笑。

    在婴儿的四肢上,花朵般地喷发的甜柔清新的生气,有谁知道它是在哪里藏了这么

    许久吗?是的,当母亲还是一个少女,它就在温柔安静的爱的神秘中,充塞在她的心里

    了--

    这就是那婴儿四肢上喷发的甜柔新鲜的生气。

    61.The sleep that flits on baby’s eyes—does anybody know from where it comes? Yes, there is a rumour that it has its dwelling where, in the fairy village among shadows of the forest dimly lit with glow-worms, there hang two timid buds of enchantment. From there it comes to kiss baby’s eyes.

    The smile that flickers on baby’s lips when he sleeps—does anybody know where it was born? Yes, there is a rumour that a young pale beam of a crescent moon touched the edge of a vanishing autumn cloud, and there the smile was first born in the dream of a dew-washed morning—the smile that flickers on baby’s lips when he sleeps.

    The sweet, soft freshness that blooms on baby’s limbs—does anybody know where it was hidden so long? Yes, when the mother was a young girl it lay pervading her heart in tender and silent mystery of love—the sweet, soft freshness that has bloomed on baby’s limbs.

    ——————————————————————————–

    62

    当我送你彩色玩具的时候,我的孩子,我了解为什么云中水上会幻弄出这许多颜色,

    为什么花朵都用颜色染起--

    当我送你彩色玩具的时候,我的孩子。

    当我唱歌使你跳舞的时候,我彻底地知道为什么树叶上响出音乐,为什么波浪把它

    们的合唱送进静听的大地的心头--当我唱歌使你跳舞的时候。

    当我把糖果递到你贪婪的手中的时候,我懂得为什么花心里有蜜,为什么水果里隐

    藏着甜汁--当我把糖果递到你贪婪的手中的时候。

    当我吻你的脸使你微笑的时候,我的宝贝,我的确了解晨光从天空流下时,是怎样

    的高兴,暑天的凉风吹到我身上的是怎样的愉快--当我吻你的脸使你微笑的时候。

    62.When I bring to you coloured toys, my child, I understand why there is such a play of colours on clouds, on water, and why flowers are painted in tints—when I give coloured toys to you, my child.

    When I sing to make you dance I truly now why there is music in leaves, and why waves send their chorus of voices to the heart of the listening earth—when I sing to make you dance.

    When I bring sweet things to your greedy hands I know why there is honey in the cup of the flowers and why fruits are secretly filled with sweet juice—when I bring sweet things to your greedy hands.

    When I kiss your face to make you smile, my darling, I surely understand what pleasure streams from the sky in morning light, and what delight that is that is which the summer breeze brings to my body—when I kiss you to make you smile.

    ——————————————————————————–

    63

    你使不相识的朋友认识了我。你在别人家里给我准备了座位。你缩短了距离,你把

    生人变成弟兄。

    在我必须离开故居的时候,我心里不安;我忘了是旧人迁入新居,而且你也住在那

    里。

    通过生和死,今生或来世,无论你带领我到哪里,都是你,仍是你,我的无穷生命

    中的唯一伴侣,永远用欢乐的系练,把我的心和陌生的人联系在一起。

    人一认识了你,世上就没有陌生的人,也没有了紧闭的门户。呵,请允许我的祈求,

    使我在与众生游戏之中,永不失去和你单独接触的福祉。

    63.Thou hast made me known to friends whom I knew not. Thou hast given me seats in homes not my own. Thou hast brought the distant near and made a brother of the stranger.

    I am uneasy at heart when I have to leave my accustomed shelter; I forget that there abides the old in the new, and that there also thou abidest.

    Through birth and death, in this world or in others, wherever thou leadest me it is thou, the same, the one companion of my endless life who ever linkest my heart with bonds of joy to the unfamiliar.

    When one knows thee, then alien there is none, then no door is shut. Oh, grant me my prayer that I may never lose the bliss of the touch of the one in the play of many.

    ——————————————————————————–

    64

    在荒凉的河岸上,深草丛中,我问她:“姑娘,你用披纱遮着灯,要到哪里去呢?

    我的房子黑暗寂寞--把你的灯借给我罢!”她抬起乌黑的眼睛,从暮色中看了我一会。

    “我到河边来,”她说,“要在太阳西下的时候,把我的灯飘浮到水上去。”我独立在

    深草中看着她的灯的微弱的火光,无用地在潮水上飘流。

    在薄暮的寂静中,我问她:“你的灯火都已点上了--那么你拿着这灯到哪里去呢?

    我的房子黑暗寂寞--把你的灯借给我罢。”她抬起乌黑的眼睛望着我的脸,站着沉吟

    了一会。最后她说:“我来是要把我的灯献给上天。”我站着看她的灯光在天空中无用

    的燃点着。

    在无月的夜半朦胧之中,我问她:“姑娘,你作什么把灯抱在心前呢?我的房子黑

    暗寂寞--把你的灯借给我罢。”她站住沉思了一会,在黑暗中注视着我的脸。她说:

    “我是带着我的灯,来参加灯节的。”我站着看着她的灯,无用地消失在众光之中。

    64.On the slope of the desolate river among tall grasses I asked her, `Maiden, where do you go shading your lamp with your mantle? My house is all dark and lonesome—lend me your light!’ she raised her dark eyes for a moment and looked at my face through the dusk. `I have come to the river,’ she said, `to float my lamp on the stream when the daylight wanes in the west.’ I stood alone among tall grasses and watched the timid flame of her lamp uselessly drifting in the tide.

    In the silence of gathering night I asked her, `Maiden, your lights are all lit—then where do you go with your lamp? My house is all dark and lonesome—lend me your light.’ She raised her dark eyes on my face and stood for a moment doubtful. `I have come,’ she said at last, `to dedicate my lamp to the sky.’ I stood and watched her light uselessly burning in the void.

    In the moonless gloom of midnight I ask her, `Maiden, what is your quest, holding the lamp near your heart? My house is all dark and lonesome—lend me your light.’ She stopped for a minute and thought and gazed at my face in the dark. `I have brought my light,’ she said, `to join the carnival of lamps.’ I stood and watched her little lamp uselessly lost among lights.

    ——————————————————————————–

    65

    我的上帝,从我满溢的生命之杯中,你要饮什么样的圣酒呢?

    通过我的眼睛,来观看你自己的创造物,站在我的耳门上,来静听你自己的永恒的

    谐音,我的诗人,这是你的快乐吗?

    你的世界在我的心灵里织上字句,你的快乐又给它们加上音乐。你把自己在梦中交

    给了我,又通过我来感觉你自己的完满的甜柔。

    65.What divine drink wouldst thou have, my God, from this overflowing cup of my life?

    My poet, is it thy delight to see thy creation through my eyes and to stand at the portals of my ears silently to listen to thine own eternal harmony?

    Thy world is weaving words in my mind and thy joy is adding music to them. Thou givest thyself to me in love and then feelest thine own entire sweetness in me.

    ——————————————————————————–

    66

    那在神光离合之中,潜藏在我生命深处的她;那在晨光中永远不肯揭开面纱的她,

    我的上帝,我要用最后的一首歌把她包裹起来,作为我给你的最后的献礼。

    无数求爱的话,都已说过,但还没有赢得她的心;劝诱向她伸出渴望的臂,也是枉

    然。

    我把她深藏在心里,到处漫游,我生命的荣枯围绕着她起落。

    她统治着我的思想、行动和睡梦,她却自己独居索处。

    许多的人叩我的门来访问她,都失望地回去。

    在这世界上从没有人和她面对过,她孤守着静待你的赏识。

    66.She who ever had remained in the depth of my being, in the twilight of gleams and of glimpses; she who never opened her veils in the morning light, will be my last gift to thee, my God, folded in my final song.

    Words have wooed yet failed to win her; persuasion has stretched to her its eager arms in vain.

    I have roamed from country to country keeping her in the core of my heart, and around her have risen and fallen the growth and decay of my life.

    Over my thoughts and actions, my slumbers and dreams, she reigned yet dwelled alone and apart.

    many a man knocked at my door and asked for her and turned away in despair.

    There was none in the world who ever saw her face to face, and she remained in her loneliness waiting for thy recognition.

    ——————————————————————————–

    67

    你是天空,你也是窝巢。

    呵,美丽的你,在窝巢里就是你的爱,用颜色、声音和香气来围拥住灵魂。

    在那里,清晨来了,右手提着金筐,带着美的花环,静静地替大地加冕。

    在那里,黄昏来了,越过无人畜牧的荒林,穿过车马绝迹的小径,在她的金瓶里带

    着安靖的西方海上和平的凉飙。

    但是在那里,纯白的光辉,统治着伸展着的为灵魂翱翔的无际的天空。在那里无昼

    无夜,无形无色,而且永远,永远无有言说。

    67.Thou art the sky and thou art the nest as well.

    O thou beautiful, there in the nest is thy love that encloses the soul with colours and sounds and odours.

    There comes the morning with the golden basket in her right hand bearing the wreath of beauty, silently to crown the earth.

    And there comes the evening over the lonely meadows deserted by herds, through trackless paths, carrying cool draughts of peace in her golden pitcher from the western ocean of rest.

    But there, where spreads the infinite sky for the soul to take her flight in, reigns the stainless white radiance. There is no day nor night, nor form nor colour, and never, never a word.

    ——————————————————————————–

    68

    你的阳光射到我的地上,整天地伸臂站在我门前,把我的眼泪,叹息和歌曲变成的

    云彩,带回放在你的足边。

    你喜爱地将这云带缠围在你的星胸之上,绕成无数的形式和褶纹,还染上变幻无穷

    的色彩。

    它是那样的轻柔,那样的飘扬、温软、含泪而黯淡,因此你就爱惜它,呵,你这庄

    严无瑕者。这就是为什么它能够以它可怜的阴影遮掩你的可畏的白光。

    68.Thy sunbeam comes upon this earth of mine with arms outstretched and stands at my door the livelong day to carry back to thy feet clouds made of my tears and sighs and songs.

    With fond delight thou wrappest about thy starry breast that mantle of misty cloud, turning it into numberless shapes and folds and colouring it with hues everchanging.

    It is so light and so fleeting, tender and tearful and dark, that is why thou lovest it, O thou spotless and serene. And that is why it may cover thy awful white light with its pathetic shadows.

    ——————————————————————————–

    69

    就是这股生命的泉水,日夜流穿我的血管,也流穿过世界,又应节地跳舞。

    就是这同一的生命,从大地的尘土里快乐地伸放出无数片的芳草,迸发出繁花密叶

    的波纹。

    就是这同一的生命,在潮汐里摇动着生和死的大海的摇篮。

    我觉得我的四肢因受着生命世界的爱抚而光荣。我的骄傲,是因为时代的脉搏,此

    刻在我血液中跳动。

    69.The same stream of life that runs through my veins night and day runs through the world and dances in rhythmic measures.

    It is the same life that shoots in joy through the dust of the earth in numberless blades of grass and breaks into tumultuous waves of leaves and flowers.

    It is the same life that is rocked in the ocean-cradle of birth and of death, in ebb and in flow.

    I feel my limbs are made glorious by the touch of this world of life. And my pride is from the life-throb of ages dancing in my blood this moment.

    ——————————————————————————–

    70

    这欢欣的音律不能使你欢欣吗?不能使你回旋激荡,消失碎裂在这可怖的快乐旋转

    之中吗?

    万物急剧地前奔,它们不停留也不回顾,任何力量都不能挽住它们,它们急遽地前

    奔。

    季候应和着这急速不宁的音乐,跳舞着来了又去--颜色、声音、香味在这充溢的

    快乐里,汇注成奔流无尽的瀑泉,时时刻刻地在散溅、退落而死亡。

    70.Is it beyond thee to be glad with the gladness of this rhythm? to be tossed and lost and broken in the whirl of this fearful joy?

    All things rush on, they stop not, they look not behind, no power can hold them back, they rush on.

    Keeping steps with that restless, rapid music, seasons come dancing and pass away—colours, tunes, and perfumes pour in endless cascades in the abounding joy that scatters and gives up and dies every moment.

    ——————————————————————————–

    71

    我应当自己发扬光大、四周放射、投映彩影于你的光辉之中--这便是你的幻境。

    你在你自身里立起隔栏,用无数不同的音调来呼唤你的分身。

    你这分身已在我体内成形。

    高亢的歌声响彻诸天,在多彩的眼泪与微笑,震惊与希望中回应着;波起复落,梦

    破又圆。在我里面是你自身的破灭。

    你卷起的那重帘幕,是用书和夜的画笔,绘出了无数的花样。幕后的你的座位,是

    用奇妙神秘的曲线织成。抛弃了一切无聊的笔直的线条。

    你我组成的伟丽的行列,布满了天空。因着你我的歌音,太空都在震颤,一切时代

    都在你我捉迷藏中度过了。

    71.That I should make much of myself and turn it on all sides, thus casting coloured shadows on thy radiance—such is thy maya.

    Thou settest a barrier in thine own being and then callest thy severed self in myriad notes. This thy self-separation has taken body in me.

    The poignant song is echoed through all the sky in many-coloured tears and smiles, alarms and hopes; waves rise up and sink again, dreams break and form. In me is thy own defeat of self.

    This screen that thou hast raised is painted with innumerable figures with the brush of the night and the day. Behind it thy seat is woven in wondrous mysteries of curves, casting away all barren lines of straightness.

    The great pageant of thee and me has overspread the sky. With the tune of thee and me all the air is vibrant, and all ages pass with the hiding and seeking of thee and me.

    ——————————————————————————–

    72

    就是他,那最深奥的,用他深隐的摩触使我清醒。

    就是他把神符放在我的眼上,又快乐地在我心弦上弹弄出种种哀乐的调子。

    就是他用金、银、青、绿的灵幻的色丝,织起幻境的披纱,他的脚趾从衣褶中外露。

    在他的摩触之下,我忘却了自己。

    日来年往,就是他永远以种种名字,种种姿态,种种的深悲和极乐,来打动我的心。

    72.He it is, the innermost one, who awakens my being with his deep hidden touches.

    He it is who puts his enchantment upon these eyes and joyfully plays on the chords of my heart in varied cadence of pleasure and pain.

    He it is who weaves the web of this maya in evanescent hues of gold and silver, blue and green, and lets peep out through the folds his feet, at whose touch I forget myself.

    Days come and ages pass, and it is ever he who moves my heart in many a name, in many a guise, in many a rapture of joy and of sorrow.

    ——————————————————————————–

    73

    在断念屏欲之中,我不需要拯救。在万千欢愉的约束里我感到了自由的拥抱。

    你不断地在我的瓦罐里满满地斟上不同颜色不同芬芳的新酒。

    我的世界,将以你的火焰点上他的万盏不同的明灯,安放在你庙宇的坛前。

    不,我永不会关上我感觉的门户。视、听、触的快乐会含带着你的快乐。

    是的,我的一切幻想会燃烧成快乐的光明,我的一切愿望将结成爱的果实。

    73.Deliverance is not for me in renunciation. I feel the embrace of freedom in a thousand bonds of delight.

    Thou ever pourest for me the fresh draught of thy wine of various colours and fragrance, filling this earthen vessel to the brim.

    My world will light its hundred different lamps with thy flame and place them before the altar of thy temple.

    No, I will never shut the doors of my senses. The delights of sight and hearing and touch will bear thy delight.

    Yes, all my illusions will burn into illumination of joy, and all my desires ripen into fruits of love.

    ——————————————————————————–

    74

    白日已过,暗影笼罩大地。是我到河边汲水的时候了。

    晚空凭看水的凄音流露着切望。呵,它呼唤我出到暮色中来。荒径上断绝人行,风

    起了,波浪在河里翻腾。

    我不知道是否应该回家去。我不知道我会遇见什么人。浅滩的小舟上有个不相识的

    人正弹着琵琶。

    74.The day is no more, the shadow is upon the earth. It is time that I go to the stream to fill my pitcher.

    The evening air is eager with the sad music of the water. Ah, it calls me out into the dusk. In the lonely lane there is no passer-by, the wind is up, the ripples are rampant in the river.

    I know not if I shall come back home. I know not whom I shall chance to meet. There at the fording in the little boat the unknown man plays upon his lute.

    ——————————————————————————–

    75

    你赐给我们世人的礼物,满足了我们一切的需要,可是它们又毫未减少地返回到你

    那里。

    河水有它每天的工作,匆忙地穿过田野和村庄;但它的不绝的水流,又曲折地回来

    洗你的双脚。

    花朵以芬芳熏香了空气;但它最终的任务,是把自己献上给你。

    对你供献不会使世界困穷。

    人们从诗人的字句里,选取自己心爱的意义:但是诗句的最终意义是指向着你。

    75.Thy gifts to us mortals fulfil all our needs and yet run back to thee undiminished.

    The river has its everyday work to do and hastens through fields and hamlets; yet its incessant stream winds towards the washing of thy feet.

    The flower sweetens the air with its perfume; yet its last service is to offer itself to thee.

    Thy worship does not impoverish the world.

    From the words of the poet men take what meanings please them; yet their last meaning points to thee.

    ——————————————————————————–

    76

    过了一天又是一天,呵,我生命的主,我能够和你对面站立吗?呵,全世界的主,

    我能合掌和你对面站立吗?

    在广阔的天空下,严静之中,我能够带着虔恭的心,和你对面站立吗?

    在你的劳碌的世界里,喧腾着劳作和奋斗,在营营扰扰的人群中,我能和你对面站

    立吗?

    当我已做完了今生的工作,呵,万王之王,我能够独自悄立在你的面前吗?

    76.Day after day, O lord of my life, shall I stand before thee face to face. With folded hands, O lord of all worlds, shall I stand before thee face to face.

    Under thy great sky in solitude and silence, with humble heart shall I stand before thee face to face.

    In this laborious world of thine, tumultuous with toil and with struggle, among hurrying crowds shall I stand before thee face to face.

    And when my work shall be done in this world, O King of kings, alone and speechless shall I stand before thee face to face.

    ——————————————————————————–

    77

    我知道你是我的上帝,却远立在一边--我不知道你是属于我的,就走近你。我知

    道你是我的父亲,就在你脚前俯伏--我没有像和朋友握手那样地紧握你的手。

    我没有在你降临的地方,站立等候,把你抱在胸前,当你做同道,把你占有。

    你是我弟兄的弟兄,但是我不理他们,不把我赚得的和他们平分,我以为这样做,

    才能和你分享我的一切。

    在快乐和苦痛里,我都没有站在人类的一边,我以为这样做,才能和你站在一起。

    我畏缩着不肯舍生,因此我没有跳入生命的伟大的海洋里。

    77.I know thee as my God and stand apart—I do not know thee as my own and come closer. I know thee as my father and bow before thy feet—I do not grasp thy hand as my friend’s.

    I stand not where thou comest down and ownest thyself as mine, there to clasp thee to my heart and take thee as my comrade.

    Thou art the Brother amongst my brothers, but I heed them not, I divide not my earnings with them, thus sharing my all with thee.

    In pleasure and in pain I stand not by the side of men, and thus stand by thee. I shrink to give up my life, and thus do not plunge into the great waters of life.

    ——————————————————————————–

    78

    当鸿蒙初辟,繁星第一次射出灿烂的光辉,众神在天上集会,唱着“呵,完美的画

    图,完全的快乐!”

    有一位神忽然叫起来了--“光链里仿佛断了一环,一颗星星走失了。”

    他们金琴的弦子猛然折断了,他们的歌声停止了,他们惊惶地叫着--“对了,那

    颗走失的星星是最美的,她是诸天的光荣!”

    从那天起,他们不住地寻找她,众口相传地说,因为她丢了,世界失去了一种快乐。

    只在严静的夜里,众星微笑着互相低语说--“寻找是无用的,无缺的完美正笼盖

    着一切!”

    78.When the creation was new and all the stars shone in their first splendour, the gods held their assembly in the sky and sang `Oh, the picture of perfection! the joy unalloyed!’

    But one cried of a sudden—`It seems that somewhere there is a break in the chain of light and one of the stars has been lost.’

    The golden string of their harp snapped, their song stopped, and they cried in dismay—`Yes, that lost star was the best, she was the glory of all heavens!’

    From that day the search is unceasing for her, and the cry goes on from one to the other that in her the world has lost its one joy!

    Only in the deepest silence of night the stars smile and whisper among themselves—`Vain is this seeking! unbroken perfection is over all!’

    ——————————————————————————-

    79

    假如我今生无份遇到你,就让我永远感到恨不相逢--

    让我念念不忘,让我在醒时梦中都怀带着这悲哀的苦痛。

    当我的日子在世界的闹市中度过,我的双手满捧着每日的赢利的时候,让我永远觉得我是一无所获--让我念念不忘,让我在醒时梦中都带着这悲哀的苦痛。

    当我坐在路边,疲乏喘息,当我在尘土中铺设卧具,让我永远记着前面还有悠悠的长路--让我念念不忘,让我在醒时梦中都怀带着悲哀的苦痛。

    当我的屋子装饰好了,箫笛吹起,欢笑声喧的时候,让我永远觉得我还没有请你光临--让我念念不忘,让我在醒时梦中都怀带着这悲哀的苦痛。

    79.If it is not my portion to meet thee in this life then let me ever feel that I have missed thy sight—let me not forget for a moment, let me carry the pangs of this sorrow in my dreams and in my wakeful hours.

    As my days pass in the crowded market of this world and my hands grow full with the daily profits, let me ever feel that I have gained nothing—let me not forget for a moment, let me carry the pangs of this sorrow in my dreams and in my wakeful hours.

    When I sit by the roadside, tired and panting, when I spread my bed low in the dust, let me ever feel that the long journey is still before me—let me not forget a moment, let me carry the pangs of this sorrow in my dreams and in my wakeful hours.

    When my rooms have been decked out and the flutes sound and the laughter there is loud, let me ever feel that I have not invited thee to my house—let me not forget for a moment, let me carry the pangs of this sorrow in my dreams and in my wakeful hours.

    ——————————————————————————–

    80

    我像一片秋天的残云,无主地在空中飘荡,呵,我的永远光耀的太阳!你的摩触远没有蒸化了我的水气,使我与你的光明合一,因此我计算着和你分离的悠长的年月。

    假如这是你的愿望,假如这是你的游戏,就请把我这流逝的空虚染上颜色,镀上金辉,让它在狂风中飘浮,舒卷成种种的奇观。

    而且假如你愿意在夜晚结束了这场游戏,我就在黑暗中,或在灿白晨光的微笑中,在净化的清凉中,溶化消失。

    80.I am like a remnant of a cloud of autumn uselessly roaming in the sky, O my sun ever-glorious! Thy touch has not yet melted my vapour, making me one with thy light, and thus I count months and years separated from thee.

    If this be thy wish and if this be thy play, then take this fleeting emptiness of mine, paint it with colours, gild it with gold, float it on the wanton wind and spread it in varied wonders.

    And again when it shall be thy wish to end this play at night, I shall melt and vanish away in the dark, or it may be in a smile of the white morning, in a coolness of purity transparent.

    ——————————————————————————-

    81

    在许多闲散的日子,我悼惜着虚度了的光阴。但是光阴并没有虚度,我的主。你掌

    握了我生命里寸寸的光阴。

    你潜藏在万物的心里,培育着种子发芽,蓓蕾绽红,花落结实。

    我困乏了,在闲榻上睡眠,想象一切工作都已停歇。早晨醒来,我发现我的园里,

    却开遍了异蕊奇花。

    81.On many an idle day have I grieved over lost time. But it is never lost, my lord. Thou hast taken every moment of my life in thine own hands.

    Hidden in the heart of things thou art nourishing seeds into sprouts, buds into blossoms, and ripening flowers into fruitfulness.

    I was tired and sleeping on my idle bed and imagined all work had ceased. In the morning I woke up and found my garden full with wonders of flowers.

    ——————————————————————————–

    82

    你手里的光阴是无限的,我的主。你的分秒是无法计算的。

    夜去明来,时代像花开花落。你晓得怎样来等待。

    你的世纪,一个接着一个,来完成一朵小小的野花。

    我们的光阴不能浪费,因为没有时间,我们必须争取机缘。我们太穷苦了,决不可

    迟到。

    因此,在我把时间让给每一个性急的,向我索要时间的人,我的时间就虚度了,最

    后你的神坛上就没有一点祭品。

    一天过去,我赶忙前来,怕你的门已经关闭;但是我发现时间还有充裕。

    82.Time is endless in thy hands, my lord. There is none to count thy minutes.

    Days and nights pass and ages bloom and fade like flowers. Thou knowest how to wait.

    Thy centuries follow each other perfecting a small wild flower.

    We have no time to lose, and having no time we must scramble for a chances. We are too poor to be late.

    And thus it is that time goes by while I give it to every querulous man who claims it, and thine altar is empty of all offerings to the last.

    At the end of the day I hasten in fear lest thy gate to be shut; but I find that yet there is time.

    ——————————————————————————-

    83

    圣母呵,我要把我悲哀的眼泪穿成珠链,挂在你的颈上。

    星星把光明做成足镯,来装扮你的双足,但是我的珠链要挂在你的胸前。

    名利自你而来,也全凭你的予取。但这悲哀却完全是我自己的,当我把它当作祭品

    献给你的时候,你就以你的恩慈来酬谢我。

    83.Mother, I shall weave a chain of pearls for thy neck with my tears of sorrow.

    The stars have wrought their anklets of light to deck thy feet, but mine will hang upon thy breast.

    Wealth and fame come from thee and it is for thee to give or to withhold them. But this my sorrow is absolutely mine own, and when I bring it to thee as my offering thou rewardest me with thy grace.

    ——————————————————————————-

    84

    离愁弥漫世界,在无际的天空中生出无数的情境。

    就是这离愁整夜地悄望星辰,在七月阴雨之中,萧萧的树籁变成抒情的诗歌。

    就是这笼压弥漫的痛苦,加深而成为爱、欲,而成为人间的苦乐;就是它永远通过

    诗人的心灵,融化流涌而成为诗歌。

    84.It is the pang of separation that spreads throughout the world and gives birth to shapes innumerable in the infinite sky.

    It is this sorrow of separation that gazes in silence all nights from star to star and becomes lyric among rustling leaves in rainy darkness of July.

    It is this overspreading pain that deepens into loves and desires, into sufferings and joy in human homes; and this it is that ever melts and flows in songs through my poet’s heart.

    ——————————————————————————-

    85

    当战士们从他们主公的明堂里刚走出来,他们的武力藏在哪里呢?他们的甲胄和干戈藏在哪里呢?

    他们显得无助、可怜,当他们从他们主公的明堂走出的那一天,如雨的箭矢向着他飞射。

    当战士们整队走回他们主公的明堂里的时候,他们的武力藏在哪里呢?

    他们放下了刀剑和弓矢;和平在他们的额上放光,当他们整队走回他们主公的明堂的那一天,他们把他们生命的果实留在后面了。

    85.When the warriors came out first from their master’s hall, where had they hid their power? Where were their armour and their arms?

    They looked poor and helpless, and the arrows were showered upon them on the day they came out from their master’s hall.

    When the warriors marched back again to their master’s hall where did they hide their power?

    They had dropped the sword and dropped the bow and the arrow; peace was on their foreheads, and they had left the fruits of their life behind them on the day they marched back again to their master’s hall.

    ——————————————————————————-

    86

    死亡,你的仆人,来到我的门前。他渡过不可知的海洋临到我家,来传达你的召令。

    夜色沉黑,我心中畏惧--但是我要端起灯来,开起门来,鞠躬欢迎他。因为站在

    我门前的是你的使者。

    我要含泪地合掌礼拜他。我要把我心中的财产,放在他脚前,来礼拜他。

    他的使命完成了就要回去,在我的晨光中留下了阴影;在我萧条的家里,只剩下孤

    独的我,作为最后献你的祭品。

    86.Death, thy servant, is at my door. He has crossed the unknown sea and brought thy call to my home.

    The night is dark and my heart is fearful—yet I will take up the lamp, open my gates and bow to him my welcome. It is thy messenger who stands at my door.

    I will worship him placing at his feet the treasure of my heart.

    He will go back with his errand done, leaving a dark shadow on my morning; and in my desolate home only my forlorn self will remain as my last offering to thee.

    ——————————————————————————-

    87

    在无望的希望中,我在房里的每一个角落找她;我找不到她。

    我的房子很小,一旦丢了东西就永远找不回来。

    但是你的房子是无边无际的,我的主,为着找她,我来到了你的门前。

    我站在你薄暮金色的天穹下,向你抬起渴望的眼。

    我来到了永恒的边涯,在这里万物不灭--无论是希望,是幸福,或是从泪眼中望

    见的人面。

    呵,把我空虚的生命浸到这海洋里罢,跳进这最深的完满里罢。让我在宇宙的完整

    里,感觉一次那失去的温馨的接触罢。

    87.In desperate hope I go and search for her in all the corners of my room; I find her not.

    My house is small and what once has gone from it can never be regained.

    But infinite is thy mansion, my lord, and seeking her I have to come to thy door.

    I stand under the golden canopy of thine evening sky and I lift my eager eyes to thy face.

    I have come to the brink of eternity from which nothing can vanish—no hope, no happiness, no vision of a face seen through tears.

    Oh, dip my emptied life into that ocean, plunge it into the deepest fullness. Let me for once feel that lost sweet touch in the allness of the universe.

    ——————————————————————————-

    88

    破庙里的神呵!七弦琴的断线不再弹唱赞美你的诗歌。晚钟也不再宣告礼拜你的时

    间。你周围的空气是寂静的。

    流荡的春风来到你荒凉的居所。它带来了香花的消失--就是那素来供养你的香花,

    现在却无人来呈献了。

    你的礼拜者,那些漂泊的惯旅,永远在企望那还未得到的恩典。黄昏来到,灯光明

    灭于尘影之中,他困乏地带着饥饿的心回到这破庙里来。

    许多佳节都在静默中来到,破庙的神呵。许多礼拜之夜,也在无火无灯中度过了。

    精巧的艺术家,造了许多新的神像,当他们的末日来到了,便被抛入遗忘的圣河里。

    只有破庙的神遗留在无人礼拜的,不死的冷淡之中。

    88.Deity of the ruined temple! The broken strings of Vina sing no more your praise. The bells in the evening proclaim not your time of worship. The air is still and silent about you.

    In your desolate dwelling comes the vagrant spring breeze. It brings the tidings of flowers—the flowers that for your worship are offered no more.

    Your worshipper of old wanders ever longing for favour still refused. In the eventide, when fires and shadows mingle with the gloom of dust, he wearily comes back to the ruined temple with hunger in his heart.

    Many a festival day comes to you in silence, deity of the ruined temple. Many a night of worship goes away with lamp unlit.

    Many new images are built by masters of cunning art and carried to the holy stream of oblivion when their time is come.

    Only the deity of the ruined temple remains unworshipped in deathless neglect.

    ——————————————————————————-

    89

    我不再高谈阔论了--这是我主的意旨。从那时起我轻声细语。我心里的话要用歌

    曲低唱出来。

    人们急急忙忙地到国王的市场上去,买卖的人都在那里。

    但在工作正忙的正午,我就早早地离开。

    那就让花朵在我的园中开放,虽然花时未到;让蜜蜂在中午奏起他们慵懒的嗡哼。

    我曾把充分的时间,用在理欲交战里,但如今是我暇日游侣的雅兴,把我的心拉到

    他那里去;我也不知道这忽然的召唤,会引到什么突出的奇景。

    89.No more noisy, loud words from me—such is my master’s will. Henceforth I deal in whispers. The speech of my heart will be carried on in murmurings of a song.

    Men hasten to the King’s market. All the buyers and sellers are there. But I have my untimely leave in the middle of the day, in the thick of work.

    Let then the flowers come out in my garden, though it is not their time; and let the midday bees strike up their lazy hum.

    Full many an hour have I spent in the strife of the good and the evil, but now it is the pleasure of my playmate of the empty days to draw my heart on to him; and I know not why is this sudden call to what useless inconsequence!

    ——————————————————————————-

    90

    当死神来叩你门的时候,你将以什么贡献他呢?

    呵,我要在我客人面前,摆上我的满斟的生命之杯--

    我决不让它空手回去。

    我一切的秋日和夏夜的丰美的收获,我匆促的生命中的一切获得和收藏,在我临终,

    死神来叩我的门的时候,我都要摆在他的面前。

    90.On the day when death will knock at thy door what wilt thou offer to him?

    Oh, I will set before my guest the full vessel of my life—I will never let him go with empty hands.

    All the sweet vintage of all my autumn days and summer nights, all the earnings and gleanings of my busy life will I place before him at the close of my days when death will knock at my door.

    ——————————————————————————-

    91

    呵,你这生命最后的完成,死亡,我的死亡,来对我低语罢!

    我天天地在守望着你;为你,我忍受着生命中的苦乐。

    我的一切存在,一切所有,一切希望,和一切的爱,总在深深的秘密中向你奔流。

    你的眼泪向我最后一盼,我的生命就永远是你的。

    花环已为新郎编好。婚礼行过,新娘就要离家,在静夜里和她的主人独对了。

    91.O thou the last fulfilment of life, Death, my death, come and whisper to me!

    Day after day I have kept watch for thee; for thee have I borne the joys and pangs of life.

    All that I am, that I have, that I hope and all my love have ever flowed towards thee in depth of secrecy. One final glance from thine eyes and my life will be ever thine own.

    The flowers have been woven and the garland is ready for the bridegroom. After the wedding the bride shall leave her home and meet her lord alone in the solitude of night.

    ——————————————————————————-

    92

    我知道这日子将要来到,当我眼中的人世渐渐消失,生命默默地向我道别,把最后的帘幕拉过我的眼前。

    但是星辰将在夜中守望,晨曦仍旧升起,时间像海波的汹涌,激荡着欢乐与哀伤。

    当我想到我的时间的终点,时间的隔栏便破裂了,在死的光明中,我看见了你的世界和这世界里弃置的珍宝。最低的座位是极其珍奇的,最生的生物也是世间少有的。

    我追求而未得到和我已经得到的东西--让它们过去罢。只让我真正地据有了那些我所轻视和忽略的东西。

    92.I know that the day will come when my sight of this earth shall be lost, and life will take its leave in silence, drawing the last curtain over my eyes.

    Yet stars will watch at night, and morning rise as before, and hours heave like sea waves casting up pleasures and pains.

    When I think of this end of my moments, the barrier of the moments breaks and I see by the light of death thy world with its careless treasures. Rare is its lowliest seat, rare is its meanest of lives.

    Things that I longed for in vain and things that I got—let them pass. Let me but truly possess the things that I ever spurned and overlooked.

    ——————————————————————————–

    93

    我已经请了假。弟兄们,祝我一路平安罢!我向你们大家鞠了躬就启程了。

    我把我门上的钥匙交还--我把房子的所有权都放弃了。我只请求你们最后的几句

    好话。

    我们做过很久的邻居,但是我接受的多,给与的少。现在天已破晓,我黑暗屋角的

    灯光已灭。召命已来,我就准备启行了。

    93.I have got my leave. Bid me farewell, my brothers! I bow to you all and take my departure.

    Here I give back the keys of my door—and I give up all claims to my house. I only ask for last kind words from you.

    We were neighbours for long, but I received more than I could give. Now the day has dawned and the lamp that lit my dark corner is out. A summons has come and I am ready for my journey.

    ——————————————————————————–

    94

    在我动身的时光,祝我一路福星罢,我的朋友们!天空里晨光辉煌,我的前途是美

    丽的。

    不要问我带些什么到那边去。我只带着空空的手和企望的心。

    我要戴上我婚礼的花冠。我穿的不是红褐色的行装,虽然间关险阻,我心里也没有

    惧怕。

    旅途尽处,晚星将生,从王宫的门口将弹出黄昏的凄乐。

    94.At this time of my parting, wish me good luck, my friends! The sky is flushed with the dawn and my path lies beautiful.

    Ask not what I have with me to take there. I start on my journey with empty hands and expectant heart.

    I shall put on my wedding garland. Mine is not the red-brown dress of the traveller, and though there are dangers on the way I have no fear in mind.

    The evening star will come out when my voyage is done and the plaintive notes of the twilight melodies be struck up from the King’s gateway.

    ——————————————————————————-

    95

    当我刚跨过此生的门槛的时候,我并没有发觉。

    是什么力量使我在这无边的神秘中开放,像一朵嫩蕊,中夜在森林里开花!

    早起我看到光明,我立刻觉得在这世界里我不是一个生人,那不可思议,不可名状

    的,已以我自己母亲的形象,把我抱在怀里。

    就是这样,在死亡里,这同一的不可知者又要以我熟识的面目出现。因为我爱今生,

    我知道我也会一样地爱死亡。

    当母亲从婴儿口中拿开右乳的时候,他就啼哭,但他立刻又从左乳得到了安慰。

    95.I was not aware of the moment when I first crossed the threshold of this life.

    What was the power that made me open out into this vast mystery like a bud in the forest at midnight!

    When in the morning I looked upon the light I felt in a moment that I was no stranger in this world, that the inscrutable without name and form had taken me in its arms in the form of my own mother.

    Even so, in death the same unknown will appear as ever known to me. And because I love this life, I know I shall love death as well.

    The child cries out when from the right breast the mother takes it away, in the very next moment to find in the left one its consolation.

    ——————————————————————————-

    96

    当我走的时候,让这个作我的别话罢,就是说我所看过的是卓绝无比的。

    我曾尝过在光明海上开放的莲花里的隐蜜,因此我受了祝福--让这个做我的别话

    罢。

    在这形象万千的游戏室里,我已经游玩过,在这里我已经瞥见了那无形象的他。

    我浑身上下因着那无从接触的他的摩抚而喜颤;假如死亡在这里来临,就让它来好

    了--让这个作我的别话罢。

    96.When I go from hence let this be my parting word, that what I have seen is unsurpassable.

    I have tasted of the hidden honey of this lotus that expands on the ocean of light, and thus am I blessed—let this be my parting word.

    In this playhouse of infinite forms I have had my play and here have I caught sight of him that is formless.

    My whole body and my limbs have thrilled with his touch who is beyond touch; and if the end comes here, let it come—let this be my parting word.

    ——————————————————————————–

    97

    当我是同你做游戏的时候,我从来没有问过你是谁。我不懂得羞怯和惧怕,我的生

    活是热闹的。

    清晨你就来把我唤醒,像我自己的伙伴一样,带着我跑过林野。

    那些日子,我从来不想去了解你对我唱的歌曲的意义。我只随声附和,我的心应节

    跳舞。

    现在,游戏的时光已过,这突然来到我眼前的情景是什么呢?世界低下眼来看着你

    的双脚,和它的肃静的众星一同敬畏地站着。

    97.When my play was with thee I never questioned who thou wert. I knew nor shyness nor fear, my life was boisterous.

    In the early morning thou wouldst call me from my sleep like my own comrade and lead me running from glade to glade.

    On those days I never cared to know the meaning of songs thou sangest to me. Only my voice took up the tunes, and my heart danced in their cadence.

    Now, when the playtime is over, what is this sudden sight that is come upon me? The world with eyes bent upon thy feet stands in awe with all its silent stars.

    ——————————————————————————-

    98

    我要以胜利品,我的失败的花环,来装饰你。逃避不受征服,是我永远做不到的。

    我准知道我的骄傲会碰壁,我的生命将因着极端的痛苦而炸裂,我的空虚的心将像

    一枝空苇呜咽出哀音,顽石也融成眼泪。

    我准知道莲花的百瓣不会永远团合,深藏的花蜜定将显露。

    从碧空将有一只眼睛向我凝视,在默默地召唤我。我将空无所有,绝对的空无所有,

    我将从你脚下领受绝对的死亡。

    ——————————————————————————-

    98.I will deck thee with trophies, garlands of my defeat. It is never in my power to escape unconquered.

    I surely know my pride will go to the wall, my life will burst its bonds in exceeding pain, and my empty heart will sob out in music like a hollow reed, and the stone will melt in tears.

    I surely know the hundred petals of a lotus will not remain closed for ever and the secret recess of its honey will be bared.

    From the blue sky an eye shall gaze upon me and summon me in silence. Nothing will be left for me, nothing whatever, and utter death shall I receive at thy feet.

    ——————————————————————————-

    99

    当我放下舵盘,我知道你来接收的时候到了。当做的事立刻要做了。挣扎是无用的。

    那就把手拿开,静默地承认失败罢,我的心呵,要想到能在你的岗位上默坐,还算

    是幸运的。

    我的几盏灯都被一阵阵的微风吹灭了,为想把它们重新点起,我屡屡地把其他的事

    情都忘却了。

    这次我要聪明一点,把我的席子铺在地上,在暗中等候;

    什么时候你高兴,我的主,悄悄地走来坐下罢。

    99.When I give up the helm I know that the time has come for thee to take it. What there is to do will be instantly done. Vain is this struggle.

    Then take away your hands and silently put up with your defeat, my heart, and think it your good fortune to sit perfectly still where you are placed.

    These my lamps are blown out at every little puff of wind, and trying to light them I forget all else again and again.

    But I shall be wise this time and wait in the dark, spreading my mat on the floor; and whenever it is thy pleasure, my lord, come silently and take thy seat here.

    ——————————————————————————–

    100

    我跳进形象海洋的深处,希望能得到那无形象的完美的珍珠。

    我不再以我的旧船去走遍海港,我乐于弄潮的日子早已过去了。

    现在我渴望死于不死之中。

    我要拿起我的生命的弦琴,进入无底深渊旁边,那座涌出无调的乐音的广厅。

    我要调拨我的琴弦,和永恒的乐音合拍,当它呜咽出最后的声音时,就把我静默的

    琴儿放在静默的脚边。

    100.I dive down into the depth of the ocean of forms, hoping to gain the perfect pearl of the formless.

    No more sailing from harbour to harbour with this my weather-beaten boat. The days are long passed when my sport was to be tossed on waves.

    And now I am eager to die into the deathless.

    Into the audience hall by the fathomless abyss where swells up the music of toneless strings I shall take this harp of my life.

    I shall tune it to the notes of forever, and when it has sobbed out its last utterance, lay down my silent harp at the feet of the silent.

    ——————————————————————————–

    101

    我这一生永远以诗歌来寻求你。它们领我从这门走到那门,我和它们一同摸索,寻

    求着,接触着我的世界。

    我所学过的功课,都是诗歌教给我的;它们把捷径指示给我,它们把我心里地平线

    上的许多星辰,带到我的眼前。

    它们整天地带领我走向苦痛和快乐的神秘之国,最后,在我旅程终点的黄昏,它们

    要把我带到了哪一座宫殿的门首呢?

    101.Ever in my life have I sought thee with my songs. It was they who led me from door to door, and with them have I felt about me, searching and touching my world.

    It was my songs that taught me all the lessons I ever learnt; they showed me secret paths, they brought before my sight many a star on the horizon of my heart.

    They guided me all the day long to the mysteries of the country of pleasure and pain, and, at last, to what palace gate have the brought me in the evening at the end of my journey?

    ——————————————————————————-

    102

    我在人前夸说我认得你。在我的作品中,他们看到了你的画像,他们走来问:“他是谁?”我不知道怎么回答。我说,“真的,我说不出来。”他们斥责我,轻蔑地走开了。你却坐在那里微笑。

    我把你的事迹编成不朽的诗歌。秘密从我心中涌出。他们走来问我:“把所有的意思都告诉我们罢。”我不知道怎样回答。我说:“呵,谁知道那是什么意思!”他们哂笑了,鄙夷之极地走开。你却坐在那里微笑。

    102.I boasted among men that I had known you. They see your pictures in all works of mine. They come and ask me, `Who is he?’ I know not how to answer them. I say, `Indeed, I cannot tell.’ They blame me and they go away in scorn. And you sit there smiling.

    I put my tales of you into lasting songs. The secret gushes out from my heart. They come and ask me, `Tell me all your meanings.’ I know not how to answer them. I say, `Ah, who knows what they mean!’ They smile and go away in utter scorn. And you sit there smiling.

    ——————————————————————————-

    103

    在我向你合十膜拜之中,我的上帝,让我一切的感知都舒展在你的脚下,接触这个世界。

    像七月的湿云,带着未落的雨点沉沉下垂,在我向你合十膜拜之中,让我的全副心灵在你的门前俯伏。

    让我所有的诗歌,聚集起不同的调子,在我向你合十膜拜之中,成为一股洪流,倾注入静寂的大海。

    像一群思乡的鹤鸟,日夜飞向他们的山巢,在我向你合十膜拜之中,让我全部的生命,启程回到它永久的家乡

    103.In one salutation to thee, my God, let all my senses spread out and touch this world at thy feet.

    Like a rain-cloud of July hung low with its burden of unshed showers let all my mind bend down at thy door in one salutation to thee.

    Let all my songs gather together their diverse strains into a single current and flow to a sea of silence in one salutation to thee.

    Like a flock of homesick cranes flying night and day back to their mountain nests let all my life take its voyage to its eternal home in one salutation to thee.

  • Plato《ION,EUTHYPHRO,TIMAEUS》

    ION

    Socrates. Welcome, Ion. Are you from your native city of Ephesus?
    Ion. No, Socrates; but from Epidaurus, where I attended the festival of Asclepius.
    Soc. And do the Epidaurians have contests of rhapsodes at the festival?
    Ion. O yes; and of all sorts of musical performers.
    Soc. And were you one of the competitors- and did you succeed?
    Ion. I obtained the first prize of all, Socrates.
    Soc. Well done; and I hope that you will do the same for us at the Panathenaea.
    Ion. And I will, please heaven.
    Soc. I often envy the profession of a rhapsode, Ion; for you have always to wear fine clothes, and to look as beautiful as you can is a part of your art. Then, again, you are obliged to be continually in the company of many good poets; and especially of Homer, who is the best and most divine of them; and to understand him, and not merely learn his words by rote, is a thing greatly to be envied. And no man can be a rhapsode who does not understand the meaning of the poet. For the rhapsode ought to interpret the mind of the poet to his hearers, but how can he interpret him well unless he knows what he means? All this is greatly to be envied.

    Ion. Very true, Socrates; interpretation has certainly been the most laborious part of my art; and I believe myself able to speak about Homer better than any man; and that neither Metrodorus of Lampsacus, nor Stesimbrotus of Thasos, nor Glaucon, nor any one else who ever was, had as good ideas about Homer as I have, or as many.

    Soc. I am glad to hear you say so, Ion; I see that you will not refuse to acquaint me with them.

    Ion. Certainly, Socrates; and you really ought to hear how exquisitely I render Homer. I think that the Homeridae should give me a golden crown.

    Soc. I shall take an opportunity of hearing your embellishments of him at some other time. But just now I should like to ask you a question: Does your art extend to Hesiod and Archilochus, or to Homer only?

    Ion. To Homer only; he is in himself quite enough.

    Soc. Are there any things about which Homer and Hesiod agree?

    Ion. Yes; in my opinion there are a good many.
    Soc. And can you interpret better what Homer says, or what Hesiod says, about these matters in which they agree?
    Ion. I can interpret them equally well, Socrates, where they agree.

    Soc. But what about matters in which they do not agree?- for example, about divination, of which both Homer and Hesiod have something to say-
    Ion. Very true:
    Soc. Would you or a good prophet be a better interpreter of what these two poets say about divination, not only when they agree, but when they disagree?
    Ion. A prophet.
    Soc. And if you were a prophet, would you be able to interpret them when they disagree as well as when they agree?
    Ion. Clearly.

    Soc. But how did you come to have this skill about Homer only, and not about Hesiod or the other poets? Does not Homer speak of the same themes which all other poets handle? Is not war his great argument? and does he not speak of human society and of intercourse of men, good and bad, skilled and unskilled, and of the gods conversing with one another and with mankind, and about what happens in heaven and in the world below, and the generations of gods and heroes? Are not these the themes of which Homer sings?

    Ion. Very true, Socrates.
    Soc. And do not the other poets sing of the same?
    Ion. Yes, Socrates; but not in the same way as Homer.
    Soc. What, in a worse way?
    Ion. Yes, in a far worse.

    Soc. And Homer in a better way?

    Ion. He is incomparably better.

    Soc. And yet surely, my dear friend Ion, in a discussion about arithmetic, where many people are speaking, and one speaks better than the rest, there is somebody who can judge which of them is the good speaker?
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. And he who judges of the good will be the same as he who judges of the bad speakers?
    Ion. The same.
    Soc. And he will be the arithmetician?
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. Well, and in discussions about the wholesomeness of food, when many persons are speaking, and one speaks better than the rest, will he who recognizes the better speaker be a different person from him who recognizes the worse, or the same?
    Ion. Clearly the same.
    Soc. And who is he, and what is his name?
    Ion. The physician.
    Soc. And speaking generally, in all discussions in which the subject is the same and many men are speaking, will not he who knows the good know the bad speaker also? For if he does not know the bad, neither will he know the good when the same topic is being discussed.
    Ion. True.
    Soc. Is not the same person skilful in both?
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. And you say that Homer and the other poets, such as Hesiod and Archilochus, speak of the same things, although not in the same way; but the one speaks well and the other not so well?
    Ion. Yes; and I am right in saying so.

    Soc. And if you knew the good speaker, you would also know the inferior speakers to be inferior?

    Ion. That is true.

    Soc. Then, my dear friend, can I be mistaken in saying that Ion is equally skilled in Homer and in other poets, since he himself acknowledges that the same person will be a good judge of all those who speak of the same things; and that almost all poets do speak of the same things?

    Ion. Why then, Socrates, do I lose attention and go to sleep and have absolutely no ideas of the least value, when any one speaks of any other poet; but when Homer is mentioned, I wake up at once and am all attention and have plenty to say?

    Soc. The reason, my friend, is obvious. No one can fail to see that you speak of Homer without any art or knowledge. If you were able to speak of him by rules of art, you would have been able to speak of all other poets; for poetry is a whole.
    Ion. Yes.

    Soc. And when any one acquires any other art as a whole, the same may be said of them. Would you like me to explain my meaning, Ion?

    Ion. Yes, indeed, Socrates; I very much wish that you would: for I love to hear you wise men talk.

    Soc. O that we were wise, Ion, and that you could truly call us so; but you rhapsodes and actors, and the poets whose verses you sing, are wise; whereas I am a common man, who only speak the truth. For consider what a very commonplace and trivial thing is this which I have said- a thing which any man might say: that when a man has acquired a knowledge of a whole art, the enquiry into good and bad is one and the same. Let us consider this matter; is not the art of painting a whole?
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. And there are and have been many painters good and bad?
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. And did you ever know any one who was skilful in pointing out the excellences and defects of Polygnotus the son of Aglaophon, but incapable of criticizing other painters; and when the work of any other painter was produced, went to sleep and was at a loss, and had no ideas; but when he had to give his opinion about Polygnotus, or whoever the painter might be, and about him only, woke up and was attentive and had plenty to say?
    Ion. No indeed, I have never known such a person.
    Soc. Or did you ever know of any one in sculpture, who was skillful in expounding the merits of Daedalus the son of Metion, or of Epeius the son of Panopeus, or of Theodorus the Samian, or of any individual sculptor; but when the works of sculptors in general were produced, was at a loss and went to sleep and had nothing to say?
    Ion. No indeed; no more than the other.
    Soc. And if I am not mistaken, you never met with any one among flute-players or harp- players or singers to the harp or rhapsodes who was able to discourse of Olympus or Thamyras or Orpheus, or Phemius the rhapsode of Ithaca, but was at a loss when he came to speak of Ion of Ephesus, and had no notion of his merits or defects?
    Ion. I cannot deny what you say, Socrates. Nevertheless I am conscious in my own self, and the world agrees with me in thinking that I do speak better and have more to say about Homer than any other man. But I do not speak equally well about others- tell me the reason of this.
    Soc. I perceive, Ion; and I will proceed to explain to you what I imagine to be the reason of this. The gift which you possess of speaking excellently about Homer is not an art, but, as I was just saying, an inspiration; there is a divinity moving you, like that contained in the stone which Euripides calls a magnet, but which is commonly known as the stone of Heraclea. This stone not only attracts iron rings, but also imparts to them a similar power of attracting other rings; and sometimes you may see a number of pieces of iron and rings suspended from one another so as to form quite a long chain: and all of them derive their power of suspension from the original stone. In like manner the Muse first of all inspires men herself; and from these inspired persons a chain of other persons is suspended, who take the inspiration. For all good poets, epic as well as lyric, compose their beautiful poems not by art, but because they are inspired and possessed. And as the Corybantian revellers when they dance are not in their right mind, so the lyric poets are not in their right mind when they are composing their beautiful strains: but when falling under the power of music and metre they are inspired and possessed; like Bacchic maidens who draw milk and honey from the rivers when they are under the influence of Dionysus but not when they are in their right mind. And the soul of the lyric poet does the same, as they themselves say; for they tell us that they bring songs from honeyed fountains, culling them out of the gardens and dells of the Muses; they, like the bees, winging their way from flower to flower. And this is true. For the poet is a light and winged and holy thing, and there is no invention in him until he has been inspired and is out of his senses, and the mind is no longer in him: when he has not attained to this state, he is powerless and is unable to utter his oracles.

    Many are the noble words in which poets speak concerning the actions of men; but like yourself when speaking about Homer, they do not speak of them by any rules of art: they are simply inspired to utter that to which the Muse impels them, and that only; and when inspired, one of them will make dithyrambs, another hymns of praise, another choral strains, another epic or iambic verses- and he who is good at one is not good any other kind of verse: for not by art does the poet sing, but by power divine. Had he learned by rules of art, he would have known how to speak not of one theme only, but of all; and therefore God takes away the minds of poets, and uses them as his ministers, as he also uses diviners and holy prophets, in order that we who hear them may know them to be speaking not of themselves who utter these priceless words in a state of unconsciousness, but that God himself is the speaker, and that through them he is conversing with And Tynnichus the Chalcidian affords a striking instance of what I am saying: he wrote nothing that any one would care to remember but the famous paean which; in every one’s mouth, one of the finest poems ever written, simply an invention of the Muses, as he himself says. For in this way, the God would seem to indicate to us and not allow us to doubt that these beautiful poems are not human, or the work of man, but divine and the work of God; and that the poets are only the interpreters of the Gods by whom they are severally possessed. Was not this the lesson which the God intended to teach when by the mouth of the worst of poets he sang the best of songs?
    Am I not right, Ion?
    Ion. Yes, indeed, Socrates, I feel that you are; for your words touch my soul, and I am persuaded that good poets by a divine inspiration interpret the things of the Gods to us.

    Soc. And you rhapsodists are the interpreters of the poets?

    Ion. There again you are right.

    Soc. Then you are the interpreters of interpreters?

    Ion. Precisely.

    Soc. I wish you would frankly tell me, Ion, what I am going to ask of you: When you produce the greatest effect upon the audience in the recitation of some striking passage, such as the apparition of Odysseus leaping forth on the floor, recognized by the suitors and casting his arrows at his feet, or the description of Achilles rushing at Hector, or the sorrows of Andromache, Hecuba, or Priam,- are you in your right mind? Are you not carried out of yourself, and does not your soul in an ecstasy seem to be among the persons or places of which you are speaking, whether they are in Ithaca or in Troy or whatever may be the scene of the poem?

    Ion. That proof strikes home to me, Socrates. For I must frankly confess that at the tale of pity, my eyes are filled with tears, and when I speak of horrors, my hair stands on end and my heart throbs.

    Soc. Well, Ion, and what are we to say of a man who at a sacrifice or festival, when he is dressed in holiday attire and has golden crowns upon his head, of which nobody has robbed him, appears sweeping or panic-stricken in the presence of more than twenty thousand friendly faces, when there is no one despoiling or wronging him;- is he in his right mind or is he not?

    Ion. No indeed, Socrates, I must say that, strictly speaking, he is not in his right mind.

    Soc. And are you aware that you produce similar effects on most spectators?

    Ion. Only too well; for I look down upon them from the stage, and behold the various emotions of pity, wonder, sternness, stamped upon their countenances when I am speaking: and I am obliged to give my very best attention to them; for if I make them cry I myself shall laugh, and if I make them laugh I myself shall cry when the time of payment arrives.
    Soc. Do you know that the spectator is the last of the rings which, as I am saying, receive the power of the original magnet from one another? The rhapsode like yourself and the actor are intermediate links, and the poet himself is the first of them. Through all these the God sways the souls of men in any direction which he pleases, and makes one man hang down from another. Thus there is a vast chain of dancers and masters and under-masters of choruses, who are suspended, as if from the stone, at the side of the rings which hang down from the Muse. And every poet has some Muse from whom he is suspended, and by whom he is said to be possessed, which is nearly the same thing; for he is taken hold of. And from these first rings, which are the poets, depend others, some deriving their inspiration from Orpheus, others from Musaeus; but the greater number are possessed and held by Homer. Of whom, Ion, you are one, and are possessed by Homer; and when any one repeats the words of another poet you go to sleep, and know not what to say; but when any one recites a strain of Homer you wake up in a moment, and your soul leaps within you, and you have plenty to say; for not by art or knowledge about Homer do you say what you say, but by divine inspiration and by possession; just as the Corybantian revellers too have a quick perception of that strain only which is appropriated to the God by whom they are possessed, and have plenty of dances and words for that, but take no heed of any other. And you, Ion, when the name of Homer is mentioned have plenty to say, and have nothing to say of others. You ask, “Why is this?” The answer is that you praise Homer not by art but by divine inspiration.

    Ion. That is good, Socrates; and yet I doubt whether you will ever have eloquence enough to persuade me that I praise Homer only when I am mad and possessed; and if you could hear me speak of him I am sure you would never think this to be the case.

    Soc. I should like very much to hear you, but not until you have answered a question which I have to ask. On what part of Homer do you speak well?- not surely about every part.
    Ion. There is no part, Socrates, about which I do not speak well of that I can assure you.
    Soc. Surely not about things in Homer of which you have no knowledge?
    Ion. And what is there in Homer of which I have no knowledge?

    Soc. Why, does not Homer speak in many passages about arts? For example, about driving; if I can only remember the lines I will repeat them.

    Ion. I remember, and will repeat them.

    Soc. Tell me then, what Nestor says to Antilochus, his son, where he bids him be careful of the turn at the horse-race in honour of Patroclus.

    Ion. He says: Bend gently in the polished chariot to the left of them, and urge the horse on the right hand with whip and voice; and slacken the rein.

    And when you are at the goal, let the left horse draw near, yet so that the nave of the well-wrought wheel may not even seem to touch the extremity; and avoid catching the stone.

    Soc. Enough. Now, Ion, will the charioteer or the physician be the better judge of the propriety of these lines?
    Ion. The charioteer, clearly.
    Soc. And will the reason be that this is his art, or will there be any other reason?

    Ion. No, that will be the reason.

    Soc. And every art is appointed by God to have knowledge of a certain work; for that which we know by the art of the pilot we do not know by the art of medicine?

    Ion. Certainly not.

    Soc. Nor do we know by the art of the carpenter that which we know by the art of medicine?
    Ion. Certainly not.
    Soc. And this is true of all the arts;- that which we know with one art we do not know with the other? But let me ask a prior question: You admit that there are differences of arts?
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. You would argue, as I should, that when one art is of one kind of knowledge and another of another, they are different?
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. Yes, surely; for if the subject of knowledge were the same, there would be no meaning in saying that the arts were different,-if they both gave the same knowledge. For example, I know that here are five fingers, and you know the same. And if I were to ask whether I and you became acquainted with this fact by the help of the same art of arithmetic, you would acknowledge that we did?
    Ion. Yes.

    Soc. Tell me, then, what I was intending to ask you- whether this holds universally? Must the same art have the same subject of knowledge, and different arts other subjects of knowledge?

    Ion. That is my opinion, Socrates.

    Soc. Then he who has no knowledge of a particular art will have no right judgment of the sayings and doings of that art?
    Ion. Very true.
    Soc. Then which will be a better judge of the lines which you were reciting from Homer, you or the charioteer?
    Ion. The charioteer.

    Soc. Why, yes, because you are a rhapsode and not a charioteer.
    Ion. Yes.
    Soc. And the art of the rhapsode is different from that of the charioteer?
    Ion. Yes.

    Soc. And if a different knowledge, then a knowledge of different matters?

    Ion. True.

    Soc. You know the passage in which Hecamede, the concubine of Nestor, is described as giving to the wounded Machaon a posset, as he says, Made with Pramnian wine; and she grated cheese of goat’s milk with a grater of bronze, and at his side placed an onion which gives a relish to drink.

    Now would you say that the art of the rhapsode or the art of medicine was better able to judge of the propriety of these lines?

    Ion. The art of medicine.

    Soc. And when Homer says, And she descended into the deep like a leaden plummet, which, set in the horn of ox that ranges in the fields, rushes along carrying death among the ravenous fishes,-will the art of the fisherman or of the rhapsode be better able to judge whether these lines are rightly expressed or not?

    Ion. Clearly, Socrates, the art of the fisherman.

    Soc. Come now, suppose that you were to say to me: “Since you, Socrates, are able to assign different passages in Homer to their corresponding arts, I wish that you would tell me what are the passages of which the excellence ought to be judged by the prophet and prophetic art”; and you will see how readily and truly I shall answer you. For there are many such passages, particularly in the Odyssey; as, for example, the passage in which Theoclymenus the prophet of the house of Melampus says to the suitors:-Wretched men! what is happening to you? Your heads and your faces and your limbs underneath are shrouded in night; and the voice of lamentation bursts forth, and your cheeks are wet with tears. And the vestibule is full, and the court is full, of ghosts descending into the darkness of Erebus, and the sun has perished out of heaven, and an evil mist is spread abroad.

    And there are many such passages in the Iliad also; as for example in the description of the battle near the rampart, where he says:-As they were eager to pass the ditch, there came to them an omen: a soaring eagle, holding back the people on the left, bore a huge bloody dragon in his talons, still living and panting; nor had he yet resigned the strife, for he bent back and smote the bird which carried him on the breast by the neck, and he in pain let him fall from him to the ground into the midst of the multitude. And the eagle, with a cry, was borne afar on the wings of the wind.
    These are the sort of things which I should say that the prophet ought to consider and determine.
    Ion. And you are quite right, Socrates, in saying so.
    Soc. Yes, Ion, and you are right also. And as I have selected from the Iliad and Odyssey for you passages which describe the office of the prophet and the physician and the fisherman, do you, who know Homer so much better than I do, Ion, select for me passages which relate to the rhapsode and the rhapsode’s art, and which the rhapsode ought to examine and judge of better than other men.
    Ion. All passages, I should say, Socrates.
    Soc. Not all, Ion, surely. Have you already forgotten what you were saying? A rhapsode ought to have a better memory.

    Ion. Why, what am I forgetting?

    Soc. Do you not remember that you declared the art of the rhapsode to be different from the art of the charioteer?

    Ion. Yes, I remember.

    Soc. And you admitted that being different they would have different subjects of knowledge?

    Ion. Yes.

    Soc. Then upon your own showing the rhapsode, and the art of the rhapsode, will not know everything?

    Ion. I should exclude certain things, Socrates.

    Soc. You mean to say that you would exclude pretty much the subjects of the other arts. As he does not know all of them, which of them will he know?

    Ion. He will know what a man and what a woman ought to say, and what a freeman and what a slave ought to say, and what a ruler and what a subject.

    Soc. Do you mean that a rhapsode will know better than the pilot what the ruler of a sea-tossed vessel ought to say?

    Ion. No; the pilot will know best.

    Soc. Or will the rhapsode know better than the physician what the ruler of a sick man ought to say?

    Ion. He will not.

    Soc. But he will know what a slave ought to say?

    Ion. Yes.

    Soc. Suppose the slave to be a cowherd; the rhapsode will know better than the cowherd what he ought to say in order to soothe the infuriated cows?

    Ion. No, he will not.

    Soc. But he will know what a spinning-woman ought to say about the working of wool?

    Ion. No.

    Soc. At any rate he will know what a general ought to say when exhorting his soldiers?

    Ion. Yes, that is the sort of thing which the rhapsode will be sure to know.

    Soc. Well, but is the art of the rhapsode the art of the general?

    Ion. I am sure that I should know what a general ought to say.

    Soc. Why, yes, Ion, because you may possibly have a knowledge of the art of the general as well as of the rhapsode; and you may also have a knowledge of horsemanship as well as of the lyre: and then you would know when horses were well or ill managed. But suppose I were to ask you: By the help of which art, Ion, do you know whether horses are well managed, by your skill as a horseman or as a performer on the lyre- what would you answer?

    Ion. I should reply, by my skill as a horseman.

    Soc. And if you judged of performers on the lyre, you would admit that you judged of them as a performer on the lyre, and not as a horseman?

    Ion. Yes.

    Soc. And in judging of the general’s art, do you judge of it as a general or a rhapsode?

    Ion. To me there appears to be no difference between them.

    Soc. What do you mean? Do you mean to say that the art of the rhapsode and of the general is the same?

    Ion. Yes, one and the same.

    Soc. Then he who is a good rhapsode is also a good general?

    Ion. Certainly, Socrates.

    Soc. And he who is a good general is also a good rhapsode?

    Ion. No; I do not say that.

    Soc. But you do say that he who is a good rhapsode is also a good general.
    Ion. Certainly.
    Soc. And you are the best of Hellenic rhapsodes?
    Ion. Far the best, Socrates.
    Soc. And are you the best general, Ion?
    Ion. To be sure, Socrates; and Homer was my master.

    Soc. But then, Ion, what in the name of goodness can be the reason why you, who are the best of generals as well as the best of rhapsodes in all Hellas, go about as a rhapsode when you might be a general? Do you think that the Hellenes want a rhapsode with his golden crown, and do not want a general?
    Ion. Why, Socrates, the reason is, that my countrymen, the Ephesians, are the servants and soldiers of Athens, and do not need a general; and you and Sparta are not likely to have me, for you think that you have enough generals of your own.
    Soc. My good Ion, did you never hear of Apollodorus of Cyzicus?
    Ion. Who may he be?
    Soc. One who, though a foreigner, has often been chosen their general by the Athenians: and there is Phanosthenes of Andros, and Heraclides of Clazomenae, whom they have also appointed to the command of their armies and to other offices, although aliens, after they had shown their merit. And will they not choose Ion the Ephesian to be their general, and honour him, if he prove himself worthy? Were not the Ephesians originally Athenians, and Ephesus is no mean city?
    But, indeed, Ion, if you are correct in saying that by art and knowledge you are able to praise Homer, you do not deal fairly with me, and after all your professions of knowing many, glorious things about Homer, and promises that you would exhibit them, you are only a deceiver, and so far from exhibiting the art of which you are a master, will not, even after my repeated entreaties, explain to me the nature of it. You have literally as many forms as Proteus; and now you go all manner of ways, twisting and turning, and, like Proteus, become all manner of people at once, and at last slip away from me in the disguise of a general, in order that you may escape exhibiting your Homeric lore. And if you have art, then, as I was saying, in falsifying your promise that you would exhibit Homer, you are not dealing fairly with me. But if, as I believe, you have no art, but speak all these beautiful words about Homer unconsciously under his inspiring influence, then I acquit you of dishonesty, and shall only say that you are inspired. Which do you prefer to be thought, dishonest or inspired?
    Ion. There is a great difference, Socrates, between the two alternatives; and inspiration is by far the nobler.
    Soc. Then, Ion, I shall assume the nobler alternative; and attribute to you in your praises of Homer inspiration, and not art.

    Euthyphro

    SCENE: The Porch of the King Archon.

    EUTHYPHRO: Why have you left the Lyceum, Socrates? and what are you doing in the Porch of the King Archon? Surely you cannot be concerned in a suit before the King, like myself?
    SOCRATES: Not in a suit, Euthyphro; impeachment is the word which the Athenians use.
    EUTHYPHRO: What! I suppose that some one has been prosecuting you, for I cannot believe that you are the prosecutor of another.
    SOCRATES: Certainly not.

    EUTHYPHRO: Then some one else has been prosecuting you?

    SOCRATES: Yes.

    EUTHYPHRO: And who is he?

    SOCRATES: A young man who is little known, Euthyphro; and I hardly know him: his name is Meletus, and he is of the deme of Pitthis. Perhaps you may remember his appearance; he has a beak, and long straight hair, and a beard which is ill grown.
    EUTHYPHRO: No, I do not remember him, Socrates. But what is the charge which he brings against you?

    SOCRATES: What is the charge? Well, a very serious charge, which shows a good deal of character in the young man, and for which he is certainly not to be despised. He says he knows how the youth are corrupted and who are their corruptors. I fancy that he must be a wise man, and seeing that I am the reverse of a wise man, he has found me out, and is going to accuse me of corrupting his young friends. And of this our mother the state is to be the judge. Of all our political men he is the only one

    who seems to me to begin in the right way, with the cultivation of

    virtue in youth; like a good husbandman, he makes the young shoots his

    first care, and clears away us who are the destroyers of them. This is

    only the first step; he will afterwards attend to the elder branches;

    and if he goes on as he has begun, he will be a very great public

    benefactor.

    EUTHYPHRO: I hope that he may; but I rather fear, Socrates, that the

    opposite will turn out to be the truth. My opinion is that in attacking

    you he is simply aiming a blow at the foundation of the state. But in

    what way does he say that you corrupt the young?

    SOCRATES: He brings a wonderful accusation against me, which at first

    hearing excites surprise: he says that I am a poet or maker of gods, and

    that I invent new gods and deny the existence of old ones; this is the

    ground of his indictment.

    EUTHYPHRO: I understand, Socrates; he means to attack you about the

    familiar sign which occasionally, as you say, comes to you. He thinks

    that you are a neologian, and he is going to have you up before the

    court for this. He knows that such a charge is readily received by the

    world, as I myself know too well; for when I speak in the assembly about

    divine things, and foretell the future to them, they laugh at me and

    think me a madman. Yet every word that I say is true. But they are

    jealous of us all; and we must be brave and go at them.

    SOCRATES: Their laughter, friend Euthyphro, is not a matter of much consequence. For a man may be thought wise; but the Athenians, I suspect, do not much trouble themselves about him until he begins to impart his wisdom to others, and then for some reason or other, perhaps, as you say, from jealousy, they are angry.

    EUTHYPHRO: I am never likely to try their temper in this way.

    SOCRATES: I dare say not, for you are reserved in your behaviour, and

    seldom impart your wisdom. But I have a benevolent habit of pouring out

    myself to everybody, and would even pay for a listener, and I am afraid

    that the Athenians may think me too talkative. Now if, as I was saying,

    they would only laugh at me, as you say that they laugh at you, the

    time might pass gaily enough in the court; but perhaps they may be in

    earnest, and then what the end will be you soothsayers only can predict.

    EUTHYPHRO: I dare say that the affair will end in nothing, Socrates, and

    that you will win your cause; and I think that I shall win my own.

    SOCRATES: And what is your suit, Euthyphro? are you the pursuer or the defendant?

    EUTHYPHRO: I am the pursuer.

    SOCRATES: Of whom?

    EUTHYPHRO: You will think me mad when I tell you.

    SOCRATES: Why, has the fugitive wings?

    EUTHYPHRO: Nay, he is not very volatile at his time of life.

    SOCRATES: Who is he?

    EUTHYPHRO: My father.

    SOCRATES: Your father! my good man?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: And of what is he accused?

    EUTHYPHRO: Of murder, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: By the powers, Euthyphro! how little does the common herd know of the nature of right and truth. A man must be an extraordinary man, and have made great strides in wisdom, before he could have seen his way to bring such an action.

    EUTHYPHRO: Indeed, Socrates, he must.

    SOCRATES: I suppose that the man whom your father murdered was one of your relatives–clearly he was; for if he had been a stranger you would never have thought of prosecuting him.

    EUTHYPHRO: I am amused, Socrates, at your making a distinction between one who is a relation and one who is not a relation; for surely the pollution is the same in either case, if you knowingly associate with the murderer when you ought to clear yourself and him by proceeding against him. The real question is whether the murdered man has been justly slain. If justly, then your duty is to let the matter alone; but

    if unjustly, then even if the murderer lives under the same roof with

    you and eats at the same table, proceed against him. Now the man who is dead was a poor dependant of mine who worked for us as a field laborer on our farm in Naxos, and one day in a fit of drunken passion he got into a quarrel with one of our domestic servants and slew him. My father bound him hand and foot and threw him into a ditch, and then sent to Athens to ask of a diviner what he should do with him. Meanwhile he never attended to him and took no care about him, for he regarded him as a murderer; and thought that no great harm would be done even if he did die. Now this was just what happened. For such was the effect of cold and hunger and chains upon him, that before the messenger returned from the diviner, he was dead. And my father and family are angry with me for taking the part of the murderer and prosecuting my father. They say that he did not kill him, and that if he did, the dead man was but a murderer, and I ought not to take any notice, for that a son is impious who prosecutes a father. Which shows, Socrates, how little they know what the gods think about piety and impiety.

    SOCRATES: Good heavens, Euthyphro! and is your knowledge of religion

    and of things pious and impious so very exact, that, supposing the

    circumstances to be as you state them, you are not afraid lest you too

    may be doing an impious thing in bringing an action against your father?

    EUTHYPHRO: The best of Euthyphro, and that which distinguishes him,

    Socrates, from other men, is his exact knowledge of all such matters.

    What should I be good for without it?

    SOCRATES: Rare friend! I think that I cannot do better than be your

    disciple. Then before the trial with Meletus comes on I shall challenge

    him, and say that I have always had a great interest in religious

    questions, and now, as he charges me with rash imaginations and

    innovations in religion, I have become your disciple. You, Meletus, as

    I shall say to him, acknowledge Euthyphro to be a great theologian, and

    sound in his opinions; and if you approve of him you ought to approve of me, and not have me into court; but if you disapprove, you should begin by indicting him who is my teacher, and who will be the ruin, not of the young, but of the old; that is to say, of myself whom he instructs, and of his old father whom he admonishes and chastises. And if Meletus refuses to listen to me, but will go on, and will not shift the indictment from me to you, I cannot do better than repeat this challenge in the court.

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, indeed, Socrates; and if he attempts to indict me I am

    mistaken if I do not find a flaw in him; the court shall have a great

    deal more to say to him than to me.

    SOCRATES: And I, my dear friend, knowing this, am desirous of becoming

    your disciple. For I observe that no one appears to notice you–not even

    this Meletus; but his sharp eyes have found me out at once, and he has

    indicted me for impiety. And therefore, I adjure you to tell me the

    nature of piety and impiety, which you said that you knew so well, and

    of murder, and of other offences against the gods. What are they? Is

    not piety in every action always the same? and impiety, again–is it not

    always the opposite of piety, and also the same with itself, having, as

    impiety, one notion which includes whatever is impious?

    EUTHYPHRO: To be sure, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: And what is piety, and what is impiety?

    EUTHYPHRO: Piety is doing as I am doing; that is to say, prosecuting any

    one who is guilty of murder, sacrilege, or of any similar crime–whether

    he be your father or mother, or whoever he may be–that makes no

    difference; and not to prosecute them is impiety. And please to

    consider, Socrates, what a notable proof I will give you of the truth

    of my words, a proof which I have already given to others:–of the

    principle, I mean, that the impious, whoever he may be, ought not to go

    unpunished. For do not men regard Zeus as the best and most righteous of

    the gods?–and yet they admit that he bound his father (Cronos) because

    he wickedly devoured his sons, and that he too had punished his own

    father (Uranus) for a similar reason, in a nameless manner. And yet when

    I proceed against my father, they are angry with me. So inconsistent are

    they in their way of talking when the gods are concerned, and when I am

    concerned.

    SOCRATES: May not this be the reason, Euthyphro, why I am charged with

    impiety–that I cannot away with these stories about the gods? and

    therefore I suppose that people think me wrong. But, as you who are well

    informed about them approve of them, I cannot do better than assent to

    your superior wisdom. What else can I say, confessing as I do, that

    I know nothing about them? Tell me, for the love of Zeus, whether you

    really believe that they are true.

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, Socrates; and things more wonderful still, of which the

    world is in ignorance.

    SOCRATES: And do you really believe that the gods fought with one

    another, and had dire quarrels, battles, and the like, as the poets

    say, and as you may see represented in the works of great artists?

    The temples are full of them; and notably the robe of Athene, which is

    carried up to the Acropolis at the great Panathenaea, is embroidered

    with them. Are all these tales of the gods true, Euthyphro?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, Socrates; and, as I was saying, I can tell you, if you

    would like to hear them, many other things about the gods which would

    quite amaze you.

    SOCRATES: I dare say; and you shall tell me them at some other time when

    I have leisure. But just at present I would rather hear from you a

    more precise answer, which you have not as yet given, my friend, to the

    question, What is ‘piety’? When asked, you only replied, Doing as you

    do, charging your father with murder.

    EUTHYPHRO: And what I said was true, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: No doubt, Euthyphro; but you would admit that there are many

    other pious acts?

    EUTHYPHRO: There are.

    SOCRATES: Remember that I did not ask you to give me two or three

    examples of piety, but to explain the general idea which makes all pious

    things to be pious. Do you not recollect that there was one idea which

    made the impious impious, and the pious pious?

    EUTHYPHRO: I remember.

    SOCRATES: Tell me what is the nature of this idea, and then I shall

    have a standard to which I may look, and by which I may measure actions,

    whether yours or those of any one else, and then I shall be able to say

    that such and such an action is pious, such another impious.

    EUTHYPHRO: I will tell you, if you like.

    SOCRATES: I should very much like.

    EUTHYPHRO: Piety, then, is that which is dear to the gods, and impiety

    is that which is not dear to them.

    SOCRATES: Very good, Euthyphro; you have now given me the sort of answer

    which I wanted. But whether what you say is true or not I cannot as yet

    tell, although I make no doubt that you will prove the truth of your

    words.

    EUTHYPHRO: Of course.

    SOCRATES: Come, then, and let us examine what we are saying. That thing

    or person which is dear to the gods is pious, and that thing or person

    which is hateful to the gods is impious, these two being the extreme

    opposites of one another. Was not that said?

    EUTHYPHRO: It was.

    SOCRATES: And well said?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, Socrates, I thought so; it was certainly said.

    SOCRATES: And further, Euthyphro, the gods were admitted to have

    enmities and hatreds and differences?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, that was also said.

    SOCRATES: And what sort of difference creates enmity and anger? Suppose

    for example that you and I, my good friend, differ about a number; do

    differences of this sort make us enemies and set us at variance with one

    another? Do we not go at once to arithmetic, and put an end to them by a

    sum?

    EUTHYPHRO: True.

    SOCRATES: Or suppose that we differ about magnitudes, do we not quickly

    end the differences by measuring?

    EUTHYPHRO: Very true.

    SOCRATES: And we end a controversy about heavy and light by resorting to

    a weighing machine?

    EUTHYPHRO: To be sure.

    SOCRATES: But what differences are there which cannot be thus decided,

    and which therefore make us angry and set us at enmity with one another?

    I dare say the answer does not occur to you at the moment, and therefore

    I will suggest that these enmities arise when the matters of difference

    are the just and unjust, good and evil, honourable and dishonourable.

    Are not these the points about which men differ, and about which when we

    are unable satisfactorily to decide our differences, you and I and all

    of us quarrel, when we do quarrel? (Compare Alcib.)

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, Socrates, the nature of the differences about which we

    quarrel is such as you describe.

    SOCRATES: And the quarrels of the gods, noble Euthyphro, when they

    occur, are of a like nature?

    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly they are.

    SOCRATES: They have differences of opinion, as you say, about good and

    evil, just and unjust, honourable and dishonourable: there would

    have been no quarrels among them, if there had been no such

    differences–would there now?

    EUTHYPHRO: You are quite right.

    SOCRATES: Does not every man love that which he deems noble and just and

    good, and hate the opposite of them?

    EUTHYPHRO: Very true.

    SOCRATES: But, as you say, people regard the same things, some as just

    and others as unjust,–about these they dispute; and so there arise wars

    and fightings among them.

    EUTHYPHRO: Very true.

    SOCRATES: Then the same things are hated by the gods and loved by the gods, and are both hateful and dear to them?
    EUTHYPHRO: True.
    SOCRATES: And upon this view the same things, Euthyphro, will be pious and also impious?
    EUTHYPHRO: So I should suppose.
    SOCRATES: Then, my friend, I remark with surprise that you have not answered the question which I asked. For I certainly did not ask you to tell me what action is both pious and impious: but now it would seem that what is loved by the gods is also hated by them. And therefore, Euthyphro, in thus chastising your father you may very likely be doing what is agreeable to Zeus but disagreeable to Cronos or Uranus, and what is acceptable to Hephaestus but unacceptable to Here, and there may be other gods who have similar differences of opinion.
    EUTHYPHRO: But I believe, Socrates, that all the gods would be agreed as to the propriety of punishing a murderer: there would be no difference of opinion about that.
    SOCRATES: Well, but speaking of men, Euthyphro, did you ever hear any one arguing that a murderer or any sort of evil-doer ought to be let off?
    EUTHYPHRO: I should rather say that these are the questions which they are always arguing, especially in courts of law: they commit all sorts of crimes, and there is nothing which they will not do or say in their own defence.
    SOCRATES: But do they admit their guilt, Euthyphro, and yet say that they ought not to be punished?
    EUTHYPHRO: No; they do not.
    SOCRATES: Then there are some things which they do not venture to say and do: for they do not venture to argue that the guilty are to be unpunished, but they deny their guilt, do they not?
    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.
    SOCRATES: Then they do not argue that the evil-doer should not be punished, but they argue about the fact of who the evil-doer is, and what he did and when?
    EUTHYPHRO: True.

    SOCRATES: And the gods are in the same case, if as you assert they

    quarrel about just and unjust, and some of them say while others deny that injustice is done among them. For surely neither God nor man will ever venture to say that the doer of injustice is not to be punished?

    EUTHYPHRO: That is true, Socrates, in the main.
    SOCRATES: But they join issue about the particulars–gods and men alike; and, if they dispute at all, they dispute about some act which is called in question, and which by some is affirmed to be just, by others to be unjust. Is not that true?

    EUTHYPHRO: Quite true.

    SOCRATES: Well then, my dear friend Euthyphro, do tell me, for my better instruction and information, what proof have you that in the opinion of all the gods a servant who is guilty of murder, and is put in chains by the master of the dead man, and dies because he is put in chains before he who bound him can learn from the interpreters of the gods what he ought to do with him, dies unjustly; and that on behalf of such an one a son ought to proceed against his father and accuse him of murder. How would you show that all the gods absolutely agree in approving of his act? Prove to me that they do, and I will applaud your wisdom as long as I live.
    EUTHYPHRO: It will be a difficult task; but I could make the matter very clear indeed to you.
    SOCRATES: I understand; you mean to say that I am not so quick of apprehension as the judges: for to them you will be sure to prove that the act is unjust, and hateful to the gods.
    EUTHYPHRO: Yes indeed, Socrates; at least if they will listen to me.

    SOCRATES: But they will be sure to listen if they find that you are a good speaker. There was a notion that came into my mind while you were speaking; I said to myself: ‘Well, and what if Euthyphro does prove to me that all the gods regarded the death of the serf as unjust, how do I know anything more of the nature of piety and impiety? for granting that this action may be hateful to the gods, still piety and impiety are not adequately defined by these distinctions, for that which is hateful to the gods has been shown to be also pleasing and dear to them.’ And therefore, Euthyphro, I do not ask you to prove this; I will suppose, if you like, that all the gods condemn and abominate such an action. But I will amend the definition so far as to say that what all the gods hate is impious, and what they love pious or holy; and what some of them love and others hate is both or neither. Shall this be our definition of piety and impiety?
    EUTHYPHRO: Why not, Socrates?
    SOCRATES: Why not! certainly, as far as I am concerned, Euthyphro, there is no reason why not. But whether this admission will greatly assist you in the task of instructing me as you promised, is a matter for you to consider.
    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, I should say that what all the gods love is pious and holy, and the opposite which they all hate, impious.

    SOCRATES: Ought we to enquire into the truth of this, Euthyphro, or simply to accept the mere statement on our own authority and that of others? What do you say?
    EUTHYPHRO: We should enquire; and I believe that the statement will stand the test of enquiry.
    SOCRATES: We shall know better, my good friend, in a little while. The point which I should first wish to understand is whether the pious or holy is beloved by the gods because it is holy, or holy because it is beloved of the gods.
    EUTHYPHRO: I do not understand your meaning, Socrates.
    SOCRATES: I will endeavour to explain: we, speak of carrying and we speak of being carried, of leading and being led, seeing and being seen. You know that in all such cases there is a difference, and you know also in what the difference lies?
    EUTHYPHRO: I think that I understand.
    SOCRATES: And is not that which is beloved distinct from that which loves?
    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly.
    SOCRATES: Well; and now tell me, is that which is carried in this state of carrying because it is carried, or for some other reason?
    EUTHYPHRO: No; that is the reason.
    SOCRATES: And the same is true of what is led and of what is seen?
    EUTHYPHRO: True.
    SOCRATES: And a thing is not seen because it is visible, but conversely, visible because it is seen; nor is a thing led because it is in the state of being led, or carried because it is in the state of being carried, but the converse of this. And now I think, Euthyphro, that my meaning will be intelligible; and my meaning is, that any state of action or passion implies previous action or passion. It does not become because it is becoming, but it is in a state of becoming because it becomes; neither does it suffer because it is in a state of suffering, but it is in a state of suffering because it suffers. Do you not agree?
    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.
    SOCRATES: Is not that which is loved in some state either of becoming or suffering?
    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.
    SOCRATES: And the same holds as in the previous instances; the state of being loved follows the act of being loved, and not the act the state.
    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly.

    SOCRATES: And what do you say of piety, Euthyphro: is not piety, according to your definition, loved by all the gods?
    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: Because it is pious or holy, or for some other reason?

    EUTHYPHRO: No, that is the reason.

    SOCRATES: It is loved because it is holy, not holy because it is loved?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: And that which is dear to the gods is loved by them, and is in a state to be loved of them because it is loved of them?

    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly.

    SOCRATES: Then that which is dear to the gods, Euthyphro, is not holy, nor is that which is holy loved of God, as you affirm; but they are two different things.

    EUTHYPHRO: How do you mean, Socrates?

    SOCRATES: I mean to say that the holy has been acknowledged by us to be loved of God because it is holy, not to be holy because it is loved.

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: But that which is dear to the gods is dear to them because it

    is loved by them, not loved by them because it is dear to them.

    EUTHYPHRO: True.

    SOCRATES: But, friend Euthyphro, if that which is holy is the same with that which is dear to God, and is loved because it is holy, then that which is dear to God would have been loved as being dear to God; but if that which is dear to God is dear to him because loved by him, then that which is holy would have been holy because loved by him. But now you see that the reverse is the case, and that they are quite different from one another. For one (theophiles) is of a kind to be loved cause it is loved, and the other (osion) is loved because it is of a kind to be loved. Thus you appear to me, Euthyphro, when I ask you what is the essence of holiness, to offer an attribute only, and not the essence–the attribute of being loved by all the gods. But you still refuse to explain to me the nature of holiness. And therefore, if you please, I will ask you not to hide your treasure, but to tell me once more what holiness or piety really is, whether dear to the gods or not(for that is a matter about which we will not quarrel); and what is impiety?

    EUTHYPHRO: I really do not know, Socrates, how to express what I mean. For somehow or other our arguments, on whatever ground we rest them, seem to turn round and walk away from us.

    SOCRATES: Your words, Euthyphro, are like the handiwork of my ancestor

    Daedalus; and if I were the sayer or propounder of them, you might say

    that my arguments walk away and will not remain fixed where they are

    placed because I am a descendant of his. But now, since these notions

    are your own, you must find some other gibe, for they certainly, as you

    yourself allow, show an inclination to be on the move.

    EUTHYPHRO: Nay, Socrates, I shall still say that you are the Daedalus

    who sets arguments in motion; not I, certainly, but you make them

    move or go round, for they would never have stirred, as far as I am

    concerned.

    SOCRATES: Then I must be a greater than Daedalus: for whereas he only made his own inventions to move, I move those of other people as well.

    And the beauty of it is, that I would rather not. For I would give the

    wisdom of Daedalus, and the wealth of Tantalus, to be able to detain

    them and keep them fixed. But enough of this. As I perceive that you are

    lazy, I will myself endeavour to show you how you might instruct me in

    the nature of piety; and I hope that you will not grudge your labour.

    Tell me, then–Is not that which is pious necessarily just?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: And is, then, all which is just pious? or, is that which is

    pious all just, but that which is just, only in part and not all, pious?

    EUTHYPHRO: I do not understand you, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: And yet I know that you are as much wiser than I am, as you

    are younger. But, as I was saying, revered friend, the abundance of your

    wisdom makes you lazy. Please to exert yourself, for there is no

    real difficulty in understanding me. What I mean I may explain by an

    illustration of what I do not mean. The poet (Stasinus) sings–

    ‘Of Zeus, the author and creator of all these things, You will not tell:

    for where there is fear there is also reverence.’

    Now I disagree with this poet. Shall I tell you in what respect?

    EUTHYPHRO: By all means.

    SOCRATES: I should not say that where there is fear there is also

    reverence; for I am sure that many persons fear poverty and disease, and

    the like evils, but I do not perceive that they reverence the objects of

    their fear.

    EUTHYPHRO: Very true.

    SOCRATES: But where reverence is, there is fear; for he who has a

    feeling of reverence and shame about the commission of any action, fears and is afraid of an ill reputation.

    EUTHYPHRO: No doubt.

    SOCRATES: Then we are wrong in saying that where there is fear there

    is also reverence; and we should say, where there is reverence there is

    also fear. But there is not always reverence where there is fear; for

    fear is a more extended notion, and reverence is a part of fear, just as

    the odd is a part of number, and number is a more extended notion than

    the odd. I suppose that you follow me now?

    EUTHYPHRO: Quite well.

    SOCRATES: That was the sort of question which I meant to raise when

    I asked whether the just is always the pious, or the pious always the

    just; and whether there may not be justice where there is not piety; for

    justice is the more extended notion of which piety is only a part. Do

    you dissent?

    EUTHYPHRO: No, I think that you are quite right.

    SOCRATES: Then, if piety is a part of justice, I suppose that we should

    enquire what part? If you had pursued the enquiry in the previous cases;

    for instance, if you had asked me what is an even number, and what part

    of number the even is, I should have had no difficulty in replying,

    a number which represents a figure having two equal sides. Do you not

    agree?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, I quite agree.

    SOCRATES: In like manner, I want you to tell me what part of justice

    is piety or holiness, that I may be able to tell Meletus not to do me

    injustice, or indict me for impiety, as I am now adequately instructed

    by you in the nature of piety or holiness, and their opposites.

    EUTHYPHRO: Piety or holiness, Socrates, appears to me to be that part of

    justice which attends to the gods, as there is the other part of justice

    which attends to men.

    SOCRATES: That is good, Euthyphro; yet still there is a little point

    about which I should like to have further information, What is the

    meaning of ‘attention’? For attention can hardly be used in the same

    sense when applied to the gods as when applied to other things. For

    instance, horses are said to require attention, and not every person is

    able to attend to them, but only a person skilled in horsemanship. Is it not so?

    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly.

    SOCRATES: I should suppose that the art of horsemanship is the art of attending to horses?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: Nor is every one qualified to attend to dogs, but only the

    huntsman?

    EUTHYPHRO: True.

    SOCRATES: And I should also conceive that the art of the huntsman is the art of attending to dogs?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: As the art of the oxherd is the art of attending to oxen?

    EUTHYPHRO: Very true.

    SOCRATES: In like manner holiness or piety is the art of attending to

    the gods?–that would be your meaning, Euthyphro?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: And is not attention always designed for the good or benefit

    of that to which the attention is given? As in the case of horses,

    you may observe that when attended to by the horseman’s art they are

    benefited and improved, are they not?

    EUTHYPHRO: True.

    SOCRATES: As the dogs are benefited by the huntsman’s art, and the oxen

    by the art of the oxherd, and all other things are tended or attended

    for their good and not for their hurt?

    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly, not for their hurt.

    SOCRATES: But for their good?

    EUTHYPHRO: Of course.

    SOCRATES: And does piety or holiness, which has been defined to be the

    art of attending to the gods, benefit or improve them? Would you say

    that when you do a holy act you make any of the gods better?

    EUTHYPHRO: No, no; that was certainly not what I meant.

    SOCRATES: And I, Euthyphro, never supposed that you did. I asked you the question about the nature of the attention, because I thought that you did not.

    EUTHYPHRO: You do me justice, Socrates; that is not the sort of attention which I mean.

    SOCRATES: Good: but I must still ask what is this attention to the gods which is called piety?

    EUTHYPHRO: It is such, Socrates, as servants show to their masters.

    SOCRATES: I understand–a sort of ministration to the gods.

    EUTHYPHRO: Exactly.

    SOCRATES: Medicine is also a sort of ministration or service, having in view the attainment of some object–would you not say of health?

    EUTHYPHRO: I should.

    SOCRATES: Again, there is an art which ministers to the ship-builder with a view to the attainment of some result?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, Socrates, with a view to the building of a ship.

    SOCRATES: As there is an art which ministers to the house-builder with a view to the building of a house?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes.

    SOCRATES: And now tell me, my good friend, about the art which ministers to the gods: what work does that help to accomplish? For you must surely know if, as you say, you are of all men living the one who is best instructed in religion.

    EUTHYPHRO: And I speak the truth, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: Tell me then, oh tell me–what is that fair work which the gods do by the help of our ministrations?

    EUTHYPHRO: Many and fair, Socrates, are the works which they do.

    SOCRATES: Why, my friend, and so are those of a general. But the chief of them is easily told. Would you not say that victory in war is the chief of them?

    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly.

    SOCRATES: Many and fair, too, are the works of the husbandman, if I am not mistaken; but his chief work is the production of food from the earth?
    EUTHYPHRO: Exactly.
    SOCRATES: And of the many and fair things done by the gods, which is the chief or principal one?
    EUTHYPHRO: I have told you already, Socrates, that to learn all these things accurately will be very tiresome. Let me simply say that piety or holiness is learning how to please the gods in word and deed, by prayers and sacrifices. Such piety is the salvation of families and states, just as the impious, which is unpleasing to the gods, is their ruin and destruction.

    SOCRATES: I think that you could have answered in much fewer words the chief question which I asked, Euthyphro, if you had chosen. But I see plainly that you are not disposed to instruct me–clearly not: else why, when we reached the point, did you turn aside? Had you only answered me I should have truly learned of you by this time the nature of piety. Now, as the asker of a question is necessarily dependent on the answerer, whither he leads I must follow; and can only ask again, what is the pious, and what is piety? Do you mean that they are a sort of science of praying and sacrificing?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, I do.

    SOCRATES: And sacrificing is giving to the gods, and prayer is asking of the gods?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: Upon this view, then, piety is a science of asking and giving?

    EUTHYPHRO: You understand me capitally, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: Yes, my friend; the reason is that I am a votary of your

    science, and give my mind to it, and therefore nothing which you say will be thrown away upon me. Please then to tell me, what is the nature of this service to the gods? Do you mean that we prefer requests and give gifts to them?

    EUTHYPHRO: Yes, I do.

    SOCRATES: Is not the right way of asking to ask of them what we want?

    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly.

    SOCRATES: And the right way of giving is to give to them in return what they want of us. There would be no meaning in an art which gives to any one that which he does not want.

    EUTHYPHRO: Very true, Socrates.

    SOCRATES: Then piety, Euthyphro, is an art which gods and men have of doing business with one another?

    EUTHYPHRO: That is an expression which you may use, if you like.

    SOCRATES: But I have no particular liking for anything but the truth. I

    wish, however, that you would tell me what benefit accrues to the gods from our gifts. There is no doubt about what they give to us; for there is no good thing which they do not give; but how we can give any good thing to them in return is far from being equally clear. If they give everything and we give nothing, that must be an affair of business in which we have very greatly the advantage of them.

    EUTHYPHRO: And do you imagine, Socrates, that any benefit accrues to the gods from our gifts?

    SOCRATES: But if not, Euthyphro, what is the meaning of gifts which are conferred by us upon the gods?

    EUTHYPHRO: What else, but tributes of honour; and, as I was just now

    saying, what pleases them?

    SOCRATES: Piety, then, is pleasing to the gods, but not beneficial or dear to them?

    EUTHYPHRO: I should say that nothing could be dearer.

    SOCRATES: Then once more the assertion is repeated that piety is dear to the gods?

    EUTHYPHRO: Certainly.

    SOCRATES: And when you say this, can you wonder at your words not standing firm, but walking away? Will you accuse me of being the Daedalus who makes them walk away, not perceiving that there is another and far greater artist than Daedalus who makes them go round in a circle, and he is yourself; for the argument, as you will perceive, comes round to the same point. Were we not saying that the holy or pious was not the same with that which is loved of the gods? Have you forgotten?

    EUTHYPHRO: I quite remember.

    SOCRATES: And are you not saying that what is loved of the gods is holy; and is not this the same as what is dear to them–do you see?

    EUTHYPHRO: True.

    SOCRATES: Then either we were wrong in our former assertion; or, if we were right then, we are wrong now.

    EUTHYPHRO: One of the two must be true.

    SOCRATES: Then we must begin again and ask, What is piety? That is an enquiry which I shall never be weary of pursuing as far as in me lies; and I entreat you not to scorn me, but to apply your mind to the utmost, and tell me the truth. For, if any man knows, you are he; and therefore I must detain you, like Proteus, until you tell. If you had not certainly known the nature of piety and impiety, I am confident that you would never, on behalf of a serf, have charged your aged father with murder. You would not have run such a risk of doing wrong in the sight of the gods, and you would have had too much respect for the opinions of men. I am sure, therefore, that you know the nature of piety and impiety. Speak out then, my dear Euthyphro, and do not hide your knowledge.
    EUTHYPHRO: Another time, Socrates; for I am in a hurry, and must go now.
    SOCRATES: Alas! my companion, and will you leave me in despair? I was hoping that you would instruct me in the nature of piety and impiety; and then I might have cleared myself of Meletus and his indictment. I would have told him that I had been enlightened by Euthyphro, and had given up rash innovations and speculations, in which I indulged only through ignorance, and that now I am about to lead a better life.

    TIMAEUS

    Section 1.

    Socrates begins the Timaeus with a summary of the Republic. He lightly touches upon a few points,–the division of labor and distribution of the citizens into classes, the double nature and training of the guardians, the community of property and of women and children. But he makes no mention of the second education, or of the government of philosophers.

    And now he desires to see the ideal State set in motion; he would like to know how she behaved in some great struggle. But he is unable to invent such a narrative himself; and he is afraid that the poets are equally incapable; for, although he pretends to have nothing to say against them, he remarks that they are a tribe of imitators, who can only describe what they have seen. And he fears that the Sophists, who are plentifully supplied with graces of speech, in their erratic way of life having never had a city or house of their own, may through want of experience err in their conception of philosophers and statesmen. ‘And therefore to you I turn, Timaeus, citizen of Locris, who are at once a philosopher and a statesman, and to you, Critias, whom all Athenians know to be similarly accomplished, and to Hermocrates, who is also fitted by nature and education to share in our discourse.’

    HERMOCRATES: ‘We will do our best, and have been already preparing; for on our way home, Critias told us of an ancient tradition, which I wish, Critias, that you would repeat to Socrates.’ ‘I will, if Timaeus approves.’ ‘I approve.’ Listen then, Socrates, to a tale of Solon’s, who, being the friend of Dropidas my great-grandfather, told it to my grandfather Critias, and he told me. The narrative related to ancient famous actions of the Athenian people, and to one especially, which I will rehearse in honour of you and of the goddess. Critias when he told this tale of the olden time, was ninety years old, I being not more than ten. The occasion of the rehearsal was the day of the Apaturia called the Registration of Youth, at which our parents gave prizes for recitation. Some poems of Solon were recited by the boys. They had not at that time gone out of fashion, and the recital of them led some one to say, perhaps in compliment to Critias, that Solon was not only the wisest of men but also the best of poets. The old man brightened up

    at hearing this, and said: Had Solon only had the leisure which was

    required to complete the famous legend which he brought with him from

    Egypt he would have been as distinguished as Homer and Hesiod. ‘And what

    was the subject of the poem?’ said the person who made the remark. The

    subject was a very noble one; he described the most famous action in

    which the Athenian people were ever engaged. But the memory of their

    exploits has passed away owing to the lapse of time and the extinction of the actors. ‘Tell us,’ said the other, ‘the whole story, and where Solon heard the story.’ He replied–There is at the head of the Egyptian Delta, where the river Nile divides, a city and district called Sais; the city was the birthplace of King Amasis, and is under the protection

    of the goddess Neith or Athene. The citizens have a friendly feeling

    towards the Athenians, believing themselves to be related to them.

    Hither came Solon, and was received with honour; and here he first

    learnt, by conversing with the Egyptian priests, how ignorant he and

    his countrymen were of antiquity. Perceiving this, and with the view of

    eliciting information from them, he told them the tales of Phoroneus and

    Niobe, and also of Deucalion and Pyrrha, and he endeavoured to count

    the generations which had since passed. Thereupon an aged priest said to

    him: ‘O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are ever young, and there is no old

    man who is a Hellene.’ ‘What do you mean?’ he asked. ‘In mind,’ replied

    the priest, ‘I mean to say that you are children; there is no opinion

    or tradition of knowledge among you which is white with age; and I

    will tell you why. Like the rest of mankind you have suffered from

    convulsions of nature, which are chiefly brought about by the two great

    agencies of fire and water. The former is symbolized in the Hellenic

    tale of young Phaethon who drove his father’s horses the wrong way, and

    having burnt up the earth was himself burnt up by a thunderbolt. For

    there occurs at long intervals a derangement of the heavenly bodies, and

    then the earth is destroyed by fire. At such times, and when fire is the

    agent, those who dwell by rivers or on the seashore are safer than those

    who dwell upon high and dry places, who in their turn are safer when

    the danger is from water. Now the Nile is our saviour from fire, and as

    there is little rain in Egypt, we are not harmed by water; whereas in

    other countries, when a deluge comes, the inhabitants are swept by the

    rivers into the sea. The memorials which your own and other nations

    have once had of the famous actions of mankind perish in the waters at

    certain periods; and the rude survivors in the mountains begin again,

    knowing nothing of the world before the flood. But in Egypt the

    traditions of our own and other lands are by us registered for ever in

    our temples. The genealogies which you have recited to us out of your

    own annals, Solon, are a mere children’s story. For in the first place,

    you remember one deluge only, and there were many of them, and you know

    nothing of that fairest and noblest race of which you are a seed or

    remnant. The memory of them was lost, because there was no written

    voice among you. For in the times before the great flood Athens was the

    greatest and best of cities and did the noblest deeds and had the best

    constitution of any under the face of heaven.’ Solon marvelled, and

    desired to be informed of the particulars. ‘You are welcome to hear

    them,’ said the priest, ‘both for your own sake and for that of the

    city, and above all for the sake of the goddess who is the common

    foundress of both our cities. Nine thousand years have elapsed since she

    founded yours, and eight thousand since she founded ours, as our annals

    record. Many laws exist among us which are the counterpart of yours as

    they were in the olden time. I will briefly describe them to you,

    and you shall read the account of them at your leisure in the sacred

    registers. In the first place, there was a caste of priests among the

    ancient Athenians, and another of artisans; also castes of shepherds,

    hunters, and husbandmen, and lastly of warriors, who, like the warriors

    of Egypt, were separated from the rest, and carried shields and spears,

    a custom which the goddess first taught you, and then the Asiatics, and

    we among Asiatics first received from her. Observe again, what care the

    law took in the pursuit of wisdom, searching out the deep things of the

    world, and applying them to the use of man. The spot of earth which the

    goddess chose had the best of climates, and produced the wisest men; in

    no other was she herself, the philosopher and warrior goddess, so likely

    to have votaries. And there you dwelt as became the children of the

    gods, excelling all men in virtue, and many famous actions are recorded

    of you. The most famous of them all was the overthrow of the island of

    Atlantis. This great island lay over against the Pillars of Heracles, in

    extent greater than Libya and Asia put together, and was the passage to

    other islands and to a great ocean of which the Mediterranean sea was

    only the harbour; and within the Pillars the empire of Atlantis reached

    in Europe to Tyrrhenia and in Libya to Egypt. This mighty power was

    arrayed against Egypt and Hellas and all the countries bordering on the

    Mediterranean. Then your city did bravely, and won renown over the

    whole earth. For at the peril of her own existence, and when the other Hellenes had deserted her, she repelled the invader, and of her own accord gave liberty to all the nations within the Pillars. A little while afterwards there were great earthquakes and floods, and your warrior race all sank into the earth; and the great island of Atlantis also disappeared in the sea. This is the explanation of the shallows which are found in that part of the Atlantic ocean.’

    Such was the tale, Socrates, which Critias heard from Solon; and I noticed when listening to you yesterday, how close the resemblance was between your city and citizens and the ancient Athenian State. But I would not speak at the time, because I wanted to refresh my memory.

    I had heard the old man when I was a child, and though I could not remember the whole of our yesterday’s discourse, I was able to recall every word of this, which is branded into my mind; and I am prepared, Socrates, to rehearse to you the entire narrative. The imaginary State which you were describing may be identified with the reality of Solon, and our antediluvian ancestors may be your citizens. ‘That is excellent, Critias, and very appropriate to a Panathenaic festival; the truth of the story is a great advantage.’ Then now let me explain to you the order of our entertainment; first, Timaeus, who is a natural philosopher, will speak of the origin of the world, going down to the creation of man, and then I shall receive the men whom he has created, and some of whom will have been educated by you, and introduce them to you as the lost Athenian citizens of whom the Egyptian record spoke.

    As the law of Solon prescribes, we will bring them into court and

    acknowledge their claims to citizenship. ‘I see,’ replied Socrates,

    ‘that I shall be well entertained; and do you, Timaeus, offer up a

    prayer and begin.’

    TIMAEUS: All men who have any right feeling, at the beginning of any enterprise, call upon the Gods; and he who is about to speak of the origin of the universe has a special need of their aid. May my words be acceptable to them, and may I speak in the manner which will be most intelligible to you and will best express my own meaning!

    First, I must distinguish between that which always is and never becomes and which is apprehended by reason and reflection, and that which always becomes and never is and is conceived by opinion with the help of sense.

    All that becomes and is created is the work of a cause, and that is fair which the artificer makes after an eternal pattern, but whatever is fashioned after a created pattern is not fair. Is the world created or uncreated?–that is the first question. Created, I reply, being visible and tangible and having a body, and therefore sensible; and if sensible, then created; and if created, made by a cause, and the cause is the ineffable father of all things, who had before him an eternal archetype.
    For to imagine that the archetype was created would be blasphemy, seeing that the world is the noblest of creations, and God is the best of causes. And the world being thus created according to the eternal pattern is the copy of something; and we may assume that words are akin to the matter of which they speak. What is spoken of the unchanging or intelligible must be certain and true; but what is spoken of the created image can only be probable; being is to becoming what truth is to belief. And amid the variety of opinions which have arisen about God and the nature of the world we must be content to take probability for our rule, considering that I, who am the speaker, and you, who are the judges, are only men; to probability we may attain but no further.

    SOCRATES: Excellent, Timaeus, I like your manner of approaching the subject–proceed.

    TIMAEUS: Why did the Creator make the world?…He was good, and therefore not jealous, and being free from jealousy he desired that all things should be like himself. Wherefore he set in order the visible

    world, which he found in disorder. Now he who is the best could

    only create the fairest; and reflecting that of visible things the

    intelligent is superior to the unintelligent, he put intelligence

    in soul and soul in body, and framed the universe to be the best and

    fairest work in the order of nature, and the world became a living soul through the providence of God.

    In the likeness of what animal was the world made?–that is the third

    question…The form of the perfect animal was a whole, and contained all intelligible beings, and the visible animal, made after the pattern of this, included all visible creatures.

    Are there many worlds or one only?–that is the fourth question…One only. For if in the original there had been more than one they would have been the parts of a third, which would have been the true pattern of the world; and therefore there is, and will ever be, but one created world. Now that which is created is of necessity corporeal and visible

    and tangible,–visible and therefore made of fire,–tangible and

    therefore solid and made of earth. But two terms must be united by a third, which is a mean between them; and had the earth been a surface only, one mean would have sufficed, but two means are required to unite

    solid bodies. And as the world was composed of solids, between the

    elements of fire and earth God placed two other elements of air and

    water, and arranged them in a continuous proportion–

    fire:air::air:water, and air:water::water:earth,

    and so put together a visible and palpable heaven, having harmony and

    friendship in the union of the four elements; and being at unity with

    itself it was indissoluble except by the hand of the framer. Each of the

    elements was taken into the universe whole and entire; for he considered

    that the animal should be perfect and one, leaving no remnants out of

    which another animal could be created, and should also be free from old

    age and disease, which are produced by the action of external forces.

    And as he was to contain all things, he was made in the all-containing

    form of a sphere, round as from a lathe and every way equidistant from

    the centre, as was natural and suitable to him. He was finished and

    smooth, having neither eyes nor ears, for there was nothing without

    him which he could see or hear; and he had no need to carry food to

    his mouth, nor was there air for him to breathe; and he did not require

    hands, for there was nothing of which he could take hold, nor feet, with

    which to walk. All that he did was done rationally in and by himself,

    and he moved in a circle turning within himself, which is the most

    intellectual of motions; but the other six motions were wanting to him; wherefore the universe had no feet or legs.

    And so the thought of God made a God in the image of a perfect body, having intercourse with himself and needing no other, but in every part harmonious and self-contained and truly blessed. The soul was first made by him–the elder to rule the younger; not in the order in which our wayward fancy has led us to describe them, but the soul first and afterwards the body. God took of the unchangeable and indivisible and also of the divisible and corporeal, and out of the two he made a third nature, essence, which was in a mean between them, and partook of the same and the other, the intractable nature of the other being compressed into the same. Having made a compound of all the three, he proceeded

    to divide the entire mass into portions related to one another in the

    ratios of 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 8, 27, and proceeded to fill up the double and

    triple intervals thus–

      – over 1, 4/3, 3/2, – over 2, 8/3, 3, – over 4, 16/3, 6,  – over 8:

      – over 1, 3/2, 2,   – over 3, 9/2, 6, – over 9, 27/2, 18, – over 27;

    in which double series of numbers are two kinds of means; the one

    exceeds and is exceeded by equal parts of the extremes, e.g. 1, 4/3, 2;

    the other kind of mean is one which is equidistant from the extremes–2,

    4, 6. In this manner there were formed intervals of thirds, 3:2, of

    fourths, 4:3, and of ninths, 9:8. And next he filled up the intervals

    of a fourth with ninths, leaving a remnant which is in the ratio of

    256:243. The entire compound was divided by him lengthways into two parts, which he united at the centre like the letter X, and bent into an inner and outer circle or sphere, cutting one another again at a point over against the point at which they cross. The outer circle or sphere was named the sphere of the same–the inner, the sphere of the other or diverse; and the one revolved horizontally to the right, the other diagonally to the left. To the sphere of the same which was undivided he gave dominion, but the sphere of the other or diverse was distributed

    into seven unequal orbits, having intervals in ratios of twos and

    threes, three of either sort, and he bade the orbits move in opposite

    directions to one another–three of them, the Sun, Mercury, Venus,

    with equal swiftness, and the remaining four–the Moon, Saturn, Mars, Jupiter, with unequal swiftness to the three and to one another, but all in due proportion.

    When the Creator had made the soul he made the body within her; and the soul interfused everywhere from the centre to the circumference of heaven, herself turning in herself, began a divine life of rational and everlasting motion. The body of heaven is visible, but the soul is invisible, and partakes of reason and harmony, and is the best of creations, being the work of the best. And being composed of the same,

    the other, and the essence, these three, and also divided and bound

    in harmonical proportion, and revolving within herself–the soul when

    touching anything which has essence, whether divided or undivided, is

    stirred to utter the sameness or diversity of that and some other thing,

    and to tell how and when and where individuals are affected or related, whether in the world of change or of essence. When reason is in the neighborhood of sense, and the circle of the other or diverse is moving truly, then arise true opinions and beliefs; when reason is in the sphere of thought, and the circle of the same runs smoothly, then intelligence is perfected.

    When the Father who begat the world saw the image which he had made of the Eternal Gods moving and living, he rejoiced; and in his joy resolved, since the archetype was eternal, to make the creature eternal as far as this was possible. Wherefore he made an image of eternity which is time, having an uniform motion according to number, parted into months and days and years, and also having greater divisions of past,

    present, and future. These all apply to becoming in time, and have no

    meaning in relation to the eternal nature, which ever is and never was

    or will be; for the unchangeable is never older or younger, and when

    we say that he ‘was’ or ‘will be,’ we are mistaken, for these words are

    applicable only to becoming, and not to true being; and equally wrong

    are we in saying that what has become IS become and that what becomes IS becoming, and that the non-existent IS non-existent…These are the forms of time which imitate eternity and move in a circle measured by number.

    Thus was time made in the image of the eternal nature; and it was

    created together with the heavens, in order that if they were dissolved, it might perish with them. And God made the sun and moon and five other wanderers, as they are called, seven in all, and to each of them he gave a body moving in an orbit, being one of the seven orbits into which the circle of the other was divided. He put the moon in the orbit which was nearest to the earth, the sun in that next, the morning star and Mercury in the orbits which move opposite to the sun but with equal

    swiftness–this being the reason why they overtake and are overtaken by

    one another. All these bodies became living creatures, and learnt their

    appointed tasks, and began to move, the nearer more swiftly, the remoter

    more slowly, according to the diagonal movement of the other. And since this was controlled by the movement of the same, the seven planets in their courses appeared to describe spirals; and that appeared fastest which was slowest, and that which overtook others appeared to be overtaken by them. And God lighted a fire in the second orbit from the earth which is called the sun, to give light over the whole heaven, and to teach intelligent beings that knowledge of number which is derived from the revolution of the same. Thus arose day and night, which are the periods of the most intelligent nature; a month is created by the revolution of the moon, a year by that of the sun. Other periods of wonderful length and complexity are not observed by men in general; there is moreover a cycle or perfect year at the completion of which they all meet and coincide…To this end the stars came into being, that the created heaven might imitate the eternal nature.

    Thus far the universal animal was made in the divine image, but the other animals were not as yet included in him. And God created them according to the patterns or species of them which existed in the divine original. There are four of them: one of gods, another of birds, a third of fishes, and a fourth of animals. The gods were made in the form of a

    circle, which is the most perfect figure and the figure of the universe.

    They were created chiefly of fire, that they might be bright, and were

    made to know and follow the best, and to be scattered over the heavens,

    of which they were to be the glory. Two kinds of motion were assigned to

    them–first, the revolution in the same and around the same, in peaceful

    unchanging thought of the same; and to this was added a forward motion

    which was under the control of the same. Thus then the fixed stars were

    created, being divine and eternal animals, revolving on the same spot,

    and the wandering stars, in their courses, were created in the manner

    already described. The earth, which is our nurse, clinging around the

    pole extended through the universe, he made to be the guardian and

    artificer of night and day, first and eldest of gods that are in the

    interior of heaven. Vain would be the labour of telling all the

    figures of them, moving as in dance, and their juxta-positions and

    approximations, and when and where and behind what other stars they

    appear to disappear–to tell of all this without looking at a plan of

    them would be labour in vain.

    The knowledge of the other gods is beyond us, and we can only accept the traditions of the ancients, who were the children of the gods, as they said; for surely they must have known their own ancestors. Although they give no proof, we must believe them as is customary. They tell us that Oceanus and Tethys were the children of Earth and Heaven; that Phoreys, Cronos, and Rhea came in the next generation, and were followed by Zeus and Here, whose brothers and children are known to everybody.

    When all of them, both those who show themselves in the sky, and those

    who retire from view, had come into being, the Creator addressed them

    thus:–‘Gods, sons of gods, my works, if I will, are indissoluble. That

    which is bound may be dissolved, but only an evil being would dissolve

    that which is harmonious and happy. And although you are not immortal

    you shall not die, for I will hold you together. Hear me, then:–Three

    tribes of mortal beings have still to be created, but if created by me

    they would be like gods. Do ye therefore make them; I will implant in

    them the seed of immortality, and you shall weave together the mortal

    and immortal, and provide food for them, and receive them again in

    death.’ Thus he spake, and poured the remains of the elements into

    the cup in which he had mingled the soul of the universe. They were no

    longer pure as before, but diluted; and the mixture he distributed into

    souls equal in number to the stars, and assigned each to a star–then

    having mounted them, as in a chariot, he showed them the nature of the

    universe, and told them of their future birth and human lot. They were

    to be sown in the planets, and out of them was to come forth the most

    religious of animals, which would hereafter be called man. The souls

    were to be implanted in bodies, which were in a perpetual flux, whence,

    he said, would arise, first, sensation; secondly, love, which is a

    mixture of pleasure and pain; thirdly, fear and anger, and the opposite

    affections: and if they conquered these, they would live righteously,

    but if they were conquered by them, unrighteously. He who lived

    well would return to his native star, and would there have a blessed

    existence; but, if he lived ill, he would pass into the nature of a

    woman, and if he did not then alter his evil ways, into the likeness of

    some animal, until the reason which was in him reasserted her sway over

    the elements of fire, air, earth, water, which had engrossed her, and

    he regained his first and better nature. Having given this law to his

    creatures, that he might be guiltless of their future evil, he sowed

    them, some in the earth, some in the moon, and some in the other

    planets; and he ordered the younger gods to frame human bodies for them and to make the necessary additions to them, and to avert from them all but self-inflicted evil.

    Having given these commands, the Creator remained in his own nature. And his children, receiving from him the immortal principle, borrowed from the world portions of earth, air, fire, water, hereafter to be returned, which they fastened together, not with the adamantine bonds which bound themselves, but by little invisible pegs, making each separate body out of all the elements, subject to influx and efflux, and containing the courses of the soul. These swelling and surging as in a river moved irregularly and irrationally in all the six possible ways, forwards, backwards, right, left, up and down. But violent as were the internal and alimentary fluids, the tide became still more violent when the body came into contact with flaming fire, or the solid earth, or gliding

    waters, or the stormy wind; the motions produced by these impulses pass

    through the body to the soul and have the name of sensations. Uniting

    with the ever-flowing current, they shake the courses of the soul,

    stopping the revolution of the same and twisting in all sorts of ways

    the nature of the other, and the harmonical ratios of twos and threes

    and the mean terms which connect them, until the circles are bent

    and disordered and their motion becomes irregular. You may imagine a

    position of the body in which the head is resting upon the ground, and

    the legs are in the air, and the top is bottom and the left right. And

    something similar happens when the disordered motions of the soul come

    into contact with any external thing; they say the same or the other in

    a manner which is the very opposite of the truth, and they are false

    and foolish, and have no guiding principle in them. And when external impressions enter in, they are really conquered, though they seem to conquer.

    By reason of these affections the soul is at first without intelligence,

    but as time goes on the stream of nutriment abates, and the courses

    of the soul regain their proper motion, and apprehend the same and the

    other rightly, and become rational. The soul of him who has education

    is whole and perfect and escapes the worst disease, but, if a man’s

    education be neglected, he walks lamely through life and returns good

    for nothing to the world below. This, however, is an after-stage–at

    present, we are only concerned with the creation of the body and soul.

    The two divine courses were encased by the gods in a sphere which is called the head, and is the god and lord of us. And to this they gave the body to be a vehicle, and the members to be instruments, having the

    power of flexion and extension. Such was the origin of legs and arms.

    In the next place, the gods gave a forward motion to the human body,

    because the front part of man was the more honourable and had authority.

    And they put in a face in which they inserted organs to minister in all things to the providence of the soul. They first contrived the eyes, into which they conveyed a light akin to the light of day, making it flow through the pupils. When the light of the eye is surrounded by the light of day, then like falls upon like, and they unite and form one body which conveys to the soul the motions of visible objects. But when the visual ray goes forth into the darkness, then unlike falls upon unlike–the eye no longer sees, and we go to sleep. The fire or light, when kept in by the eyelids, equalizes the inward motions, and there is rest accompanied by few dreams; only when the greater motions remain

    they engender in us corresponding visions of the night. And now we shall be able to understand the nature of reflections in mirrors. The fires from within and from without meet about the smooth and bright surface

    of the mirror; and because they meet in a manner contrary to the usual mode, the right and left sides of the object are transposed. In a concave mirror the top and bottom are inverted, but this is no transposition.

    These are the second causes which God used as his ministers in fashioning the world. They are thought by many to be the prime causes, but they are not so; for they are destitute of mind and reason, and the

    lover of mind will not allow that there are any prime causes other

    than the rational and invisible ones–these he investigates first, and

    afterwards the causes of things which are moved by others, and which work by chance and without order. Of the second or concurrent causes of

    sight I have already spoken, and I will now speak of the higher purpose

    of God in giving us eyes. Sight is the source of the greatest benefits

    to us; for if our eyes had never seen the sun, stars, and heavens, the

    words which we have spoken would not have been uttered. The sight of

    them and their revolutions has given us the knowledge of number and

    time, the power of enquiry, and philosophy, which is the great blessing

    of human life; not to speak of the lesser benefits which even the vulgar

    can appreciate. God gave us the faculty of sight that we might behold

    the order of the heavens and create a corresponding order in our own

    erring minds. To the like end the gifts of speech and hearing were

    bestowed upon us; not for the sake of irrational pleasure, but in order

    that we might harmonize the courses of the soul by sympathy with the harmony of sound, and cure ourselves of our irregular and graceless ways.

    Thus far we have spoken of the works of mind; and there are other works done from necessity, which we must now place beside them; for the creation is made up of both, mind persuading necessity as far as possible to work out good. Before the heavens there existed fire, air, water, earth, which we suppose men to know, though no one has explained their nature, and we erroneously maintain them to be the letters or elements of the whole, although they cannot reasonably be compared even

    to syllables or first compounds. I am not now speaking of the first

    principles of things, because I cannot discover them by our present mode

    of enquiry. But as I observed the rule of probability at first, I will

    begin anew, seeking by the grace of God to observe it still.

    In our former discussion I distinguished two kinds of being–the

    unchanging or invisible, and the visible or changing. But now a

    third kind is required, which I shall call the receptacle or nurse of

    generation. There is a difficulty in arriving at an exact notion of this

    third kind, because the four elements themselves are of inexact natures

    and easily pass into one another, and are too transient to be detained

    by any one name; wherefore we are compelled to speak of water or fire,

    not as substances, but as qualities. They may be compared to images made

    of gold, which are continually assuming new forms. Somebody asks what

    they are; if you do not know, the safest answer is to reply that they

    are gold. In like manner there is a universal nature out of which all

    things are made, and which is like none of them; but they enter into and pass out of her, and are made after patterns of the true in a wonderful

    and inexplicable manner. The containing principle may be likened to a mother, the source or spring to a father, the intermediate nature to

    a child; and we may also remark that the matter which receives every

    variety of form must be formless, like the inodorous liquids which are

    prepared to receive scents, or the smooth and soft materials on which

    figures are impressed. In the same way space or matter is neither earth

    nor fire nor air nor water, but an invisible and formless being which

    receives all things, and in an incomprehensible manner partakes of the intelligible. But we may say, speaking generally, that fire is that part of this nature which is inflamed, water that which is moistened, and the like.

    Let me ask a question in which a great principle is involved: Is there

    an essence of fire and the other elements, or are there only fires

    visible to sense? I answer in a word: If mind is one thing and true

    opinion another, then there are self-existent essences; but if mind is

    the same with opinion, then the visible and corporeal is most real. But they are not the same, and they have a different origin and nature.

    The one comes to us by instruction, the other by persuasion, the one is rational, the other is irrational; the one is movable by persuasion, the other immovable; the one is possessed by every man, the other by the gods and by very few men. And we must acknowledge that as there are two kinds of knowledge, so there are two kinds of being corresponding to them; the one uncreated, indestructible, immovable, which is seen by intelligence only; the other created, which is always becoming in place and vanishing out of place, and is apprehended by opinion and sense.

    There is also a third nature–that of space, which is indestructible,

    and is perceived by a kind of spurious reason without the help of

    sense. This is presented to us in a dreamy manner, and yet is said to

    be necessary, for we say that all things must be somewhere in space. For they are the images of other things and must therefore have a separate existence and exist in something (i.e. in space). But true reason assures us that while two things (i.e. the idea and the image) are different they cannot inhere in one another, so as to be one and two at the same time.

    To sum up: Being and generation and space, these three, existed before

    the heavens, and the nurse or vessel of generation, moistened by water

    and inflamed by fire, and taking the forms of air and earth, assumed

    various shapes. By the motion of the vessel, the elements were divided, and like grain winnowed by fans, the close and heavy particles settled in one place, the light and airy ones in another. At first they were without reason and measure, and had only certain faint traces of themselves, until God fashioned them by figure and number. In this, as in every other part of creation, I suppose God to have made things, as far as was possible, fair and good, out of things not fair and good.

    And now I will explain to you the generation of the world by a method with which your scientific training will have made you familiar. Fire, air, earth, and water are bodies and therefore solids, and solids are contained in planes, and plane rectilinear figures are made up of triangles. Of triangles there are two kinds; one having the opposite sides equal (isosceles), the other with unequal sides (scalene). These we may fairly assume to be the original elements of fire and the other bodies; what principles are prior to these God only knows, and he of men whom God loves. Next, we must determine what are the four most beautiful figures which are unlike one another and yet sometimes capable of resolution into one another…Of the two kinds of triangles the equal-sided has but one form, the unequal-sided has an infinite variety of forms; and there is none more beautiful than that which forms the half of an equilateral triangle. Let us then choose two triangles; one, the isosceles, the other, that form of scalene which has the square of the longer side three times as great as the square of the lesser side; and affirm that, out of these, fire and the other elements have been constructed.

    I was wrong in imagining that all the four elements could be generated into and out of one another. For as they are formed, three of them from the triangle which has the sides unequal, the fourth from the triangle which has equal sides, three can be resolved into one another, but the fourth cannot be resolved into them nor they into it. So much for their passage into one another: I must now speak of their construction. From the triangle of which the hypotenuse is twice the lesser side the three first regular solids are formed–first, the equilateral pyramid or tetrahedron; secondly, the octahedron; thirdly, the icosahedron; and from the isosceles triangle is formed the cube. And there is a fifth figure (which is made out of twelve pentagons), the dodecahedron–this God used as a model for the twelvefold division of the Zodiac.

    Let us now assign the geometrical forms to their respective elements.

    The cube is the most stable of them because resting on a quadrangular plane surface, and composed of isosceles triangles. To the earth then, which is the most stable of bodies and the most easily modelled of them, may be assigned the form of a cube; and the remaining forms to the other elements,–to fire the pyramid, to air the octahedron, and to water the icosahedron,–according to their degrees of lightness or heaviness or power, or want of power, of penetration. The single particles of any of the elements are not seen by reason of their smallness; they only become

    visible when collected. The ratios of their motions, numbers, and

    other properties, are ordered by the God, who harmonized them as far as necessity permitted.

    The probable conclusion is as follows:–Earth, when dissolved by the more penetrating element of fire, whether acting immediately or through the medium of air or water, is decomposed but not transformed. Water, when divided by fire or air, becomes one part fire, and two parts air.

    A volume of air divided becomes two of fire. On the other hand, when condensed, two volumes of fire make a volume of air; and two and a half parts of air condense into one of water. Any element which is fastened upon by fire is cut by the sharpness of the triangles, until at length, coalescing with the fire, it is at rest; for similars are not affected by similars. When two kinds of bodies quarrel with one another, then the tendency to decomposition continues until the smaller either escapes to its kindred element or becomes one with its conqueror. And this tendency in bodies to condense or escape is a source of motion…Where there is

    motion there must be a mover, and where there is a mover there must be

    something to move. These cannot exist in what is uniform, and therefore

    motion is due to want of uniformity. But then why, when things are

    divided after their kinds, do they not cease from motion? The answer is, that the circular motion of all things compresses them, and as ‘nature abhors a vacuum,’ the finer and more subtle particles of the lighter elements, such as fire and air, are thrust into the interstices of the larger, each of them penetrating according to their rarity, and thus all the elements are on their way up and down everywhere and always into their own places. Hence there is a principle of inequality, and therefore of motion, in all time.

    In the next place, we may observe that there are different kinds of

    fire–(1) flame, (2) light that burns not, (3) the red heat of the

    embers of fire. And there are varieties of air, as for example, the pure

    aether, the opaque mist, and other nameless forms. Water, again, is

    of two kinds, liquid and fusile. The liquid is composed of small and

    unequal particles, the fusile of large and uniform particles and is more

    solid, but nevertheless melts at the approach of fire, and then spreads

    upon the earth. When the substance cools, the fire passes into the air,

    which is displaced, and forces together and condenses the liquid mass.

    This process is called cooling and congealment. Of the fusile kinds the

    fairest and heaviest is gold; this is hardened by filtration through

    rock, and is of a bright yellow colour. A shoot of gold which is darker

    and denser than the rest is called adamant. Another kind is called

    copper, which is harder and yet lighter because the interstices are

    larger than in gold. There is mingled with it a fine and small portion

    of earth which comes out in the form of rust. These are a few of the

    conjectures which philosophy forms, when, leaving the eternal nature, she turns for innocent recreation to consider the truths of generation.

    Water which is mingled with fire is called liquid because it rolls

    upon the earth, and soft because its bases give way. This becomes more

    equable when separated from fire and air, and then congeals into hail or

    ice, or the looser forms of hoar frost or snow. There are other waters

    which are called juices and are distilled through plants. Of these we

    may mention, first, wine, which warms the soul as well as the body;

    secondly, oily substances, as for example, oil or pitch; thirdly,

    honey, which relaxes the contracted parts of the mouth and so produces

    sweetness; fourthly, vegetable acid, which is frothy and has a burning

    quality and dissolves the flesh. Of the kinds of earth, that which is

    filtered through water passes into stone; the water is broken up by the

    earth and escapes in the form of air–this in turn presses upon the mass

    of earth, and the earth, compressed into an indissoluble union with

    the remaining water, becomes rock. Rock, when it is made up of equal

    particles, is fair and transparent, but the reverse when of unequal.

    Earth is converted into pottery when the watery part is suddenly drawn

    away; or if moisture remains, the earth, when fused by fire, becomes,

    on cooling, a stone of a black colour. When the earth is finer and of

    a briny nature then two half-solid bodies are formed by separating the

    water,–soda and salt. The strong compounds of earth and water are not

    soluble by water, but only by fire. Earth itself, when not consolidated,

    is dissolved by water; when consolidated, by fire only. The cohesion of

    water, when strong, is dissolved by fire only; when weak, either by air

    or fire, the former entering the interstices, the latter penetrating

    even the triangles. Air when strongly condensed is indissoluble by any

    power which does not reach the triangles, and even when not strongly

    condensed is only resolved by fire. Compounds of earth and water are

    unaffected by water while the water occupies the interstices in them,

    but begin to liquefy when fire enters into the interstices of the water.

    They are of two kinds, some of them, like glass, having more earth,

    others, like wax, having more water in them.

    Having considered objects of sense, we now pass on to sensation. But we

    cannot explain sensation without explaining the nature of flesh and of the mortal soul; and as we cannot treat of both together, in order that we may proceed at once to the sensations we must assume the existence of body and soul.

    What makes fire burn? The fineness of the sides, the sharpness of the angles, the smallness of the particles, the quickness of the motion.

    Moreover, the pyramid, which is the figure of fire, is more cutting than any other. The feeling of cold is produced by the larger particles of moisture outside the body trying to eject the smaller ones in the body which they compress. The struggle which arises between elements thus

    unnaturally brought together causes shivering. That is hard to which the

    flesh yields, and soft which yields to the flesh, and these two terms

    are also relative to one another. The yielding matter is that which

    has the slenderest base, whereas that which has a rectangular base

    is compact and repellent. Light and heavy are wrongly explained with

    reference to a lower and higher in place. For in the universe, which is

    a sphere, there is no opposition of above or below, and that which is to

    us above would be below to a man standing at the antipodes. The greater

    or less difficulty in detaching any element from its like is the real

    cause of heaviness or of lightness. If you draw the earth into the

    dissimilar air, the particles of earth cling to their native element,

    and you more easily detach a small portion than a large. There would

    be the same difficulty in moving any of the upper elements towards the

    lower. The smooth and the rough are severally produced by the union of

    evenness with compactness, and of hardness with inequality.

    Pleasure and pain are the most important of the affections common to the

    whole body. According to our general doctrine of sensation, parts of the

    body which are easily moved readily transmit the motion to the mind; but parts which are not easily moved have no effect upon the patient. The bones and hair are of the latter kind, sight and hearing of the former.

    Ordinary affections are neither pleasant nor painful. The impressions

    of sight afford an example of these, and are neither violent nor

    sudden. But sudden replenishments of the body cause pleasure, and sudden

    disturbances, as for example cuttings and burnings, have the opposite effect.

    >From sensations common to the whole body, we proceed to those of

    particular parts. The affections of the tongue appear to be caused by

    contraction and dilation, but they have more of roughness or smoothness

    than is found in other affections. Earthy particles, entering into the

    small veins of the tongue which reach to the heart, when they melt into

    and dry up the little veins are astringent if they are rough; or if

    not so rough, they are only harsh, and if excessively abstergent, like

    potash and soda, bitter. Purgatives of a weaker sort are called salt

    and, having no bitterness, are rather agreeable. Inflammatory bodies,

    which by their lightness are carried up into the head, cutting all that

    comes in their way, are termed pungent. But when these are refined by

    putrefaction, and enter the narrow veins of the tongue, and meet there

    particles of earth and air, two kinds of globules are formed–one of

    earthy and impure liquid, which boils and ferments, the other of pure

    and transparent water, which are called bubbles; of all these affections

    the cause is termed acid. When, on the other hand, the composition of

    the deliquescent particles is congenial to the tongue, and disposes the

    parts according to their nature, this remedial power in them is called

    sweet.

    Smells are not divided into kinds; all of them are transitional, and

    arise out of the decomposition of one element into another, for the

    simple air or water is without smell. They are vapours or mists, thinner

    than water and thicker than air: and hence in drawing in the breath,

    when there is an obstruction, the air passes, but there is no smell.

    They have no names, but are distinguished as pleasant and unpleasant,

    and their influence extends over the whole region from the head to the navel.

    Hearing is the effect of a stroke which is transmitted through the ears

    by means of the air, brain, and blood to the soul, beginning at the head

    and extending to the liver. The sound which moves swiftly is acute; that

    which moves slowly is grave; that which is uniform is smooth, and the

    opposite is harsh. Loudness depends on the quantity of the sound. Of the

    harmony of sounds I will hereafter speak.

    Colours are flames which emanate from all bodies, having particles

    corresponding to the sense of sight. Some of the particles are less and

    some larger, and some are equal to the parts of the sight. The equal

    particles appear transparent; the larger contract, and the lesser dilate

    the sight. White is produced by the dilation, black by the contraction,

    of the particles of sight. There is also a swifter motion of another

    sort of fire which forces a way through the passages of the eyes, and

    elicits from them a union of fire and water which we call tears.

    The inner fire flashes forth, and the outer finds a way in and is

    extinguished in the moisture, and all sorts of colours are generated

    by the mixture. This affection is termed by us dazzling, and the object

    which produces it is called bright. There is yet another sort of

    fire which mingles with the moisture of the eye without flashing, and

    produces a colour like blood–to this we give the name of red. A bright

    element mingling with red and white produces a colour which we call

    auburn. The law of proportion, however, according to which compound

    colours are formed, cannot be determined scientifically or even

    probably. Red, when mingled with black and white, gives a purple hue,

    which becomes umber when the colours are burnt and there is a larger

    admixture of black. Flame-colour is a mixture of auburn and dun; dun of

    white and black; yellow of white and auburn. White and bright meeting,

    and falling upon a full black, become dark blue; dark blue mingling with

    white becomes a light blue; the union of flame-colour and black makes

    leek-green. There is no difficulty in seeing how other colours are

    probably composed. But he who should attempt to test the truth of this

    by experiment, would forget the difference of the human and divine

    nature. God only is able to compound and resolve substances; such

    experiments are impossible to man.

    These are the elements of necessity which the Creator received in

    the world of generation when he made the all-sufficient and perfect

    creature, using the secondary causes as his ministers, but himself

    fashioning the good in all things. For there are two sorts of causes,

    the one divine, the other necessary; and we should seek to discover the

    divine above all, and, for their sake, the necessary, because without

    them the higher cannot be attained by us.

    Having now before us the causes out of which the rest of our discourse

    is to be framed, let us go back to the point at which we began, and

    add a fair ending to our tale. As I said at first, all things were

    originally a chaos in which there was no order or proportion. The

    elements of this chaos were arranged by the Creator, and out of them

    he made the world. Of the divine he himself was the author, but he

    committed to his offspring the creation of the mortal. From him they

    received the immortal soul, but themselves made the body to be its

    vehicle, and constructed within another soul which was mortal, and

    subject to terrible affections–pleasure, the inciter of evil; pain,

    which deters from good; rashness and fear, foolish counsellors; anger

    hard to be appeased; hope easily led astray. These they mingled with

    irrational sense and all-daring love according to necessary laws and so

    framed man. And, fearing to pollute the divine element, they gave the

    mortal soul a separate habitation in the breast, parted off from the

    head by a narrow isthmus. And as in a house the women’s apartments are

    divided from the men’s, the cavity of the thorax was divided into two

    parts, a higher and a lower. The higher of the two, which is the seat of

    courage and anger, lies nearer to the head, between the midriff and the

    neck, and assists reason in restraining the desires. The heart is the

    house of guard in which all the veins meet, and through them reason

    sends her commands to the extremity of her kingdom. When the passions

    are in revolt, or danger approaches from without, then the heart beats

    and swells; and the creating powers, knowing this, implanted in the

    body the soft and bloodless substance of the lung, having a porous and

    springy nature like a sponge, and being kept cool by drink and air which

    enters through the trachea.

    The part of the soul which desires meat and drink was placed between the

    midriff and navel, where they made a sort of manger; and here they bound

    it down, like a wild animal, away from the council-chamber, and leaving

    the better principle undisturbed to advise quietly for the good of the

    whole. For the Creator knew that the belly would not listen to reason,

    and was under the power of idols and fancies. Wherefore he framed the

    liver to connect with the lower nature, contriving that it should be

    compact, and bright, and sweet, and also bitter and smooth, in order

    that the power of thought which originates in the mind might there be

    reflected, terrifying the belly with the elements of bitterness and

    gall, and a suffusion of bilious colours when the liver is contracted,

    and causing pain and misery by twisting out of its place the lobe and

    closing up the vessels and gates. And the converse happens when some

    gentle inspiration coming from intelligence mirrors the opposite

    fancies, giving rest and sweetness and freedom, and at night, moderation

    and peace accompanied with prophetic insight, when reason and sense are

    asleep. For the authors of our being, in obedience to their Father’s

    will and in order to make men as good as they could, gave to the liver

    the power of divination, which is never active when men are awake or

    in health; but when they are under the influence of some disorder or

    enthusiasm then they receive intimations, which have to be interpreted

    by others who are called prophets, but should rather be called

    interpreters of prophecy; after death these intimations become

    unintelligible. The spleen which is situated in the neighbourhood, on

    the left side, keeps the liver bright and clean, as a napkin does a

    mirror, and the evacuations of the liver are received into it; and being

    a hollow tissue it is for a time swollen with these impurities, but when

    the body is purged it returns to its natural size.

    The truth concerning the soul can only be established by the word of

    God. Still, we may venture to assert what is probable both concerning

    soul and body.

    The creative powers were aware of our tendency to excess. And so when

    they made the belly to be a receptacle for food, in order that men might

    not perish by insatiable gluttony, they formed the convolutions of the

    intestines, in this way retarding the passage of food through the body,

    lest mankind should be absorbed in eating and drinking, and the whole

    race become impervious to divine philosophy.

    The creation of bones and flesh was on this wise. The foundation of

    these is the marrow which binds together body and soul, and the marrow

    is made out of such of the primary triangles as are adapted by their

    perfection to produce all the four elements. These God took and mingled

    them in due proportion, making as many kinds of marrow as there were

    hereafter to be kinds of souls. The receptacle of the divine soul he

    made round, and called that portion of the marrow brain, intending that

    the vessel containing this substance should be the head. The remaining

    part he divided into long and round figures, and to these as to anchors,

    fastening the mortal soul, he proceeded to make the rest of the body,

    first forming for both parts a covering of bone. The bone was formed by

    sifting pure smooth earth and wetting it with marrow. It was then thrust

    alternately into fire and water, and thus rendered insoluble by either.

    Of bone he made a globe which he placed around the brain, leaving a

    narrow opening, and around the marrow of the neck and spine he formed

    the vertebrae, like hinges, which extended from the head through the

    whole of the trunk. And as the bone was brittle and liable to mortify

    and destroy the marrow by too great rigidity and susceptibility to heat

    and cold, he contrived sinews and flesh–the first to give flexibility,

    the second to guard against heat and cold, and to be a protection

    against falls, containing a warm moisture, which in summer exudes and

    cools the body, and in winter is a defence against cold. Having this in

    view, the Creator mingled earth with fire and water and mixed with them

    a ferment of acid and salt, so as to form pulpy flesh. But the sinews

    he made of a mixture of bone and unfermented flesh, giving them a

    mean nature between the two, and a yellow colour. Hence they were more

    glutinous than flesh, but softer than bone. The bones which have most of

    the living soul within them he covered with the thinnest film of

    flesh, those which have least of it, he lodged deeper. At the joints he

    diminished the flesh in order not to impede the flexure of the limbs,

    and also to avoid clogging the perceptions of the mind. About the

    thighs and arms, which have no sense because there is little soul in the

    marrow, and about the inner bones, he laid the flesh thicker. For where

    the flesh is thicker there is less feeling, except in certain parts

    which the Creator has made solely of flesh, as for example, the tongue.

    Had the combination of solid bone and thick flesh been consistent with

    acute perceptions, the Creator would have given man a sinewy and fleshy

    head, and then he would have lived twice as long. But our creators were

    of opinion that a shorter life which was better was preferable to a

    longer which was worse, and therefore they covered the head with thin

    bone, and placed the sinews at the extremity of the head round the neck,

    and fastened the jawbones to them below the face. And they framed the

    mouth, having teeth and tongue and lips, with a view to the necessary

    and the good; for food is a necessity, and the river of speech is the

    best of rivers. Still, the head could not be left a bare globe of bone

    on account of the extremes of heat and cold, nor be allowed to become

    dull and senseless by an overgrowth of flesh. Wherefore it was covered

    by a peel or skin which met and grew by the help of the cerebral humour.

    The diversity of the sutures was caused by the struggle of the food

    against the courses of the soul. The skin of the head was pierced by

    fire, and out of the punctures came forth a moisture, part liquid,

    and part of a skinny nature, which was hardened by the pressure of the

    external cold and became hair. And God gave hair to the head of man

    to be a light covering, so that it might not interfere with his

    perceptions. Nails were formed by combining sinew, skin, and bone, and

    were made by the creators with a view to the future when, as they knew,

    women and other animals who would require them would be framed out of

    man.

    The gods also mingled natures akin to that of man with other forms and

    perceptions. Thus trees and plants were created, which were originally

    wild and have been adapted by cultivation to our use. They partake of

    that third kind of life which is seated between the midriff and the

    navel, and is altogether passive and incapable of reflection.

    When the creators had furnished all these natures for our sustenance,

    they cut channels through our bodies as in a garden, watering them with

    a perennial stream. Two were cut down the back, along the back bone,

    where the skin and flesh meet, one on the right and the other on the

    left, having the marrow of generation between them. In the next place,

    they divided the veins about the head and interlaced them with each

    other in order that they might form an additional link between the head

    and the body, and that the sensations from both sides might be diffused

    throughout the body. In the third place, they contrived the passage

    of liquids, which may be explained in this way:–Finer bodies retain

    coarser, but not the coarser the finer, and the belly is capable of

    retaining food, but not fire and air. God therefore formed a network of

    fire and air to irrigate the veins, having within it two lesser nets,

    and stretched cords reaching from both the lesser nets to the extremity

    of the outer net. The inner parts of the net were made by him of fire,

    the lesser nets and their cavities of air. The two latter he made to

    pass into the mouth; the one ascending by the air-pipes from the lungs,

    the other by the side of the air-pipes from the belly. The entrance to

    the first he divided into two parts, both of which he made to meet at

    the channels of the nose, that when the mouth was closed the passage

    connected with it might still be fed with air. The cavity of the network

    he spread around the hollows of the body, making the entire receptacle

    to flow into and out of the lesser nets and the lesser nets into and out

    of it, while the outer net found a way into and out of the pores of the

    body, and the internal heat followed the air to and fro. These, as we

    affirm, are the phenomena of respiration. And all this process takes

    place in order that the body may be watered and cooled and nourished,

    and the meat and drink digested and liquefied and carried into the

    veins.

    The causes of respiration have now to be considered. The exhalation of

    the breath through the mouth and nostrils displaces the external air,

    and at the same time leaves a vacuum into which through the pores the

    air which is displaced enters. Also the vacuum which is made when the

    air is exhaled through the pores is filled up by the inhalation of

    breath through the mouth and nostrils. The explanation of this double

    phenomenon is as follows:–Elements move towards their natural places.

    Now as every animal has within him a fountain of fire, the air which

    is inhaled through the mouth and nostrils, on coming into contact

    with this, is heated; and when heated, in accordance with the law of

    attraction, it escapes by the way it entered toward the place of fire.

    On leaving the body it is cooled and drives round the air which it

    displaces through the pores into the empty lungs. This again is in turn

    heated by the internal fire and escapes, as it entered, through the

    pores.

    The phenomena of medical cupping-glasses, of swallowing, and of the

    hurling of bodies, are to be explained on a similar principle; as also

    sounds, which are sometimes discordant on account of the inequality

    of them, and again harmonious by reason of equality. The slower sounds

    reaching the swifter, when they begin to pause, by degrees assimilate

    with them: whence arises a pleasure which even the unwise feel, and

    which to the wise becomes a higher sense of delight, being an imitation

    of divine harmony in mortal motions. Streams flow, lightnings play,

    amber and the magnet attract, not by reason of attraction, but because

    ‘nature abhors a vacuum,’ and because things, when compounded or

    dissolved, move different ways, each to its own place.

    I will now return to the phenomena of respiration. The fire, entering

    the belly, minces the food, and as it escapes, fills the veins by

    drawing after it the divided portions, and thus the streams of nutriment

    are diffused through the body. The fruits or herbs which are our daily

    sustenance take all sorts of colours when intermixed, but the colour of

    red or fire predominates, and hence the liquid which we call blood is

    red, being the nurturing principle of the body, whence all parts are

    watered and empty places filled.

    The process of repletion and depletion is produced by the attraction

    of like to like, after the manner of the universal motion. The external

    elements by their attraction are always diminishing the substance of

    the body: the particles of blood, too, formed out of the newly digested

    food, are attracted towards kindred elements within the body and so fill

    up the void. When more is taken away than flows in, then we decay; and

    when less, we grow and increase.

    The young of every animal has the triangles new and closely locked

    together, and yet the entire frame is soft and delicate, being newly

    made of marrow and nurtured on milk. These triangles are sharper than

    those which enter the body from without in the shape of food, and

    therefore they cut them up. But as life advances, the triangles wear out

    and are no longer able to assimilate food; and at length, when the bonds

    which unite the triangles of the marrow become undone, they in turn

    unloose the bonds of the soul; and if the release be according to

    nature, she then flies away with joy. For the death which is natural is

    pleasant, but that which is caused by violence is painful.

    Every one may understand the origin of diseases. They may be occasioned

    by the disarrangement or disproportion of the elements out of which the

    body is framed. This is the origin of many of them, but the worst of all

    owe their severity to the following causes: There is a natural order

    in the human frame according to which the flesh and sinews are made of

    blood, the sinews out of the fibres, and the flesh out of the congealed

    substance which is formed by separation from the fibres. The glutinous

    matter which comes away from the sinews and the flesh, not only binds

    the flesh to the bones, but nourishes the bones and waters the marrow.

    When these processes take place in regular order the body is in health.

    But when the flesh wastes and returns into the veins there is

    discoloured blood as well as air in the veins, having acid and salt

    qualities, from which is generated every sort of phlegm and bile. All

    things go the wrong way and cease to give nourishment to the body, no

    longer preserving their natural courses, but at war with themselves

    and destructive to the constitution of the body. The oldest part of the

    flesh which is hard to decompose blackens from long burning, and from

    being corroded grows bitter, and as the bitter element refines away,

    becomes acid. When tinged with blood the bitter substance has a red

    colour, and this when mixed with black takes the hue of grass; or again,

    the bitter substance has an auburn colour, when new flesh is decomposed

    by the internal flame. To all which phenomena some physician or

    philosopher who was able to see the one in many has given the name of

    bile. The various kinds of bile have names answering to their colours.

    Lymph or serum is of two kinds: first, the whey of blood, which is

    gentle; secondly, the secretion of dark and bitter bile, which, when

    mingled under the influence of heat with salt, is malignant and

    is called acid phlegm. There is also white phlegm, formed by the

    decomposition of young and tender flesh, and covered with little

    bubbles, separately invisible, but becoming visible when collected.

    The water of tears and perspiration and similar substances is also the

    watery part of fresh phlegm. All these humours become sources of disease

    when the blood is replenished in irregular ways and not by food or

    drink. The danger, however, is not so great when the foundation remains,

    for then there is a possibility of recovery. But when the substance

    which unites the flesh and bones is diseased, and is no longer renewed

    from the muscles and sinews, and instead of being oily and smooth and

    glutinous becomes rough and salt and dry, then the fleshy parts fall

    away and leave the sinews bare and full of brine, and the flesh gets

    back again into the circulation of the blood, and makes the previously

    mentioned disorders still greater. There are other and worse diseases

    which are prior to these; as when the bone through the density of

    the flesh does not receive sufficient air, and becomes stagnant and

    gangrened, and crumbling away passes into the food, and the food into

    the flesh, and the flesh returns again into the blood. Worst of all and

    most fatal is the disease of the marrow, by which the whole course

    of the body is reversed. There is a third class of diseases which are

    produced, some by wind and some by phlegm and some by bile. When the

    lung, which is the steward of the air, is obstructed, by rheums, and

    in one part no air, and in another too much, enters in, then the parts

    which are unrefreshed by air corrode, and other parts are distorted by

    the excess of air; and in this manner painful diseases are produced. The

    most painful are caused by wind generated within the body, which gets

    about the great sinews of the shoulders–these are termed tetanus. The

    cure of them is difficult, and in most cases they are relieved only by

    fever. White phlegm, which is dangerous if kept in, by reason of the air

    bubbles, is not equally dangerous if able to escape through the pores,

    although it variegates the body, generating diverse kinds of leprosies.

    If, when mingled with black bile, it disturbs the courses of the head

    in sleep, there is not so much danger; but if it assails those who are

    awake, then the attack is far more dangerous, and is called epilepsy or

    the sacred disease. Acid and salt phlegm is the source of catarrh.

    Inflammations originate in bile, which is sometimes relieved by boils

    and swellings, but when detained, and above all when mingled with pure

    blood, generates many inflammatory disorders, disturbing the position of

    the fibres which are scattered about in the blood in order to maintain

    the balance of rare and dense which is necessary to its regular

    circulation. If the bile, which is only stale blood, or liquefied flesh,

    comes in little by little, it is congealed by the fibres and produces

    internal cold and shuddering. But when it enters with more of a flood

    it overcomes the fibres by its heat and reaches the spinal marrow, and

    burning up the cables of the soul sets her free from the body. When on

    the other hand the body, though wasted, still holds out, then the bile

    is expelled, like an exile from a factious state, causing associating

    diarrhoeas and dysenteries and similar disorders. The body which is

    diseased from the effects of fire is in a continual fever; when air is

    the agent, the fever is quotidian; when water, the fever intermits a

    day; when earth, which is the most sluggish element, the fever intermits

    three days and is with difficulty shaken off.

    Of mental disorders there are two sorts, one madness, the other

    ignorance, and they may be justly attributed to disease. Excessive

    pleasures or pains are among the greatest diseases, and deprive men of

    their senses. When the seed about the spinal marrow is too abundant, the

    body has too great pleasures and pains; and during a great part of his

    life he who is the subject of them is more or less mad. He is

    often thought bad, but this is a mistake; for the truth is that the

    intemperance of lust is due to the fluidity of the marrow produced by

    the loose consistency of the bones. And this is true of vice in

    general, which is commonly regarded as disgraceful, whereas it is really

    involuntary and arises from a bad habit of the body and evil education.

    In like manner the soul is often made vicious by the influence of bodily

    pain; the briny phlegm and other bitter and bilious humours wander over

    the body and find no exit, but are compressed within, and mingle their

    own vapours with the motions of the soul, and are carried to the

    three places of the soul, creating infinite varieties of trouble and

    melancholy, of rashness and cowardice, of forgetfulness and stupidity.

    When men are in this evil plight of body, and evil forms of government

    and evil discourses are superadded, and there is no education to save

    them, they are corrupted through two causes; but of neither of them are

    they really the authors. For the planters are to blame rather than the

    plants, the educators and not the educated. Still, we should endeavour

    to attain virtue and avoid vice; but this is part of another subject.

    Enough of disease–I have now to speak of the means by which the mind

    and body are to be preserved, a higher theme than the other. The good

    is the beautiful, and the beautiful is the symmetrical, and there is no

    greater or fairer symmetry than that of body and soul, as the contrary

    is the greatest of deformities. A leg or an arm too long or too short

    is at once ugly and unserviceable, and the same is true if body and soul

    are disproportionate. For a strong and impassioned soul may ‘fret the

    pigmy body to decay,’ and so produce convulsions and other evils. The

    violence of controversy, or the earnestness of enquiry, will often

    generate inflammations and rheums which are not understood, or assigned

    to their true cause by the professors of medicine. And in like manner

    the body may be too much for the soul, darkening the reason, and

    quickening the animal desires. The only security is to preserve the

    balance of the two, and to this end the mathematician or philosopher

    must practise gymnastics, and the gymnast must cultivate music. The

    parts of the body too must be treated in the same way–they should

    receive their appropriate exercise. For the body is set in motion when

    it is heated and cooled by the elements which enter in, or is dried up

    and moistened by external things; and, if given up to these processes

    when at rest, it is liable to destruction. But the natural motion, as

    in the world, so also in the human frame, produces harmony and divides

    hostile powers. The best exercise is the spontaneous motion of the body,

    as in gymnastics, because most akin to the motion of mind; not so

    good is the motion of which the source is in another, as in sailing or

    riding; least good when the body is at rest and the motion is in parts

    only, which is a species of motion imparted by physic. This should only

    be resorted to by men of sense in extreme cases; lesser diseases are

    not to be irritated by medicine. For every disease is akin to the living

    being and has an appointed term, just as life has, which depends on the

    form of the triangles, and cannot be protracted when they are worn out.

    And he who, instead of accepting his destiny, endeavours to prolong

    his life by medicine, is likely to multiply and magnify his diseases.

    Regimen and not medicine is the true cure, when a man has time at his

    disposal.

    Enough of the nature of man and of the body, and of training and

    education. The subject is a great one and cannot be adequately treated

    as an appendage to another. To sum up all in a word: there are three

    kinds of soul located within us, and any one of them, if remaining

    inactive, becomes very weak; if exercised, very strong. Wherefore we

    should duly train and exercise all three kinds.

    The divine soul God lodged in the head, to raise us, like plants which

    are not of earthly origin, to our kindred; for the head is nearest

    to heaven. He who is intent upon the gratification of his desires and

    cherishes the mortal soul, has all his ideas mortal, and is himself

    mortal in the truest sense. But he who seeks after knowledge and

    exercises the divine part of himself in godly and immortal thoughts,

    attains to truth and immortality, as far as is possible to man, and also

    to happiness, while he is training up within him the divine principle

    and indwelling power of order. There is only one way in which one person

    can benefit another; and that is by assigning to him his proper nurture

    and motion. To the motions of the soul answer the motions of the

    universe, and by the study of these the individual is restored to his

    original nature.

    Thus we have finished the discussion of the universe, which, according

    to our original intention, has now been brought down to the creation of

    man. Completeness seems to require that something should be briefly said

    about other animals: first of women, who are probably degenerate and

    cowardly men. And when they degenerated, the gods implanted in men the

    desire of union with them, creating in man one animate substance and

    in woman another in the following manner:–The outlet for liquids they

    connected with the living principle of the spinal marrow, which the man

    has the desire to emit into the fruitful womb of the woman; this is like

    a fertile field in which the seed is quickened and matured, and at

    last brought to light. When this desire is unsatisfied the man is

    over-mastered by the power of the generative organs, and the woman

    is subjected to disorders from the obstruction of the passages of the

    breath, until the two meet and pluck the fruit of the tree.

    The race of birds was created out of innocent, light-minded men,

    who thought to pursue the study of the heavens by sight; these were

    transformed into birds, and grew feathers instead of hair. The race

    of wild animals were men who had no philosophy, and never looked up to

    heaven or used the courses of the head, but followed only the influences

    of passion. Naturally they turned to their kindred earth, and put their

    forelegs to the ground, and their heads were crushed into strange

    oblong forms. Some of them have four feet, and some of them more than

    four,–the latter, who are the more senseless, drawing closer to their

    native element; the most senseless of all have no limbs and trail their

    whole body on the ground. The fourth kind are the inhabitants of the

    waters; these are made out of the most senseless and ignorant and impure

    of men, whom God placed in the uttermost parts of the world in return

    for their utter ignorance, and caused them to respire water instead of

    the pure element of air. Such are the laws by which animals pass into

    one another.

    And so the world received animals, mortal and immortal, and was

    fulfilled with them, and became a visible God, comprehending the

    visible, made in the image of the Intellectual, being the one perfect

    only-begotten heaven.

    Section 2.

    Nature in the aspect which she presented to a Greek philosopher of the

    fourth century before Christ is not easily reproduced to modern eyes.

    The associations of mythology and poetry have to be added, and the

    unconscious influence of science has to be subtracted, before we can

    behold the heavens or the earth as they appeared to the Greek. The

    philosopher himself was a child and also a man–a child in the range of

    his attainments, but also a great intelligence having an insight into

    nature, and often anticipations of the truth. He was full of original

    thoughts, and yet liable to be imposed upon by the most obvious

    fallacies. He occasionally confused numbers with ideas, and atoms

    with numbers; his a priori notions were out of all proportion to his

    experience. He was ready to explain the phenomena of the heavens by the

    most trivial analogies of earth. The experiments which nature worked for

    him he sometimes accepted, but he never tried experiments for himself

    which would either prove or disprove his theories. His knowledge was

    unequal; while in some branches, such as medicine and astronomy, he had

    made considerable proficiency, there were others, such as chemistry,

    electricity, mechanics, of which the very names were unknown to him.

    He was the natural enemy of mythology, and yet mythological ideas still

    retained their hold over him. He was endeavouring to form a conception

    of principles, but these principles or ideas were regarded by him as

    real powers or entities, to which the world had been subjected. He was

    always tending to argue from what was near to what was remote, from what

    was known to what was unknown, from man to the universe, and back again

    from the universe to man. While he was arranging the world, he was

    arranging the forms of thought in his own mind; and the light from

    within and the light from without often crossed and helped to confuse

    one another. He might be compared to a builder engaged in some great

    design, who could only dig with his hands because he was unprovided with

    common tools; or to some poet or musician, like Tynnichus (Ion), obliged

    to accommodate his lyric raptures to the limits of the tetrachord or of

    the flute.

    The Hesiodic and Orphic cosmogonies were a phase of thought intermediate

    between mythology and philosophy and had a great influence on the

    beginnings of knowledge. There was nothing behind them; they were to

    physical science what the poems of Homer were to early Greek history.

    They made men think of the world as a whole; they carried the mind back

    into the infinity of past time; they suggested the first observation

    of the effects of fire and water on the earth’s surface. To the ancient

    physics they stood much in the same relation which geology does to

    modern science. But the Greek was not, like the enquirer of the last

    generation, confined to a period of six thousand years; he was able to

    speculate freely on the effects of infinite ages in the production of

    physical phenomena. He could imagine cities which had existed time

    out of mind (States.; Laws), laws or forms of art and music which had

    lasted, ‘not in word only, but in very truth, for ten thousand years’

    (Laws); he was aware that natural phenomena like the Delta of the Nile

    might have slowly accumulated in long periods of time (Hdt.). But he

    seems to have supposed that the course of events was recurring rather

    than progressive. To this he was probably led by the fixedness of

    Egyptian customs and the general observation that there were other

    civilisations in the world more ancient than that of Hellas.

    The ancient philosophers found in mythology many ideas which, if not

    originally derived from nature, were easily transferred to her–such,

    for example, as love or hate, corresponding to attraction or repulsion;

    or the conception of necessity allied both to the regularity and

    irregularity of nature; or of chance, the nameless or unknown cause; or

    of justice, symbolizing the law of compensation; are of the Fates and

    Furies, typifying the fixed order or the extraordinary convulsions of

    nature. Their own interpretations of Homer and the poets were supposed

    by them to be the original meaning. Musing in themselves on the

    phenomena of nature, they were relieved at being able to utter the

    thoughts of their hearts in figures of speech which to them were not

    figures, and were already consecrated by tradition. Hesiod and the

    Orphic poets moved in a region of half-personification in which the

    meaning or principle appeared through the person. In their vaster

    conceptions of Chaos, Erebus, Aether, Night, and the like, the first

    rude attempts at generalization are dimly seen. The Gods themselves,

    especially the greater Gods, such as Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Athene, are

    universals as well as individuals. They were gradually becoming lost

    in a common conception of mind or God. They continued to exist for the

    purposes of ritual or of art; but from the sixth century onwards or even

    earlier there arose and gained strength in the minds of men the notion

    of ‘one God, greatest among Gods and men, who was all sight, all

    hearing, all knowing’ (Xenophanes).

    Under the influence of such ideas, perhaps also deriving from the

    traditions of their own or of other nations scraps of medicine and

    astronomy, men came to the observation of nature. The Greek philosopher

    looked at the blue circle of the heavens and it flashed upon him that

    all things were one; the tumult of sense abated, and the mind found

    repose in the thought which former generations had been striving to

    realize. The first expression of this was some element, rarefied by

    degrees into a pure abstraction, and purged from any tincture of sense.

    Soon an inner world of ideas began to be unfolded, more absorbing, more

    overpowering, more abiding than the brightest of visible objects, which

    to the eye of the philosopher looking inward, seemed to pale before

    them, retaining only a faint and precarious existence. At the same time,

    the minds of men parted into the two great divisions of those who saw

    only a principle of motion, and of those who saw only a principle of

    rest, in nature and in themselves; there were born Heracliteans or

    Eleatics, as there have been in later ages born Aristotelians or

    Platonists. Like some philosophers in modern times, who are accused of

    making a theory first and finding their facts afterwards, the advocates

    of either opinion never thought of applying either to themselves or to

    their adversaries the criterion of fact. They were mastered by their

    ideas and not masters of them. Like the Heraclitean fanatics whom Plato

    has ridiculed in the Theaetetus, they were incapable of giving a

    reason of the faith that was in them, and had all the animosities of a

    religious sect. Yet, doubtless, there was some first impression derived

    from external nature, which, as in mythology, so also in philosophy,

    worked upon the minds of the first thinkers. Though incapable of

    induction or generalization in the modern sense, they caught an

    inspiration from the external world. The most general facts or

    appearances of nature, the circle of the universe, the nutritive power

    of water, the air which is the breath of life, the destructive force

    of fire, the seeming regularity of the greater part of nature and the

    irregularity of a remnant, the recurrence of day and night and of the

    seasons, the solid earth and the impalpable aether, were always present

    to them.

    The great source of error and also the beginning of truth to them

    was reasoning from analogy; they could see resemblances, but not

    differences; and they were incapable of distinguishing illustration

    from argument. Analogy in modern times only points the way, and is

    immediately verified by experiment. The dreams and visions, which

    pass through the philosopher’s mind, of resemblances between different

    classes of substances, or between the animal and vegetable world, are

    put into the refiner’s fire, and the dross and other elements which

    adhere to them are purged away. But the contemporary of Plato and

    Socrates was incapable of resisting the power of any analogy which

    occurred to him, and was drawn into any consequences which seemed to

    follow. He had no methods of difference or of concomitant variations, by

    the use of which he could distinguish the accidental from the essential.

    He could not isolate phenomena, and he was helpless against the

    influence of any word which had an equivocal or double sense.

    Yet without this crude use of analogy the ancient physical philosopher

    would have stood still; he could not have made even ‘one guess among

    many’ without comparison. The course of natural phenomena would have

    passed unheeded before his eyes, like fair sights or musical sounds

    before the eyes and ears of an animal. Even the fetichism of the savage

    is the beginning of reasoning; the assumption of the most fanciful of

    causes indicates a higher mental state than the absence of all enquiry

    about them. The tendency to argue from the higher to the lower, from

    man to the world, has led to many errors, but has also had an elevating

    influence on philosophy. The conception of the world as a whole, a

    person, an animal, has been the source of hasty generalizations; yet

    this general grasp of nature led also to a spirit of comprehensiveness

    in early philosophy, which has not increased, but rather diminished, as

    the fields of knowledge have become more divided. The modern physicist

    confines himself to one or perhaps two branches of science. But he

    comparatively seldom rises above his own department, and often falls

    under the narrowing influence which any single branch, when pursued

    to the exclusion of every other, has over the mind. Language, two,

    exercised a spell over the beginnings of physical philosophy, leading

    to error and sometimes to truth; for many thoughts were suggested by

    the double meanings of words (Greek), and the accidental distinctions

    of words sometimes led the ancient philosopher to make corresponding

    differences in things (Greek). ‘If they are the same, why have they

    different names; or if they are different, why have they the same

    name?’–is an argument not easily answered in the infancy of knowledge.

    The modern philosopher has always been taught the lesson which he still

    imperfectly learns, that he must disengage himself from the influence

    of words. Nor are there wanting in Plato, who was himself too often the

    victim of them, impressive admonitions that we should regard not words

    but things (States.). But upon the whole, the ancients, though not

    entirely dominated by them, were much more subject to the influence

    of words than the moderns. They had no clear divisions of colours

    or substances; even the four elements were undefined; the fields of

    knowledge were not parted off. They were bringing order out of disorder,

    having a small grain of experience mingled in a confused heap of

    a priori notions. And yet, probably, their first impressions, the

    illusions and mirages of their fancy, created a greater intellectual

    activity and made a nearer approach to the truth than any patient

    investigation of isolated facts, for which the time had not yet come,

    could have accomplished.

    There was one more illusion to which the ancient philosophers were

    subject, and against which Plato in his later dialogues seems to be

    struggling–the tendency to mere abstractions; not perceiving that

    pure abstraction is only negation, they thought that the greater the

    abstraction the greater the truth. Behind any pair of ideas a new

    idea which comprehended them–the (Greek), as it was technically

    termed–began at once to appear. Two are truer than three, one than two.

    The words ‘being,’ or ‘unity,’ or essence,’ or ‘good,’ became sacred to

    them. They did not see that they had a word only, and in one sense the

    most unmeaning of words. They did not understand that the content of

    notions is in inverse proportion to their universality–the element

    which is the most widely diffused is also the thinnest; or, in the

    language of the common logic, the greater the extension the less the

    comprehension. But this vacant idea of a whole without parts, of a

    subject without predicates, a rest without motion, has been also the

    most fruitful of all ideas. It is the beginning of a priori thought, and

    indeed of thinking at all. Men were led to conceive it, not by a love

    of hasty generalization, but by a divine instinct, a dialectical

    enthusiasm, in which the human faculties seemed to yearn for

    enlargement. We know that ‘being’ is only the verb of existence, the

    copula, the most general symbol of relation, the first and most meagre

    of abstractions; but to some of the ancient philosophers this little

    word appeared to attain divine proportions, and to comprehend all truth.

    Being or essence, and similar words, represented to them a supreme or

    divine being, in which they thought that they found the containing and

    continuing principle of the universe. In a few years the human mind was

    peopled with abstractions; a new world was called into existence to give

    law and order to the old. But between them there was still a gulf, and

    no one could pass from the one to the other.

    Number and figure were the greatest instruments of thought which were

    possessed by the Greek philosopher; having the same power over the mind

    which was exerted by abstract ideas, they were also capable of practical

    application. Many curious and, to the early thinker, mysterious

    properties of them came to light when they were compared with one

    another. They admitted of infinite multiplication and construction;

    in Pythagorean triangles or in proportions of 1:2:4:8 and 1:3:9:27, or

    compounds of them, the laws of the world seemed to be more than half

    revealed. They were also capable of infinite subdivision–a wonder and

    also a puzzle to the ancient thinker (Rep.). They were not, like being

    or essence, mere vacant abstractions, but admitted of progress and

    growth, while at the same time they confirmed a higher sentiment of the

    mind, that there was order in the universe. And so there began to be

    a real sympathy between the world within and the world without. The

    numbers and figures which were present to the mind’s eye became visible

    to the eye of sense; the truth of nature was mathematics; the other

    properties of objects seemed to reappear only in the light of number.

    Law and morality also found a natural expression in number and figure.

    Instruments of such power and elasticity could not fail to be ‘a most

    gracious assistance’ to the first efforts of human intelligence.

    There was another reason why numbers had so great an influence over the

    minds of early thinkers–they were verified by experience. Every use

    of them, even the most trivial, assured men of their truth; they were

    everywhere to be found, in the least things and the greatest alike.

    One, two, three, counted on the fingers was a ‘trivial matter (Rep.), a

    little instrument out of which to create a world; but from these and by

    the help of these all our knowledge of nature has been developed. They

    were the measure of all things, and seemed to give law to all things;

    nature was rescued from chaos and confusion by their power; the notes of

    music, the motions of the stars, the forms of atoms, the evolution and

    recurrence of days, months, years, the military divisions of an army,

    the civil divisions of a state, seemed to afford a ‘present witness’

    of them–what would have become of man or of the world if deprived of

    number (Rep.)? The mystery of number and the mystery of music were akin.

    There was a music of rhythm and of harmonious motion everywhere; and to

    the real connexion which existed between music and number, a fanciful or

    imaginary relation was superadded. There was a music of the spheres as

    well as of the notes of the lyre. If in all things seen there was number

    and figure, why should they not also pervade the unseen world, with

    which by their wonderful and unchangeable nature they seemed to hold

    communion?

    Two other points strike us in the use which the ancient philosophers

    made of numbers. First, they applied to external nature the relations of

    them which they found in their own minds; and where nature seemed to be

    at variance with number, as for example in the case of fractions, they

    protested against her (Rep.; Arist. Metaph.). Having long meditated on

    the properties of 1:2:4:8, or 1:3:9:27, or of 3, 4, 5, they discovered

    in them many curious correspondences and were disposed to find in them

    the secret of the universe. Secondly, they applied number and figure

    equally to those parts of physics, such as astronomy or mechanics, in

    which the modern philosopher expects to find them, and to those in

    which he would never think of looking for them, such as physiology and

    psychology. For the sciences were not yet divided, and there was nothing

    really irrational in arguing that the same laws which regulated the

    heavenly bodies were partially applied to the erring limbs or brain of

    man. Astrology was the form which the lively fancy of ancient thinkers

    almost necessarily gave to astronomy. The observation that the lower

    principle, e.g. mechanics, is always seen in the higher, e.g. in the

    phenomena of life, further tended to perplex them. Plato’s doctrine

    of the same and the other ruling the courses of the heavens and of the

    human body is not a mere vagary, but is a natural result of the state of

    knowledge and thought at which he had arrived.

    When in modern times we contemplate the heavens, a certain amount of

    scientific truth imperceptibly blends, even with the cursory glance of

    an unscientific person. He knows that the earth is revolving round the

    sun, and not the sun around the earth. He does not imagine the earth to

    be the centre of the universe, and he has some conception of chemistry

    and the cognate sciences. A very different aspect of nature would have

    been present to the mind of the early Greek philosopher. He would have

    beheld the earth a surface only, not mirrored, however faintly, in the

    glass of science, but indissolubly connected with some theory of one,

    two, or more elements. He would have seen the world pervaded by number

    and figure, animated by a principle of motion, immanent in a principle

    of rest. He would have tried to construct the universe on a quantitative

    principle, seeming to find in endless combinations of geometrical

    figures or in the infinite variety of their sizes a sufficient account

    of the multiplicity of phenomena. To these a priori speculations he

    would add a rude conception of matter and his own immediate experience

    of health and disease. His cosmos would necessarily be imperfect and

    unequal, being the first attempt to impress form and order on the

    primaeval chaos of human knowledge. He would see all things as in a

    dream.

    The ancient physical philosophers have been charged by Dr. Whewell

    and others with wasting their fine intelligences in wrong methods of

    enquiry; and their progress in moral and political philosophy has

    been sometimes contrasted with their supposed failure in physical

    investigations. ‘They had plenty of ideas,’ says Dr. Whewell, ‘and

    plenty of facts; but their ideas did not accurately represent the facts

    with which they were acquainted.’ This is a very crude and misleading

    way of describing ancient science. It is the mistake of an uneducated

    person–uneducated, that is, in the higher sense of the word–who

    imagines every one else to be like himself and explains every other age

    by his own. No doubt the ancients often fell into strange and fanciful

    errors: the time had not yet arrived for the slower and surer path of

    the modern inductive philosophy. But it remains to be shown that they

    could have done more in their age and country; or that the contributions

    which they made to the sciences with which they were acquainted are not

    as great upon the whole as those made by their successors. There is no

    single step in astronomy as great as that of the nameless Pythagorean

    who first conceived the world to be a body moving round the sun in

    space: there is no truer or more comprehensive principle than the

    application of mathematics alike to the heavenly bodies, and to the

    particles of matter. The ancients had not the instruments which would

    have enabled them to correct or verify their anticipations, and their

    opportunities of observation were limited. Plato probably did more

    for physical science by asserting the supremacy of mathematics than

    Aristotle or his disciples by their collections of facts. When the

    thinkers of modern times, following Bacon, undervalue or disparage the

    speculations of ancient philosophers, they seem wholly to forget the

    conditions of the world and of the human mind, under which they

    carried on their investigations. When we accuse them of being under the

    influence of words, do we suppose that we are altogether free from this

    illusion? When we remark that Greek physics soon became stationary or

    extinct, may we not observe also that there have been and may be again

    periods in the history of modern philosophy which have been barren and

    unproductive? We might as well maintain that Greek art was not real

    or great, because it had nihil simile aut secundum, as say that Greek

    physics were a failure because they admire no subsequent progress.

    The charge of premature generalization which is often urged against

    ancient philosophers is really an anachronism. For they can hardly be

    said to have generalized at all. They may be said more truly to have

    cleared up and defined by the help of experience ideas which they

    already possessed. The beginnings of thought about nature must always

    have this character. A true method is the result of many ages of

    experiment and observation, and is ever going on and enlarging with the

    progress of science and knowledge. At first men personify nature, then

    they form impressions of nature, at last they conceive ‘measure’ or laws

    of nature. They pass out of mythology into philosophy. Early science is

    not a process of discovery in the modern sense; but rather a process

    of correcting by observation, and to a certain extent only, the first

    impressions of nature, which mankind, when they began to think,

    had received from poetry or language or unintelligent sense. Of all

    scientific truths the greatest and simplest is the uniformity of nature;

    this was expressed by the ancients in many ways, as fate, or necessity,

    or measure, or limit. Unexpected events, of which the cause was unknown

    to them, they attributed to chance (Thucyd.). But their conception of

    nature was never that of law interrupted by exceptions,–a somewhat

    unfortunate metaphysical invention of modern times, which is at variance

    with facts and has failed to satisfy the requirements of thought.

    Section 3.

    Plato’s account of the soul is partly mythical or figurative, and partly

    literal. Not that either he or we can draw a line between them, or say,

    ‘This is poetry, this is philosophy’; for the transition from the one

    to the other is imperceptible. Neither must we expect to find in him

    absolute consistency. He is apt to pass from one level or stage of

    thought to another without always making it apparent that he is changing

    his ground. In such passages we have to interpret his meaning by the

    general spirit of his writings. To reconcile his inconsistencies would

    be contrary to the first principles of criticism and fatal to any true

    understanding of him.

    There is a further difficulty in explaining this part of the

    Timaeus–the natural order of thought is inverted. We begin with the

    most abstract, and proceed from the abstract to the concrete. We

    are searching into things which are upon the utmost limit of human

    intelligence, and then of a sudden we fall rather heavily to the earth.

    There are no intermediate steps which lead from one to the other. But

    the abstract is a vacant form to us until brought into relation with

    man and nature. God and the world are mere names, like the Being of

    the Eleatics, unless some human qualities are added on to them. Yet the

    negation has a kind of unknown meaning to us. The priority of God and

    of the world, which he is imagined to have created, to all other

    existences, gives a solemn awe to them. And as in other systems of

    theology and philosophy, that of which we know least has the greatest

    interest to us.

    There is no use in attempting to define or explain the first God in the

    Platonic system, who has sometimes been thought to answer to God the

    Father; or the world, in whom the Fathers of the Church seemed to

    recognize ‘the firstborn of every creature.’ Nor need we discuss at

    length how far Plato agrees in the later Jewish idea of creation,

    according to which God made the world out of nothing. For his original

    conception of matter as something which has no qualities is really a

    negation. Moreover in the Hebrew Scriptures the creation of the world

    is described, even more explicitly than in the Timaeus, not as a single

    act, but as a work or process which occupied six days. There is a chaos

    in both, and it would be untrue to say that the Greek, any more than the

    Hebrew, had any definite belief in the eternal existence of matter. The

    beginning of things vanished into the distance. The real creation began,

    not with matter, but with ideas. According to Plato in the Timaeus, God

    took of the same and the other, of the divided and undivided, of the

    finite and infinite, and made essence, and out of the three combined

    created the soul of the world. To the soul he added a body formed out

    of the four elements. The general meaning of these words is that God

    imparted determinations of thought, or, as we might say, gave law

    and variety to the material universe. The elements are moving in a

    disorderly manner before the work of creation begins; and there is an

    eternal pattern of the world, which, like the ‘idea of good,’ is not

    the Creator himself, but not separable from him. The pattern too, though

    eternal, is a creation, a world of thought prior to the world of

    sense, which may be compared to the wisdom of God in the book of

    Ecclesiasticus, or to the ‘God in the form of a globe’ of the old

    Eleatic philosophers. The visible, which already exists, is fashioned

    in the likeness of this eternal pattern. On the other hand, there is no

    truth of which Plato is more firmly convinced than of the priority of

    the soul to the body, both in the universe and in man. So inconsistent

    are the forms in which he describes the works which no tongue

    can utter–his language, as he himself says, partaking of his own

    uncertainty about the things of which he is speaking.

    We may remark in passing, that the Platonic compared with the

    Jewish description of the process of creation has less of freedom or

    spontaneity. The Creator in Plato is still subject to a remnant of

    necessity which he cannot wholly overcome. When his work is accomplished

    he remains in his own nature. Plato is more sensible than the Hebrew

    prophet of the existence of evil, which he seeks to put as far as

    possible out of the way of God. And he can only suppose this to be

    accomplished by God retiring into himself and committing the lesser

    works of creation to inferior powers. (Compare, however, Laws for

    another solution of the difficulty.)

    Nor can we attach any intelligible meaning to his words when he speaks

    of the visible being in the image of the invisible. For how can that

    which is divided be like that which is undivided? Or that which

    is changing be the copy of that which is unchanging? All the old

    difficulties about the ideas come back upon us in an altered form. We

    can imagine two worlds, one of which is the mere double of the other, or

    one of which is an imperfect copy of the other, or one of which is the

    vanishing ideal of the other; but we cannot imagine an intellectual

    world which has no qualities–‘a thing in itself’–a point which has no

    parts or magnitude, which is nowhere, and nothing. This cannot be the

    archetype according to which God made the world, and is in reality,

    whether in Plato or in Kant, a mere negative residuum of human thought.

    There is another aspect of the same difficulty which appears to have no

    satisfactory solution. In what relation does the archetype stand to the

    Creator himself? For the idea or pattern of the world is not the thought

    of God, but a separate, self-existent nature, of which creation is

    the copy. We can only reply, (1) that to the mind of Plato subject and

    object were not yet distinguished; (2) that he supposes the process of

    creation to take place in accordance with his own theory of ideas; and

    as we cannot give a consistent account of the one, neither can we of

    the other. He means (3) to say that the creation of the world is not

    a material process of working with legs and arms, but ideal and

    intellectual; according to his own fine expression, ‘the thought of

    God made the God that was to be.’ He means (4) to draw an absolute

    distinction between the invisible or unchangeable which is or is the

    place of mind or being, and the world of sense or becoming which is

    visible and changing. He means (5) that the idea of the world is prior

    to the world, just as the other ideas are prior to sensible objects; and

    like them may be regarded as eternal and self-existent, and also, like

    the IDEA of good, may be viewed apart from the divine mind.

    There are several other questions which we might ask and which can

    receive no answer, or at least only an answer of the same kind as the

    preceding. How can matter be conceived to exist without form? Or, how

    can the essences or forms of things be distinguished from the eternal

    ideas, or essence itself from the soul? Or, how could there have been

    motion in the chaos when as yet time was not? Or, how did chaos come

    into existence, if not by the will of the Creator? Or, how could there

    have been a time when the world was not, if time was not? Or, how could

    the Creator have taken portions of an indivisible same? Or, how could

    space or anything else have been eternal when time is only created? Or,

    how could the surfaces of geometrical figures have formed solids? We

    must reply again that we cannot follow Plato in all his inconsistencies,

    but that the gaps of thought are probably more apparent to us than to

    him. He would, perhaps, have said that ‘the first things are known only

    to God and to him of men whom God loves.’ How often have the gaps in

    Theology been concealed from the eye of faith! And we may say that only

    by an effort of metaphysical imagination can we hope to understand Plato

    from his own point of view; we must not ask for consistency. Everywhere

    we find traces of the Platonic theory of knowledge expressed in an

    objective form, which by us has to be translated into the subjective,

    before we can attach any meaning to it. And this theory is exhibited

    in so many different points of view, that we cannot with any certainty

    interpret one dialogue by another; e.g. the Timaeus by the Parmenides or

    Phaedrus or Philebus.

    The soul of the world may also be conceived as the personification of

    the numbers and figures in which the heavenly bodies move. Imagine

    these as in a Pythagorean dream, stripped of qualitative difference and

    reduced to mathematical abstractions. They too conform to the principle

    of the same, and may be compared with the modern conception of laws of

    nature. They are in space, but not in time, and they are the makers

    of time. They are represented as constantly thinking of the same; for

    thought in the view of Plato is equivalent to truth or law, and need not

    imply a human consciousness, a conception which is familiar enough to

    us, but has no place, hardly even a name, in ancient Greek philosophy.

    To this principle of the same is opposed the principle of the other–the

    principle of irregularity and disorder, of necessity and chance, which

    is only partially impressed by mathematical laws and figures. (We

    may observe by the way, that the principle of the other, which is the

    principle of plurality and variation in the Timaeus, has nothing in

    common with the ‘other’ of the Sophist, which is the principle of

    determination.) The element of the same dominates to a certain extent

    over the other–the fixed stars keep the ‘wanderers’ of the inner circle

    in their courses, and a similar principle of fixedness or order appears

    to regulate the bodily constitution of man. But there still remains a

    rebellious seed of evil derived from the original chaos, which is the

    source of disorder in the world, and of vice and disease in man.

    But what did Plato mean by essence, (Greek), which is the intermediate

    nature compounded of the Same and the Other, and out of which, together

    with these two, the soul of the world is created? It is difficult to

    explain a process of thought so strange and unaccustomed to us, in which

    modern distinctions run into one another and are lost sight of. First,

    let us consider once more the meaning of the Same and the Other. The

    Same is the unchanging and indivisible, the heaven of the fixed stars,

    partaking of the divine nature, which, having law in itself, gives law

    to all besides and is the element of order and permanence in man and

    on the earth. It is the rational principle, mind regarded as a work, as

    creation–not as the creator. The old tradition of Parmenides and of the

    Eleatic Being, the foundation of so much in the philosophy of Greece and

    of the world, was lingering in Plato’s mind. The Other is the variable

    or changing element, the residuum of disorder or chaos, which cannot be

    reduced to order, nor altogether banished, the source of evil, seen in

    the errors of man and also in the wanderings of the planets, a necessity

    which protrudes through nature. Of this too there was a shadow in the

    Eleatic philosophy in the realm of opinion, which, like a mist, seemed

    to darken the purity of truth in itself.–So far the words of Plato may

    perhaps find an intelligible meaning. But when he goes on to speak of

    the Essence which is compounded out of both, the track becomes fainter

    and we can only follow him with hesitating steps. But still we find a

    trace reappearing of the teaching of Anaxagoras: ‘All was confusion, and

    then mind came and arranged things.’ We have already remarked that Plato

    was not acquainted with the modern distinction of subject and object,

    and therefore he sometimes confuses mind and the things of mind–(Greek)

    and (Greek). By (Greek) he clearly means some conception of the

    intelligible and the intelligent; it belongs to the class of (Greek).

    Matter, being, the Same, the eternal,–for any of these terms, being

    almost vacant of meaning, is equally suitable to express indefinite

    existence,–are compared or united with the Other or Diverse, and out of

    the union or comparison is elicited the idea of intelligence, the ‘One

    in many,’ brighter than any Promethean fire (Phil.), which co-existing

    with them and so forming a new existence, is or becomes the intelligible

    world…So we may perhaps venture to paraphrase or interpret or put into

    other words the parable in which Plato has wrapped up his conception

    of the creation of the world. The explanation may help to fill up with

    figures of speech the void of knowledge.

    The entire compound was divided by the Creator in certain proportions

    and reunited; it was then cut into two strips, which were bent into an

    inner circle and an outer, both moving with an uniform motion around a

    centre, the outer circle containing the fixed, the inner the wandering

    stars. The soul of the world was diffused everywhere from the centre to

    the circumference. To this God gave a body, consisting at first of

    fire and earth, and afterwards receiving an addition of air and water;

    because solid bodies, like the world, are always connected by two middle

    terms and not by one. The world was made in the form of a globe, and all

    the material elements were exhausted in the work of creation.

    The proportions in which the soul of the world as well as the human soul

    is divided answer to a series of numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 8, 27, composed

    of the two Pythagorean progressions 1, 2, 4, 8 and 1, 3, 9, 27, of which

    the number 1 represents a point, 2 and 3 lines, 4 and 8, 9 and 27 the

    squares and cubes respectively of 2 and 3. This series, of which the

    intervals are afterwards filled up, probably represents (1) the diatonic

    scale according to the Pythagoreans and Plato; (2) the order and

    distances of the heavenly bodies; and (3) may possibly contain an

    allusion to the music of the spheres, which is referred to in the myth

    at the end of the Republic. The meaning of the words that ‘solid bodies

    are always connected by two middle terms’ or mean proportionals has

    been much disputed. The most received explanation is that of Martin, who

    supposes that Plato is only speaking of surfaces and solids compounded

    of prime numbers (i.e. of numbers not made up of two factors, or, in

    other words, only measurable by unity). The square of any such number

    represents a surface, the cube a solid. The squares of any two such

    numbers (e.g. 2 squared, 3 squared = 4, 9), have always a single mean

    proportional (e.g. 4 and 9 have the single mean 6), whereas the cubes

    of primes (e.g. 3 cubed and 5 cubed) have always two mean proportionals

    (e.g. 27:45:75:125). But to this explanation of Martin’s it may be

    objected, (1) that Plato nowhere says that his proportion is to be

    limited to prime numbers; (2) that the limitation of surfaces to squares

    is also not to be found in his words; nor (3) is there any evidence to

    show that the distinction of prime from other numbers was known to

    him. What Plato chiefly intends to express is that a solid requires a

    stronger bond than a surface; and that the double bond which is given

    by two means is stronger than the single bond given by one. Having

    reflected on the singular numerical phenomena of the existence of one

    mean proportional between two square numbers are rather perhaps only

    between the two lowest squares; and of two mean proportionals between

    two cubes, perhaps again confining his attention to the two lowest

    cubes, he finds in the latter symbol an expression of the relation

    of the elements, as in the former an image of the combination of two

    surfaces. Between fire and earth, the two extremes, he remarks that

    there are introduced, not one, but two elements, air and water, which

    are compared to the two mean proportionals between two cube numbers.

    The vagueness of his language does not allow us to determine whether

    anything more than this was intended by him.

    Leaving the further explanation of details, which the reader will find

    discussed at length in Boeckh and Martin, we may now return to the main

    argument: Why did God make the world? Like man, he must have a purpose;

    and his purpose is the diffusion of that goodness or good which he

    himself is. The term ‘goodness’ is not to be understood in this passage

    as meaning benevolence or love, in the Christian sense of the term, but

    rather law, order, harmony, like the idea of good in the Republic. The

    ancient mythologers, and even the Hebrew prophets, had spoken of the

    jealousy of God; and the Greek had imagined that there was a Nemesis

    always attending the prosperity of mortals. But Plato delights to think

    of God as the author of order in his works, who, like a father, lives

    over again in his children, and can never have too much of good or

    friendship among his creatures. Only, as there is a certain remnant of

    evil inherent in matter which he cannot get rid of, he detaches himself

    from them and leaves them to themselves, that he may be guiltless of

    their faults and sufferings.

    Between the ideal and the sensible Plato interposes the two natures of

    time and space. Time is conceived by him to be only the shadow or

    image of eternity which ever is and never has been or will be, but is

    described in a figure only as past or future. This is one of the great

    thoughts of early philosophy, which are still as difficult to our minds

    as they were to the early thinkers; or perhaps more difficult, because

    we more distinctly see the consequences which are involved in such

    an hypothesis. All the objections which may be urged against Kant’s

    doctrine of the ideality of space and time at once press upon us. If

    time is unreal, then all which is contained in time is unreal–the

    succession of human thoughts as well as the flux of sensations; there is

    no connecting link between (Greek) and (Greek). Yet, on the other hand,

    we are conscious that knowledge is independent of time, that truth

    is not a thing of yesterday or tomorrow, but an ‘eternal now.’ To the

    ‘spectator of all time and all existence’ the universe remains at rest.

    The truths of geometry and arithmetic in all their combinations are

    always the same. The generations of men, like the leaves of the forest,

    come and go, but the mathematical laws by which the world is governed

    remain, and seem as if they could never change. The ever-present image

    of space is transferred to time–succession is conceived as extension.

    (We remark that Plato does away with the above and below in space, as

    he has done away with the absolute existence of past and future.) The

    course of time, unless regularly marked by divisions of number, partakes

    of the indefiniteness of the Heraclitean flux. By such reflections we

    may conceive the Greek to have attained the metaphysical conception of

    eternity, which to the Hebrew was gained by meditation on the Divine

    Being. No one saw that this objective was really a subjective, and

    involved the subjectivity of all knowledge. ‘Non in tempore sed cum

    tempore finxit Deus mundum,’ says St. Augustine, repeating a thought

    derived from the Timaeus, but apparently unconscious of the results to

    which his doctrine would have led.

    The contradictions involved in the conception of time or motion, like

    the infinitesimal in space, were a source of perplexity to the mind of

    the Greek, who was driven to find a point of view above or beyond them.

    They had sprung up in the decline of the Eleatic philosophy and

    were very familiar to Plato, as we gather from the Parmenides. The

    consciousness of them had led the great Eleatic philosopher to

    describe the nature of God or Being under negatives. He sings of ‘Being

    unbegotten and imperishable, unmoved and never-ending, which never was

    nor will be, but always is, one and continuous, which cannot spring from

    any other; for it cannot be said or imagined not to be.’ The idea

    of eternity was for a great part a negation. There are regions of

    speculation in which the negative is hardly separable from the positive,

    and even seems to pass into it. Not only Buddhism, but Greek as well as

    Christian philosophy, show that it is quite possible that the human mind

    should retain an enthusiasm for mere negations. In different ages and

    countries there have been forms of light in which nothing could be

    discerned and which have nevertheless exercised a life-giving and

    illumining power. For the higher intelligence of man seems to require,

    not only something above sense, but above knowledge, which can only

    be described as Mind or Being or Truth or God or the unchangeable and

    eternal element, in the expression of which all predicates fail and fall

    short. Eternity or the eternal is not merely the unlimited in time

    but the truest of all Being, the most real of all realities, the most

    certain of all knowledge, which we nevertheless only see through a glass

    darkly. The passionate earnestness of Parmenides contrasts with the

    vacuity of the thought which he is revolving in his mind.

    Space is said by Plato to be the ‘containing vessel or nurse of

    generation.’ Reflecting on the simplest kinds of external objects, which

    to the ancients were the four elements, he was led to a more general

    notion of a substance, more or less like themselves, out of which they

    were fashioned. He would not have them too precisely distinguished.

    Thus seems to have arisen the first dim perception of (Greek) or matter,

    which has played so great a part in the metaphysical philosophy of

    Aristotle and his followers. But besides the material out of which the

    elements are made, there is also a space in which they are contained.

    There arises thus a second nature which the senses are incapable of

    discerning and which can hardly be referred to the intelligible class.

    For it is and it is not, it is nowhere when filled, it is nothing

    when empty. Hence it is said to be discerned by a kind of spurious

    or analogous reason, partaking so feebly of existence as to be hardly

    perceivable, yet always reappearing as the containing mother or nurse of

    all things. It had not that sort of consistency to Plato which has been

    given to it in modern times by geometry and metaphysics. Neither of

    the Greek words by which it is described are so purely abstract as the

    English word ‘space’ or the Latin ‘spatium.’ Neither Plato nor any other

    Greek would have spoken of (Greek) or (Greek) in the same manner as we

    speak of ‘time’ and ‘space.’

    Yet space is also of a very permanent or even eternal nature; and

    Plato seems more willing to admit of the unreality of time than of the

    unreality of space; because, as he says, all things must necessarily

    exist in space. We, on the other hand, are disposed to fancy that even

    if space were annihilated time might still survive. He admits indeed

    that our knowledge of space is of a dreamy kind, and is given by a

    spurious reason without the help of sense. (Compare the hypotheses and

    images of Rep.) It is true that it does not attain to the clearness

    of ideas. But like them it seems to remain, even if all the objects

    contained in it are supposed to have vanished away. Hence it was natural

    for Plato to conceive of it as eternal. We must remember further that in

    his attempt to realize either space or matter the two abstract ideas of

    weight and extension, which are familiar to us, had never passed before

    his mind.

    Thus far God, working according to an eternal pattern, out of his

    goodness has created the same, the other, and the essence (compare the

    three principles of the Philebus–the finite, the infinite, and the

    union of the two), and out of them has formed the outer circle of the

    fixed stars and the inner circle of the planets, divided according to

    certain musical intervals; he has also created time, the moving image

    of eternity, and space, existing by a sort of necessity and hardly

    distinguishable from matter. The matter out of which the world is formed

    is not absolutely void, but retains in the chaos certain germs or traces

    of the elements. These Plato, like Empedocles, supposed to be four in

    number–fire, air, earth, and water. They were at first mixed together;

    but already in the chaos, before God fashioned them by form and number,

    the greater masses of the elements had an appointed place. Into the

    confusion (Greek) which preceded Plato does not attempt further to

    penetrate. They are called elements, but they are so far from being

    elements (Greek) or letters in the higher sense that they are not even

    syllables or first compounds. The real elements are two triangles, the

    rectangular isosceles which has but one form, and the most beautiful of

    the many forms of scalene, which is half of an equilateral triangle. By

    the combination of these triangles which exist in an infinite variety of

    sizes, the surfaces of the four elements are constructed.

    That there were only five regular solids was already known to the

    ancients, and out of the surfaces which he has formed Plato proceeds to

    generate the four first of the five. He perhaps forgets that he is only

    putting together surfaces and has not provided for their transformation

    into solids. The first solid is a regular pyramid, of which the base and

    sides are formed by four equilateral or twenty-four scalene triangles.

    Each of the four solid angles in this figure is a little larger than

    the largest of obtuse angles. The second solid is composed of the same

    triangles, which unite as eight equilateral triangles, and make one

    solid angle out of four plane angles–six of these angles form a regular

    octahedron. The third solid is a regular icosahedron, having twenty

    triangular equilateral bases, and therefore 120 rectangular scalene

    triangles. The fourth regular solid, or cube, is formed by the

    combination of four isosceles triangles into one square and of six

    squares into a cube. The fifth regular solid, or dodecahedron, cannot

    be formed by a combination of either of these triangles, but each of its

    faces may be regarded as composed of thirty triangles of another kind.

    Probably Plato notices this as the only remaining regular polyhedron,

    which from its approximation to a globe, and possibly because, as

    Plutarch remarks, it is composed of 12 x 30 = 360 scalene triangles

    (Platon. Quaest.), representing thus the signs and degrees of the

    Zodiac, as well as the months and days of the year, God may be said to

    have ‘used in the delineation of the universe.’ According to Plato

    earth was composed of cubes, fire of regular pyramids, air of regular

    octahedrons, water of regular icosahedrons. The stability of the last

    three increases with the number of their sides.

    The elements are supposed to pass into one another, but we must remember

    that these transformations are not the transformations of real solids,

    but of imaginary geometrical figures; in other words, we are composing

    and decomposing the faces of substances and not the substances

    themselves–it is a house of cards which we are pulling to pieces and

    putting together again (compare however Laws). Yet perhaps Plato may

    regard these sides or faces as only the forms which are impressed on

    pre-existent matter. It is remarkable that he should speak of each of

    these solids as a possible world in itself, though upon the whole

    he inclines to the opinion that they form one world and not five.

    To suppose that there is an infinite number of worlds, as Democritus

    (Hippolyt. Ref. Haer. I.) had said, would be, as he satirically

    observes, ‘the characteristic of a very indefinite and ignorant mind.’

    The twenty triangular faces of an icosahedron form the faces or sides of

    two regular octahedrons and of a regular pyramid (20 = 8 x 2 + 4); and

    therefore, according to Plato, a particle of water when decomposed is

    supposed to give two particles of air and one of fire. So because an

    octahedron gives the sides of two pyramids (8 = 4 x 2), a particle of

    air is resolved into two particles of fire.

    The transformation is effected by the superior power or number of the

    conquering elements. The manner of the change is (1) a separation of

    portions of the elements from the masses in which they are collected;

    (2) a resolution of them into their original triangles; and (3) a

    reunion of them in new forms. Plato himself proposes the question,

    Why does motion continue at all when the elements are settled in their

    places? He answers that although the force of attraction is continually

    drawing similar elements to the same spot, still the revolution of the

    universe exercises a condensing power, and thrusts them again out of

    their natural places. Thus want of uniformity, the condition of motion,

    is produced. In all such disturbances of matter there is an alternative

    for the weaker element: it may escape to its kindred, or take the form

    of the stronger–becoming denser, if it be denser, or rarer if rarer.

    This is true of fire, air, and water, which, being composed of similar

    triangles, are interchangeable; earth, however, which has triangles

    peculiar to itself, is capable of dissolution, but not of change. Of the

    interchangeable elements, fire, the rarest, can only become a denser,

    and water, the densest, only a rarer: but air may become a denser or

    a rarer. No single particle of the elements is visible, but only the

    aggregates of them are seen. The subordinate species depend, not upon

    differences of form in the original triangles, but upon differences of

    size. The obvious physical phenomena from which Plato has gathered his

    views of the relations of the elements seem to be the effect of fire

    upon air, water, and earth, and the effect of water upon earth.

    The particles are supposed by him to be in a perpetual process of

    circulation caused by inequality. This process of circulation does not

    admit of a vacuum, as he tells us in his strange account of respiration.

    Of the phenomena of light and heavy he speaks afterwards, when treating

    of sensation, but they may be more conveniently considered by us in this

    place. They are not, he says, to be explained by ‘above’ and ‘below,’

    which in the universal globe have no existence, but by the attraction of

    similars towards the great masses of similar substances; fire to

    fire, air to air, water to water, earth to earth. Plato’s doctrine of

    attraction implies not only (1) the attraction of similar elements

    to one another, but also (2) of smaller bodies to larger ones. Had he

    confined himself to the latter he would have arrived, though, perhaps,

    without any further result or any sense of the greatness of the

    discovery, at the modern doctrine of gravitation. He does not observe

    that water has an equal tendency towards both water and earth. So easily

    did the most obvious facts which were inconsistent with his theories

    escape him.

    The general physical doctrines of the Timaeus may be summed up as

    follows: (1) Plato supposes the greater masses of the elements to have

    been already settled in their places at the creation: (2) they are four

    in number, and are formed of rectangular triangles variously combined

    into regular solid figures: (3) three of them, fire, air, and water,

    admit of transformation into one another; the fourth, earth, cannot be

    similarly transformed: (4) different sizes of the same triangles form

    the lesser species of each element: (5) there is an attraction of like

    to like–smaller masses of the same kind being drawn towards greater:

    (6) there is no void, but the particles of matter are ever pushing one

    another round and round (Greek). Like the atomists, Plato attributes the

    differences between the elements to differences in geometrical figures.

    But he does not explain the process by which surfaces become solids;

    and he characteristically ridicules Democritus for not seeing that the

    worlds are finite and not infinite.

    Section 4.

    The astronomy of Plato is based on the two principles of the same and

    the other, which God combined in the creation of the world. The soul,

    which is compounded of the same, the other, and the essence, is diffused

    from the centre to the circumference of the heavens. We speak of a soul

    of the universe; but more truly regarded, the universe of the Timaeus is

    a soul, governed by mind, and holding in solution a residuum of matter

    or evil, which the author of the world is unable to expel, and of which

    Plato cannot tell us the origin. The creation, in Plato’s sense, is

    really the creation of order; and the first step in giving order is the

    division of the heavens into an inner and outer circle of the other and

    the same, of the divisible and the indivisible, answering to the two

    spheres, of the planets and of the world beyond them, all together

    moving around the earth, which is their centre. To us there is a

    difficulty in apprehending how that which is at rest can also be in

    motion, or that which is indivisible exist in space. But the whole

    description is so ideal and imaginative, that we can hardly venture to

    attribute to many of Plato’s words in the Timaeus any more meaning

    than to his mythical account of the heavens in the Republic and in the

    Phaedrus. (Compare his denial of the ‘blasphemous opinion’ that there

    are planets or wandering stars; all alike move in circles–Laws.) The

    stars are the habitations of the souls of men, from which they come and

    to which they return. In attributing to the fixed stars only the most

    perfect motion–that which is on the same spot or circulating around the

    same–he might perhaps have said that to ‘the spectator of all time and

    all existence,’ to borrow once more his own grand expression, or viewed,

    in the language of Spinoza, ‘sub specie aeternitatis,’ they were still

    at rest, but appeared to move in order to teach men the periods of time.

    Although absolutely in motion, they are relatively at rest; or we

    may conceive of them as resting, while the space in which they are

    contained, or the whole anima mundi, revolves.

    The universe revolves around a centre once in twenty-four hours, but the

    orbits of the fixed stars take a different direction from those of the

    planets. The outer and the inner sphere cross one another and meet again

    at a point opposite to that of their first contact; the first moving in

    a circle from left to right along the side of a parallelogram which is

    supposed to be inscribed in it, the second also moving in a circle along

    the diagonal of the same parallelogram from right to left; or, in other

    words, the first describing the path of the equator, the second, the

    path of the ecliptic. The motion of the second is controlled by the

    first, and hence the oblique line in which the planets are supposed to

    move becomes a spiral. The motion of the same is said to be undivided,

    whereas the inner motion is split into seven unequal orbits–the

    intervals between them being in the ratio of two and three, three of

    either:–the Sun, moving in the opposite direction to Mercury and

    Venus, but with equal swiftness; the remaining four, Moon, Saturn, Mars,

    Jupiter, with unequal swiftness to the former three and to one another.

    Thus arises the following progression:–Moon 1, Sun 2, Venus 3, Mercury

    4, Mars 8, Jupiter 9, Saturn 27. This series of numbers is the compound

    of the two Pythagorean ratios, having the same intervals, though not in

    the same order, as the mixture which was originally divided in forming

    the soul of the world.

    Plato was struck by the phenomenon of Mercury, Venus, and the Sun

    appearing to overtake and be overtaken by one another. The true reason

    of this, namely, that they lie within the circle of the earth’s orbit,

    was unknown to him, and the reason which he gives–that the two former

    move in an opposite direction to the latter–is far from explaining the

    appearance of them in the heavens. All the planets, including the sun,

    are carried round in the daily motion of the circle of the fixed stars,

    and they have a second or oblique motion which gives the explanation

    of the different lengths of the sun’s course in different parts of the

    earth. The fixed stars have also two movements–a forward movement in

    their orbit which is common to the whole circle; and a movement on the

    same spot around an axis, which Plato calls the movement of thought

    about the same. In this latter respect they are more perfect than the

    wandering stars, as Plato himself terms them in the Timaeus, although in

    the Laws he condemns the appellation as blasphemous.

    The revolution of the world around earth, which is accomplished in

    a single day and night, is described as being the most perfect or

    intelligent. Yet Plato also speaks of an ‘annus magnus’ or cyclical

    year, in which periods wonderful for their complexity are found to

    coincide in a perfect number, i.e. a number which equals the sum of its

    factors, as 6 = 1 + 2 + 3. This, although not literally contradictory,

    is in spirit irreconcilable with the perfect revolution of twenty-four

    hours. The same remark may be applied to the complexity of the

    appearances and occultations of the stars, which, if the outer heaven is

    supposed to be moving around the centre once in twenty-four hours, must

    be confined to the effects produced by the seven planets. Plato seems to

    confuse the actual observation of the heavens with his desire to find in

    them mathematical perfection. The same spirit is carried yet further

    by him in the passage already quoted from the Laws, in which he affirms

    their wanderings to be an appearance only, which a little knowledge of

    mathematics would enable men to correct.

    We have now to consider the much discussed question of the rotation or

    immobility of the earth. Plato’s doctrine on this subject is contained

    in the following words:–‘The earth, which is our nurse, compacted (OR

    revolving) around the pole which is extended through the universe, he

    made to be the guardian and artificer of night and day, first and eldest

    of gods that are in the interior of heaven’. There is an unfortunate

    doubt in this passage (1) about the meaning of the word (Greek), which

    is translated either ‘compacted’ or ‘revolving,’ and is equally capable

    of both explanations. A doubt (2) may also be raised as to whether the

    words ‘artificer of day and night’ are consistent with the mere passive

    causation of them, produced by the immobility of the earth in the midst

    of the circling universe. We must admit, further, (3) that Aristotle

    attributed to Plato the doctrine of the rotation of the earth on its

    axis. On the other hand it has been urged that if the earth goes round

    with the outer heaven and sun in twenty-four hours, there is no way of

    accounting for the alternation of day and night; since the equal motion

    of the earth and sun would have the effect of absolute immobility. To

    which it may be replied that Plato never says that the earth goes round

    with the outer heaven and sun; although the whole question depends on

    the relation of earth and sun, their movements are nowhere precisely

    described. But if we suppose, with Mr. Grote, that the diurnal rotation

    of the earth on its axis and the revolution of the sun and outer heaven

    precisely coincide, it would be difficult to imagine that Plato was

    unaware of the consequence. For though he was ignorant of many things

    which are familiar to us, and often confused in his ideas where we have

    become clear, we have no right to attribute to him a childish want of

    reasoning about very simple facts, or an inability to understand the

    necessary and obvious deductions from geometrical figures or movements.

    Of the causes of day and night the pre-Socratic philosophers, and

    especially the Pythagoreans, gave various accounts, and therefore the

    question can hardly be imagined to have escaped him. On the other hand

    it may be urged that the further step, however simple and obvious, is

    just what Plato often seems to be ignorant of, and that as there is

    no limit to his insight, there is also no limit to the blindness which

    sometimes obscures his intelligence (compare the construction of solids

    out of surfaces in his account of the creation of the world, or the

    attraction of similars to similars). Further, Mr. Grote supposes, not

    that (Greek) means ‘revolving,’ or that this is the sense in which

    Aristotle understood the word, but that the rotation of the earth is

    necessarily implied in its adherence to the cosmical axis. But (a) if,

    as Mr Grote assumes, Plato did not see that the rotation of the earth

    on its axis and of the sun and outer heavens around the earth in equal

    times was inconsistent with the alternation of day and night, neither

    need we suppose that he would have seen the immobility of the earth to

    be inconsistent with the rotation of the axis. And (b) what proof is

    there that the axis of the world revolves at all? (c) The comparison of

    the two passages quoted by Mr Grote (see his pamphlet on ‘The Rotation

    of the Earth’) from Aristotle De Coelo, Book II (Greek) clearly shows,

    although this is a matter of minor importance, that Aristotle, as

    Proclus and Simplicius supposed, understood (Greek) in the Timaeus to

    mean ‘revolving.’ For the second passage, in which motion on an axis is

    expressly mentioned, refers to the first, but this would be unmeaning

    unless (Greek) in the first passage meant rotation on an axis. (4)

    The immobility of the earth is more in accordance with Plato’s other

    writings than the opposite hypothesis. For in the Phaedo the earth is

    described as the centre of the world, and is not said to be in motion.

    In the Republic the pilgrims appear to be looking out from the earth

    upon the motions of the heavenly bodies; in the Phaedrus, Hestia,

    who remains immovable in the house of Zeus while the other gods go in

    procession, is called the first and eldest of the gods, and is probably

    the symbol of the earth. The silence of Plato in these and in some other

    passages (Laws) in which he might be expected to speak of the rotation

    of the earth, is more favourable to the doctrine of its immobility than

    to the opposite. If he had meant to say that the earth revolves on its

    axis, he would have said so in distinct words, and have explained the

    relation of its movements to those of the other heavenly bodies. (5)

    The meaning of the words ‘artificer of day and night’ is literally true

    according to Plato’s view. For the alternation of day and night is not

    produced by the motion of the heavens alone, or by the immobility of the

    earth alone, but by both together; and that which has the inherent force

    or energy to remain at rest when all other bodies are moving, may be

    truly said to act, equally with them. (6) We should not lay too much

    stress on Aristotle or the writer De Caelo having adopted the other

    interpretation of the words, although Alexander of Aphrodisias thinks

    that he could not have been ignorant either of the doctrine of Plato

    or of the sense which he intended to give to the word (Greek). For the

    citations of Plato in Aristotle are frequently misinterpreted by him;

    and he seems hardly ever to have had in his mind the connection in which

    they occur. In this instance the allusion is very slight, and there

    is no reason to suppose that the diurnal revolution of the heavens was

    present to his mind. Hence we need not attribute to him the error from

    which we are defending Plato.

    After weighing one against the other all these complicated

    probabilities, the final conclusion at which we arrive is that there

    is nearly as much to be said on the one side of the question as on the

    other, and that we are not perfectly certain, whether, as Bockh and the

    majority of commentators, ancient as well as modern, are inclined to

    believe, Plato thought that the earth was at rest in the centre of the

    universe, or, as Aristotle and Mr. Grote suppose, that it revolved on

    its axis. Whether we assume the earth to be stationary in the centre of

    the universe, or to revolve with the heavens, no explanation is given of

    the variation in the length of days and nights at different times of the

    year. The relations of the earth and heavens are so indistinct in the

    Timaeus and so figurative in the Phaedo, Phaedrus and Republic, that we

    must give up the hope of ascertaining how they were imagined by Plato,

    if he had any fixed or scientific conception of them at all.

    Section 5.

    The soul of the world is framed on the analogy of the soul of man, and

    many traces of anthropomorphism blend with Plato’s highest flights of

    idealism. The heavenly bodies are endowed with thought; the principles

    of the same and other exist in the universe as well as in the human

    mind. The soul of man is made out of the remains of the elements which

    had been used in creating the soul of the world; these remains, however,

    are diluted to the third degree; by this Plato expresses the measure of

    the difference between the soul human and divine. The human soul, like

    the cosmical, is framed before the body, as the mind is before the soul

    of either–this is the order of the divine work–and the finer parts of

    the body, which are more akin to the soul, such as the spinal marrow,

    are prior to the bones and flesh. The brain, the containing vessel of

    the divine part of the soul, is (nearly) in the form of a globe, which

    is the image of the gods, who are the stars, and of the universe.

    There is, however, an inconsistency in Plato’s manner of conceiving

    the soul of man; he cannot get rid of the element of necessity which is

    allowed to enter. He does not, like Kant, attempt to vindicate for men a

    freedom out of space and time; but he acknowledges him to be subject

    to the influence of external causes, and leaves hardly any place

    for freedom of the will. The lusts of men are caused by their bodily

    constitution, though they may be increased by bad education and bad

    laws, which implies that they may be decreased by good education and

    good laws. He appears to have an inkling of the truth that to the higher

    nature of man evil is involuntary. This is mixed up with the view which,

    while apparently agreeing with it, is in reality the opposite of it,

    that vice is due to physical causes. In the Timaeus, as well as in the

    Laws, he also regards vices and crimes as simply involuntary; they are

    diseases analogous to the diseases of the body, and arising out of the

    same causes. If we draw together the opposite poles of Plato’s system,

    we find that, like Spinoza, he combines idealism with fatalism.

    The soul of man is divided by him into three parts, answering roughly

    to the charioteer and steeds of the Phaedrus, and to the (Greek) of the

    Republic and Nicomachean Ethics. First, there is the immortal nature

    of which the brain is the seat, and which is akin to the soul of the

    universe. This alone thinks and knows and is the ruler of the whole.

    Secondly, there is the higher mortal soul which, though liable to

    perturbations of her own, takes the side of reason against the lower

    appetites. The seat of this is the heart, in which courage, anger, and

    all the nobler affections are supposed to reside. There the veins all

    meet; it is their centre or house of guard whence they carry the orders

    of the thinking being to the extremities of his kingdom. There is also

    a third or appetitive soul, which receives the commands of the immortal

    part, not immediately but mediately, through the liver, which reflects

    on its surface the admonitions and threats of the reason.

    The liver is imagined by Plato to be a smooth and bright substance,

    having a store of sweetness and also of bitterness, which reason freely

    uses in the execution of her mandates. In this region, as ancient

    superstition told, were to be found intimations of the future. But

    Plato is careful to observe that although such knowledge is given to the

    inferior parts of man, it requires to be interpreted by the superior.

    Reason, and not enthusiasm, is the true guide of man; he is only

    inspired when he is demented by some distemper or possession. The

    ancient saying, that ‘only a man in his senses can judge of his own

    actions,’ is approved by modern philosophy too. The same irony which

    appears in Plato’s remark, that ‘the men of old time must surely have

    known the gods who were their ancestors, and we should believe them as

    custom requires,’ is also manifest in his account of divination.

    The appetitive soul is seated in the belly, and there imprisoned like

    a wild beast, far away from the council chamber, as Plato graphically

    calls the head, in order that the animal passions may not interfere with

    the deliberations of reason. Though the soul is said by him to be prior

    to the body, yet we cannot help seeing that it is constructed on the

    model of the body–the threefold division into the rational, passionate,

    and appetitive corresponding to the head, heart and belly. The human

    soul differs from the soul of the world in this respect, that it is

    enveloped and finds its expression in matter, whereas the soul of the

    world is not only enveloped or diffused in matter, but is the element

    in which matter moves. The breath of man is within him, but the air or

    aether of heaven is the element which surrounds him and all things.

    Pleasure and pain are attributed in the Timaeus to the suddenness of our

    sensations–the first being a sudden restoration, the second a sudden

    violation, of nature (Phileb.). The sensations become conscious to us

    when they are exceptional. Sight is not attended either by pleasure or

    pain, but hunger and the appeasing of hunger are pleasant and painful

    because they are extraordinary.

    Section 6.

    I shall not attempt to connect the physiological speculations of Plato

    either with ancient or modern medicine. What light I can throw upon them

    will be derived from the comparison of them with his general system.

    There is no principle so apparent in the physics of the Timaeus, or in

    ancient physics generally, as that of continuity. The world is conceived

    of as a whole, and the elements are formed into and out of one another;

    the varieties of substances and processes are hardly known or noticed.

    And in a similar manner the human body is conceived of as a whole, and

    the different substances of which, to a superficial observer, it appears

    to be composed–the blood, flesh, sinews–like the elements out of which

    they are formed, are supposed to pass into one another in regular order,

    while the infinite complexity of the human frame remains unobserved. And

    diseases arise from the opposite process–when the natural proportions

    of the four elements are disturbed, and the secondary substances which

    are formed out of them, namely, blood, flesh, sinews, are generated in

    an inverse order.

    Plato found heat and air within the human frame, and the blood

    circulating in every part. He assumes in language almost unintelligible

    to us that a network of fire and air envelopes the greater part of the

    body. This outer net contains two lesser nets, one corresponding to

    the stomach, the other to the lungs; and the entrance to the latter is

    forked or divided into two passages which lead to the nostrils and to

    the mouth. In the process of respiration the external net is said to

    find a way in and out of the pores of the skin: while the interior of

    it and the lesser nets move alternately into each other. The whole

    description is figurative, as Plato himself implies when he speaks of a

    ‘fountain of fire which we compare to the network of a creel.’ He really

    means by this what we should describe as a state of heat or temperature

    in the interior of the body. The ‘fountain of fire’ or heat is also in a

    figure the circulation of the blood. The passage is partly imagination,

    partly fact.

    He has a singular theory of respiration for which he accounts solely by

    the movement of the air in and out of the body; he does not attribute

    any part of the process to the action of the body itself. The air has

    a double ingress and a double exit, through the mouth or nostrils, and

    through the skin. When exhaled through the mouth or nostrils, it leaves

    a vacuum which is filled up by other air finding a way in through the

    pores, this air being thrust out of its place by the exhalation from the

    mouth and nostrils. There is also a corresponding process of inhalation

    through the mouth or nostrils, and of exhalation through the pores. The

    inhalation through the pores appears to take place nearly at the same

    time as the exhalation through the mouth; and conversely. The internal

    fire is in either case the propelling cause outwards–the inhaled air,

    when heated by it, having a natural tendency to move out of the body to

    the place of fire; while the impossibility of a vacuum is the propelling

    cause inwards.

    Thus we see that this singular theory is dependent on two principles

    largely employed by Plato in explaining the operations of nature, the

    impossibility of a vacuum and the attraction of like to like. To these

    there has to be added a third principle, which is the condition of

    the action of the other two,–the interpenetration of particles in

    proportion to their density or rarity. It is this which enables fire and

    air to permeate the flesh.

    Plato’s account of digestion and the circulation of the blood is closely

    connected with his theory of respiration. Digestion is supposed to be

    effected by the action of the internal fire, which in the process of

    respiration moves into the stomach and minces the food. As the fire

    returns to its place, it takes with it the minced food or blood; and in

    this way the veins are replenished. Plato does not enquire how the blood

    is separated from the faeces.

    Of the anatomy and functions of the body he knew very little,–e.g.

    of the uses of the nerves in conveying motion and sensation, which he

    supposed to be communicated by the bones and veins; he was also ignorant

    of the distinction between veins and arteries;–the latter term

    he applies to the vessels which conduct air from the mouth to the

    lungs;–he supposes the lung to be hollow and bloodless; the spinal

    marrow he conceives to be the seed of generation; he confuses the parts

    of the body with the states of the body–the network of fire and air is

    spoken of as a bodily organ; he has absolutely no idea of the phenomena

    of respiration, which he attributes to a law of equalization in nature,

    the air which is breathed out displacing other air which finds a way

    in; he is wholly unacquainted with the process of digestion. Except the

    general divisions into the spleen, the liver, the belly, and the lungs,

    and the obvious distinctions of flesh, bones, and the limbs of the body,

    we find nothing that reminds us of anatomical facts. But we find much

    which is derived from his theory of the universe, and transferred

    to man, as there is much also in his theory of the universe which is

    suggested by man. The microcosm of the human body is the lesser image of

    the macrocosm. The courses of the same and the other affect both; they

    are made of the same elements and therefore in the same proportions.

    Both are intelligent natures endued with the power of self-motion,

    and the same equipoise is maintained in both. The animal is a sort of

    ‘world’ to the particles of the blood which circulate in it. All the

    four elements entered into the original composition of the human frame;

    the bone was formed out of smooth earth; liquids of various kinds pass

    to and fro; the network of fire and air irrigates the veins. Infancy

    and childhood is the chaos or first turbid flux of sense prior to the

    establishment of order; the intervals of time which may be observed in

    some intermittent fevers correspond to the density of the elements. The

    spinal marrow, including the brain, is formed out of the finest sorts of

    triangles, and is the connecting link between body and mind. Health is

    only to be preserved by imitating the motions of the world in space,

    which is the mother and nurse of generation. The work of digestion

    is carried on by the superior sharpness of the triangles forming the

    substances of the human body to those which are introduced into it in

    the shape of food. The freshest and acutest forms of triangles are those

    that are found in children, but they become more obtuse with advancing

    years; and when they finally wear out and fall to pieces, old age and

    death supervene.

    As in the Republic, Plato is still the enemy of the purgative treatment

    of physicians, which, except in extreme cases, no man of sense will ever

    adopt. For, as he adds, with an insight into the truth, ‘every disease

    is akin to the nature of the living being and is only irritated by

    stimulants.’ He is of opinion that nature should be left to herself, and

    is inclined to think that physicians are in vain (Laws–where he says

    that warm baths would be more beneficial to the limbs of the aged rustic

    than the prescriptions of a not over-wise doctor). If he seems to be

    extreme in his condemnation of medicine and to rely too much on diet and

    exercise, he might appeal to nearly all the best physicians of our own

    age in support of his opinions, who often speak to their patients of the

    worthlessness of drugs. For we ourselves are sceptical about medicine,

    and very unwilling to submit to the purgative treatment of physicians.

    May we not claim for Plato an anticipation of modern ideas as about some

    questions of astronomy and physics, so also about medicine? As in the

    Charmides he tells us that the body cannot be cured without the soul,

    so in the Timaeus he strongly asserts the sympathy of soul and body;

    any defect of either is the occasion of the greatest discord and

    disproportion in the other. Here too may be a presentiment that in the

    medicine of the future the interdependence of mind and body will be more

    fully recognized, and that the influence of the one over the other may

    be exerted in a manner which is not now thought possible.

    Section 7.

    In Plato’s explanation of sensation we are struck by the fact that

    he has not the same distinct conception of organs of sense which is

    familiar to ourselves. The senses are not instruments, but rather

    passages, through which external objects strike upon the mind. The eye

    is the aperture through which the stream of vision passes, the ear is

    the aperture through which the vibrations of sound pass. But that the

    complex structure of the eye or the ear is in any sense the cause of

    sight and hearing he seems hardly to be aware.

    The process of sight is the most complicated (Rep.), and consists of

    three elements–the light which is supposed to reside within the eye,

    the light of the sun, and the light emitted from external objects. When

    the light of the eye meets the light of the sun, and both together meet

    the light issuing from an external object, this is the simple act of

    sight. When the particles of light which proceed from the object are

    exactly equal to the particles of the visual ray which meet them from

    within, then the body is transparent. If they are larger and contract

    the visual ray, a black colour is produced; if they are smaller and

    dilate it, a white. Other phenomena are produced by the variety and

    motion of light. A sudden flash of fire at once elicits light and

    moisture from the eye, and causes a bright colour. A more subdued light,

    on mingling with the moisture of the eye, produces a red colour. Out

    of these elements all other colours are derived. All of them are

    combinations of bright and red with white and black. Plato himself tells

    us that he does not know in what proportions they combine, and he is of

    opinion that such knowledge is granted to the gods only. To have seen

    the affinity of them to each other and their connection with light, is

    not a bad basis for a theory of colours. We must remember that they were

    not distinctly defined to his, as they are to our eyes; he saw them, not

    as they are divided in the prism, or artificially manufactured for the

    painter’s use, but as they exist in nature, blended and confused with

    one another.

    We can hardly agree with him when he tells us that smells do not admit

    of kinds. He seems to think that no definite qualities can attach to

    bodies which are in a state of transition or evaporation; he also makes

    the subtle observation that smells must be denser than air, though

    thinner than water, because when there is an obstruction to the

    breathing, air can penetrate, but not smell.

    The affections peculiar to the tongue are of various kinds, and, like

    many other affections, are caused by contraction and dilation. Some of

    them are produced by rough, others by abstergent, others by inflammatory

    substances,–these act upon the testing instruments of the tongue, and

    produce a more or less disagreeable sensation, while other particles

    congenial to the tongue soften and harmonize them. The instruments of

    taste reach from the tongue to the heart. Plato has a lively sense of

    the manner in which sensation and motion are communicated from one part

    of the body to the other, though he confuses the affections with the

    organs. Hearing is a blow which passes through the ear and ends in the

    region of the liver, being transmitted by means of the air, the brain,

    and the blood to the soul. The swifter sound is acute, the sound which

    moves slowly is grave. A great body of sound is loud, the opposite

    is low. Discord is produced by the swifter and slower motions of two

    sounds, and is converted into harmony when the swifter motions begin to

    pause and are overtaken by the slower.

    The general phenomena of sensation are partly internal, but the more

    violent are caused by conflict with external objects. Proceeding by a

    method of superficial observation, Plato remarks that the more sensitive

    parts of the human frame are those which are least covered by flesh,

    as is the case with the head and the elbows. Man, if his head had been

    covered with a thicker pulp of flesh, might have been a longer-lived

    animal than he is, but could not have had as quick perceptions. On the

    other hand, the tongue is one of the most sensitive of organs; but then

    this is made, not to be a covering to the bones which contain the marrow

    or source of life, but with an express purpose, and in a separate mass.

    Section 8.

    We have now to consider how far in any of these speculations Plato

    approximated to the discoveries of modern science. The modern physical

    philosopher is apt to dwell exclusively on the absurdities of ancient

    ideas about science, on the haphazard fancies and a priori assumptions

    of ancient teachers, on their confusion of facts and ideas, on their

    inconsistency and blindness to the most obvious phenomena. He measures

    them not by what preceded them, but by what has followed them. He does

    not consider that ancient physical philosophy was not a free enquiry,

    but a growth, in which the mind was passive rather than active, and

    was incapable of resisting the impressions which flowed in upon it.

    He hardly allows to the notions of the ancients the merit of being the

    stepping-stones by which he has himself risen to a higher knowledge. He

    never reflects, how great a thing it was to have formed a conception,

    however imperfect, either of the human frame as a whole, or of the world

    as a whole. According to the view taken in these volumes the errors of

    ancient physicists were not separable from the intellectual conditions

    under which they lived. Their genius was their own; and they were not

    the rash and hasty generalizers which, since the days of Bacon, we

    have been apt to suppose them. The thoughts of men widened to receive

    experience; at first they seemed to know all things as in a dream: after

    a while they look at them closely and hold them in their hands. They

    begin to arrange them in classes and to connect causes with effects.

    General notions are necessary to the apprehension of particular facts,

    the metaphysical to the physical. Before men can observe the world, they

    must be able to conceive it.

    To do justice to the subject, we should consider the physical philosophy

    of the ancients as a whole; we should remember, (1) that the nebular

    theory was the received belief of several of the early physicists; (2)

    that the development of animals out of fishes who came to land, and of

    man out of the animals, was held by Anaximander in the sixth century

    before Christ (Plut. Symp. Quaest; Plac. Phil.); (3) that even by

    Philolaus and the early Pythagoreans, the earth was held to be a body

    like the other stars revolving in space around the sun or a central

    fire; (4) that the beginnings of chemistry are discernible in the

    ‘similar particles’ of Anaxagoras. Also they knew or thought (5) that

    there was a sex in plants as well as in animals; (6) they were aware

    that musical notes depended on the relative length or tension of the

    strings from which they were emitted, and were measured by ratios

    of number; (7) that mathematical laws pervaded the world; and even

    qualitative differences were supposed to have their origin in number and

    figure; (8) the annihilation of matter was denied by several of them,

    and the seeming disappearance of it held to be a transformation only.

    For, although one of these discoveries might have been supposed to be

    a happy guess, taken together they seem to imply a great advance and

    almost maturity of natural knowledge.

    We should also remember, when we attribute to the ancients hasty

    generalizations and delusions of language, that physical philosophy and

    metaphysical too have been guilty of similar fallacies in quite recent

    times. We by no means distinguish clearly between mind and body, between

    ideas and facts. Have not many discussions arisen about the Atomic

    theory in which a point has been confused with a material atom? Have not

    the natures of things been explained by imaginary entities, such as

    life or phlogiston, which exist in the mind only? Has not disease been

    regarded, like sin, sometimes as a negative and necessary, sometimes as

    a positive or malignant principle? The ‘idols’ of Bacon are nearly as

    common now as ever; they are inherent in the human mind, and when they

    have the most complete dominion over us, we are least able to perceive

    them. We recognize them in the ancients, but we fail to see them in

    ourselves.

    Such reflections, although this is not the place in which to dwell upon

    them at length, lead us to take a favourable view of the speculations

    of the Timaeus. We should consider not how much Plato actually knew, but

    how far he has contributed to the general ideas of physics, or supplied

    the notions which, whether true or false, have stimulated the minds

    of later generations in the path of discovery. Some of them may seem

    old-fashioned, but may nevertheless have had a great influence in

    promoting system and assisting enquiry, while in others we hear the

    latest word of physical or metaphysical philosophy. There is also an

    intermediate class, in which Plato falls short of the truths of modern

    science, though he is not wholly unacquainted with them. (1) To the

    first class belongs the teleological theory of creation. Whether all

    things in the world can be explained as the result of natural laws, or

    whether we must not admit of tendencies and marks of design also, has

    been a question much disputed of late years. Even if all phenomena are

    the result of natural forces, we must admit that there are many things

    in heaven and earth which are as well expressed under the image of mind

    or design as under any other. At any rate, the language of Plato has

    been the language of natural theology down to our own time, nor can any

    description of the world wholly dispense with it. The notion of first

    and second or co-operative causes, which originally appears in the

    Timaeus, has likewise survived to our own day, and has been a great

    peace-maker between theology and science. Plato also approaches very

    near to our doctrine of the primary and secondary qualities of matter.

    (2) Another popular notion which is found in the Timaeus, is the

    feebleness of the human intellect–‘God knows the original qualities of

    things; man can only hope to attain to probability.’ We speak in almost

    the same words of human intelligence, but not in the same manner of the

    uncertainty of our knowledge of nature. The reason is that the latter is

    assured to us by experiment, and is not contrasted with the certainty

    of ideal or mathematical knowledge. But the ancient philosopher never

    experimented: in the Timaeus Plato seems to have thought that there

    would be impiety in making the attempt; he, for example, who tried

    experiments in colours would ‘forget the difference of the human and

    divine natures.’ Their indefiniteness is probably the reason why he

    singles them out, as especially incapable of being tested by experiment.

    (Compare the saying of Anaxagoras–Sext. Pyrrh.–that since snow is made

    of water and water is black, snow ought to be black.)

    The greatest ‘divination’ of the ancients was the supremacy which they

    assigned to mathematics in all the realms of nature; for in all of them

    there is a foundation of mechanics. Even physiology partakes of figure

    and number; and Plato is not wrong in attributing them to the human

    frame, but in the omission to observe how little could be explained by

    them. Thus we may remark in passing that the most fanciful of ancient

    philosophies is also the most nearly verified in fact. The fortunate

    guess that the world is a sum of numbers and figures has been the most

    fruitful of anticipations. The ‘diatonic’ scale of the Pythagoreans

    and Plato suggested to Kepler that the secret of the distances of the

    planets from one another was to be found in mathematical proportions.

    The doctrine that the heavenly bodies all move in a circle is known by

    us to be erroneous; but without such an error how could the human mind

    have comprehended the heavens? Astronomy, even in modern times, has

    made far greater progress by the high a priori road than could have been

    attained by any other. Yet, strictly speaking–and the remark applies

    to ancient physics generally–this high a priori road was based upon a

    posteriori grounds. For there were no facts of which the ancients were

    so well assured by experience as facts of number. Having observed that

    they held good in a few instances, they applied them everywhere; and in

    the complexity, of which they were capable, found the explanation of the

    equally complex phenomena of the universe. They seemed to see them in

    the least things as well as in the greatest; in atoms, as well as in

    suns and stars; in the human body as well as in external nature. And

    now a favourite speculation of modern chemistry is the explanation of

    qualitative difference by quantitative, which is at present verified to

    a certain extent and may hereafter be of far more universal application.

    What is this but the atoms of Democritus and the triangles of Plato? The

    ancients should not be wholly deprived of the credit of their guesses

    because they were unable to prove them. May they not have had, like the

    animals, an instinct of something more than they knew?

    Besides general notions we seem to find in the Timaeus some more precise

    approximations to the discoveries of modern physical science. First,

    the doctrine of equipoise. Plato affirms, almost in so many words, that

    nature abhors a vacuum. Whenever a particle is displaced, the rest push

    and thrust one another until equality is restored. We must remember that

    these ideas were not derived from any definite experiment, but were the

    original reflections of man, fresh from the first observation of nature.

    The latest word of modern philosophy is continuity and development,

    but to Plato this is the beginning and foundation of science; there is

    nothing that he is so strongly persuaded of as that the world is one,

    and that all the various existences which are contained in it are only

    the transformations of the same soul of the world acting on the same

    matter. He would have readily admitted that out of the protoplasm all

    things were formed by the gradual process of creation; but he would have

    insisted that mind and intelligence–not meaning by this, however,

    a conscious mind or person–were prior to them, and could alone have

    created them. Into the workings of this eternal mind or intelligence he

    does not enter further; nor would there have been any use in attempting

    to investigate the things which no eye has seen nor any human language

    can express.

    Lastly, there remain two points in which he seems to touch great

    discoveries of modern times–the law of gravitation, and the circulation

    of the blood.

    (1) The law of gravitation, according to Plato, is a law, not only of

    the attraction of lesser bodies to larger ones, but of similar bodies to

    similar, having a magnetic power as well as a principle of gravitation.

    He observed that earth, water, and air had settled down to their places,

    and he imagined fire or the exterior aether to have a place beyond air.

    When air seemed to go upwards and fire to pierce through air–when water

    and earth fell downward, they were seeking their native elements. He did

    not remark that his own explanation did not suit all phenomena; and the

    simpler explanation, which assigns to bodies degrees of heaviness and

    lightness proportioned to the mass and distance of the bodies which

    attract them, never occurred to him. Yet the affinities of similar

    substances have some effect upon the composition of the world, and

    of this Plato may be thought to have had an anticipation. He may be

    described as confusing the attraction of gravitation with the attraction

    of cohesion. The influence of such affinities and the chemical action of

    one body upon another in long periods of time have become a recognized

    principle of geology.

    (2) Plato is perfectly aware–and he could hardly be ignorant–that

    blood is a fluid in constant motion. He also knew that blood is partly a

    solid substance consisting of several elements, which, as he might have

    observed in the use of ‘cupping-glasses’, decompose and die, when no

    longer in motion. But the specific discovery that the blood flows out on

    one side of the heart through the arteries and returns through the veins

    on the other, which is commonly called the circulation of the blood, was

    absolutely unknown to him.

    A further study of the Timaeus suggests some after-thoughts which may be

    conveniently brought together in this place. The topics which I propose

    briefly to reconsider are (a) the relation of the Timaeus to the other

    dialogues of Plato and to the previous philosophy; (b) the nature of God

    and of creation (c) the morality of the Timaeus:–

    (a) The Timaeus is more imaginative and less scientific than any other

    of the Platonic dialogues. It is conjectural astronomy, conjectural

    natural philosophy, conjectural medicine. The writer himself is

    constantly repeating that he is speaking what is probable only. The

    dialogue is put into the mouth of Timaeus, a Pythagorean philosopher,

    and therefore here, as in the Parmenides, we are in doubt how far Plato

    is expressing his own sentiments. Hence the connexion with the other

    dialogues is comparatively slight. We may fill up the lacunae of the

    Timaeus by the help of the Republic or Phaedrus: we may identify the

    same and other with the (Greek) of the Philebus. We may find in the Laws

    or in the Statesman parallels with the account of creation and of the

    first origin of man. It would be possible to frame a scheme in which all

    these various elements might have a place. But such a mode of proceeding

    would be unsatisfactory, because we have no reason to suppose that Plato

    intended his scattered thoughts to be collected in a system. There is a

    common spirit in his writings, and there are certain general principles,

    such as the opposition of the sensible and intellectual, and the

    priority of mind, which run through all of them; but he has no definite

    forms of words in which he consistently expresses himself. While

    the determinations of human thought are in process of creation he is

    necessarily tentative and uncertain. And there is least of definiteness,

    whenever either in describing the beginning or the end of the world, he

    has recourse to myths. These are not the fixed modes in which spiritual

    truths are revealed to him, but the efforts of imagination, by which

    at different times and in various manners he seeks to embody his

    conceptions. The clouds of mythology are still resting upon him, and he

    has not yet pierced ‘to the heaven of the fixed stars’ which is beyond

    them. It is safer then to admit the inconsistencies of the Timaeus,

    or to endeavour to fill up what is wanting from our own imagination,

    inspired by a study of the dialogue, than to refer to other Platonic

    writings,–and still less should we refer to the successors of

    Plato,–for the elucidation of it.

    More light is thrown upon the Timaeus by a comparison of the previous

    philosophies. For the physical science of the ancients was traditional,

    descending through many generations of Ionian and Pythagorean

    philosophers. Plato does not look out upon the heavens and describe what

    he sees in them, but he builds upon the foundations of others, adding

    something out of the ‘depths of his own self-consciousness.’ Socrates

    had already spoken of God the creator, who made all things for the best.

    While he ridiculed the superficial explanations of phenomena which were

    current in his age, he recognised the marks both of benevolence and of

    design in the frame of man and in the world. The apparatus of winds and

    waters is contemptuously rejected by him in the Phaedo, but he thinks

    that there is a power greater than that of any Atlas in the ‘Best’

    (Phaedo; Arist. Met.). Plato, following his master, affirms this

    principle of the best, but he acknowledges that the best is limited by

    the conditions of matter. In the generation before Socrates, Anaxagoras

    had brought together ‘Chaos’ and ‘Mind’; and these are connected by

    Plato in the Timaeus, but in accordance with his own mode of thinking he

    has interposed between them the idea or pattern according to which mind

    worked. The circular impulse (Greek) of the one philosopher answers to

    the circular movement (Greek) of the other. But unlike Anaxagoras, Plato

    made the sun and stars living beings and not masses of earth or metal.

    The Pythagoreans again had framed a world out of numbers, which they

    constructed into figures. Plato adopted their speculations and improved

    upon them by a more exact knowledge of geometry. The Atomists too made

    the world, if not out of geometrical figures, at least out of different

    forms of atoms, and these atoms resembled the triangles of Plato in

    being too small to be visible. But though the physiology of the Timaeus

    is partly borrowed from them, they are either ignored by Plato or

    referred to with a secret contempt and dislike. He looks with more

    favour on the Pythagoreans, whose intervals of number applied to the

    distances of the planets reappear in the Timaeus. It is probable that

    among the Pythagoreans living in the fourth century B.C., there were

    already some who, like Plato, made the earth their centre. Whether he

    obtained his circles of the Same and Other from any previous thinker is

    uncertain. The four elements are taken from Empedocles; the interstices

    of the Timaeus may also be compared with his (Greek). The passage of one

    element into another is common to Heracleitus and several of the Ionian

    philosophers. So much of a syncretist is Plato, though not after the

    manner of the Neoplatonists. For the elements which he borrows from

    others are fused and transformed by his own genius. On the other hand

    we find fewer traces in Plato of early Ionic or Eleatic speculation. He

    does not imagine the world of sense to be made up of opposites or to

    be in a perpetual flux, but to vary within certain limits which are

    controlled by what he calls the principle of the same. Unlike the

    Eleatics, who relegated the world to the sphere of not-being, he admits

    creation to have an existence which is real and even eternal, although

    dependent on the will of the creator. Instead of maintaining the

    doctrine that the void has a necessary place in the existence of the

    world, he rather affirms the modern thesis that nature abhors a vacuum,

    as in the Sophist he also denies the reality of not-being (Aristot.

    Metaph.). But though in these respects he differs from them, he is

    deeply penetrated by the spirit of their philosophy; he differs from

    them with reluctance, and gladly recognizes the ‘generous depth’ of

    Parmenides (Theaet.).

    There is a similarity between the Timaeus and the fragments of

    Philolaus, which by some has been thought to be so great as to create a

    suspicion that they are derived from it. Philolaus is known to us from

    the Phaedo of Plato as a Pythagorean philosopher residing at Thebes in

    the latter half of the fifth century B.C., after the dispersion of the

    original Pythagorean society. He was the teacher of Simmias and Cebes,

    who became disciples of Socrates. We have hardly any other information

    about him. The story that Plato had purchased three books of his

    writings from a relation is not worth repeating; it is only a fanciful

    way in which an ancient biographer dresses up the fact that there was

    supposed to be a resemblance between the two writers. Similar gossiping

    stories are told about the sources of the Republic and the Phaedo.

    That there really existed in antiquity a work passing under the name of

    Philolaus there can be no doubt. Fragments of this work are preserved

    to us, chiefly in Stobaeus, a few in Boethius and other writers. They

    remind us of the Timaeus, as well as of the Phaedrus and Philebus.

    When the writer says (Stob. Eclog.) that all things are either finite

    (definite) or infinite (indefinite), or a union of the two, and that

    this antithesis and synthesis pervades all art and nature, we are

    reminded of the Philebus. When he calls the centre of the world (Greek),

    we have a parallel to the Phaedrus. His distinction between the world of

    order, to which the sun and moon and the stars belong, and the world

    of disorder, which lies in the region between the moon and the earth,

    approximates to Plato’s sphere of the Same and of the Other. Like Plato

    (Tim.), he denied the above and below in space, and said that all things

    were the same in relation to a centre. He speaks also of the world as

    one and indestructible: ‘for neither from within nor from without

    does it admit of destruction’ (Tim). He mentions ten heavenly bodies,

    including the sun and moon, the earth and the counter-earth (Greek), and

    in the midst of them all he places the central fire, around which they

    are moving–this is hidden from the earth by the counter-earth. Of

    neither is there any trace in Plato, who makes the earth the centre

    of his system. Philolaus magnifies the virtues of particular numbers,

    especially of the number 10 (Stob. Eclog.), and descants upon odd and

    even numbers, after the manner of the later Pythagoreans. It is worthy

    of remark that these mystical fancies are nowhere to be found in the

    writings of Plato, although the importance of number as a form and also

    an instrument of thought is ever present to his mind. Both Philolaus

    and Plato agree in making the world move in certain numerical ratios

    according to a musical scale: though Bockh is of opinion that the two

    scales, of Philolaus and of the Timaeus, do not correspond…We appear

    not to be sufficiently acquainted with the early Pythagoreans to know

    how far the statements contained in these fragments corresponded with

    their doctrines; and we therefore cannot pronounce, either in favour

    of the genuineness of the fragments, with Bockh and Zeller, or, with

    Valentine Rose and Schaarschmidt, against them. But it is clear that

    they throw but little light upon the Timaeus, and that their resemblance

    to it has been exaggerated.

    That there is a degree of confusion and indistinctness in Plato’s

    account both of man and of the universe has been already acknowledged.

    We cannot tell (nor could Plato himself have told) where the figure or

    myth ends and the philosophical truth begins; we cannot explain (nor

    could Plato himself have explained to us) the relation of the ideas to

    appearance, of which one is the copy of the other, and yet of all things

    in the world they are the most opposed and unlike. This opposition is

    presented to us in many forms, as the antithesis of the one and many,

    of the finite and infinite, of the intelligible and sensible, of the

    unchangeable and the changing, of the indivisible and the divisible, of

    the fixed stars and the planets, of the creative mind and the primeval

    chaos. These pairs of opposites are so many aspects of the great

    opposition between ideas and phenomena–they easily pass into one

    another; and sometimes the two members of the relation differ in

    kind, sometimes only in degree. As in Aristotle’s matter and form the

    connexion between them is really inseparable; for if we attempt

    to separate them they become devoid of content and therefore

    indistinguishable; there is no difference between the idea of which

    nothing can be predicated, and the chaos or matter which has no

    perceptible qualities–between Being in the abstract and Nothing. Yet

    we are frequently told that the one class of them is the reality and the

    other appearance; and one is often spoken of as the double or reflection

    of the other. For Plato never clearly saw that both elements had an

    equal place in mind and in nature; and hence, especially when we argue

    from isolated passages in his writings, or attempt to draw what appear

    to us to be the natural inferences from them, we are full of perplexity.

    There is a similar confusion about necessity and free-will, and about

    the state of the soul after death. Also he sometimes supposes that God

    is immanent in the world, sometimes that he is transcendent. And having

    no distinction of objective and subjective, he passes imperceptibly

    from one to the other; from intelligence to soul, from eternity to time.

    These contradictions may be softened or concealed by a judicious use

    of language, but they cannot be wholly got rid of. That an age of

    intellectual transition must also be one of inconsistency; that the

    creative is opposed to the critical or defining habit of mind or time,

    has been often repeated by us. But, as Plato would say, ‘there is no

    harm in repeating twice or thrice’ (Laws) what is important for the

    understanding of a great author.

    It has not, however, been observed, that the confusion partly arises out

    of the elements of opposing philosophies which are preserved in him. He

    holds these in solution, he brings them into relation with one another,

    but he does not perfectly harmonize them. They are part of his own mind,

    and he is incapable of placing himself outside of them and criticizing

    them. They grow as he grows; they are a kind of composition with which

    his own philosophy is overlaid. In early life he fancies that he

    has mastered them: but he is also mastered by them; and in language

    (Sophist) which may be compared with the hesitating tone of the Timaeus,

    he confesses in his later years that they are full of obscurity to him.

    He attributes new meanings to the words of Parmenides and Heracleitus;

    but at times the old Eleatic philosophy appears to go beyond him; then

    the world of phenomena disappears, but the doctrine of ideas is also

    reduced to nothingness. All of them are nearer to one another than they

    themselves supposed, and nearer to him than he supposed. All of them are

    antagonistic to sense and have an affinity to number and measure and a

    presentiment of ideas. Even in Plato they still retain their contentious

    or controversial character, which was developed by the growth of

    dialectic. He is never able to reconcile the first causes of the

    pre-Socratic philosophers with the final causes of Socrates himself.

    There is no intelligible account of the relation of numbers to the

    universal ideas, or of universals to the idea of good. He found them all

    three, in the Pythagorean philosophy and in the teaching of Socrates and

    of the Megarians respectively; and, because they all furnished modes of

    explaining and arranging phenomena, he is unwilling to give up any of

    them, though he is unable to unite them in a consistent whole.

    Lastly, Plato, though an idealist philosopher, is Greek and not Oriental

    in spirit and feeling. He is no mystic or ascetic; he is not seeking in

    vain to get rid of matter or to find absorption in the divine nature, or

    in the Soul of the universe. And therefore we are not surprised to find

    that his philosophy in the Timaeus returns at last to a worship of the

    heavens, and that to him, as to other Greeks, nature, though containing

    a remnant of evil, is still glorious and divine. He takes away or drops

    the veil of mythology, and presents her to us in what appears to him to

    be the form-fairer and truer far–of mathematical figures. It is this

    element in the Timaeus, no less than its affinity to certain Pythagorean

    speculations, which gives it a character not wholly in accordance with

    the other dialogues of Plato.

    (b) The Timaeus contains an assertion perhaps more distinct than is

    found in any of the other dialogues (Rep.; Laws) of the goodness of God.

    ‘He was good himself, and he fashioned the good everywhere.’ He was not

    ‘a jealous God,’ and therefore he desired that all other things should

    be equally good. He is the IDEA of good who has now become a person, and

    speaks and is spoken of as God. Yet his personality seems to appear only

    in the act of creation. In so far as he works with his eye fixed upon an

    eternal pattern he is like the human artificer in the Republic. Here the

    theory of Platonic ideas intrudes upon us. God, like man, is supposed to

    have an ideal of which Plato is unable to tell us the origin. He may be

    said, in the language of modern philosophy, to resolve the divine mind

    into subject and object.

    The first work of creation is perfected, the second begins under the

    direction of inferior ministers. The supreme God is withdrawn from

    the world and returns to his own accustomed nature (Tim.). As in the

    Statesman, he retires to his place of view. So early did the Epicurean

    doctrine take possession of the Greek mind, and so natural is it to the

    heart of man, when he has once passed out of the stage of mythology into

    that of rational religion. For he sees the marks of design in the world;

    but he no longer sees or fancies that he sees God walking in the garden

    or haunting stream or mountain. He feels also that he must put God as

    far as possible out of the way of evil, and therefore he banishes him

    from an evil world. Plato is sensible of the difficulty; and he often

    shows that he is desirous of justifying the ways of God to man. Yet on

    the other hand, in the Tenth Book of the Laws he passes a censure on

    those who say that the Gods have no care of human things.

    The creation of the world is the impression of order on a previously

    existing chaos. The formula of Anaxagoras–‘all things were in chaos or

    confusion, and then mind came and disposed them’–is a summary of

    the first part of the Timaeus. It is true that of a chaos without

    differences no idea could be formed. All was not mixed but one;

    and therefore it was not difficult for the later Platonists to draw

    inferences by which they were enabled to reconcile the narrative of the

    Timaeus with the Mosaic account of the creation. Neither when we

    speak of mind or intelligence, do we seem to get much further in

    our conception than circular motion, which was deemed to be the most

    perfect. Plato, like Anaxagoras, while commencing his theory of the

    universe with ideas of mind and of the best, is compelled in the

    execution of his design to condescend to the crudest physics.

    (c) The morality of the Timaeus is singular, and it is difficult to

    adjust the balance between the two elements of it. The difficulty which

    Plato feels, is that which all of us feel, and which is increased in our

    own day by the progress of physical science, how the responsibility

    of man is to be reconciled with his dependence on natural causes. And

    sometimes, like other men, he is more impressed by one aspect of human

    life, sometimes by the other. In the Republic he represents man as

    freely choosing his own lot in a state prior to birth–a conception

    which, if taken literally, would still leave him subject to the dominion

    of necessity in his after life; in the Statesman he supposes the human

    race to be preserved in the world only by a divine interposition; while

    in the Timaeus the supreme God commissions the inferior deities to avert

    from him all but self-inflicted evils–words which imply that all

    the evils of men are really self-inflicted. And here, like Plato (the

    insertion of a note in the text of an ancient writer is a literary

    curiosity worthy of remark), we may take occasion to correct an error.

    For we too hastily said that Plato in the Timaeus regarded all ‘vices

    and crimes as involuntary.’ But the fact is that he is inconsistent

    with himself; in one and the same passage vice is attributed to the

    relaxation of the bodily frame, and yet we are exhorted to avoid it and

    pursue virtue. It is also admitted that good and evil conduct are to be

    attributed respectively to good and evil laws and institutions. These

    cannot be given by individuals to themselves; and therefore human

    actions, in so far as they are dependent upon them, are regarded by

    Plato as involuntary rather than voluntary. Like other writers on this

    subject, he is unable to escape from some degree of self-contradiction.

    He had learned from Socrates that vice is ignorance, and suddenly the

    doctrine seems to him to be confirmed by observing how much of the good

    and bad in human character depends on the bodily constitution. So

    in modern times the speculative doctrine of necessity has often been

    supported by physical facts.

    The Timaeus also contains an anticipation of the stoical life according

    to nature. Man contemplating the heavens is to regulate his erring life

    according to them. He is to partake of the repose of nature and of the

    order of nature, to bring the variable principle in himself into harmony

    with the principle of the same. The ethics of the Timaeus may be summed

    up in the single idea of ‘law.’ To feel habitually that he is part of

    the order of the universe, is one of the highest ethical motives of

    which man is capable. Something like this is what Plato means when he

    speaks of the soul ‘moving about the same in unchanging thought of

    the same.’ He does not explain how man is acted upon by the lesser

    influences of custom or of opinion; or how the commands of the soul

    watching in the citadel are conveyed to the bodily organs. But this

    perhaps, to use once more expressions of his own, ‘is part of another

    subject’ or ‘may be more suitably discussed on some other occasion.’

    There is no difficulty, by the help of Aristotle and later writers, in

    criticizing the Timaeus of Plato, in pointing out the inconsistencies

    of the work, in dwelling on the ignorance of anatomy displayed by the

    author, in showing the fancifulness or unmeaningness of some of his

    reasons. But the Timaeus still remains the greatest effort of the human

    mind to conceive the world as a whole which the genius of antiquity has

    bequeathed to us.

    *****

    One more aspect of the Timaeus remains to be considered–the

    mythological or geographical. Is it not a wonderful thing that a few

    pages of one of Plato’s dialogues have grown into a great legend, not

    confined to Greece only, but spreading far and wide over the nations of

    Europe and reaching even to Egypt and Asia? Like the tale of Troy,

    or the legend of the Ten Tribes (Ewald, Hist. of Isr.), which perhaps

    originated in a few verses of II Esdras, it has become famous, because

    it has coincided with a great historical fact. Like the romance of King

    Arthur, which has had so great a charm, it has found a way over the seas

    from one country and language to another. It inspired the navigators of

    the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; it foreshadowed the discovery of

    America. It realized the fiction so natural to the human mind, because

    it answered the enquiry about the origin of the arts, that there had

    somewhere existed an ancient primitive civilization. It might find a

    place wherever men chose to look for it; in North, South, East, or

    West; in the Islands of the Blest; before the entrance of the Straits

    of Gibraltar, in Sweden or in Palestine. It mattered little whether the

    description in Plato agreed with the locality assigned to it or not. It

    was a legend so adapted to the human mind that it made a habitation for

    itself in any country. It was an island in the clouds, which might be

    seen anywhere by the eye of faith. It was a subject especially congenial

    to the ponderous industry of certain French and Swedish writers, who

    delighted in heaping up learning of all sorts but were incapable of

    using it.

    M. Martin has written a valuable dissertation on the opinions

    entertained respecting the Island of Atlantis in ancient and modern

    times. It is a curious chapter in the history of the human mind. The

    tale of Atlantis is the fabric of a vision, but it has never ceased to

    interest mankind. It was variously regarded by the ancients themselves.

    The stronger heads among them, like Strabo and Longinus, were as little

    disposed to believe in the truth of it as the modern reader in Gulliver

    or Robinson Crusoe. On the other hand there is no kind or degree of

    absurdity or fancy in which the more foolish writers, both of

    antiquity and of modern times, have not indulged respecting it. The

    Neo-Platonists, loyal to their master, like some commentators on the

    Christian Scriptures, sought to give an allegorical meaning to what they

    also believed to be an historical fact. It was as if some one in our own

    day were to convert the poems of Homer into an allegory of the Christian

    religion, at the same time maintaining them to be an exact and veritable

    history. In the Middle Ages the legend seems to have been half-forgotten

    until revived by the discovery of America. It helped to form the Utopia

    of Sir Thomas More and the New Atlantis of Bacon, although probably

    neither of those great men were at all imposed upon by the fiction.

    It was most prolific in the seventeenth or in the early part of

    the eighteenth century, when the human mind, seeking for Utopias or

    inventing them, was glad to escape out of the dulness of the present

    into the romance of the past or some ideal of the future. The later

    forms of such narratives contained features taken from the Edda, as well

    as from the Old and New Testament; also from the tales of missionaries

    and the experiences of travellers and of colonists.

    The various opinions respecting the Island of Atlantis have no interest

    for us except in so far as they illustrate the extravagances of which

    men are capable. But this is a real interest and a serious lesson, if

    we remember that now as formerly the human mind is liable to be imposed

    upon by the illusions of the past, which are ever assuming some new

    form.

    When we have shaken off the rubbish of ages, there remain one or two

    questions of which the investigation has a permanent value:–

    1. Did Plato derive the legend of Atlantis from an Egyptian source? It

    may be replied that there is no such legend in any writer previous to

    Plato; neither in Homer, nor in Pindar, nor in Herodotus is there any

    mention of an Island of Atlantis, nor any reference to it in Aristotle,

    nor any citation of an earlier writer by a later one in which it is

    to be found. Nor have any traces been discovered hitherto in Egyptian

    monuments of a connexion between Greece and Egypt older than the eighth

    or ninth century B.C. It is true that Proclus, writing in the fifth

    century after Christ, tells us of stones and columns in Egypt on which

    the history of the Island of Atlantis was engraved. The statement may be

    false–there are similar tales about columns set up ‘by the Canaanites

    whom Joshua drove out’ (Procop.); but even if true, it would only show

    that the legend, 800 years after the time of Plato, had been transferred

    to Egypt, and inscribed, not, like other forgeries, in books, but on

    stone. Probably in the Alexandrian age, when Egypt had ceased to have a

    history and began to appropriate the legends of other nations, many such

    monuments were to be found of events which had become famous in that or

    other countries. The oldest witness to the story is said to be Crantor,

    a Stoic philosopher who lived a generation later than Plato, and

    therefore may have borrowed it from him. The statement is found in

    Proclus; but we require better assurance than Proclus can give us before

    we accept this or any other statement which he makes.

    Secondly, passing from the external to the internal evidence, we may

    remark that the story is far more likely to have been invented by Plato

    than to have been brought by Solon from Egypt. That is another part of

    his legend which Plato also seeks to impose upon us. The verisimilitude

    which he has given to the tale is a further reason for suspecting it;

    for he could easily ‘invent Egyptian or any other tales’ (Phaedrus). Are

    not the words, ‘The truth of the story is a great advantage,’ if we read

    between the lines, an indication of the fiction? It is only a legend

    that Solon went to Egypt, and if he did he could not have conversed with

    Egyptian priests or have read records in their temples. The truth is

    that the introduction is a mosaic work of small touches which, partly

    by their minuteness, and also by their seeming probability, win the

    confidence of the reader. Who would desire better evidence than that

    of Critias, who had heard the narrative in youth when the memory is

    strongest at the age of ten from his grandfather Critias, an old man of

    ninety, who in turn had heard it from Solon himself? Is not the famous

    expression–‘You Hellenes are ever children and there is no knowledge

    among you hoary with age,’ really a compliment to the Athenians who are

    described in these words as ‘ever young’? And is the thought expressed

    in them to be attributed to the learning of the Egyptian priest, and not

    rather to the genius of Plato? Or when the Egyptian says–‘Hereafter at

    our leisure we will take up the written documents and examine in detail

    the exact truth about these things’–what is this but a literary trick

    by which Plato sets off his narrative? Could any war between Athens and

    the Island of Atlantis have really coincided with the struggle between

    the Greeks and Persians, as is sufficiently hinted though not expressly

    stated in the narrative of Plato? And whence came the tradition to

    Egypt? or in what does the story consist except in the war between the

    two rival powers and the submersion of both of them? And how was the

    tale transferred to the poem of Solon? ‘It is not improbable,’ says Mr.

    Grote, ‘that Solon did leave an unfinished Egyptian poem’ (Plato). But

    are probabilities for which there is not a tittle of evidence, and

    which are without any parallel, to be deemed worthy of attention by the

    critic? How came the poem of Solon to disappear in antiquity? or why did

    Plato, if the whole narrative was known to him, break off almost at the

    beginning of it?

    While therefore admiring the diligence and erudition of M. Martin,

    we cannot for a moment suppose that the tale was told to Solon by an

    Egyptian priest, nor can we believe that Solon wrote a poem upon the

    theme which was thus suggested to him–a poem which disappeared in

    antiquity; or that the Island of Atlantis or the antediluvian Athens

    ever had any existence except in the imagination of Plato. Martin is of

    opinion that Plato would have been terrified if he could have foreseen

    the endless fancies to which his Island of Atlantis has given occasion.

    Rather he would have been infinitely amused if he could have known that

    his gift of invention would have deceived M. Martin himself into the

    belief that the tradition was brought from Egypt by Solon and made the

    subject of a poem by him. M. Martin may also be gently censured for

    citing without sufficient discrimination ancient authors having very

    different degrees of authority and value.

    2. It is an interesting and not unimportant question which is touched

    upon by Martin, whether the Atlantis of Plato in any degree held out

    a guiding light to the early navigators. He is inclined to think that

    there is no real connexion between them. But surely the discovery of the

    New World was preceded by a prophetic anticipation of it, which, like

    the hope of a Messiah, was entering into the hearts of men? And this

    hope was nursed by ancient tradition, which had found expression from

    time to time in the celebrated lines of Seneca and in many other places.

    This tradition was sustained by the great authority of Plato, and

    therefore the legend of the Island of Atlantis, though not closely

    connected with the voyages of the early navigators, may be truly said to

    have contributed indirectly to the great discovery.

    The Timaeus of Plato, like the Protagoras and several portions of the

    Phaedrus and Republic, was translated by Cicero into Latin. About a

    fourth, comprehending with lacunae the first portion of the dialogue,

    is preserved in several MSS. These generally agree, and therefore may

    be supposed to be derived from a single original. The version is very

    faithful, and is a remarkable monument of Cicero’s skill in managing the

    difficult and intractable Greek. In his treatise De Natura Deorum, he

    also refers to the Timaeus, which, speaking in the person of Velleius

    the Epicurean, he severely criticises.

    The commentary of Proclus on the Timaeus is a wonderful monument of

    the silliness and prolixity of the Alexandrian Age. It extends to

    about thirty pages of the book, and is thirty times the length of the

    original. It is surprising that this voluminous work should have found

    a translator (Thomas Taylor, a kindred spirit, who was himself a

    Neo-Platonist, after the fashion, not of the fifth or sixteenth, but of

    the nineteenth century A.D.). The commentary is of little or no value,

    either in a philosophical or philological point of view. The writer is

    unable to explain particular passages in any precise manner, and he is

    equally incapable of grasping the whole. He does not take words in their

    simple meaning or sentences in their natural connexion. He is thinking,

    not of the context in Plato, but of the contemporary Pythagorean

    philosophers and their wordy strife. He finds nothing in the text

    which he does not bring to it. He is full of Porphyry, Iamblichus and

    Plotinus, of misapplied logic, of misunderstood grammar, and of the

    Orphic theology.

    Although such a work can contribute little or nothing to the

    understanding of Plato, it throws an interesting light on the

    Alexandrian times; it realizes how a philosophy made up of words only

    may create a deep and widespread enthusiasm, how the forms of logic and

    rhetoric may usurp the place of reason and truth, how all philosophies

    grow faded and discoloured, and are patched and made up again like

    worn-out garments, and retain only a second-hand existence. He who

    would study this degeneracy of philosophy and of the Greek mind in the

    original cannot do better than devote a few of his days and nights to

    the commentary of Proclus on the Timaeus.

    A very different account must be given of the short work entitled

    ‘Timaeus Locrus,’ which is a brief but clear analysis of the Timaeus

    of Plato, omitting the introduction or dialogue and making a few small

    additions. It does not allude to the original from which it is taken;

    it is quite free from mysticism and Neo-Platonism. In length it does not

    exceed a fifth part of the Timaeus. It is written in the Doric dialect,

    and contains several words which do not occur in classical Greek. No

    other indication of its date, except this uncertain one of language,

    appears in it. In several places the writer has simplified the language

    of Plato, in a few others he has embellished and exaggerated it. He

    generally preserves the thought of the original, but does not copy the

    words. On the whole this little tract faithfully reflects the meaning

    and spirit of the Timaeus.

    From the garden of the Timaeus, as from the other dialogues of Plato,

    we may still gather a few flowers and present them at parting to

    the reader. There is nothing in Plato grander and simpler than the

    conversation between Solon and the Egyptian priest, in which the

    youthfulness of Hellas is contrasted with the antiquity of Egypt. Here

    are to be found the famous words, ‘O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are ever

    young, and there is not an old man among you’–which may be compared

    to the lively saying of Hegel, that ‘Greek history began with the youth

    Achilles and left off with the youth Alexander.’ The numerous arts of

    verisimilitude by which Plato insinuates into the mind of the reader

    the truth of his narrative have been already referred to. Here occur

    a sentence or two not wanting in Platonic irony (Greek–a word to the

    wise). ‘To know or tell the origin of the other divinities is beyond

    us, and we must accept the traditions of the men of old time who affirm

    themselves to be the offspring of the Gods–that is what they say–and

    they must surely have known their own ancestors. How can we doubt the

    word of the children of the Gods? Although they give no probable or

    certain proofs, still, as they declare that they are speaking of what

    took place in their own family, we must conform to custom and believe

    them.’ ‘Our creators well knew that women and other animals would some

    day be framed out of men, and they further knew that many animals would

    require the use of nails for many purposes; wherefore they fashioned in

    men at their first creation the rudiments of nails.’ Or once more, let

    us reflect on two serious passages in which the order of the world is

    supposed to find a place in the human soul and to infuse harmony

    into it. ‘The soul, when touching anything that has essence, whether

    dispersed in parts or undivided, is stirred through all her powers to

    declare the sameness or difference of that thing and some other; and to

    what individuals are related, and by what affected, and in what way

    and how and when, both in the world of generation and in the world of

    immutable being. And when reason, which works with equal truth, whether

    she be in the circle of the diverse or of the same,–in voiceless

    silence holding her onward course in the sphere of the self-moved,–when

    reason, I say, is hovering around the sensible world, and when the

    circle of the diverse also moving truly imparts the intimations of sense

    to the whole soul, then arise opinions and beliefs sure and certain. But

    when reason is concerned with the rational, and the circle of the

    same moving smoothly declares it, then intelligence and knowledge

    are necessarily perfected;’ where, proceeding in a similar path of

    contemplation, he supposes the inward and the outer world mutually to

    imply each other. ‘God invented and gave us sight to the end that we

    might behold the courses of intelligence in the heaven, and apply them

    to the courses of our own intelligence which are akin to them, the

    unperturbed to the perturbed; and that we, learning them and partaking

    of the natural truth of reason, might imitate the absolutely unerring

    courses of God and regulate our own vagaries.’ Or let us weigh carefully

    some other profound thoughts, such as the following. ‘He who neglects

    education walks lame to the end of his life, and returns imperfect and

    good for nothing to the world below.’ ‘The father and maker of all this

    universe is past finding out; and even if we found him, to tell of him

    to all men would be impossible.’ ‘Let me tell you then why the Creator

    made this world of generation. He was good, and the good can never have

    jealousy of anything. And being free from jealousy, he desired that all

    things should be as like himself as they could be. This is in the truest

    sense the origin of creation and of the world, as we shall do well in

    believing on the testimony of wise men: God desired that all things

    should be good and nothing bad, so far as this was attainable.’ This

    is the leading thought in the Timaeus, just as the IDEA of Good is

    the leading thought of the Republic, the one expression describing the

    personal, the other the impersonal Good or God, differing in form rather

    than in substance, and both equally implying to the mind of Plato a

    divine reality. The slight touch, perhaps ironical, contained in the

    words, ‘as we shall do well in believing on the testimony of wise men,’

    is very characteristic of Plato.

    *****

    TIMAEUS.

    PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates, Critias, Timaeus, Hermocrates.

    SOCRATES: One, two, three; but where, my dear Timaeus, is the fourth of

    those who were yesterday my guests and are to be my entertainers to-day?

    TIMAEUS: He has been taken ill, Socrates; for he would not willingly

    have been absent from this gathering.

    SOCRATES: Then, if he is not coming, you and the two others must supply

    his place.

    TIMAEUS: Certainly, and we will do all that we can; having been

    handsomely entertained by you yesterday, those of us who remain should

    be only too glad to return your hospitality.

    SOCRATES: Do you remember what were the points of which I required you

    to speak?

    TIMAEUS: We remember some of them, and you will be here to remind us

    of anything which we have forgotten: or rather, if we are not troubling

    you, will you briefly recapitulate the whole, and then the particulars

    will be more firmly fixed in our memories?

    SOCRATES: To be sure I will: the chief theme of my yesterday’s discourse

    was the State–how constituted and of what citizens composed it would

    seem likely to be most perfect.

    TIMAEUS: Yes, Socrates; and what you said of it was very much to our

    mind.

    SOCRATES: Did we not begin by separating the husbandmen and the artisans

    from the class of defenders of the State?

    TIMAEUS: Yes.

    SOCRATES: And when we had given to each one that single employment and

    particular art which was suited to his nature, we spoke of those

    who were intended to be our warriors, and said that they were to be

    guardians of the city against attacks from within as well as from

    without, and to have no other employment; they were to be merciful in

    judging their subjects, of whom they were by nature friends, but fierce

    to their enemies, when they came across them in battle.

    TIMAEUS: Exactly.

    SOCRATES: We said, if I am not mistaken, that the guardians should

    be gifted with a temperament in a high degree both passionate and

    philosophical; and that then they would be as they ought to be, gentle

    to their friends and fierce with their enemies.

    TIMAEUS: Certainly.

    SOCRATES: And what did we say of their education? Were they not to be

    trained in gymnastic, and music, and all other sorts of knowledge which

    were proper for them?

    TIMAEUS: Very true.

    SOCRATES: And being thus trained they were not to consider gold or

    silver or anything else to be their own private property; they were to

    be like hired troops, receiving pay for keeping guard from those who

    were protected by them–the pay was to be no more than would suffice

    for men of simple life; and they were to spend in common, and to live

    together in the continual practice of virtue, which was to be their sole

    pursuit.

    TIMAEUS: That was also said.

    SOCRATES: Neither did we forget the women; of whom we declared, that

    their natures should be assimilated and brought into harmony with those

    of the men, and that common pursuits should be assigned to them both in

    time of war and in their ordinary life.

    TIMAEUS: That, again, was as you say.

    SOCRATES: And what about the procreation of children? Or rather was not

    the proposal too singular to be forgotten? for all wives and children

    were to be in common, to the intent that no one should ever know his own

    child, but they were to imagine that they were all one family; those

    who were within a suitable limit of age were to be brothers and sisters,

    those who were of an elder generation parents and grandparents, and

    those of a younger, children and grandchildren.

    TIMAEUS: Yes, and the proposal is easy to remember, as you say.

    SOCRATES: And do you also remember how, with a view of securing as far

    as we could the best breed, we said that the chief magistrates, male

    and female, should contrive secretly, by the use of certain lots, so to

    arrange the nuptial meeting, that the bad of either sex and the good

    of either sex might pair with their like; and there was to be no

    quarrelling on this account, for they would imagine that the union was a

    mere accident, and was to be attributed to the lot?

    TIMAEUS: I remember.

    SOCRATES: And you remember how we said that the children of the good

    parents were to be educated, and the children of the bad secretly

    dispersed among the inferior citizens; and while they were all growing

    up the rulers were to be on the look-out, and to bring up from below in

    their turn those who were worthy, and those among themselves who were

    unworthy were to take the places of those who came up?

    TIMAEUS: True.

    SOCRATES: Then have I now given you all the heads of our yesterday’s

    discussion? Or is there anything more, my dear Timaeus, which has been

    omitted?

    TIMAEUS: Nothing, Socrates; it was just as you have said.

    SOCRATES: I should like, before proceeding further, to tell you how I

    feel about the State which we have described. I might compare myself

    to a person who, on beholding beautiful animals either created by the

    painter’s art, or, better still, alive but at rest, is seized with a

    desire of seeing them in motion or engaged in some struggle or conflict

    to which their forms appear suited; this is my feeling about the State

    which we have been describing. There are conflicts which all cities

    undergo, and I should like to hear some one tell of our own city

    carrying on a struggle against her neighbours, and how she went out to

    war in a becoming manner, and when at war showed by the greatness of her

    actions and the magnanimity of her words in dealing with other cities

    a result worthy of her training and education. Now I, Critias and

    Hermocrates, am conscious that I myself should never be able to

    celebrate the city and her citizens in a befitting manner, and I am

    not surprised at my own incapacity; to me the wonder is rather that

    the poets present as well as past are no better–not that I mean

    to depreciate them; but every one can see that they are a tribe of

    imitators, and will imitate best and most easily the life in which they

    have been brought up; while that which is beyond the range of a man’s

    education he finds hard to carry out in action, and still harder

    adequately to represent in language. I am aware that the Sophists have

    plenty of brave words and fair conceits, but I am afraid that being only

    wanderers from one city to another, and having never had habitations

    of their own, they may fail in their conception of philosophers and

    statesmen, and may not know what they do and say in time of war, when

    they are fighting or holding parley with their enemies. And thus people

    of your class are the only ones remaining who are fitted by nature and

    education to take part at once both in politics and philosophy. Here is

    Timaeus, of Locris in Italy, a city which has admirable laws, and who is

    himself in wealth and rank the equal of any of his fellow-citizens; he

    has held the most important and honourable offices in his own state,

    and, as I believe, has scaled the heights of all philosophy; and here

    is Critias, whom every Athenian knows to be no novice in the matters

    of which we are speaking; and as to Hermocrates, I am assured by many

    witnesses that his genius and education qualify him to take part in any

    speculation of the kind. And therefore yesterday when I saw that you

    wanted me to describe the formation of the State, I readily assented,

    being very well aware, that, if you only would, none were better

    qualified to carry the discussion further, and that when you had engaged

    our city in a suitable war, you of all men living could best exhibit

    her playing a fitting part. When I had completed my task, I in return

    imposed this other task upon you. You conferred together and agreed

    to entertain me to-day, as I had entertained you, with a feast of

    discourse. Here am I in festive array, and no man can be more ready for

    the promised banquet.

    HERMOCRATES: And we too, Socrates, as Timaeus says, will not be wanting

    in enthusiasm; and there is no excuse for not complying with your

    request. As soon as we arrived yesterday at the guest-chamber of

    Critias, with whom we are staying, or rather on our way thither, we

    talked the matter over, and he told us an ancient tradition, which I

    wish, Critias, that you would repeat to Socrates, so that he may help us

    to judge whether it will satisfy his requirements or not.

    CRITIAS: I will, if Timaeus, who is our other partner, approves.

    TIMAEUS: I quite approve.

    CRITIAS: Then listen, Socrates, to a tale which, though strange, is

    certainly true, having been attested by Solon, who was the wisest of

    the seven sages. He was a relative and a dear friend of my

    great-grandfather, Dropides, as he himself says in many passages of his

    poems; and he told the story to Critias, my grandfather, who remembered

    and repeated it to us. There were of old, he said, great and marvellous

    actions of the Athenian city, which have passed into oblivion through

    lapse of time and the destruction of mankind, and one in particular,

    greater than all the rest. This we will now rehearse. It will be a

    fitting monument of our gratitude to you, and a hymn of praise true and

    worthy of the goddess, on this her day of festival.

    SOCRATES: Very good. And what is this ancient famous action of the

    Athenians, which Critias declared, on the authority of Solon, to be not

    a mere legend, but an actual fact?

    CRITIAS: I will tell an old-world story which I heard from an aged man;

    for Critias, at the time of telling it, was, as he said, nearly ninety

    years of age, and I was about ten. Now the day was that day of the

    Apaturia which is called the Registration of Youth, at which, according

    to custom, our parents gave prizes for recitations, and the poems of

    several poets were recited by us boys, and many of us sang the poems of

    Solon, which at that time had not gone out of fashion. One of our tribe,

    either because he thought so or to please Critias, said that in his

    judgment Solon was not only the wisest of men, but also the noblest of

    poets. The old man, as I very well remember, brightened up at hearing

    this and said, smiling: Yes, Amynander, if Solon had only, like other

    poets, made poetry the business of his life, and had completed the tale

    which he brought with him from Egypt, and had not been compelled, by

    reason of the factions and troubles which he found stirring in his own

    country when he came home, to attend to other matters, in my opinion he

    would have been as famous as Homer or Hesiod, or any poet.

    And what was the tale about, Critias? said Amynander.

    About the greatest action which the Athenians ever did, and which ought

    to have been the most famous, but, through the lapse of time and the

    destruction of the actors, it has not come down to us.

    Tell us, said the other, the whole story, and how and from whom Solon

    heard this veritable tradition.

    He replied:–In the Egyptian Delta, at the head of which the river Nile

    divides, there is a certain district which is called the district of

    Sais, and the great city of the district is also called Sais, and is the

    city from which King Amasis came. The citizens have a deity for their

    foundress; she is called in the Egyptian tongue Neith, and is asserted

    by them to be the same whom the Hellenes call Athene; they are great

    lovers of the Athenians, and say that they are in some way related to

    them. To this city came Solon, and was received there with great honour;

    he asked the priests who were most skilful in such matters, about

    antiquity, and made the discovery that neither he nor any other Hellene

    knew anything worth mentioning about the times of old. On one occasion,

    wishing to draw them on to speak of antiquity, he began to tell about

    the most ancient things in our part of the world–about Phoroneus, who

    is called ‘the first man,’ and about Niobe; and after the Deluge, of the

    survival of Deucalion and Pyrrha; and he traced the genealogy of their

    descendants, and reckoning up the dates, tried to compute how many years

    ago the events of which he was speaking happened. Thereupon one of the

    priests, who was of a very great age, said: O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes

    are never anything but children, and there is not an old man among you.

    Solon in return asked him what he meant. I mean to say, he replied, that

    in mind you are all young; there is no old opinion handed down among

    you by ancient tradition, nor any science which is hoary with age. And I

    will tell you why. There have been, and will be again, many destructions

    of mankind arising out of many causes; the greatest have been brought

    about by the agencies of fire and water, and other lesser ones by

    innumerable other causes. There is a story, which even you have

    preserved, that once upon a time Paethon, the son of Helios, having

    yoked the steeds in his father’s chariot, because he was not able to

    drive them in the path of his father, burnt up all that was upon the

    earth, and was himself destroyed by a thunderbolt. Now this has the form

    of a myth, but really signifies a declination of the bodies moving in

    the heavens around the earth, and a great conflagration of things upon

    the earth, which recurs after long intervals; at such times those who

    live upon the mountains and in dry and lofty places are more liable to

    destruction than those who dwell by rivers or on the seashore. And from

    this calamity the Nile, who is our never-failing saviour, delivers and

    preserves us. When, on the other hand, the gods purge the earth with

    a deluge of water, the survivors in your country are herdsmen and

    shepherds who dwell on the mountains, but those who, like you, live in

    cities are carried by the rivers into the sea. Whereas in this land,

    neither then nor at any other time, does the water come down from above

    on the fields, having always a tendency to come up from below; for which

    reason the traditions preserved here are the most ancient. The fact is,

    that wherever the extremity of winter frost or of summer sun does

    not prevent, mankind exist, sometimes in greater, sometimes in lesser

    numbers. And whatever happened either in your country or in ours, or

    in any other region of which we are informed–if there were any actions

    noble or great or in any other way remarkable, they have all been

    written down by us of old, and are preserved in our temples. Whereas

    just when you and other nations are beginning to be provided with

    letters and the other requisites of civilized life, after the usual

    interval, the stream from heaven, like a pestilence, comes pouring down,

    and leaves only those of you who are destitute of letters and education;

    and so you have to begin all over again like children, and know nothing

    of what happened in ancient times, either among us or among yourselves.

    As for those genealogies of yours which you just now recounted to us,

    Solon, they are no better than the tales of children. In the first place

    you remember a single deluge only, but there were many previous ones; in

    the next place, you do not know that there formerly dwelt in your land

    the fairest and noblest race of men which ever lived, and that you and

    your whole city are descended from a small seed or remnant of them which

    survived. And this was unknown to you, because, for many generations,

    the survivors of that destruction died, leaving no written word. For

    there was a time, Solon, before the great deluge of all, when the city

    which now is Athens was first in war and in every way the best governed

    of all cities, is said to have performed the noblest deeds and to have

    had the fairest constitution of any of which tradition tells, under the

    face of heaven. Solon marvelled at his words, and earnestly requested

    the priests to inform him exactly and in order about these former

    citizens. You are welcome to hear about them, Solon, said the priest,

    both for your own sake and for that of your city, and above all, for the

    sake of the goddess who is the common patron and parent and educator

    of both our cities. She founded your city a thousand years before

    ours (Observe that Plato gives the same date (9000 years ago) for the

    foundation of Athens and for the repulse of the invasion from Atlantis

    (Crit.).), receiving from the Earth and Hephaestus the seed of your

    race, and afterwards she founded ours, of which the constitution is

    recorded in our sacred registers to be 8000 years old. As touching your

    citizens of 9000 years ago, I will briefly inform you of their laws and

    of their most famous action; the exact particulars of the whole we will

    hereafter go through at our leisure in the sacred registers themselves.

    If you compare these very laws with ours you will find that many of

    ours are the counterpart of yours as they were in the olden time. In the

    first place, there is the caste of priests, which is separated from all

    the others; next, there are the artificers, who ply their several

    crafts by themselves and do not intermix; and also there is the class

    of shepherds and of hunters, as well as that of husbandmen; and you will

    observe, too, that the warriors in Egypt are distinct from all the other

    classes, and are commanded by the law to devote themselves solely to

    military pursuits; moreover, the weapons which they carry are shields

    and spears, a style of equipment which the goddess taught of Asiatics

    first to us, as in your part of the world first to you. Then as to

    wisdom, do you observe how our law from the very first made a study of

    the whole order of things, extending even to prophecy and medicine which

    gives health, out of these divine elements deriving what was needful for

    human life, and adding every sort of knowledge which was akin to them.

    All this order and arrangement the goddess first imparted to you when

    establishing your city; and she chose the spot of earth in which you

    were born, because she saw that the happy temperament of the seasons in

    that land would produce the wisest of men. Wherefore the goddess, who

    was a lover both of war and of wisdom, selected and first of all settled

    that spot which was the most likely to produce men likest herself. And

    there you dwelt, having such laws as these and still better ones, and

    excelled all mankind in all virtue, as became the children and disciples

    of the gods.

    Many great and wonderful deeds are recorded of your state in our

    histories. But one of them exceeds all the rest in greatness and valour.

    For these histories tell of a mighty power which unprovoked made an

    expedition against the whole of Europe and Asia, and to which your city

    put an end. This power came forth out of the Atlantic Ocean, for in

    those days the Atlantic was navigable; and there was an island situated

    in front of the straits which are by you called the Pillars of Heracles;

    the island was larger than Libya and Asia put together, and was the

    way to other islands, and from these you might pass to the whole of the

    opposite continent which surrounded the true ocean; for this sea which

    is within the Straits of Heracles is only a harbour, having a narrow

    entrance, but that other is a real sea, and the surrounding land may be

    most truly called a boundless continent. Now in this island of Atlantis

    there was a great and wonderful empire which had rule over the whole

    island and several others, and over parts of the continent, and,

    furthermore, the men of Atlantis had subjected the parts of Libya

    within the columns of Heracles as far as Egypt, and of Europe as far as

    Tyrrhenia. This vast power, gathered into one, endeavoured to subdue

    at a blow our country and yours and the whole of the region within the

    straits; and then, Solon, your country shone forth, in the excellence

    of her virtue and strength, among all mankind. She was pre-eminent in

    courage and military skill, and was the leader of the Hellenes. And when

    the rest fell off from her, being compelled to stand alone, after having

    undergone the very extremity of danger, she defeated and triumphed

    over the invaders, and preserved from slavery those who were not yet

    subjugated, and generously liberated all the rest of us who dwell within

    the pillars. But afterwards there occurred violent earthquakes and

    floods; and in a single day and night of misfortune all your warlike men

    in a body sank into the earth, and the island of Atlantis in like manner

    disappeared in the depths of the sea. For which reason the sea in those

    parts is impassable and impenetrable, because there is a shoal of mud in

    the way; and this was caused by the subsidence of the island.

    I have told you briefly, Socrates, what the aged Critias heard from

    Solon and related to us. And when you were speaking yesterday about your

    city and citizens, the tale which I have just been repeating to you came

    into my mind, and I remarked with astonishment how, by some mysterious

    coincidence, you agreed in almost every particular with the narrative

    of Solon; but I did not like to speak at the moment. For a long time had

    elapsed, and I had forgotten too much; I thought that I must first of

    all run over the narrative in my own mind, and then I would speak. And

    so I readily assented to your request yesterday, considering that in

    all such cases the chief difficulty is to find a tale suitable to our

    purpose, and that with such a tale we should be fairly well provided.

    And therefore, as Hermocrates has told you, on my way home yesterday I

    at once communicated the tale to my companions as I remembered it; and

    after I left them, during the night by thinking I recovered nearly the

    whole of it. Truly, as is often said, the lessons of our childhood make

    a wonderful impression on our memories; for I am not sure that I could

    remember all the discourse of yesterday, but I should be much surprised

    if I forgot any of these things which I have heard very long ago. I

    listened at the time with childlike interest to the old man’s narrative;

    he was very ready to teach me, and I asked him again and again to repeat

    his words, so that like an indelible picture they were branded into my

    mind. As soon as the day broke, I rehearsed them as he spoke them to my

    companions, that they, as well as myself, might have something to say.

    And now, Socrates, to make an end of my preface, I am ready to tell

    you the whole tale. I will give you not only the general heads, but the

    particulars, as they were told to me. The city and citizens, which you

    yesterday described to us in fiction, we will now transfer to the world

    of reality. It shall be the ancient city of Athens, and we will suppose

    that the citizens whom you imagined, were our veritable ancestors, of

    whom the priest spoke; they will perfectly harmonize, and there will be

    no inconsistency in saying that the citizens of your republic are these

    ancient Athenians. Let us divide the subject among us, and all endeavour

    according to our ability gracefully to execute the task which you have

    imposed upon us. Consider then, Socrates, if this narrative is suited to

    the purpose, or whether we should seek for some other instead.

    SOCRATES: And what other, Critias, can we find that will be better than

    this, which is natural and suitable to the festival of the goddess, and

    has the very great advantage of being a fact and not a fiction? How or

    where shall we find another if we abandon this? We cannot, and therefore

    you must tell the tale, and good luck to you; and I in return for my

    yesterday’s discourse will now rest and be a listener.

    CRITIAS: Let me proceed to explain to you, Socrates, the order in which

    we have arranged our entertainment. Our intention is, that Timaeus, who

    is the most of an astronomer amongst us, and has made the nature of

    the universe his special study, should speak first, beginning with the

    generation of the world and going down to the creation of man; next, I

    am to receive the men whom he has created, and of whom some will have

    profited by the excellent education which you have given them; and then,

    in accordance with the tale of Solon, and equally with his law, we will

    bring them into court and make them citizens, as if they were those very

    Athenians whom the sacred Egyptian record has recovered from

    oblivion, and thenceforward we will speak of them as Athenians and

    fellow-citizens.

    SOCRATES: I see that I shall receive in my turn a perfect and splendid

    feast of reason. And now, Timaeus, you, I suppose, should speak next,

    after duly calling upon the Gods.

    TIMAEUS: All men, Socrates, who have any degree of right feeling, at the

    beginning of every enterprise, whether small or great, always call

    upon God. And we, too, who are going to discourse of the nature of the

    universe, how created or how existing without creation, if we be not

    altogether out of our wits, must invoke the aid of Gods and Goddesses

    and pray that our words may be acceptable to them and consistent with

    themselves. Let this, then, be our invocation of the Gods, to which I

    add an exhortation of myself to speak in such manner as will be most

    intelligible to you, and will most accord with my own intent.

    First then, in my judgment, we must make a distinction and ask, What

    is that which always is and has no becoming; and what is that which is

    always becoming and never is? That which is apprehended by intelligence

    and reason is always in the same state; but that which is conceived by

    opinion with the help of sensation and without reason, is always in a

    process of becoming and perishing and never really is. Now everything

    that becomes or is created must of necessity be created by some cause,

    for without a cause nothing can be created. The work of the creator,

    whenever he looks to the unchangeable and fashions the form and nature

    of his work after an unchangeable pattern, must necessarily be made fair

    and perfect; but when he looks to the created only, and uses a created

    pattern, it is not fair or perfect. Was the heaven then or the world,

    whether called by this or by any other more appropriate name–assuming

    the name, I am asking a question which has to be asked at the beginning

    of an enquiry about anything–was the world, I say, always in existence

    and without beginning? or created, and had it a beginning? Created,

    I reply, being visible and tangible and having a body, and therefore

    sensible; and all sensible things are apprehended by opinion and sense

    and are in a process of creation and created. Now that which is created

    must, as we affirm, of necessity be created by a cause. But the father

    and maker of all this universe is past finding out; and even if we found

    him, to tell of him to all men would be impossible. And there is still a

    question to be asked about him: Which of the patterns had the artificer

    in view when he made the world–the pattern of the unchangeable, or of

    that which is created? If the world be indeed fair and the artificer

    good, it is manifest that he must have looked to that which is eternal;

    but if what cannot be said without blasphemy is true, then to the

    created pattern. Every one will see that he must have looked to the

    eternal; for the world is the fairest of creations and he is the best of

    causes. And having been created in this way, the world has been framed

    in the likeness of that which is apprehended by reason and mind and is

    unchangeable, and must therefore of necessity, if this is admitted, be

    a copy of something. Now it is all-important that the beginning of

    everything should be according to nature. And in speaking of the copy

    and the original we may assume that words are akin to the matter

    which they describe; when they relate to the lasting and permanent and

    intelligible, they ought to be lasting and unalterable, and, as far as

    their nature allows, irrefutable and immovable–nothing less. But

    when they express only the copy or likeness and not the eternal things

    themselves, they need only be likely and analogous to the real words. As

    being is to becoming, so is truth to belief. If then, Socrates, amid the

    many opinions about the gods and the generation of the universe, we are

    not able to give notions which are altogether and in every respect exact

    and consistent with one another, do not be surprised. Enough, if we

    adduce probabilities as likely as any others; for we must remember that

    I who am the speaker, and you who are the judges, are only mortal

    men, and we ought to accept the tale which is probable and enquire no

    further.

    SOCRATES: Excellent, Timaeus; and we will do precisely as you bid us.

    The prelude is charming, and is already accepted by us–may we beg of

    you to proceed to the strain?

    TIMAEUS: Let me tell you then why the creator made this world of

    generation. He was good, and the good can never have any jealousy of

    anything. And being free from jealousy, he desired that all things

    should be as like himself as they could be. This is in the truest

    sense the origin of creation and of the world, as we shall do well in

    believing on the testimony of wise men: God desired that all things

    should be good and nothing bad, so far as this was attainable. Wherefore

    also finding the whole visible sphere not at rest, but moving in an

    irregular and disorderly fashion, out of disorder he brought order,

    considering that this was in every way better than the other. Now the

    deeds of the best could never be or have been other than the fairest;

    and the creator, reflecting on the things which are by nature visible,

    found that no unintelligent creature taken as a whole was fairer than

    the intelligent taken as a whole; and that intelligence could not be

    present in anything which was devoid of soul. For which reason, when he

    was framing the universe, he put intelligence in soul, and soul in body,

    that he might be the creator of a work which was by nature fairest and

    best. Wherefore, using the language of probability, we may say that the

    world became a living creature truly endowed with soul and intelligence

    by the providence of God.

    This being supposed, let us proceed to the next stage: In the likeness

    of what animal did the Creator make the world? It would be an unworthy

    thing to liken it to any nature which exists as a part only; for nothing

    can be beautiful which is like any imperfect thing; but let us suppose

    the world to be the very image of that whole of which all other animals

    both individually and in their tribes are portions. For the original of

    the universe contains in itself all intelligible beings, just as this

    world comprehends us and all other visible creatures. For the Deity,

    intending to make this world like the fairest and most perfect of

    intelligible beings, framed one visible animal comprehending within

    itself all other animals of a kindred nature. Are we right in saying

    that there is one world, or that they are many and infinite? There must

    be one only, if the created copy is to accord with the original. For

    that which includes all other intelligible creatures cannot have a

    second or companion; in that case there would be need of another living

    being which would include both, and of which they would be parts, and

    the likeness would be more truly said to resemble not them, but that

    other which included them. In order then that the world might be

    solitary, like the perfect animal, the creator made not two worlds or an

    infinite number of them; but there is and ever will be one only-begotten

    and created heaven.

    Now that which is created is of necessity corporeal, and also visible

    and tangible. And nothing is visible where there is no fire, or tangible

    which has no solidity, and nothing is solid without earth. Wherefore

    also God in the beginning of creation made the body of the universe to

    consist of fire and earth. But two things cannot be rightly put together

    without a third; there must be some bond of union between them. And the

    fairest bond is that which makes the most complete fusion of itself and

    the things which it combines; and proportion is best adapted to effect

    such a union. For whenever in any three numbers, whether cube or square,

    there is a mean, which is to the last term what the first term is to it;

    and again, when the mean is to the first term as the last term is to the

    mean–then the mean becoming first and last, and the first and last both

    becoming means, they will all of them of necessity come to be the same,

    and having become the same with one another will be all one. If the

    universal frame had been created a surface only and having no depth, a

    single mean would have sufficed to bind together itself and the other

    terms; but now, as the world must be solid, and solid bodies are always

    compacted not by one mean but by two, God placed water and air in the

    mean between fire and earth, and made them to have the same proportion

    so far as was possible (as fire is to air so is air to water, and as air

    is to water so is water to earth); and thus he bound and put together

    a visible and tangible heaven. And for these reasons, and out of such

    elements which are in number four, the body of the world was created,

    and it was harmonized by proportion, and therefore has the spirit of

    friendship; and having been reconciled to itself, it was indissoluble by

    the hand of any other than the framer.

    Now the creation took up the whole of each of the four elements; for the

    Creator compounded the world out of all the fire and all the water and

    all the air and all the earth, leaving no part of any of them nor any

    power of them outside. His intention was, in the first place, that

    the animal should be as far as possible a perfect whole and of perfect

    parts: secondly, that it should be one, leaving no remnants out of which

    another such world might be created: and also that it should be free

    from old age and unaffected by disease. Considering that if heat and

    cold and other powerful forces which unite bodies surround and attack

    them from without when they are unprepared, they decompose them, and by

    bringing diseases and old age upon them, make them waste away–for this

    cause and on these grounds he made the world one whole, having every

    part entire, and being therefore perfect and not liable to old age and

    disease. And he gave to the world the figure which was suitable and also

    natural. Now to the animal which was to comprehend all animals, that

    figure was suitable which comprehends within itself all other figures.

    Wherefore he made the world in the form of a globe, round as from a

    lathe, having its extremes in every direction equidistant from the

    centre, the most perfect and the most like itself of all figures; for he

    considered that the like is infinitely fairer than the unlike. This he

    finished off, making the surface smooth all round for many reasons; in

    the first place, because the living being had no need of eyes when there

    was nothing remaining outside him to be seen; nor of ears when there

    was nothing to be heard; and there was no surrounding atmosphere to be

    breathed; nor would there have been any use of organs by the help

    of which he might receive his food or get rid of what he had already

    digested, since there was nothing which went from him or came into him:

    for there was nothing beside him. Of design he was created thus, his

    own waste providing his own food, and all that he did or suffered taking

    place in and by himself. For the Creator conceived that a being which

    was self-sufficient would be far more excellent than one which lacked

    anything; and, as he had no need to take anything or defend himself

    against any one, the Creator did not think it necessary to bestow upon

    him hands: nor had he any need of feet, nor of the whole apparatus of

    walking; but the movement suited to his spherical form was assigned to

    him, being of all the seven that which is most appropriate to mind and

    intelligence; and he was made to move in the same manner and on the same

    spot, within his own limits revolving in a circle. All the other six

    motions were taken away from him, and he was made not to partake of

    their deviations. And as this circular movement required no feet, the

    universe was created without legs and without feet.

    Such was the whole plan of the eternal God about the god that was to

    be, to whom for this reason he gave a body, smooth and even, having a

    surface in every direction equidistant from the centre, a body entire

    and perfect, and formed out of perfect bodies. And in the centre he put

    the soul, which he diffused throughout the body, making it also to be

    the exterior environment of it; and he made the universe a circle moving

    in a circle, one and solitary, yet by reason of its excellence able to

    converse with itself, and needing no other friendship or acquaintance.

    Having these purposes in view he created the world a blessed god.

    Now God did not make the soul after the body, although we are speaking

    of them in this order; for having brought them together he would never

    have allowed that the elder should be ruled by the younger; but this is

    a random manner of speaking which we have, because somehow we ourselves

    too are very much under the dominion of chance. Whereas he made the soul

    in origin and excellence prior to and older than the body, to be the

    ruler and mistress, of whom the body was to be the subject. And he

    made her out of the following elements and on this wise: Out of the

    indivisible and unchangeable, and also out of that which is divisible

    and has to do with material bodies, he compounded a third and

    intermediate kind of essence, partaking of the nature of the same and of

    the other, and this compound he placed accordingly in a mean between the

    indivisible, and the divisible and material. He took the three elements

    of the same, the other, and the essence, and mingled them into one form,

    compressing by force the reluctant and unsociable nature of the other

    into the same. When he had mingled them with the essence and out of

    three made one, he again divided this whole into as many portions as was

    fitting, each portion being a compound of the same, the other, and the

    essence. And he proceeded to divide after this manner:–First of all, he

    took away one part of the whole (1), and then he separated a second part

    which was double the first (2), and then he took away a third part which

    was half as much again as the second and three times as much as the

    first (3), and then he took a fourth part which was twice as much as the

    second (4), and a fifth part which was three times the third (9), and a

    sixth part which was eight times the first (8), and a seventh part

    which was twenty-seven times the first (27). After this he filled up the

    double intervals (i.e. between 1, 2, 4, 8) and the triple (i.e. between

    1, 3, 9, 27) cutting off yet other portions from the mixture and placing

    them in the intervals, so that in each interval there were two kinds of

    means, the one exceeding and exceeded by equal parts of its extremes (as

    for example 1, 4/3, 2, in which the mean 4/3 is one-third of 1 more than

    1, and one-third of 2 less than 2), the other being that kind of mean

    which exceeds and is exceeded by an equal number (e.g.

      – over 1, 4/3, 3/2, – over 2, 8/3, 3, – over 4, 16/3, 6,  – over 8: and

      – over 1, 3/2, 2,   – over 3, 9/2, 6, – over 9, 27/2, 18, – over 27.

    Where there were intervals of 3/2 and of 4/3 and of 9/8, made by the

    connecting terms in the former intervals, he filled up all the intervals

    of 4/3 with the interval of 9/8, leaving a fraction over; and the

    interval which this fraction expressed was in the ratio of 256 to 243

    (e.g.

     243:256::81/64:4/3::243/128:2::81/32:8/3::243/64:4::81/16:16/3::242/32:8.

    And thus the whole mixture out of which he cut these portions was all

    exhausted by him. This entire compound he divided lengthways into two

    parts, which he joined to one another at the centre like the letter X,

    and bent them into a circular form, connecting them with themselves and

    each other at the point opposite to their original meeting-point; and,

    comprehending them in a uniform revolution upon the same axis, he made

    the one the outer and the other the inner circle. Now the motion of the

    outer circle he called the motion of the same, and the motion of the

    inner circle the motion of the other or diverse. The motion of the same

    he carried round by the side (i.e. of the rectangular figure supposed to

    be inscribed in the circle of the Same) to the right, and the motion of

    the diverse diagonally (i.e. across the rectangular figure from corner

    to corner) to the left. And he gave dominion to the motion of the same

    and like, for that he left single and undivided; but the inner motion

    he divided in six places and made seven unequal circles having their

    intervals in ratios of two and three, three of each, and bade the orbits

    proceed in a direction opposite to one another; and three (Sun, Mercury,

    Venus) he made to move with equal swiftness, and the remaining four

    (Moon, Saturn, Mars, Jupiter) to move with unequal swiftness to the

    three and to one another, but in due proportion.

    Now when the Creator had framed the soul according to his will, he

    formed within her the corporeal universe, and brought the two together,

    and united them centre to centre. The soul, interfused everywhere from

    the centre to the circumference of heaven, of which also she is the

    external envelopment, herself turning in herself, began a divine

    beginning of never-ceasing and rational life enduring throughout all

    time. The body of heaven is visible, but the soul is invisible,

    and partakes of reason and harmony, and being made by the best of

    intellectual and everlasting natures, is the best of things created. And

    because she is composed of the same and of the other and of the essence,

    these three, and is divided and united in due proportion, and in her

    revolutions returns upon herself, the soul, when touching anything which

    has essence, whether dispersed in parts or undivided, is stirred through

    all her powers, to declare the sameness or difference of that thing and

    some other; and to what individuals are related, and by what affected,

    and in what way and how and when, both in the world of generation and

    in the world of immutable being. And when reason, which works with equal

    truth, whether she be in the circle of the diverse or of the same–in

    voiceless silence holding her onward course in the sphere of the

    self-moved–when reason, I say, is hovering around the sensible world

    and when the circle of the diverse also moving truly imparts the

    intimations of sense to the whole soul, then arise opinions and beliefs

    sure and certain. But when reason is concerned with the rational, and

    the circle of the same moving smoothly declares it, then intelligence

    and knowledge are necessarily perfected. And if any one affirms that

    in which these two are found to be other than the soul, he will say the

    very opposite of the truth.

    When the father and creator saw the creature which he had made moving

    and living, the created image of the eternal gods, he rejoiced, and in

    his joy determined to make the copy still more like the original; and

    as this was eternal, he sought to make the universe eternal, so far

    as might be. Now the nature of the ideal being was everlasting, but to

    bestow this attribute in its fulness upon a creature was impossible.

    Wherefore he resolved to have a moving image of eternity, and when he

    set in order the heaven, he made this image eternal but moving according

    to number, while eternity itself rests in unity; and this image we call

    time. For there were no days and nights and months and years before the

    heaven was created, but when he constructed the heaven he created them

    also. They are all parts of time, and the past and future are created

    species of time, which we unconsciously but wrongly transfer to the

    eternal essence; for we say that he ‘was,’ he ‘is,’ he ‘will be,’ but

    the truth is that ‘is’ alone is properly attributed to him, and that

    ‘was’ and ‘will be’ are only to be spoken of becoming in time, for they

    are motions, but that which is immovably the same cannot become older or

    younger by time, nor ever did or has become, or hereafter will be, older

    or younger, nor is subject at all to any of those states which affect

    moving and sensible things and of which generation is the cause. These

    are the forms of time, which imitates eternity and revolves according

    to a law of number. Moreover, when we say that what has become IS become

    and what becomes IS becoming, and that what will become IS about

    to become and that the non-existent IS non-existent–all these are

    inaccurate modes of expression (compare Parmen.). But perhaps this whole

    subject will be more suitably discussed on some other occasion.

    Time, then, and the heaven came into being at the same instant in

    order that, having been created together, if ever there was to be a

    dissolution of them, they might be dissolved together. It was framed

    after the pattern of the eternal nature, that it might resemble this

    as far as was possible; for the pattern exists from eternity, and the

    created heaven has been, and is, and will be, in all time. Such was the

    mind and thought of God in the creation of time. The sun and moon and

    five other stars, which are called the planets, were created by him in

    order to distinguish and preserve the numbers of time; and when he had

    made their several bodies, he placed them in the orbits in which the

    circle of the other was revolving,–in seven orbits seven stars. First,

    there was the moon in the orbit nearest the earth, and next the sun,

    in the second orbit above the earth; then came the morning star and the

    star sacred to Hermes, moving in orbits which have an equal swiftness

    with the sun, but in an opposite direction; and this is the reason why

    the sun and Hermes and Lucifer overtake and are overtaken by each other.

    To enumerate the places which he assigned to the other stars, and to

    give all the reasons why he assigned them, although a secondary matter,

    would give more trouble than the primary. These things at some future

    time, when we are at leisure, may have the consideration which they

    deserve, but not at present.

    Now, when all the stars which were necessary to the creation of time

    had attained a motion suitable to them, and had become living creatures

    having bodies fastened by vital chains, and learnt their appointed

    task, moving in the motion of the diverse, which is diagonal, and passes

    through and is governed by the motion of the same, they revolved, some

    in a larger and some in a lesser orbit–those which had the lesser orbit

    revolving faster, and those which had the larger more slowly. Now by

    reason of the motion of the same, those which revolved fastest appeared

    to be overtaken by those which moved slower although they really

    overtook them; for the motion of the same made them all turn in a

    spiral, and, because some went one way and some another, that which

    receded most slowly from the sphere of the same, which was the swiftest,

    appeared to follow it most nearly. That there might be some visible

    measure of their relative swiftness and slowness as they proceeded in

    their eight courses, God lighted a fire, which we now call the sun, in

    the second from the earth of these orbits, that it might give light to

    the whole of heaven, and that the animals, as many as nature intended,

    might participate in number, learning arithmetic from the revolution of

    the same and the like. Thus then, and for this reason the night and

    the day were created, being the period of the one most intelligent

    revolution. And the month is accomplished when the moon has completed

    her orbit and overtaken the sun, and the year when the sun has completed

    his own orbit. Mankind, with hardly an exception, have not remarked the

    periods of the other stars, and they have no name for them, and do not

    measure them against one another by the help of number, and hence they

    can scarcely be said to know that their wanderings, being infinite in

    number and admirable for their variety, make up time. And yet there

    is no difficulty in seeing that the perfect number of time fulfils

    the perfect year when all the eight revolutions, having their relative

    degrees of swiftness, are accomplished together and attain their

    completion at the same time, measured by the rotation of the same and

    equally moving. After this manner, and for these reasons, came into

    being such of the stars as in their heavenly progress received reversals

    of motion, to the end that the created heaven might imitate the eternal

    nature, and be as like as possible to the perfect and intelligible

    animal.

    Thus far and until the birth of time the created universe was made in

    the likeness of the original, but inasmuch as all animals were not yet

    comprehended therein, it was still unlike. What remained, the creator

    then proceeded to fashion after the nature of the pattern. Now as in the

    ideal animal the mind perceives ideas or species of a certain nature and

    number, he thought that this created animal ought to have species of a

    like nature and number. There are four such; one of them is the heavenly

    race of the gods; another, the race of birds whose way is in the air;

    the third, the watery species; and the fourth, the pedestrian and land

    creatures. Of the heavenly and divine, he created the greater part out

    of fire, that they might be the brightest of all things and fairest to

    behold, and he fashioned them after the likeness of the universe in the

    figure of a circle, and made them follow the intelligent motion of the

    supreme, distributing them over the whole circumference of heaven, which

    was to be a true cosmos or glorious world spangled with them all over.

    And he gave to each of them two movements: the first, a movement on the

    same spot after the same manner, whereby they ever continue to think

    consistently the same thoughts about the same things; the second, a

    forward movement, in which they are controlled by the revolution of the

    same and the like; but by the other five motions they were unaffected,

    in order that each of them might attain the highest perfection. And

    for this reason the fixed stars were created, to be divine and eternal

    animals, ever-abiding and revolving after the same manner and on the

    same spot; and the other stars which reverse their motion and are

    subject to deviations of this kind, were created in the manner already

    described. The earth, which is our nurse, clinging (or ‘circling’)

    around the pole which is extended through the universe, he framed to be

    the guardian and artificer of night and day, first and eldest of gods

    that are in the interior of heaven. Vain would be the attempt to tell

    all the figures of them circling as in dance, and their juxtapositions,

    and the return of them in their revolutions upon themselves, and their

    approximations, and to say which of these deities in their conjunctions

    meet, and which of them are in opposition, and in what order they get

    behind and before one another, and when they are severally eclipsed to

    our sight and again reappear, sending terrors and intimations of the

    future to those who cannot calculate their movements–to attempt to

    tell of all this without a visible representation of the heavenly system

    would be labour in vain. Enough on this head; and now let what we have

    said about the nature of the created and visible gods have an end.

    To know or tell the origin of the other divinities is beyond us, and we

    must accept the traditions of the men of old time who affirm themselves

    to be the offspring of the gods–that is what they say–and they must

    surely have known their own ancestors. How can we doubt the word of the

    children of the gods? Although they give no probable or certain proofs,

    still, as they declare that they are speaking of what took place in

    their own family, we must conform to custom and believe them. In this

    manner, then, according to them, the genealogy of these gods is to be

    received and set forth.

    Oceanus and Tethys were the children of Earth and Heaven, and from these

    sprang Phorcys and Cronos and Rhea, and all that generation; and from

    Cronos and Rhea sprang Zeus and Here, and all those who are said to be

    their brethren, and others who were the children of these.

    Now, when all of them, both those who visibly appear in their

    revolutions as well as those other gods who are of a more retiring

    nature, had come into being, the creator of the universe addressed them

    in these words: ‘Gods, children of gods, who are my works, and of whom

    I am the artificer and father, my creations are indissoluble, if so I

    will. All that is bound may be undone, but only an evil being would wish

    to undo that which is harmonious and happy. Wherefore, since ye are but

    creatures, ye are not altogether immortal and indissoluble, but ye shall

    certainly not be dissolved, nor be liable to the fate of death, having

    in my will a greater and mightier bond than those with which ye

    were bound at the time of your birth. And now listen to my

    instructions:–Three tribes of mortal beings remain to be

    created–without them the universe will be incomplete, for it will not

    contain every kind of animal which it ought to contain, if it is to be

    perfect. On the other hand, if they were created by me and received life

    at my hands, they would be on an equality with the gods. In order then

    that they may be mortal, and that this universe may be truly universal,

    do ye, according to your natures, betake yourselves to the formation of

    animals, imitating the power which was shown by me in creating you. The

    part of them worthy of the name immortal, which is called divine and

    is the guiding principle of those who are willing to follow justice and

    you–of that divine part I will myself sow the seed, and having made a

    beginning, I will hand the work over to you. And do ye then interweave

    the mortal with the immortal, and make and beget living creatures, and

    give them food, and make them to grow, and receive them again in death.’

    Thus he spake, and once more into the cup in which he had previously

    mingled the soul of the universe he poured the remains of the elements,

    and mingled them in much the same manner; they were not, however, pure

    as before, but diluted to the second and third degree. And having made

    it he divided the whole mixture into souls equal in number to the stars,

    and assigned each soul to a star; and having there placed them as in a

    chariot, he showed them the nature of the universe, and declared to them

    the laws of destiny, according to which their first birth would be one

    and the same for all,–no one should suffer a disadvantage at his hands;

    they were to be sown in the instruments of time severally adapted to

    them, and to come forth the most religious of animals; and as human

    nature was of two kinds, the superior race would hereafter be called

    man. Now, when they should be implanted in bodies by necessity, and be

    always gaining or losing some part of their bodily substance, then in

    the first place it would be necessary that they should all have in

    them one and the same faculty of sensation, arising out of irresistible

    impressions; in the second place, they must have love, in which pleasure

    and pain mingle; also fear and anger, and the feelings which are akin or

    opposite to them; if they conquered these they would live righteously,

    and if they were conquered by them, unrighteously. He who lived well

    during his appointed time was to return and dwell in his native star,

    and there he would have a blessed and congenial existence. But if he

    failed in attaining this, at the second birth he would pass into a

    woman, and if, when in that state of being, he did not desist from evil,

    he would continually be changed into some brute who resembled him in the

    evil nature which he had acquired, and would not cease from his toils

    and transformations until he followed the revolution of the same and the

    like within him, and overcame by the help of reason the turbulent and

    irrational mob of later accretions, made up of fire and air and water

    and earth, and returned to the form of his first and better state.

    Having given all these laws to his creatures, that he might be guiltless

    of future evil in any of them, the creator sowed some of them in the

    earth, and some in the moon, and some in the other instruments of

    time; and when he had sown them he committed to the younger gods the

    fashioning of their mortal bodies, and desired them to furnish what

    was still lacking to the human soul, and having made all the suitable

    additions, to rule over them, and to pilot the mortal animal in the

    best and wisest manner which they could, and avert from him all but

    self-inflicted evils.

    When the creator had made all these ordinances he remained in his own

    accustomed nature, and his children heard and were obedient to their

    father’s word, and receiving from him the immortal principle of a mortal

    creature, in imitation of their own creator they borrowed portions of

    fire, and earth, and water, and air from the world, which were hereafter

    to be restored–these they took and welded them together, not with the

    indissoluble chains by which they were themselves bound, but with little

    pegs too small to be visible, making up out of all the four elements

    each separate body, and fastening the courses of the immortal soul in

    a body which was in a state of perpetual influx and efflux. Now

    these courses, detained as in a vast river, neither overcame nor were

    overcome; but were hurrying and hurried to and fro, so that the whole

    animal was moved and progressed, irregularly however and irrationally

    and anyhow, in all the six directions of motion, wandering backwards

    and forwards, and right and left, and up and down, and in all the six

    directions. For great as was the advancing and retiring flood which

    provided nourishment, the affections produced by external contact

    caused still greater tumult–when the body of any one met and came

    into collision with some external fire, or with the solid earth or the

    gliding waters, or was caught in the tempest borne on the air, and the

    motions produced by any of these impulses were carried through the body

    to the soul. All such motions have consequently received the general

    name of ‘sensations,’ which they still retain. And they did in fact

    at that time create a very great and mighty movement; uniting with the

    ever-flowing stream in stirring up and violently shaking the courses of

    the soul, they completely stopped the revolution of the same by their

    opposing current, and hindered it from predominating and advancing; and

    they so disturbed the nature of the other or diverse, that the three

    double intervals (i.e. between 1, 2, 4, 8), and the three triple

    intervals (i.e. between 1, 3, 9, 27), together with the mean terms and

    connecting links which are expressed by the ratios of 3:2, and 4:3, and

    of 9:8–these, although they cannot be wholly undone except by him who

    united them, were twisted by them in all sorts of ways, and the circles

    were broken and disordered in every possible manner, so that when they

    moved they were tumbling to pieces, and moved irrationally, at one time

    in a reverse direction, and then again obliquely, and then upside

    down, as you might imagine a person who is upside down and has his head

    leaning upon the ground and his feet up against something in the air;

    and when he is in such a position, both he and the spectator fancy that

    the right of either is his left, and the left right. If, when powerfully

    experiencing these and similar effects, the revolutions of the soul come

    in contact with some external thing, either of the class of the same

    or of the other, they speak of the same or of the other in a manner the

    very opposite of the truth; and they become false and foolish, and there

    is no course or revolution in them which has a guiding or directing

    power; and if again any sensations enter in violently from without and

    drag after them the whole vessel of the soul, then the courses of the

    soul, though they seem to conquer, are really conquered.

    And by reason of all these affections, the soul, when encased in a

    mortal body, now, as in the beginning, is at first without intelligence;

    but when the flood of growth and nutriment abates, and the courses of

    the soul, calming down, go their own way and become steadier as time

    goes on, then the several circles return to their natural form, and

    their revolutions are corrected, and they call the same and the other by

    their right names, and make the possessor of them to become a rational

    being. And if these combine in him with any true nurture or education,

    he attains the fulness and health of the perfect man, and escapes the

    worst disease of all; but if he neglects education he walks lame to the

    end of his life, and returns imperfect and good for nothing to the world

    below. This, however, is a later stage; at present we must treat more

    exactly the subject before us, which involves a preliminary enquiry into

    the generation of the body and its members, and as to how the soul was

    created–for what reason and by what providence of the gods; and holding

    fast to probability, we must pursue our way.

    First, then, the gods, imitating the spherical shape of the universe,

    enclosed the two divine courses in a spherical body, that, namely, which

    we now term the head, being the most divine part of us and the lord of

    all that is in us: to this the gods, when they put together the body,

    gave all the other members to be servants, considering that it partook

    of every sort of motion. In order then that it might not tumble about

    among the high and deep places of the earth, but might be able to get

    over the one and out of the other, they provided the body to be its

    vehicle and means of locomotion; which consequently had length and was

    furnished with four limbs extended and flexible; these God contrived

    to be instruments of locomotion with which it might take hold and find

    support, and so be able to pass through all places, carrying on high the

    dwelling-place of the most sacred and divine part of us. Such was the

    origin of legs and hands, which for this reason were attached to every

    man; and the gods, deeming the front part of man to be more honourable

    and more fit to command than the hinder part, made us to move mostly in

    a forward direction. Wherefore man must needs have his front part unlike

    and distinguished from the rest of his body.

    And so in the vessel of the head, they first of all put a face in which

    they inserted organs to minister in all things to the providence of the

    soul, and they appointed this part, which has authority, to be by nature

    the part which is in front. And of the organs they first contrived

    the eyes to give light, and the principle according to which they were

    inserted was as follows: So much of fire as would not burn, but gave

    a gentle light, they formed into a substance akin to the light of

    every-day life; and the pure fire which is within us and related

    thereto they made to flow through the eyes in a stream smooth and dense,

    compressing the whole eye, and especially the centre part, so that it

    kept out everything of a coarser nature, and allowed to pass only this

    pure element. When the light of day surrounds the stream of vision,

    then like falls upon like, and they coalesce, and one body is formed by

    natural affinity in the line of vision, wherever the light that falls

    from within meets with an external object. And the whole stream of

    vision, being similarly affected in virtue of similarity, diffuses the

    motions of what it touches or what touches it over the whole body, until

    they reach the soul, causing that perception which we call sight. But

    when night comes on and the external and kindred fire departs, then the

    stream of vision is cut off; for going forth to an unlike element it

    is changed and extinguished, being no longer of one nature with the

    surrounding atmosphere which is now deprived of fire: and so the eye no

    longer sees, and we feel disposed to sleep. For when the eyelids, which

    the gods invented for the preservation of sight, are closed, they keep

    in the internal fire; and the power of the fire diffuses and equalizes

    the inward motions; when they are equalized, there is rest, and when the

    rest is profound, sleep comes over us scarce disturbed by dreams;

    but where the greater motions still remain, of whatever nature and in

    whatever locality, they engender corresponding visions in dreams, which

    are remembered by us when we are awake and in the external world. And

    now there is no longer any difficulty in understanding the creation

    of images in mirrors and all smooth and bright surfaces. For from the

    communion of the internal and external fires, and again from the union

    of them and their numerous transformations when they meet in the mirror,

    all these appearances of necessity arise, when the fire from the face

    coalesces with the fire from the eye on the bright and smooth surface.

    And right appears left and left right, because the visual rays come into

    contact with the rays emitted by the object in a manner contrary to the

    usual mode of meeting; but the right appears right, and the left left,

    when the position of one of the two concurring lights is reversed; and

    this happens when the mirror is concave and its smooth surface repels

    the right stream of vision to the left side, and the left to the right

    (He is speaking of two kinds of mirrors, first the plane, secondly the

    concave; and the latter is supposed to be placed, first horizontally,

    and then vertically.). Or if the mirror be turned vertically, then the

    concavity makes the countenance appear to be all upside down, and the

    lower rays are driven upwards and the upper downwards.

    All these are to be reckoned among the second and co-operative causes

    which God, carrying into execution the idea of the best as far as

    possible, uses as his ministers. They are thought by most men not to be

    the second, but the prime causes of all things, because they freeze and

    heat, and contract and dilate, and the like. But they are not so, for

    they are incapable of reason or intellect; the only being which can

    properly have mind is the invisible soul, whereas fire and water, and

    earth and air, are all of them visible bodies. The lover of intellect

    and knowledge ought to explore causes of intelligent nature first of

    all, and, secondly, of those things which, being moved by others, are

    compelled to move others. And this is what we too must do. Both kinds

    of causes should be acknowledged by us, but a distinction should be made

    between those which are endowed with mind and are the workers of things

    fair and good, and those which are deprived of intelligence and always

    produce chance effects without order or design. Of the second or

    co-operative causes of sight, which help to give to the eyes the power

    which they now possess, enough has been said. I will therefore now

    proceed to speak of the higher use and purpose for which God has given

    them to us. The sight in my opinion is the source of the greatest

    benefit to us, for had we never seen the stars, and the sun, and the

    heaven, none of the words which we have spoken about the universe would

    ever have been uttered. But now the sight of day and night, and the

    months and the revolutions of the years, have created number, and have

    given us a conception of time, and the power of enquiring about the

    nature of the universe; and from this source we have derived philosophy,

    than which no greater good ever was or will be given by the gods to

    mortal man. This is the greatest boon of sight: and of the lesser

    benefits why should I speak? even the ordinary man if he were deprived

    of them would bewail his loss, but in vain. Thus much let me say

    however: God invented and gave us sight to the end that we might behold

    the courses of intelligence in the heaven, and apply them to the courses

    of our own intelligence which are akin to them, the unperturbed to the

    perturbed; and that we, learning them and partaking of the natural truth

    of reason, might imitate the absolutely unerring courses of God and

    regulate our own vagaries. The same may be affirmed of speech and

    hearing: they have been given by the gods to the same end and for a

    like reason. For this is the principal end of speech, whereto it most

    contributes. Moreover, so much of music as is adapted to the sound of

    the voice and to the sense of hearing is granted to us for the sake of

    harmony; and harmony, which has motions akin to the revolutions of our

    souls, is not regarded by the intelligent votary of the Muses as given

    by them with a view to irrational pleasure, which is deemed to be the

    purpose of it in our day, but as meant to correct any discord which may

    have arisen in the courses of the soul, and to be our ally in bringing

    her into harmony and agreement with herself; and rhythm too was given by

    them for the same reason, on account of the irregular and graceless ways

    which prevail among mankind generally, and to help us against them.

    Thus far in what we have been saying, with small exception, the works of

    intelligence have been set forth; and now we must place by the side

    of them in our discourse the things which come into being through

    necessity–for the creation is mixed, being made up of necessity and

    mind. Mind, the ruling power, persuaded necessity to bring the greater

    part of created things to perfection, and thus and after this manner in

    the beginning, when the influence of reason got the better of necessity,

    the universe was created. But if a person will truly tell of the way in

    which the work was accomplished, he must include the other influence

    of the variable cause as well. Wherefore, we must return again and find

    another suitable beginning, as about the former matters, so also about

    these. To which end we must consider the nature of fire, and water, and

    air, and earth, such as they were prior to the creation of the heaven,

    and what was happening to them in this previous state; for no one has as

    yet explained the manner of their generation, but we speak of fire and

    the rest of them, whatever they mean, as though men knew their natures,

    and we maintain them to be the first principles and letters or elements

    of the whole, when they cannot reasonably be compared by a man of any

    sense even to syllables or first compounds. And let me say thus much: I

    will not now speak of the first principle or principles of all things,

    or by whatever name they are to be called, for this reason–because

    it is difficult to set forth my opinion according to the method of

    discussion which we are at present employing. Do not imagine, any

    more than I can bring myself to imagine, that I should be right in

    undertaking so great and difficult a task. Remembering what I said

    at first about probability, I will do my best to give as probable an

    explanation as any other–or rather, more probable; and I will first go

    back to the beginning and try to speak of each thing and of all. Once

    more, then, at the commencement of my discourse, I call upon God, and

    beg him to be our saviour out of a strange and unwonted enquiry, and to

    bring us to the haven of probability. So now let us begin again.

    This new beginning of our discussion of the universe requires a fuller

    division than the former; for then we made two classes, now a third must

    be revealed. The two sufficed for the former discussion: one, which we

    assumed, was a pattern intelligible and always the same; and the second

    was only the imitation of the pattern, generated and visible. There is

    also a third kind which we did not distinguish at the time, conceiving

    that the two would be enough. But now the argument seems to require

    that we should set forth in words another kind, which is difficult of

    explanation and dimly seen. What nature are we to attribute to this new

    kind of being? We reply, that it is the receptacle, and in a manner the

    nurse, of all generation. I have spoken the truth; but I must express

    myself in clearer language, and this will be an arduous task for

    many reasons, and in particular because I must first raise questions

    concerning fire and the other elements, and determine what each of them

    is; for to say, with any probability or certitude, which of them should

    be called water rather than fire, and which should be called any of them

    rather than all or some one of them, is a difficult matter. How, then,

    shall we settle this point, and what questions about the elements may be

    fairly raised?

    In the first place, we see that what we just now called water, by

    condensation, I suppose, becomes stone and earth; and this same element,

    when melted and dispersed, passes into vapour and air. Air, again, when

    inflamed, becomes fire; and again fire, when condensed and extinguished,

    passes once more into the form of air; and once more, air, when

    collected and condensed, produces cloud and mist; and from these, when

    still more compressed, comes flowing water, and from water comes earth

    and stones once more; and thus generation appears to be transmitted from

    one to the other in a circle. Thus, then, as the several elements never

    present themselves in the same form, how can any one have the assurance

    to assert positively that any of them, whatever it may be, is one thing

    rather than another? No one can. But much the safest plan is to speak of

    them as follows:–Anything which we see to be continually changing, as,

    for example, fire, we must not call ‘this’ or ‘that,’ but rather say

    that it is ‘of such a nature’; nor let us speak of water as ‘this’; but

    always as ‘such’; nor must we imply that there is any stability in any

    of those things which we indicate by the use of the words ‘this’ and

    ‘that,’ supposing ourselves to signify something thereby; for they

    are too volatile to be detained in any such expressions as ‘this,’

    or ‘that,’ or ‘relative to this,’ or any other mode of speaking which

    represents them as permanent. We ought not to apply ‘this’ to any of

    them, but rather the word ‘such’; which expresses the similar principle

    circulating in each and all of them; for example, that should be called

    ‘fire’ which is of such a nature always, and so of everything that has

    generation. That in which the elements severally grow up, and appear,

    and decay, is alone to be called by the name ‘this’ or ‘that’; but that

    which is of a certain nature, hot or white, or anything which admits of

    opposite qualities, and all things that are compounded of them, ought

    not to be so denominated. Let me make another attempt to explain my

    meaning more clearly. Suppose a person to make all kinds of figures of

    gold and to be always transmuting one form into all the rest;–somebody

    points to one of them and asks what it is. By far the safest and truest

    answer is, That is gold; and not to call the triangle or any other

    figures which are formed in the gold ‘these,’ as though they had

    existence, since they are in process of change while he is making

    the assertion; but if the questioner be willing to take the safe and

    indefinite expression, ‘such,’ we should be satisfied. And the same

    argument applies to the universal nature which receives all bodies–that

    must be always called the same; for, while receiving all things, she

    never departs at all from her own nature, and never in any way, or at

    any time, assumes a form like that of any of the things which enter into

    her; she is the natural recipient of all impressions, and is stirred and

    informed by them, and appears different from time to time by reason

    of them. But the forms which enter into and go out of her are the

    likenesses of real existences modelled after their patterns in a

    wonderful and inexplicable manner, which we will hereafter investigate.

    For the present we have only to conceive of three natures: first,

    that which is in process of generation; secondly, that in which the

    generation takes place; and thirdly, that of which the thing generated

    is a resemblance. And we may liken the receiving principle to a mother,

    and the source or spring to a father, and the intermediate nature to

    a child; and may remark further, that if the model is to take every

    variety of form, then the matter in which the model is fashioned will

    not be duly prepared, unless it is formless, and free from the impress

    of any of those shapes which it is hereafter to receive from without.

    For if the matter were like any of the supervening forms, then whenever

    any opposite or entirely different nature was stamped upon its surface,

    it would take the impression badly, because it would intrude its own

    shape. Wherefore, that which is to receive all forms should have

    no form; as in making perfumes they first contrive that the liquid

    substance which is to receive the scent shall be as inodorous as

    possible; or as those who wish to impress figures on soft substances

    do not allow any previous impression to remain, but begin by making the

    surface as even and smooth as possible. In the same way that which is to

    receive perpetually and through its whole extent the resemblances of all

    eternal beings ought to be devoid of any particular form. Wherefore, the

    mother and receptacle of all created and visible and in any way sensible

    things, is not to be termed earth, or air, or fire, or water, or any of

    their compounds or any of the elements from which these are derived, but

    is an invisible and formless being which receives all things and in

    some mysterious way partakes of the intelligible, and is most

    incomprehensible. In saying this we shall not be far wrong; as far,

    however, as we can attain to a knowledge of her from the previous

    considerations, we may truly say that fire is that part of her nature

    which from time to time is inflamed, and water that which is moistened,

    and that the mother substance becomes earth and air, in so far as she

    receives the impressions of them.

    Let us consider this question more precisely. Is there any self-existent

    fire? and do all those things which we call self-existent exist? or

    are only those things which we see, or in some way perceive through the

    bodily organs, truly existent, and nothing whatever besides them? And is

    all that which we call an intelligible essence nothing at all, and

    only a name? Here is a question which we must not leave unexamined or

    undetermined, nor must we affirm too confidently that there can be no

    decision; neither must we interpolate in our present long discourse

    a digression equally long, but if it is possible to set forth a great

    principle in a few words, that is just what we want.

    Thus I state my view:–If mind and true opinion are two distinct

    classes, then I say that there certainly are these self-existent ideas

    unperceived by sense, and apprehended only by the mind; if, however, as

    some say, true opinion differs in no respect from mind, then everything

    that we perceive through the body is to be regarded as most real

    and certain. But we must affirm them to be distinct, for they have a

    distinct origin and are of a different nature; the one is implanted

    in us by instruction, the other by persuasion; the one is always

    accompanied by true reason, the other is without reason; the one cannot

    be overcome by persuasion, but the other can: and lastly, every man may

    be said to share in true opinion, but mind is the attribute of the gods

    and of very few men. Wherefore also we must acknowledge that there

    is one kind of being which is always the same, uncreated and

    indestructible, never receiving anything into itself from without, nor

    itself going out to any other, but invisible and imperceptible by any

    sense, and of which the contemplation is granted to intelligence only.

    And there is another nature of the same name with it, and like to it,

    perceived by sense, created, always in motion, becoming in place and

    again vanishing out of place, which is apprehended by opinion and sense.

    And there is a third nature, which is space, and is eternal, and admits

    not of destruction and provides a home for all created things, and is

    apprehended without the help of sense, by a kind of spurious reason, and

    is hardly real; which we beholding as in a dream, say of all existence

    that it must of necessity be in some place and occupy a space, but that

    what is neither in heaven nor in earth has no existence. Of these and

    other things of the same kind, relating to the true and waking reality

    of nature, we have only this dreamlike sense, and we are unable to cast

    off sleep and determine the truth about them. For an image, since the

    reality, after which it is modelled, does not belong to it, and it

    exists ever as the fleeting shadow of some other, must be inferred to be

    in another (i.e. in space), grasping existence in some way or other,

    or it could not be at all. But true and exact reason, vindicating the

    nature of true being, maintains that while two things (i.e. the image

    and space) are different they cannot exist one of them in the other and

    so be one and also two at the same time.

    Thus have I concisely given the result of my thoughts; and my verdict is

    that being and space and generation, these three, existed in their three

    ways before the heaven; and that the nurse of generation, moistened by

    water and inflamed by fire, and receiving the forms of earth and air,

    and experiencing all the affections which accompany these, presented

    a strange variety of appearances; and being full of powers which were

    neither similar nor equally balanced, was never in any part in a state

    of equipoise, but swaying unevenly hither and thither, was shaken by

    them, and by its motion again shook them; and the elements when moved

    were separated and carried continually, some one way, some another; as,

    when grain is shaken and winnowed by fans and other instruments used in

    the threshing of corn, the close and heavy particles are borne away and

    settle in one direction, and the loose and light particles in another.

    In this manner, the four kinds or elements were then shaken by the

    receiving vessel, which, moving like a winnowing machine, scattered

    far away from one another the elements most unlike, and forced the most

    similar elements into close contact. Wherefore also the various elements

    had different places before they were arranged so as to form the

    universe. At first, they were all without reason and measure. But when

    the world began to get into order, fire and water and earth and air had

    only certain faint traces of themselves, and were altogether such as

    everything might be expected to be in the absence of God; this, I

    say, was their nature at that time, and God fashioned them by form and

    number. Let it be consistently maintained by us in all that we say that

    God made them as far as possible the fairest and best, out of things

    which were not fair and good. And now I will endeavour to show you the

    disposition and generation of them by an unaccustomed argument, which I

    am compelled to use; but I believe that you will be able to follow me,

    for your education has made you familiar with the methods of science.

    In the first place, then, as is evident to all, fire and earth and water

    and air are bodies. And every sort of body possesses solidity, and

    every solid must necessarily be contained in planes; and every plane

    rectilinear figure is composed of triangles; and all triangles are

    originally of two kinds, both of which are made up of one right and two

    acute angles; one of them has at either end of the base the half of a

    divided right angle, having equal sides, while in the other the right

    angle is divided into unequal parts, having unequal sides. These, then,

    proceeding by a combination of probability with demonstration, we

    assume to be the original elements of fire and the other bodies; but the

    principles which are prior to these God only knows, and he of men who is

    the friend of God. And next we have to determine what are the four most

    beautiful bodies which are unlike one another, and of which some are

    capable of resolution into one another; for having discovered thus much,

    we shall know the true origin of earth and fire and of the proportionate

    and intermediate elements. And then we shall not be willing to allow

    that there are any distinct kinds of visible bodies fairer than these.

    Wherefore we must endeavour to construct the four forms of bodies

    which excel in beauty, and then we shall be able to say that we have

    sufficiently apprehended their nature. Now of the two triangles,

    the isosceles has one form only; the scalene or unequal-sided has

    an infinite number. Of the infinite forms we must select the most

    beautiful, if we are to proceed in due order, and any one who can

    point out a more beautiful form than ours for the construction of these

    bodies, shall carry off the palm, not as an enemy, but as a friend.

    Now, the one which we maintain to be the most beautiful of all the many

    triangles (and we need not speak of the others) is that of which the

    double forms a third triangle which is equilateral; the reason of this

    would be long to tell; he who disproves what we are saying, and shows

    that we are mistaken, may claim a friendly victory. Then let us choose

    two triangles, out of which fire and the other elements have been

    constructed, one isosceles, the other having the square of the longer

    side equal to three times the square of the lesser side.

    Now is the time to explain what was before obscurely said: there was an

    error in imagining that all the four elements might be generated by and

    into one another; this, I say, was an erroneous supposition, for

    there are generated from the triangles which we have selected four

    kinds–three from the one which has the sides unequal; the fourth

    alone is framed out of the isosceles triangle. Hence they cannot all be

    resolved into one another, a great number of small bodies being combined

    into a few large ones, or the converse. But three of them can be thus

    resolved and compounded, for they all spring from one, and when the

    greater bodies are broken up, many small bodies will spring up out

    of them and take their own proper figures; or, again, when many small

    bodies are dissolved into their triangles, if they become one, they will

    form one large mass of another kind. So much for their passage into one

    another. I have now to speak of their several kinds, and show out of

    what combinations of numbers each of them was formed. The first will be

    the simplest and smallest construction, and its element is that triangle

    which has its hypotenuse twice the lesser side. When two such triangles

    are joined at the diagonal, and this is repeated three times, and the

    triangles rest their diagonals and shorter sides on the same point as

    a centre, a single equilateral triangle is formed out of six triangles;

    and four equilateral triangles, if put together, make out of every three

    plane angles one solid angle, being that which is nearest to the most

    obtuse of plane angles; and out of the combination of these four angles

    arises the first solid form which distributes into equal and similar

    parts the whole circle in which it is inscribed. The second species

    of solid is formed out of the same triangles, which unite as eight

    equilateral triangles and form one solid angle out of four plane angles,

    and out of six such angles the second body is completed. And the third

    body is made up of 120 triangular elements, forming twelve solid angles,

    each of them included in five plane equilateral triangles, having

    altogether twenty bases, each of which is an equilateral triangle. The

    one element (that is, the triangle which has its hypotenuse twice the

    lesser side) having generated these figures, generated no more; but

    the isosceles triangle produced the fourth elementary figure, which

    is compounded of four such triangles, joining their right angles in a

    centre, and forming one equilateral quadrangle. Six of these united form

    eight solid angles, each of which is made by the combination of three

    plane right angles; the figure of the body thus composed is a cube,

    having six plane quadrangular equilateral bases. There was yet a fifth

    combination which God used in the delineation of the universe.

    Now, he who, duly reflecting on all this, enquires whether the worlds

    are to be regarded as indefinite or definite in number, will be of

    opinion that the notion of their indefiniteness is characteristic of a

    sadly indefinite and ignorant mind. He, however, who raises the question

    whether they are to be truly regarded as one or five, takes up a more

    reasonable position. Arguing from probabilities, I am of opinion that

    they are one; another, regarding the question from another point of

    view, will be of another mind. But, leaving this enquiry, let us proceed

    to distribute the elementary forms, which have now been created in idea,

    among the four elements.

    To earth, then, let us assign the cubical form; for earth is the most

    immoveable of the four and the most plastic of all bodies, and that

    which has the most stable bases must of necessity be of such a nature.

    Now, of the triangles which we assumed at first, that which has two

    equal sides is by nature more firmly based than that which has unequal

    sides; and of the compound figures which are formed out of either, the

    plane equilateral quadrangle has necessarily a more stable basis than

    the equilateral triangle, both in the whole and in the parts. Wherefore,

    in assigning this figure to earth, we adhere to probability; and to

    water we assign that one of the remaining forms which is the least

    moveable; and the most moveable of them to fire; and to air that which

    is intermediate. Also we assign the smallest body to fire, and the

    greatest to water, and the intermediate in size to air; and, again, the

    acutest body to fire, and the next in acuteness to air, and the third

    to water. Of all these elements, that which has the fewest bases must

    necessarily be the most moveable, for it must be the acutest and most

    penetrating in every way, and also the lightest as being composed of the

    smallest number of similar particles: and the second body has similar

    properties in a second degree, and the third body in the third degree.

    Let it be agreed, then, both according to strict reason and according to

    probability, that the pyramid is the solid which is the original element

    and seed of fire; and let us assign the element which was next in the

    order of generation to air, and the third to water. We must imagine all

    these to be so small that no single particle of any of the four kinds

    is seen by us on account of their smallness: but when many of them are

    collected together their aggregates are seen. And the ratios of their

    numbers, motions, and other properties, everywhere God, as far as

    necessity allowed or gave consent, has exactly perfected, and harmonized

    in due proportion.

    From all that we have just been saying about the elements or kinds, the

    most probable conclusion is as follows:–earth, when meeting with fire

    and dissolved by its sharpness, whether the dissolution take place in

    the fire itself or perhaps in some mass of air or water, is borne hither

    and thither, until its parts, meeting together and mutually harmonising,

    again become earth; for they can never take any other form. But water,

    when divided by fire or by air, on re-forming, may become one part fire

    and two parts air; and a single volume of air divided becomes two of

    fire. Again, when a small body of fire is contained in a larger body of

    air or water or earth, and both are moving, and the fire struggling is

    overcome and broken up, then two volumes of fire form one volume of air;

    and when air is overcome and cut up into small pieces, two and a half

    parts of air are condensed into one part of water. Let us consider the

    matter in another way. When one of the other elements is fastened

    upon by fire, and is cut by the sharpness of its angles and sides, it

    coalesces with the fire, and then ceases to be cut by them any longer.

    For no element which is one and the same with itself can be changed by

    or change another of the same kind and in the same state. But so long

    as in the process of transition the weaker is fighting against the

    stronger, the dissolution continues. Again, when a few small particles,

    enclosed in many larger ones, are in process of decomposition and

    extinction, they only cease from their tendency to extinction when they

    consent to pass into the conquering nature, and fire becomes air and air

    water. But if bodies of another kind go and attack them (i.e. the small

    particles), the latter continue to be dissolved until, being completely

    forced back and dispersed, they make their escape to their own kindred,

    or else, being overcome and assimilated to the conquering power, they

    remain where they are and dwell with their victors, and from being many

    become one. And owing to these affections, all things are changing their

    place, for by the motion of the receiving vessel the bulk of each class

    is distributed into its proper place; but those things which become

    unlike themselves and like other things, are hurried by the shaking into

    the place of the things to which they grow like.

    Now all unmixed and primary bodies are produced by such causes as these.

    As to the subordinate species which are included in the greater kinds,

    they are to be attributed to the varieties in the structure of the two

    original triangles. For either structure did not originally produce the

    triangle of one size only, but some larger and some smaller, and there

    are as many sizes as there are species of the four elements. Hence

    when they are mingled with themselves and with one another there is an

    endless variety of them, which those who would arrive at the probable

    truth of nature ought duly to consider.

    Unless a person comes to an understanding about the nature and

    conditions of rest and motion, he will meet with many difficulties in

    the discussion which follows. Something has been said of this matter

    already, and something more remains to be said, which is, that motion

    never exists in what is uniform. For to conceive that anything can

    be moved without a mover is hard or indeed impossible, and equally

    impossible to conceive that there can be a mover unless there be

    something which can be moved–motion cannot exist where either of these

    are wanting, and for these to be uniform is impossible; wherefore we

    must assign rest to uniformity and motion to the want of uniformity. Now

    inequality is the cause of the nature which is wanting in uniformity;

    and of this we have already described the origin. But there still

    remains the further point–why things when divided after their kinds do

    not cease to pass through one another and to change their place–which

    we will now proceed to explain. In the revolution of the universe are

    comprehended all the four elements, and this being circular and having a

    tendency to come together, compresses everything and will not allow any

    place to be left void. Wherefore, also, fire above all things penetrates

    everywhere, and air next, as being next in rarity of the elements;

    and the two other elements in like manner penetrate according to their

    degrees of rarity. For those things which are composed of the largest

    particles have the largest void left in their compositions, and those

    which are composed of the smallest particles have the least. And the

    contraction caused by the compression thrusts the smaller particles into

    the interstices of the larger. And thus, when the small parts are placed

    side by side with the larger, and the lesser divide the greater and the

    greater unite the lesser, all the elements are borne up and down and

    hither and thither towards their own places; for the change in the size

    of each changes its position in space. And these causes generate an

    inequality which is always maintained, and is continually creating a

    perpetual motion of the elements in all time.

    In the next place we have to consider that there are divers kinds

    of fire. There are, for example, first, flame; and secondly, those

    emanations of flame which do not burn but only give light to the eyes;

    thirdly, the remains of fire, which are seen in red-hot embers after the

    flame has been extinguished. There are similar differences in the air;

    of which the brightest part is called the aether, and the most turbid

    sort mist and darkness; and there are various other nameless kinds which

    arise from the inequality of the triangles. Water, again, admits in the

    first place of a division into two kinds; the one liquid and the other

    fusile. The liquid kind is composed of the small and unequal particles

    of water; and moves itself and is moved by other bodies owing to the

    want of uniformity and the shape of its particles; whereas the fusile

    kind, being formed of large and uniform particles, is more stable than

    the other, and is heavy and compact by reason of its uniformity.

    But when fire gets in and dissolves the particles and destroys the

    uniformity, it has greater mobility, and becoming fluid is thrust forth

    by the neighbouring air and spreads upon the earth; and this dissolution

    of the solid masses is called melting, and their spreading out upon the

    earth flowing. Again, when the fire goes out of the fusile substance, it

    does not pass into a vacuum, but into the neighbouring air; and the air

    which is displaced forces together the liquid and still moveable mass

    into the place which was occupied by the fire, and unites it with

    itself. Thus compressed the mass resumes its equability, and is again

    at unity with itself, because the fire which was the author of the

    inequality has retreated; and this departure of the fire is called

    cooling, and the coming together which follows upon it is termed

    congealment. Of all the kinds termed fusile, that which is the densest

    and is formed out of the finest and most uniform parts is that most

    precious possession called gold, which is hardened by filtration through

    rock; this is unique in kind, and has both a glittering and a yellow

    colour. A shoot of gold, which is so dense as to be very hard, and takes

    a black colour, is termed adamant. There is also another kind which has

    parts nearly like gold, and of which there are several species; it is

    denser than gold, and it contains a small and fine portion of earth, and

    is therefore harder, yet also lighter because of the great interstices

    which it has within itself; and this substance, which is one of the

    bright and denser kinds of water, when solidified is called copper.

    There is an alloy of earth mingled with it, which, when the two parts

    grow old and are disunited, shows itself separately and is called rust.

    The remaining phenomena of the same kind there will be no difficulty in

    reasoning out by the method of probabilities. A man may sometimes set

    aside meditations about eternal things, and for recreation turn to

    consider the truths of generation which are probable only; he will thus

    gain a pleasure not to be repented of, and secure for himself while

    he lives a wise and moderate pastime. Let us grant ourselves this

    indulgence, and go through the probabilities relating to the same

    subjects which follow next in order.

    Water which is mingled with fire, so much as is fine and liquid (being

    so called by reason of its motion and the way in which it rolls along

    the ground), and soft, because its bases give way and are less stable

    than those of earth, when separated from fire and air and isolated,

    becomes more uniform, and by their retirement is compressed into itself;

    and if the condensation be very great, the water above the earth becomes

    hail, but on the earth, ice; and that which is congealed in a less

    degree and is only half solid, when above the earth is called snow, and

    when upon the earth, and condensed from dew, hoar-frost. Then, again,

    there are the numerous kinds of water which have been mingled with one

    another, and are distilled through plants which grow in the earth; and

    this whole class is called by the name of juices or saps. The unequal

    admixture of these fluids creates a variety of species; most of them are

    nameless, but four which are of a fiery nature are clearly distinguished

    and have names. First, there is wine, which warms the soul as well

    as the body: secondly, there is the oily nature, which is smooth and

    divides the visual ray, and for this reason is bright and shining and of

    a glistening appearance, including pitch, the juice of the castor berry,

    oil itself, and other things of a like kind: thirdly, there is the class

    of substances which expand the contracted parts of the mouth, until they

    return to their natural state, and by reason of this property create

    sweetness;–these are included under the general name of honey: and,

    lastly, there is a frothy nature, which differs from all juices, having

    a burning quality which dissolves the flesh; it is called opos (a

    vegetable acid).

    As to the kinds of earth, that which is filtered through water passes

    into stone in the following manner:–The water which mixes with the

    earth and is broken up in the process changes into air, and taking this

    form mounts into its own place. But as there is no surrounding vacuum it

    thrusts away the neighbouring air, and this being rendered heavy, and,

    when it is displaced, having been poured around the mass of earth,

    forcibly compresses it and drives it into the vacant space whence the

    new air had come up; and the earth when compressed by the air into an

    indissoluble union with water becomes rock. The fairer sort is that

    which is made up of equal and similar parts and is transparent; that

    which has the opposite qualities is inferior. But when all the watery

    part is suddenly drawn out by fire, a more brittle substance is formed,

    to which we give the name of pottery. Sometimes also moisture may

    remain, and the earth which has been fused by fire becomes, when cool,

    a certain stone of a black colour. A like separation of the water

    which had been copiously mingled with them may occur in two substances

    composed of finer particles of earth and of a briny nature; out of

    either of them a half-solid-body is then formed, soluble in water–the

    one, soda, which is used for purging away oil and earth, the other,

    salt, which harmonizes so well in combinations pleasing to the palate,

    and is, as the law testifies, a substance dear to the gods. The

    compounds of earth and water are not soluble by water, but by fire only,

    and for this reason:–Neither fire nor air melt masses of earth; for

    their particles, being smaller than the interstices in its structure,

    have plenty of room to move without forcing their way, and so they leave

    the earth unmelted and undissolved; but particles of water, which are

    larger, force a passage, and dissolve and melt the earth. Wherefore

    earth when not consolidated by force is dissolved by water only; when

    consolidated, by nothing but fire; for this is the only body which can

    find an entrance. The cohesion of water again, when very strong, is

    dissolved by fire only–when weaker, then either by air or fire–the

    former entering the interstices, and the latter penetrating even the

    triangles. But nothing can dissolve air, when strongly condensed, which

    does not reach the elements or triangles; or if not strongly condensed,

    then only fire can dissolve it. As to bodies composed of earth and

    water, while the water occupies the vacant interstices of the earth

    in them which are compressed by force, the particles of water which

    approach them from without, finding no entrance, flow around the entire

    mass and leave it undissolved; but the particles of fire, entering into

    the interstices of the water, do to the water what water does to earth

    and fire to air (The text seems to be corrupt.), and are the sole causes

    of the compound body of earth and water liquefying and becoming fluid.

    Now these bodies are of two kinds; some of them, such as glass and the

    fusible sort of stones, have less water than they have earth; on the

    other hand, substances of the nature of wax and incense have more of

    water entering into their composition.

    I have thus shown the various classes of bodies as they are diversified

    by their forms and combinations and changes into one another, and now I

    must endeavour to set forth their affections and the causes of them. In

    the first place, the bodies which I have been describing are necessarily

    objects of sense. But we have not yet considered the origin of flesh, or

    what belongs to flesh, or of that part of the soul which is mortal. And

    these things cannot be adequately explained without also explaining the

    affections which are concerned with sensation, nor the latter without

    the former: and yet to explain them together is hardly possible; for

    which reason we must assume first one or the other and afterwards

    examine the nature of our hypothesis. In order, then, that the

    affections may follow regularly after the elements, let us presuppose

    the existence of body and soul.

    First, let us enquire what we mean by saying that fire is hot; and about

    this we may reason from the dividing or cutting power which it exercises

    on our bodies. We all of us feel that fire is sharp; and we may further

    consider the fineness of the sides, and the sharpness of the angles,

    and the smallness of the particles, and the swiftness of the motion–all

    this makes the action of fire violent and sharp, so that it cuts

    whatever it meets. And we must not forget that the original figure of

    fire (i.e. the pyramid), more than any other form, has a dividing power

    which cuts our bodies into small pieces (Kepmatizei), and thus naturally

    produces that affection which we call heat; and hence the origin of

    the name (thepmos, Kepma). Now, the opposite of this is sufficiently

    manifest; nevertheless we will not fail to describe it. For the larger

    particles of moisture which surround the body, entering in and driving

    out the lesser, but not being able to take their places, compress the

    moist principle in us; and this from being unequal and disturbed, is

    forced by them into a state of rest, which is due to equability and

    compression. But things which are contracted contrary to nature are

    by nature at war, and force themselves apart; and to this war and

    convulsion the name of shivering and trembling is given; and the whole

    affection and the cause of the affection are both termed cold. That

    is called hard to which our flesh yields, and soft which yields to

    our flesh; and things are also termed hard and soft relatively to one

    another. That which yields has a small base; but that which rests on

    quadrangular bases is firmly posed and belongs to the class which offers

    the greatest resistance; so too does that which is the most compact and

    therefore most repellent. The nature of the light and the heavy will be

    best understood when examined in connexion with our notions of above and

    below; for it is quite a mistake to suppose that the universe is parted

    into two regions, separate from and opposite to each other, the one

    a lower to which all things tend which have any bulk, and an upper to

    which things only ascend against their will. For as the universe is in

    the form of a sphere, all the extremities, being equidistant from the

    centre, are equally extremities, and the centre, which is equidistant

    from them, is equally to be regarded as the opposite of them all. Such

    being the nature of the world, when a person says that any of these

    points is above or below, may he not be justly charged with using an

    improper expression? For the centre of the world cannot be rightly

    called either above or below, but is the centre and nothing else; and

    the circumference is not the centre, and has in no one part of itself a

    different relation to the centre from what it has in any of the opposite

    parts. Indeed, when it is in every direction similar, how can one

    rightly give to it names which imply opposition? For if there were any

    solid body in equipoise at the centre of the universe, there would be

    nothing to draw it to this extreme rather than to that, for they are

    all perfectly similar; and if a person were to go round the world in

    a circle, he would often, when standing at the antipodes of his former

    position, speak of the same point as above and below; for, as I was

    saying just now, to speak of the whole which is in the form of a globe

    as having one part above and another below is not like a sensible man.

    The reason why these names are used, and the circumstances under which

    they are ordinarily applied by us to the division of the heavens, may be

    elucidated by the following supposition:–if a person were to stand

    in that part of the universe which is the appointed place of fire, and

    where there is the great mass of fire to which fiery bodies gather–if,

    I say, he were to ascend thither, and, having the power to do this, were

    to abstract particles of fire and put them in scales and weigh them, and

    then, raising the balance, were to draw the fire by force towards the

    uncongenial element of the air, it would be very evident that he could

    compel the smaller mass more readily than the larger; for when two

    things are simultaneously raised by one and the same power, the smaller

    body must necessarily yield to the superior power with less reluctance

    than the larger; and the larger body is called heavy and said to

    tend downwards, and the smaller body is called light and said to tend

    upwards. And we may detect ourselves who are upon the earth doing

    precisely the same thing. For we often separate earthy natures, and

    sometimes earth itself, and draw them into the uncongenial element of

    air by force and contrary to nature, both clinging to their kindred

    elements. But that which is smaller yields to the impulse given by us

    towards the dissimilar element more easily than the larger; and so we

    call the former light, and the place towards which it is impelled we

    call above, and the contrary state and place we call heavy and below

    respectively. Now the relations of these must necessarily vary, because

    the principal masses of the different elements hold opposite positions;

    for that which is light, heavy, below or above in one place will be

    found to be and become contrary and transverse and every way diverse in

    relation to that which is light, heavy, below or above in an opposite

    place. And about all of them this has to be considered:–that the

    tendency of each towards its kindred element makes the body which is

    moved heavy, and the place towards which the motion tends below, but

    things which have an opposite tendency we call by an opposite name. Such

    are the causes which we assign to these phenomena. As to the smooth

    and the rough, any one who sees them can explain the reason of them

    to another. For roughness is hardness mingled with irregularity, and

    smoothness is produced by the joint effect of uniformity and density.

    The most important of the affections which concern the whole body

    remains to be considered–that is, the cause of pleasure and pain in the

    perceptions of which I have been speaking, and in all other things which

    are perceived by sense through the parts of the body, and have both

    pains and pleasures attendant on them. Let us imagine the causes of

    every affection, whether of sense or not, to be of the following nature,

    remembering that we have already distinguished between the nature which

    is easy and which is hard to move; for this is the direction in which we

    must hunt the prey which we mean to take. A body which is of a nature

    to be easily moved, on receiving an impression however slight, spreads

    abroad the motion in a circle, the parts communicating with each other,

    until at last, reaching the principle of mind, they announce the quality

    of the agent. But a body of the opposite kind, being immobile, and not

    extending to the surrounding region, merely receives the impression, and

    does not stir any of the neighbouring parts; and since the parts do not

    distribute the original impression to other parts, it has no effect

    of motion on the whole animal, and therefore produces no effect on the

    patient. This is true of the bones and hair and other more earthy parts

    of the human body; whereas what was said above relates mainly to sight

    and hearing, because they have in them the greatest amount of fire

    and air. Now we must conceive of pleasure and pain in this way. An

    impression produced in us contrary to nature and violent, if sudden,

    is painful; and, again, the sudden return to nature is pleasant; but a

    gentle and gradual return is imperceptible and vice versa. On the other

    hand the impression of sense which is most easily produced is most

    readily felt, but is not accompanied by pleasure or pain; such, for

    example, are the affections of the sight, which, as we said above, is a

    body naturally uniting with our body in the day-time; for cuttings and

    burnings and other affections which happen to the sight do not give

    pain, nor is there pleasure when the sight returns to its natural state;

    but the sensations are clearest and strongest according to the manner in

    which the eye is affected by the object, and itself strikes and touches

    it; there is no violence either in the contraction or dilation of the

    eye. But bodies formed of larger particles yield to the agent only with

    a struggle; and then they impart their motions to the whole and cause

    pleasure and pain–pain when alienated from their natural conditions,

    and pleasure when restored to them. Things which experience gradual

    withdrawings and emptyings of their nature, and great and sudden

    replenishments, fail to perceive the emptying, but are sensible of the

    replenishment; and so they occasion no pain, but the greatest pleasure,

    to the mortal part of the soul, as is manifest in the case of perfumes.

    But things which are changed all of a sudden, and only gradually and

    with difficulty return to their own nature, have effects in every

    way opposite to the former, as is evident in the case of burnings and

    cuttings of the body.

    Thus have we discussed the general affections of the whole body, and

    the names of the agents which produce them. And now I will endeavour to

    speak of the affections of particular parts, and the causes and agents

    of them, as far as I am able. In the first place let us set forth what

    was omitted when we were speaking of juices, concerning the affections

    peculiar to the tongue. These too, like most of the other affections,

    appear to be caused by certain contractions and dilations, but they

    have besides more of roughness and smoothness than is found in other

    affections; for whenever earthy particles enter into the small veins

    which are the testing instruments of the tongue, reaching to the heart,

    and fall upon the moist, delicate portions of flesh–when, as they

    are dissolved, they contract and dry up the little veins, they are

    astringent if they are rougher, but if not so rough, then only harsh.

    Those of them which are of an abstergent nature, and purge the whole

    surface of the tongue, if they do it in excess, and so encroach as to

    consume some part of the flesh itself, like potash and soda, are all

    termed bitter. But the particles which are deficient in the alkaline

    quality, and which cleanse only moderately, are called salt, and having

    no bitterness or roughness, are regarded as rather agreeable than

    otherwise. Bodies which share in and are made smooth by the heat of

    the mouth, and which are inflamed, and again in turn inflame that which

    heats them, and which are so light that they are carried upwards to the

    sensations of the head, and cut all that comes in their way, by reason

    of these qualities in them, are all termed pungent. But when these same

    particles, refined by putrefaction, enter into the narrow veins, and

    are duly proportioned to the particles of earth and air which are there,

    they set them whirling about one another, and while they are in a whirl

    cause them to dash against and enter into one another, and so form

    hollows surrounding the particles that enter–which watery vessels of

    air (for a film of moisture, sometimes earthy, sometimes pure, is spread

    around the air) are hollow spheres of water; and those of them which are

    pure, are transparent, and are called bubbles, while those composed

    of the earthy liquid, which is in a state of general agitation and

    effervescence, are said to boil or ferment–of all these affections the

    cause is termed acid. And there is the opposite affection arising from

    an opposite cause, when the mass of entering particles, immersed in the

    moisture of the mouth, is congenial to the tongue, and smooths and

    oils over the roughness, and relaxes the parts which are unnaturally

    contracted, and contracts the parts which are relaxed, and disposes

    them all according to their nature;–that sort of remedy of violent

    affections is pleasant and agreeable to every man, and has the name

    sweet. But enough of this.

    The faculty of smell does not admit of differences of kind; for all

    smells are of a half-formed nature, and no element is so proportioned

    as to have any smell. The veins about the nose are too narrow to admit

    earth and water, and too wide to detain fire and air; and for this

    reason no one ever perceives the smell of any of them; but smells always

    proceed from bodies that are damp, or putrefying, or liquefying, or

    evaporating, and are perceptible only in the intermediate state, when

    water is changing into air and air into water; and all of them are

    either vapour or mist. That which is passing out of air into water is

    mist, and that which is passing from water into air is vapour; and hence

    all smells are thinner than water and thicker than air. The proof of

    this is, that when there is any obstruction to the respiration, and a

    man draws in his breath by force, then no smell filters through, but the

    air without the smell alone penetrates. Wherefore the varieties of smell

    have no name, and they have not many, or definite and simple kinds;

    but they are distinguished only as painful and pleasant, the one sort

    irritating and disturbing the whole cavity which is situated between the

    head and the navel, the other having a soothing influence, and restoring

    this same region to an agreeable and natural condition.

    In considering the third kind of sense, hearing, we must speak of the

    causes in which it originates. We may in general assume sound to be a

    blow which passes through the ears, and is transmitted by means of the

    air, the brain, and the blood, to the soul, and that hearing is the

    vibration of this blow, which begins in the head and ends in the region

    of the liver. The sound which moves swiftly is acute, and the sound

    which moves slowly is grave, and that which is regular is equable and

    smooth, and the reverse is harsh. A great body of sound is loud, and

    a small body of sound the reverse. Respecting the harmonies of sound I

    must hereafter speak.

    There is a fourth class of sensible things, having many intricate

    varieties, which must now be distinguished. They are called by the

    general name of colours, and are a flame which emanates from every sort

    of body, and has particles corresponding to the sense of sight. I have

    spoken already, in what has preceded, of the causes which generate

    sight, and in this place it will be natural and suitable to give a

    rational theory of colours.

    Of the particles coming from other bodies which fall upon the sight,

    some are smaller and some are larger, and some are equal to the parts of

    the sight itself. Those which are equal are imperceptible, and we call

    them transparent. The larger produce contraction, the smaller dilation,

    in the sight, exercising a power akin to that of hot and cold bodies on

    the flesh, or of astringent bodies on the tongue, or of those heating

    bodies which we termed pungent. White and black are similar effects of

    contraction and dilation in another sphere, and for this reason have

    a different appearance. Wherefore, we ought to term white that which

    dilates the visual ray, and the opposite of this is black. There is also

    a swifter motion of a different sort of fire which strikes and dilates

    the ray of sight until it reaches the eyes, forcing a way through their

    passages and melting them, and eliciting from them a union of fire and

    water which we call tears, being itself an opposite fire which comes

    to them from an opposite direction–the inner fire flashes forth like

    lightning, and the outer finds a way in and is extinguished in the

    moisture, and all sorts of colours are generated by the mixture. This

    affection is termed dazzling, and the object which produces it is

    called bright and flashing. There is another sort of fire which is

    intermediate, and which reaches and mingles with the moisture of the

    eye without flashing; and in this, the fire mingling with the ray of

    the moisture, produces a colour like blood, to which we give the name

    of red. A bright hue mingled with red and white gives the colour called

    auburn (Greek). The law of proportion, however, according to which the

    several colours are formed, even if a man knew he would be foolish in

    telling, for he could not give any necessary reason, nor indeed any

    tolerable or probable explanation of them. Again, red, when mingled with

    black and white, becomes purple, but it becomes umber (Greek) when the

    colours are burnt as well as mingled and the black is more thoroughly

    mixed with them. Flame-colour (Greek) is produced by a union of auburn

    and dun (Greek), and dun by an admixture of black and white; pale yellow

    (Greek), by an admixture of white and auburn. White and bright meeting,

    and falling upon a full black, become dark blue (Greek), and when dark

    blue mingles with white, a light blue (Greek) colour is formed, as

    flame-colour with black makes leek green (Greek). There will be no

    difficulty in seeing how and by what mixtures the colours derived from

    these are made according to the rules of probability. He, however,

    who should attempt to verify all this by experiment, would forget

    the difference of the human and divine nature. For God only has the

    knowledge and also the power which are able to combine many things into

    one and again resolve the one into many. But no man either is or ever

    will be able to accomplish either the one or the other operation.

    These are the elements, thus of necessity then subsisting, which the

    creator of the fairest and best of created things associated with

    himself, when he made the self-sufficing and most perfect God, using the

    necessary causes as his ministers in the accomplishment of his work,

    but himself contriving the good in all his creations. Wherefore we may

    distinguish two sorts of causes, the one divine and the other necessary,

    and may seek for the divine in all things, as far as our nature admits,

    with a view to the blessed life; but the necessary kind only for the

    sake of the divine, considering that without them and when isolated from

    them, these higher things for which we look cannot be apprehended or

    received or in any way shared by us.

    Seeing, then, that we have now prepared for our use the various classes

    of causes which are the material out of which the remainder of our

    discourse must be woven, just as wood is the material of the carpenter,

    let us revert in a few words to the point at which we began, and then

    endeavour to add on a suitable ending to the beginning of our tale.

    As I said at first, when all things were in disorder God created in

    each thing in relation to itself, and in all things in relation to each

    other, all the measures and harmonies which they could possibly receive.

    For in those days nothing had any proportion except by accident; nor did

    any of the things which now have names deserve to be named at all–as,

    for example, fire, water, and the rest of the elements. All these the

    creator first set in order, and out of them he constructed the universe,

    which was a single animal comprehending in itself all other animals,

    mortal and immortal. Now of the divine, he himself was the creator,

    but the creation of the mortal he committed to his offspring. And they,

    imitating him, received from him the immortal principle of the soul; and

    around this they proceeded to fashion a mortal body, and made it to

    be the vehicle of the soul, and constructed within the body a soul of

    another nature which was mortal, subject to terrible and irresistible

    affections,–first of all, pleasure, the greatest incitement to evil;

    then, pain, which deters from good; also rashness and fear, two

    foolish counsellors, anger hard to be appeased, and hope easily led

    astray;–these they mingled with irrational sense and with all-daring

    love according to necessary laws, and so framed man. Wherefore, fearing

    to pollute the divine any more than was absolutely unavoidable, they

    gave to the mortal nature a separate habitation in another part of the

    body, placing the neck between them to be the isthmus and boundary,

    which they constructed between the head and breast, to keep them apart.

    And in the breast, and in what is termed the thorax, they encased the

    mortal soul; and as the one part of this was superior and the other

    inferior they divided the cavity of the thorax into two parts, as the

    women’s and men’s apartments are divided in houses, and placed the

    midriff to be a wall of partition between them. That part of the

    inferior soul which is endowed with courage and passion and loves

    contention they settled nearer the head, midway between the midriff and

    the neck, in order that it might be under the rule of reason and might

    join with it in controlling and restraining the desires when they are no

    longer willing of their own accord to obey the word of command issuing

    from the citadel.

    The heart, the knot of the veins and the fountain of the blood which

    races through all the limbs, was set in the place of guard, that when

    the might of passion was roused by reason making proclamation of any

    wrong assailing them from without or being perpetrated by the desires

    within, quickly the whole power of feeling in the body, perceiving

    these commands and threats, might obey and follow through every turn and

    alley, and thus allow the principle of the best to have the command in

    all of them. But the gods, foreknowing that the palpitation of the heart

    in the expectation of danger and the swelling and excitement of passion

    was caused by fire, formed and implanted as a supporter to the heart the

    lung, which was, in the first place, soft and bloodless, and also had

    within hollows like the pores of a sponge, in order that by receiving

    the breath and the drink, it might give coolness and the power of

    respiration and alleviate the heat. Wherefore they cut the air-channels

    leading to the lung, and placed the lung about the heart as a soft

    spring, that, when passion was rife within, the heart, beating against

    a yielding body, might be cooled and suffer less, and might thus become

    more ready to join with passion in the service of reason.

    The part of the soul which desires meats and drinks and the other things

    of which it has need by reason of the bodily nature, they placed between

    the midriff and the boundary of the navel, contriving in all this region

    a sort of manger for the food of the body; and there they bound it down

    like a wild animal which was chained up with man, and must be nourished

    if man was to exist. They appointed this lower creation his place here

    in order that he might be always feeding at the manger, and have his

    dwelling as far as might be from the council-chamber, making as little

    noise and disturbance as possible, and permitting the best part to

    advise quietly for the good of the whole. And knowing that this lower

    principle in man would not comprehend reason, and even if attaining

    to some degree of perception would never naturally care for rational

    notions, but that it would be led away by phantoms and visions night

    and day,–to be a remedy for this, God combined with it the liver, and

    placed it in the house of the lower nature, contriving that it should

    be solid and smooth, and bright and sweet, and should also have a bitter

    quality, in order that the power of thought, which proceeds from the

    mind, might be reflected as in a mirror which receives likenesses of

    objects and gives back images of them to the sight; and so might strike

    terror into the desires, when, making use of the bitter part of the

    liver, to which it is akin, it comes threatening and invading, and

    diffusing this bitter element swiftly through the whole liver produces

    colours like bile, and contracting every part makes it wrinkled and

    rough; and twisting out of its right place and contorting the lobe and

    closing and shutting up the vessels and gates, causes pain and

    loathing. And the converse happens when some gentle inspiration of the

    understanding pictures images of an opposite character, and allays the

    bile and bitterness by refusing to stir or touch the nature opposed

    to itself, but by making use of the natural sweetness of the liver,

    corrects all things and makes them to be right and smooth and free, and

    renders the portion of the soul which resides about the liver happy

    and joyful, enabling it to pass the night in peace, and to practise

    divination in sleep, inasmuch as it has no share in mind and reason. For

    the authors of our being, remembering the command of their father when

    he bade them create the human race as good as they could, that they

    might correct our inferior parts and make them to attain a measure of

    truth, placed in the liver the seat of divination. And herein is a proof

    that God has given the art of divination not to the wisdom, but to the

    foolishness of man. No man, when in his wits, attains prophetic truth

    and inspiration; but when he receives the inspired word, either his

    intelligence is enthralled in sleep, or he is demented by some distemper

    or possession. And he who would understand what he remembers to have

    been said, whether in a dream or when he was awake, by the prophetic

    and inspired nature, or would determine by reason the meaning of the

    apparitions which he has seen, and what indications they afford to

    this man or that, of past, present or future good and evil, must first

    recover his wits. But, while he continues demented, he cannot judge

    of the visions which he sees or the words which he utters; the ancient

    saying is very true, that ‘only a man who has his wits can act or judge

    about himself and his own affairs.’ And for this reason it is customary

    to appoint interpreters to be judges of the true inspiration. Some

    persons call them prophets; they are quite unaware that they are only

    the expositors of dark sayings and visions, and are not to be called

    prophets at all, but only interpreters of prophecy.

    Such is the nature of the liver, which is placed as we have described

    in order that it may give prophetic intimations. During the life of each

    individual these intimations are plainer, but after his death the liver

    becomes blind, and delivers oracles too obscure to be intelligible. The

    neighbouring organ (the spleen) is situated on the left-hand side, and

    is constructed with a view of keeping the liver bright and pure,–like

    a napkin, always ready prepared and at hand to clean the mirror. And

    hence, when any impurities arise in the region of the liver by reason of

    disorders of the body, the loose nature of the spleen, which is composed

    of a hollow and bloodless tissue, receives them all and clears them

    away, and when filled with the unclean matter, swells and festers, but,

    again, when the body is purged, settles down into the same place as

    before, and is humbled.

    Concerning the soul, as to which part is mortal and which divine, and

    how and why they are separated, and where located, if God acknowledges

    that we have spoken the truth, then, and then only, can we be confident;

    still, we may venture to assert that what has been said by us is

    probable, and will be rendered more probable by investigation. Let us

    assume thus much.

    The creation of the rest of the body follows next in order, and this we

    may investigate in a similar manner. And it appears to be very meet that

    the body should be framed on the following principles:–

    The authors of our race were aware that we should be intemperate in

    eating and drinking, and take a good deal more than was necessary or

    proper, by reason of gluttony. In order then that disease might not

    quickly destroy us, and lest our mortal race should perish without

    fulfilling its end–intending to provide against this, the gods made

    what is called the lower belly, to be a receptacle for the superfluous

    meat and drink, and formed the convolution of the bowels, so that the

    food might be prevented from passing quickly through and compelling

    the body to require more food, thus producing insatiable gluttony, and

    making the whole race an enemy to philosophy and music, and rebellious

    against the divinest element within us.

    The bones and flesh, and other similar parts of us, were made as

    follows. The first principle of all of them was the generation of the

    marrow. For the bonds of life which unite the soul with the body are

    made fast there, and they are the root and foundation of the human race.

    The marrow itself is created out of other materials: God took such of

    the primary triangles as were straight and smooth, and were adapted by

    their perfection to produce fire and water, and air and earth–these, I

    say, he separated from their kinds, and mingling them in due proportions

    with one another, made the marrow out of them to be a universal seed of

    the whole race of mankind; and in this seed he then planted and enclosed

    the souls, and in the original distribution gave to the marrow as many

    and various forms as the different kinds of souls were hereafter to

    receive. That which, like a field, was to receive the divine seed, he

    made round every way, and called that portion of the marrow, brain,

    intending that, when an animal was perfected, the vessel containing this

    substance should be the head; but that which was intended to contain

    the remaining and mortal part of the soul he distributed into figures at

    once round and elongated, and he called them all by the name ‘marrow’;

    and to these, as to anchors, fastening the bonds of the whole soul,

    he proceeded to fashion around them the entire framework of our body,

    constructing for the marrow, first of all a complete covering of bone.

    Bone was composed by him in the following manner. Having sifted pure and

    smooth earth he kneaded it and wetted it with marrow, and after that he

    put it into fire and then into water, and once more into fire and again

    into water–in this way by frequent transfers from one to the other he

    made it insoluble by either. Out of this he fashioned, as in a lathe,

    a globe made of bone, which he placed around the brain, and in this he

    left a narrow opening; and around the marrow of the neck and back

    he formed vertebrae which he placed under one another like pivots,

    beginning at the head and extending through the whole of the trunk.

    Thus wishing to preserve the entire seed, he enclosed it in a stone-like

    casing, inserting joints, and using in the formation of them the power

    of the other or diverse as an intermediate nature, that they might have

    motion and flexure. Then again, considering that the bone would be too

    brittle and inflexible, and when heated and again cooled would soon

    mortify and destroy the seed within–having this in view, he contrived

    the sinews and the flesh, that so binding all the members together by

    the sinews, which admitted of being stretched and relaxed about the

    vertebrae, he might thus make the body capable of flexion and extension,

    while the flesh would serve as a protection against the summer heat

    and against the winter cold, and also against falls, softly and easily

    yielding to external bodies, like articles made of felt; and containing

    in itself a warm moisture which in summer exudes and makes the surface

    damp, would impart a natural coolness to the whole body; and again in

    winter by the help of this internal warmth would form a very tolerable

    defence against the frost which surrounds it and attacks it from

    without. He who modelled us, considering these things, mixed earth with

    fire and water and blended them; and making a ferment of acid and salt,

    he mingled it with them and formed soft and succulent flesh. As for

    the sinews, he made them of a mixture of bone and unfermented flesh,

    attempered so as to be in a mean, and gave them a yellow colour;

    wherefore the sinews have a firmer and more glutinous nature than flesh,

    but a softer and moister nature than the bones. With these God covered

    the bones and marrow, binding them together by sinews, and then

    enshrouded them all in an upper covering of flesh. The more living and

    sensitive of the bones he enclosed in the thinnest film of flesh, and

    those which had the least life within them in the thickest and most

    solid flesh. So again on the joints of the bones, where reason indicated

    that no more was required, he placed only a thin covering of flesh,

    that it might not interfere with the flexion of our bodies and make them

    unwieldy because difficult to move; and also that it might not, by being

    crowded and pressed and matted together, destroy sensation by reason of

    its hardness, and impair the memory and dull the edge of intelligence.

    Wherefore also the thighs and the shanks and the hips, and the bones of

    the arms and the forearms, and other parts which have no joints, and the

    inner bones, which on account of the rarity of the soul in the marrow

    are destitute of reason–all these are abundantly provided with flesh;

    but such as have mind in them are in general less fleshy, except

    where the creator has made some part solely of flesh in order to give

    sensation,–as, for example, the tongue. But commonly this is not the

    case. For the nature which comes into being and grows up in us by a law

    of necessity, does not admit of the combination of solid bone and much

    flesh with acute perceptions. More than any other part the framework

    of the head would have had them, if they could have co-existed, and the

    human race, having a strong and fleshy and sinewy head, would have had

    a life twice or many times as long as it now has, and also more healthy

    and free from pain. But our creators, considering whether they should

    make a longer-lived race which was worse, or a shorter-lived race which

    was better, came to the conclusion that every one ought to prefer a

    shorter span of life, which was better, to a longer one, which was

    worse; and therefore they covered the head with thin bone, but not with

    flesh and sinews, since it had no joints; and thus the head was added,

    having more wisdom and sensation than the rest of the body, but also

    being in every man far weaker. For these reasons and after this manner

    God placed the sinews at the extremity of the head, in a circle round

    the neck, and glued them together by the principle of likeness and

    fastened the extremities of the jawbones to them below the face, and the

    other sinews he dispersed throughout the body, fastening limb to limb.

    The framers of us framed the mouth, as now arranged, having teeth and

    tongue and lips, with a view to the necessary and the good contriving

    the way in for necessary purposes, the way out for the best purposes;

    for that is necessary which enters in and gives food to the body; but

    the river of speech, which flows out of a man and ministers to the

    intelligence, is the fairest and noblest of all streams. Still the head

    could neither be left a bare frame of bones, on account of the extremes

    of heat and cold in the different seasons, nor yet be allowed to

    be wholly covered, and so become dull and senseless by reason of an

    overgrowth of flesh. The fleshy nature was not therefore wholly dried

    up, but a large sort of peel was parted off and remained over, which

    is now called the skin. This met and grew by the help of the cerebral

    moisture, and became the circular envelopment of the head. And the

    moisture, rising up under the sutures, watered and closed in the skin

    upon the crown, forming a sort of knot. The diversity of the sutures was

    caused by the power of the courses of the soul and of the food, and the

    more these struggled against one another the more numerous they became,

    and fewer if the struggle were less violent. This skin the divine power

    pierced all round with fire, and out of the punctures which were thus

    made the moisture issued forth, and the liquid and heat which was pure

    came away, and a mixed part which was composed of the same material as

    the skin, and had a fineness equal to the punctures, was borne up by

    its own impulse and extended far outside the head, but being too slow

    to escape, was thrust back by the external air, and rolled up underneath

    the skin, where it took root. Thus the hair sprang up in the skin, being

    akin to it because it is like threads of leather, but rendered harder

    and closer through the pressure of the cold, by which each hair, while

    in process of separation from the skin, is compressed and cooled.

    Wherefore the creator formed the head hairy, making use of the causes

    which I have mentioned, and reflecting also that instead of flesh the

    brain needed the hair to be a light covering or guard, which would give

    shade in summer and shelter in winter, and at the same time would not

    impede our quickness of perception. From the combination of sinew,

    skin, and bone, in the structure of the finger, there arises a triple

    compound, which, when dried up, takes the form of one hard skin

    partaking of all three natures, and was fabricated by these second

    causes, but designed by mind which is the principal cause with an eye

    to the future. For our creators well knew that women and other animals

    would some day be framed out of men, and they further knew that many

    animals would require the use of nails for many purposes; wherefore they

    fashioned in men at their first creation the rudiments of nails. For

    this purpose and for these reasons they caused skin, hair, and nails to

    grow at the extremities of the limbs.

    And now that all the parts and members of the mortal animal had come

    together, since its life of necessity consisted of fire and breath,

    and it therefore wasted away by dissolution and depletion, the gods

    contrived the following remedy: They mingled a nature akin to that of

    man with other forms and perceptions, and thus created another kind

    of animal. These are the trees and plants and seeds which have been

    improved by cultivation and are now domesticated among us; anciently

    there were only the wild kinds, which are older than the cultivated. For

    everything that partakes of life may be truly called a living being, and

    the animal of which we are now speaking partakes of the third kind of

    soul, which is said to be seated between the midriff and the navel,

    having no part in opinion or reason or mind, but only in feelings of

    pleasure and pain and the desires which accompany them. For this nature

    is always in a passive state, revolving in and about itself, repelling

    the motion from without and using its own, and accordingly is not

    endowed by nature with the power of observing or reflecting on its own

    concerns. Wherefore it lives and does not differ from a living

    being, but is fixed and rooted in the same spot, having no power of

    self-motion.

    Now after the superior powers had created all these natures to be food

    for us who are of the inferior nature, they cut various channels through

    the body as through a garden, that it might be watered as from a running

    stream. In the first place, they cut two hidden channels or veins down

    the back where the skin and the flesh join, which answered severally

    to the right and left side of the body. These they let down along the

    backbone, so as to have the marrow of generation between them, where it

    was most likely to flourish, and in order that the stream coming down

    from above might flow freely to the other parts, and equalize the

    irrigation. In the next place, they divided the veins about the head,

    and interlacing them, they sent them in opposite directions; those

    coming from the right side they sent to the left of the body, and those

    from the left they diverted towards the right, so that they and the skin

    might together form a bond which should fasten the head to the body,

    since the crown of the head was not encircled by sinews; and also in

    order that the sensations from both sides might be distributed over the

    whole body. And next, they ordered the water-courses of the body in a

    manner which I will describe, and which will be more easily understood

    if we begin by admitting that all things which have lesser parts retain

    the greater, but the greater cannot retain the lesser. Now of all

    natures fire has the smallest parts, and therefore penetrates through

    earth and water and air and their compounds, nor can anything hold it.

    And a similar principle applies to the human belly; for when meats and

    drinks enter it, it holds them, but it cannot hold air and fire, because

    the particles of which they consist are smaller than its own structure.

    These elements, therefore, God employed for the sake of distributing

    moisture from the belly into the veins, weaving together a network

    of fire and air like a weel, having at the entrance two lesser weels;

    further he constructed one of these with two openings, and from the

    lesser weels he extended cords reaching all round to the extremities of

    the network. All the interior of the net he made of fire, but the lesser

    weels and their cavity, of air. The network he took and spread over the

    newly-formed animal in the following manner:–He let the lesser weels

    pass into the mouth; there were two of them, and one he let down by the

    air-pipes into the lungs, the other by the side of the air-pipes into

    the belly. The former he divided into two branches, both of which he

    made to meet at the channels of the nose, so that when the way through

    the mouth did not act, the streams of the mouth as well were replenished

    through the nose. With the other cavity (i.e. of the greater weel) he

    enveloped the hollow parts of the body, and at one time he made all this

    to flow into the lesser weels, quite gently, for they are composed of

    air, and at another time he caused the lesser weels to flow back again;

    and the net he made to find a way in and out through the pores of the

    body, and the rays of fire which are bound fast within followed the

    passage of the air either way, never at any time ceasing so long as the

    mortal being holds together. This process, as we affirm, the name-giver

    named inspiration and expiration. And all this movement, active as

    well as passive, takes place in order that the body, being watered and

    cooled, may receive nourishment and life; for when the respiration is

    going in and out, and the fire, which is fast bound within, follows

    it, and ever and anon moving to and fro, enters through the belly and

    reaches the meat and drink, it dissolves them, and dividing them into

    small portions and guiding them through the passages where it goes,

    pumps them as from a fountain into the channels of the veins, and makes

    the stream of the veins flow through the body as through a conduit.

    Let us once more consider the phenomena of respiration, and enquire into

    the causes which have made it what it is. They are as follows:–Seeing

    that there is no such thing as a vacuum into which any of those things

    which are moved can enter, and the breath is carried from us into the

    external air, the next point is, as will be clear to every one, that

    it does not go into a vacant space, but pushes its neighbour out of its

    place, and that which is thrust out in turn drives out its neighbour;

    and in this way everything of necessity at last comes round to that

    place from whence the breath came forth, and enters in there, and

    following the breath, fills up the vacant space; and this goes on like

    the rotation of a wheel, because there can be no such thing as a vacuum.

    Wherefore also the breast and the lungs, when they emit the breath,

    are replenished by the air which surrounds the body and which enters

    in through the pores of the flesh and is driven round in a circle; and

    again, the air which is sent away and passes out through the body forces

    the breath inwards through the passage of the mouth and the nostrils.

    Now the origin of this movement may be supposed to be as follows. In the

    interior of every animal the hottest part is that which is around the

    blood and veins; it is in a manner an internal fountain of fire, which

    we compare to the network of a creel, being woven all of fire and

    extended through the centre of the body, while the outer parts are

    composed of air. Now we must admit that heat naturally proceeds outward

    to its own place and to its kindred element; and as there are two exits

    for the heat, the one out through the body, and the other through the

    mouth and nostrils, when it moves towards the one, it drives round the

    air at the other, and that which is driven round falls into the fire

    and becomes warm, and that which goes forth is cooled. But when the heat

    changes its place, and the particles at the other exit grow warmer, the

    hotter air inclining in that direction and carried towards its native

    element, fire, pushes round the air at the other; and this being

    affected in the same way and communicating the same impulse, a circular

    motion swaying to and fro is produced by the double process, which we

    call inspiration and expiration.

    The phenomena of medical cupping-glasses and of the swallowing of drink

    and of the projection of bodies, whether discharged in the air or bowled

    along the ground, are to be investigated on a similar principle;

    and swift and slow sounds, which appear to be high and low, and are

    sometimes discordant on account of their inequality, and then again

    harmonical on account of the equality of the motion which they excite in

    us. For when the motions of the antecedent swifter sounds begin to pause

    and the two are equalized, the slower sounds overtake the swifter and

    then propel them. When they overtake them they do not intrude a new

    and discordant motion, but introduce the beginnings of a slower, which

    answers to the swifter as it dies away, thus producing a single mixed

    expression out of high and low, whence arises a pleasure which even the

    unwise feel, and which to the wise becomes a higher sort of delight,

    being an imitation of divine harmony in mortal motions. Moreover, as to

    the flowing of water, the fall of the thunderbolt, and the marvels that

    are observed about the attraction of amber and the Heraclean stones,–in

    none of these cases is there any attraction; but he who investigates

    rightly, will find that such wonderful phenomena are attributable to the

    combination of certain conditions–the non-existence of a vacuum, the

    fact that objects push one another round, and that they change places,

    passing severally into their proper positions as they are divided or

    combined.

    Such as we have seen, is the nature and such are the causes of

    respiration,–the subject in which this discussion originated. For the

    fire cuts the food and following the breath surges up within, fire and

    breath rising together and filling the veins by drawing up out of the

    belly and pouring into them the cut portions of the food; and so the

    streams of food are kept flowing through the whole body in all animals.

    And fresh cuttings from kindred substances, whether the fruits of the

    earth or herb of the field, which God planted to be our daily food,

    acquire all sorts of colours by their inter-mixture; but red is the most

    pervading of them, being created by the cutting action of fire and by

    the impression which it makes on a moist substance; and hence the liquid

    which circulates in the body has a colour such as we have described.

    The liquid itself we call blood, which nourishes the flesh and the whole

    body, whence all parts are watered and empty places filled.

    Now the process of repletion and evacuation is effected after the

    manner of the universal motion by which all kindred substances are drawn

    towards one another. For the external elements which surround us are

    always causing us to consume away, and distributing and sending off like

    to like; the particles of blood, too, which are divided and contained

    within the frame of the animal as in a sort of heaven, are compelled

    to imitate the motion of the universe. Each, therefore, of the divided

    parts within us, being carried to its kindred nature, replenishes the

    void. When more is taken away than flows in, then we decay, and when

    less, we grow and increase.

    The frame of the entire creature when young has the triangles of each

    kind new, and may be compared to the keel of a vessel which is just off

    the stocks; they are locked firmly together and yet the whole mass is

    soft and delicate, being freshly formed of marrow and nurtured on milk.

    Now when the triangles out of which meats and drinks are composed come

    in from without, and are comprehended in the body, being older and

    weaker than the triangles already there, the frame of the body gets the

    better of them and its newer triangles cut them up, and so the animal

    grows great, being nourished by a multitude of similar particles. But

    when the roots of the triangles are loosened by having undergone many

    conflicts with many things in the course of time, they are no longer

    able to cut or assimilate the food which enters, but are themselves

    easily divided by the bodies which come in from without. In this way

    every animal is overcome and decays, and this affection is called old

    age. And at last, when the bonds by which the triangles of the marrow

    are united no longer hold, and are parted by the strain of existence,

    they in turn loosen the bonds of the soul, and she, obtaining a natural

    release, flies away with joy. For that which takes place according to

    nature is pleasant, but that which is contrary to nature is painful. And

    thus death, if caused by disease or produced by wounds, is painful and

    violent; but that sort of death which comes with old age and fulfils

    the debt of nature is the easiest of deaths, and is accompanied with

    pleasure rather than with pain.

    Now every one can see whence diseases arise. There are four natures out

    of which the body is compacted, earth and fire and water and air, and

    the unnatural excess or defect of these, or the change of any of them

    from its own natural place into another, or–since there are more kinds

    than one of fire and of the other elements–the assumption by any of

    these of a wrong kind, or any similar irregularity, produces disorders

    and diseases; for when any of them is produced or changed in a manner

    contrary to nature, the parts which were previously cool grow warm, and

    those which were dry become moist, and the light become heavy, and the

    heavy light; all sorts of changes occur. For, as we affirm, a thing

    can only remain the same with itself, whole and sound, when the same is

    added to it, or subtracted from it, in the same respect and in the

    same manner and in due proportion; and whatever comes or goes away

    in violation of these laws causes all manner of changes and infinite

    diseases and corruptions. Now there is a second class of structures

    which are also natural, and this affords a second opportunity of

    observing diseases to him who would understand them. For whereas marrow

    and bone and flesh and sinews are composed of the four elements, and the

    blood, though after another manner, is likewise formed out of them, most

    diseases originate in the way which I have described; but the worst

    of all owe their severity to the fact that the generation of these

    substances proceeds in a wrong order; they are then destroyed. For the

    natural order is that the flesh and sinews should be made of blood, the

    sinews out of the fibres to which they are akin, and the flesh out

    of the clots which are formed when the fibres are separated. And the

    glutinous and rich matter which comes away from the sinews and the

    flesh, not only glues the flesh to the bones, but nourishes and imparts

    growth to the bone which surrounds the marrow; and by reason of the

    solidity of the bones, that which filters through consists of the purest

    and smoothest and oiliest sort of triangles, dropping like dew from the

    bones and watering the marrow. Now when each process takes place in this

    order, health commonly results; when in the opposite order, disease. For

    when the flesh becomes decomposed and sends back the wasting substance

    into the veins, then an over-supply of blood of diverse kinds, mingling

    with air in the veins, having variegated colours and bitter properties,

    as well as acid and saline qualities, contains all sorts of bile and

    serum and phlegm. For all things go the wrong way, and having become

    corrupted, first they taint the blood itself, and then ceasing to

    give nourishment to the body they are carried along the veins in all

    directions, no longer preserving the order of their natural courses, but

    at war with themselves, because they receive no good from one another,

    and are hostile to the abiding constitution of the body, which they

    corrupt and dissolve. The oldest part of the flesh which is corrupted,

    being hard to decompose, from long burning grows black, and from being

    everywhere corroded becomes bitter, and is injurious to every part of

    the body which is still uncorrupted. Sometimes, when the bitter element

    is refined away, the black part assumes an acidity which takes the place

    of the bitterness; at other times the bitterness being tinged with blood

    has a redder colour; and this, when mixed with black, takes the hue of

    grass; and again, an auburn colour mingles with the bitter matter

    when new flesh is decomposed by the fire which surrounds the internal

    flame;–to all which symptoms some physician perhaps, or rather some

    philosopher, who had the power of seeing in many dissimilar things one

    nature deserving of a name, has assigned the common name of bile. But

    the other kinds of bile are variously distinguished by their colours. As

    for serum, that sort which is the watery part of blood is innocent,

    but that which is a secretion of black and acid bile is malignant when

    mingled by the power of heat with any salt substance, and is then called

    acid phlegm. Again, the substance which is formed by the liquefaction

    of new and tender flesh when air is present, if inflated and encased in

    liquid so as to form bubbles, which separately are invisible owing to

    their small size, but when collected are of a bulk which is visible,

    and have a white colour arising out of the generation of foam–all this decomposition of tender flesh when intermingled with air is termed by us white phlegm. And the whey or sediment of newly-formed phlegm is sweat and tears, and includes the various daily discharges by which the body is purified. Now all these become causes of disease when the blood is not replenished in a natural manner by food and drink but gains bulk from opposite sources in violation of the laws of nature. When the several parts of the flesh are separated by disease, if the foundation remains, the power of the disorder is only half as great, and there is still a prospect of an easy recovery; but when that which binds the flesh to the bones is diseased, and no longer being separated from the muscles and sinews, ceases to give nourishment to the bone and to unite flesh and bone, and from being oily and smooth and glutinous becomes rough and salt and dry, owing to bad regimen, then all the substance thus corrupted crumbles away under the flesh and the sinews, and separates from the bone, and the fleshy parts fall away from their foundation and leave the sinews bare and full of brine, and the flesh again gets into the circulation of the blood and makes the previously-mentioned disorders still greater. And if these bodily affections be severe, still worse are the prior disorders; as when the

    bone itself, by reason of the density of the flesh, does not obtain

    sufficient air, but becomes mouldy and hot and gangrened and receives no

    nutriment, and the natural process is inverted, and the bone crumbling

    passes into the food, and the food into the flesh, and the flesh again

    falling into the blood makes all maladies that may occur more virulent

    than those already mentioned. But the worst case of all is when the

    marrow is diseased, either from excess or defect; and this is the cause

    of the very greatest and most fatal disorders, in which the whole course of the body is reversed.

    There is a third class of diseases which may be conceived of as arising

    in three ways; for they are produced sometimes by wind, and sometimes by

    phlegm, and sometimes by bile. When the lung, which is the dispenser of

    the air to the body, is obstructed by rheums and its passages are not

    free, some of them not acting, while through others too much air enters,

    then the parts which are unrefreshed by air corrode, while in other

    parts the excess of air forcing its way through the veins distorts them

    and decomposing the body is enclosed in the midst of it and occupies the

    midriff; thus numberless painful diseases are produced, accompanied by

    copious sweats. And oftentimes when the flesh is dissolved in the body,

    wind, generated within and unable to escape, is the source of quite as

    much pain as the air coming in from without; but the greatest pain is

    felt when the wind gets about the sinews and the veins of the shoulders,

    and swells them up, and so twists back the great tendons and the sinews

    which are connected with them. These disorders are called tetanus and

    opisthotonus, by reason of the tension which accompanies them. The

    cure of them is difficult; relief is in most cases given by fever

    supervening. The white phlegm, though dangerous when detained within by

    reason of the air-bubbles, yet if it can communicate with the outside

    air, is less severe, and only discolours the body, generating leprous

    eruptions and similar diseases. When it is mingled with black bile and

    dispersed about the courses of the head, which are the divinest part

    of us, the attack if coming on in sleep, is not so severe; but when

    assailing those who are awake it is hard to be got rid of, and being an

    affection of a sacred part, is most justly called sacred. An acid and

    salt phlegm, again, is the source of all those diseases which take the

    form of catarrh, but they have many names because the places into which they flow are manifold.

    Inflammations of the body come from burnings and inflamings, and all of them originate in bile. When bile finds a means of discharge, it boils up and sends forth all sorts of tumours; but when imprisoned within, it generates many inflammatory diseases, above all when mingled with pure blood; since it then displaces the fibres which are scattered about in the blood and are designed to maintain the balance of rare and dense, in order that the blood may not be so liquefied by heat as to exude from the pores of the body, nor again become too dense and thus find a difficulty in circulating through the veins. The fibers are so constituted as to maintain this balance; and if any one brings them all together when the blood is dead and in process of cooling, then the blood which remains becomes fluid, but if they are left alone, they soon congeal by reason of the surrounding cold. The fibres having this power over the blood, bile, which is only stale blood, and which from being flesh is dissolved again into blood, at the first influx coming in little by little, hot and liquid, is congealed by the power of the fibres; and so congealing and made to cool, it produces internal cold and shuddering. When it enters with more of a flood and overcomes the fibers by its heat, and boiling up throws them into disorder, if it have power enough to maintain its supremacy, it penetrates the marrow and burns up what may be termed the cables of the soul, and sets her free; but when there is not so much of it, and the body though wasted still holds out, the bile is itself mastered, and is either utterly banished, or is thrust through the veins into the lower or upper belly, and is driven out of the body like an exile from a state in which there has been civil war; whence arise diarrhoeas and dysenteries, and all such disorders. When the constitution is disordered by excess of fire,

    continuous heat and fever are the result; when excess of air is the

    cause, then the fever is quotidian; when of water, which is a more

    sluggish element than either fire or air, then the fever is a tertian;

    when of earth, which is the most sluggish of the four, and is only

    purged away in a four-fold period, the result is a quartan fever, which

    can with difficulty be shaken off.

    Such is the manner in which diseases of the body arise; the disorders

    of the soul, which depend upon the body, originate as follows. We must

    acknowledge disease of the mind to be a want of intelligence; and of

    this there are two kinds; to wit, madness and ignorance. In whatever

    state a man experiences either of them, that state may be called

    disease; and excessive pains and pleasures are justly to be regarded as

    the greatest diseases to which the soul is liable. For a man who is in

    great joy or in great pain, in his unreasonable eagerness to attain

    the one and to avoid the other, is not able to see or to hear anything

    rightly; but he is mad, and is at the time utterly incapable of any

    participation in reason. He who has the seed about the spinal marrow too

    plentiful and overflowing, like a tree overladen with fruit, has

    many throes, and also obtains many pleasures in his desires and their

    offspring, and is for the most part of his life deranged, because his

    pleasures and pains are so very great; his soul is rendered foolish and

    disordered by his body; yet he is regarded not as one diseased, but as

    one who is voluntarily bad, which is a mistake. The truth is that

    the intemperance of love is a disease of the soul due chiefly to the

    moisture and fluidity which is produced in one of the elements by the loose consistency of the bones. And in general, all that which is termed the incontinence of pleasure and is deemed a reproach under the idea that the wicked voluntarily do wrong is not justly a matter for reproach. For no man is voluntarily bad; but the bad become bad by reason of an ill disposition of the body and bad education, things which are hateful to every man and happen to him against his will. And in the case of pain too in like manner the soul suffers much evil from the body. For where the acid and briny phlegm and other bitter and bilious humors wander about in the body, and find no exit or escape, but are pent up within and mingle their own vapors with the motions of the soul, and are blended with them, they produce all sorts of diseases, more or fewer, and in every degree of intensity; and being carried to the three places of the soul, whichever they may severally assail, they create infinite varieties of ill-temper and melancholy, of rashness and cowardice, and also of forgetfulness and stupidity. Further, when to this evil constitution of body evil forms of government are added and evil discourses are uttered in private as well as in public, and no sort of instruction is given in youth to cure these evils, then all of us who are bad become bad from two causes which are entirely beyond our

    control. In such cases the planters are to blame rather than the plants,

    the educators rather than the educated. But however that may be,

    we should endeavour as far as we can by education, and studies, and

    learning, to avoid vice and attain virtue; this, however, is part of another subject.

    There is a corresponding enquiry concerning the mode of treatment by which the mind and the body are to be preserved, about which it is meet and right that I should say a word in turn; for it is more our duty to speak of the good than of the evil. Everything that is good is fair, and the fair is not without proportion, and the animal which is to be fair must have due proportion. Now we perceive lesser symmetries or proportions and reason about them, but of the highest and greatest we take no heed; for there is no proportion or disproportion more productive of health and disease, and virtue and vice, than that between soul and body. This however we do not perceive, nor do we reflect that when a weak or small frame is the vehicle of a great and mighty soul, or conversely, when a little soul is encased in a large body, then the whole animal is not fair, for it lacks the most important of all symmetries; but the due proportion of mind and body is the fairest and loveliest of all sights to him who has the seeing eye. Just as a body which has a leg too long, or which is unsymmetrical in some other respect, is an unpleasant sight, and also, when doing its share of work, is much distressed and makes convulsive efforts, and often stumbles through awkwardness, and is the cause of infinite evil to its own self–in like manner we should conceive of the double nature which we call the living being; and when in this compound there is an impassioned

    soul more powerful than the body, that soul, I say, convulses and fills

    with disorders the whole inner nature of man; and when eager in the

    pursuit of some sort of learning or study, causes wasting; or again,

    when teaching or disputing in private or in public, and strifes and

    controversies arise, inflames and dissolves the composite frame of

    man and introduces rheums; and the nature of this phenomenon is not

    understood by most professors of medicine, who ascribe it to the

    opposite of the real cause. And once more, when a body large and too

    strong for the soul is united to a small and weak intelligence, then

    inasmuch as there are two desires natural to man,–one of food for the

    sake of the body, and one of wisdom for the sake of the diviner part

    of us–then, I say, the motions of the stronger, getting the better and

    increasing their own power, but making the soul dull, and stupid, and

    forgetful, engender ignorance, which is the greatest of diseases. There

    is one protection against both kinds of disproportion:–that we should

    not move the body without the soul or the soul without the body, and

    thus they will be on their guard against each other, and be healthy and

    well balanced. And therefore the mathematician or any one else whose

    thoughts are much absorbed in some intellectual pursuit, must allow his

    body also to have due exercise, and practise gymnastic; and he who

    is careful to fashion the body, should in turn impart to the soul its

    proper motions, and should cultivate music and all philosophy, if he

    would deserve to be called truly fair and truly good. And the separate parts should be treated in the same manner, in imitation of the pattern of the universe; for as the body is heated and also cooled within by the elements which enter into it, and is again dried up and moistened by external things, and experiences these and the like affections from both kinds of motions, the result is that the body if given up to motion when in a state of quiescence is overmastered and perishes; but if any one, in imitation of that which we call the foster-mother and nurse of the

    universe, will not allow the body ever to be inactive, but is always

    producing motions and agitations through its whole extent, which form

    the natural defence against other motions both internal and external,

    and by moderate exercise reduces to order according to their affinities

    the particles and affections which are wandering about the body, as we

    have already said when speaking of the universe, he will not allow enemy

    placed by the side of enemy to stir up wars and disorders in the body,

    but he will place friend by the side of friend, so as to create health.

    Now of all motions that is the best which is produced in a thing

    by itself, for it is most akin to the motion of thought and of the

    universe; but that motion which is caused by others is not so good, and

    worst of all is that which moves the body, when at rest, in parts only

    and by some external agency. Wherefore of all modes of purifying and

    re-uniting the body the best is gymnastic; the next best is a surging

    motion, as in sailing or any other mode of conveyance which is not

    fatiguing; the third sort of motion may be of use in a case of extreme

    necessity, but in any other will be adopted by no man of sense: I mean the purgative treatment of physicians; for diseases unless they are very dangerous should not be irritated by medicines, since every form of disease is in a manner akin to the living being, whose complex frame has an appointed term of life. For not the whole race only, but each individual–barring inevitable accidents–comes into the world having a fixed span, and the triangles in us are originally framed with power to last for a certain time, beyond which no man can prolong his life. And this holds also of the constitution of diseases; if any one regardless of the appointed time tries to subdue them by medicine, he only aggravates and multiplies them. Wherefore we ought always to manage them by regimen, as far as a man can spare the time, and not provoke a disagreeable enemy by medicines.

    Enough of the composite animal, and of the body which is a part of him, and of the manner in which a man may train and be trained by himself so as to live most according to reason: and we must above and before all provide that the element which is to train him shall be the fairest and best adapted to that purpose. A minute discussion of this subject would be a serious task; but if, as before, I am to give only an outline, the subject may not unfitly be summed up as follows.

    I have often remarked that there are three kinds of soul located within us, having each of them motions, and I must now repeat in the fewest words possible, that one part, if remaining inactive and ceasing from its natural motion, must necessarily become very weak, but that which is trained and exercised, very strong. Wherefore we should take care that the movements of the different parts of the soul should be in due proportion.

    And we should consider that God gave the sovereign part of the human soul to be the divinity of each one, being that part which, as we say, dwells at the top of the body, and inasmuch as we are a plant not of an earthly but of a heavenly growth, raises us from earth to our kindred who are in heaven. And in this we say truly; for the divine power suspended the head and root of us from that place where the generation of the soul first began, and thus made the whole body upright. When a man is always occupied with the cravings of desire and ambition, and is eagerly striving to satisfy them, all his thoughts must be mortal, and, as far as it is possible altogether to become such, he must be mortal every whit, because he has cherished his mortal part. But he who has been earnest in the love of knowledge and of true wisdom, and has exercised his intellect more than any other part of him, must have thoughts immortal and divine, if he attain truth, and in so far as human nature is capable of sharing in immortality, he must altogether be immortal; and since he is ever cherishing the divine power, and has the divinity within him in perfect order, he will be perfectly happy. Now there is only one way of taking care of things, and this is to give to each the food and motion which are natural to it. And the motions which are naturally akin to the divine principle within us are the thoughts and revolutions of the universe. These each man should follow, and correct the courses of the head which were corrupted at our birth, and by learning the harmonies and revolutions of the universe, should assimilate the thinking being to the thought, renewing his original nature, and having assimilated them should attain to that perfect life which the gods have set before mankind, both for the present and the future.

    Thus our original design of discoursing about the universe down to the creation of man is nearly completed. A brief mention may be made of the generation of other animals, so far as the subject admits of brevity; in this manner our argument will best attain a due proportion. On the subject of animals, then, the following remarks may be offered. Of the men who came into the world, those who were cowards or led unrighteous lives may with reason be supposed to have changed into the nature of women in the second generation. And this was the reason why at that time the gods created in us the desire of sexual intercourse, contriving in man one animated substance, and in woman another, which they formed respectively in the following manner. The outlet for drink by which liquids pass through the lung under the kidneys and into the bladder, which receives and then by the pressure of the air emits them, was so fashioned by them as to penetrate also into the body of the marrow, which passes from the head along the neck and through the back, and which in the preceding discourse we have named the seed. And the seed having life, and becoming endowed with respiration, produces in that part in which it respires a lively desire of emission, and thus creates in us the love of procreation. Wherefore also in men the organ of generation becoming rebellious and masterful, like an animal disobedient to reason, and maddened with the sting of lust, seeks to gain absolute sway; and the same is the case with the so-called womb or matrix of women; the animal within them is desirous of procreating children, and when remaining unfruitful long beyond its proper time, gets discontented and angry, and wandering in every direction through the body, closes up the passages of the breath, and, by obstructing respiration, drives them to extremity, causing all varieties of disease, until at length the desire and love of the man and the woman, bringing them together and as it were plucking the fruit from the tree, sow in the womb, as in a field, animals unseen by reason of their smallness and without form; these again are separated and matured within; they are then finallybrought out into the light, and thus the generation of animals is completed.

    Thus were created women and the female sex in general. But the race of birds was created out of innocent light-minded men, who, although their minds were directed toward heaven, imagined, in their simplicity, that the clearest demonstration of the things above was to be obtained by sight; these were remodelled and transformed into birds, and they grew feathers instead of hair. The race of wild pedestrian animals, again, came from those who had no philosophy in any of their thoughts, and never considered at all about the nature of the heavens, because they had ceased to use the courses of the head, but followed the guidance of those parts of the soul which are in the breast. In consequence of these habits of theirs they had their front-legs and their heads resting upon the earth to which they were drawn by natural affinity; and the crowns of their heads were elongated and of all sorts of shapes, into which the courses of the soul were crushed by reason of disuse. And this was the reason why they were created quadrupeds and polypods: God gave the more senseless of them the more support that they might be more attracted to the earth. And the most foolish of them, who trail their bodies entirely upon the ground and have no longer any need of feet, he made without feet to crawl upon the earth. The fourth class were the inhabitants of the water: these were made out of the most entirely senseless and ignorant of all, whom the transformers did not think any longer worthy of pure respiration, because they possessed a soul which was made impure by all sorts of transgression; and instead of the subtle and pure medium of air, they gave them the deep and muddy sea to be their element of respiration; and hence arose the race of fishes and oysters, and other aquatic animals, which have received the most remote habitations as a punishment of their outlandish ignorance. These are the laws by which animals pass into one another, now, as ever, changing as they lose or gain wisdom and folly.

    We may now say that our discourse about the nature of the universe has an end. The world has received animals, mortal and immortal, and is fulfilled with them, and has become a visible animal containing the visible–the sensible God who is the image of the intellectual, the greatest, best, fairest, most perfect–the one only-begotten heaven.

  • George Orwell《ANIMAL FARM》

    Chapter I

    Mr. Jones, of the Manor Farm, had locked the hen-houses for the night, but was too drunk to remember to shut the pop-holes. With the ring of light from his lantern dancing from side to side, he lurched across the yard, kicked off his boots at the back door, drew himself a last glass of beer from the barrel in the scullery, and made his way up to bed, where Mrs. Jones was already snoring.

    As soon as the light in the bedroom went out there was a stirring and a fluttering all through the farm buildings. Word had gone round during the day that old Major, the prize Middle White boar, had had a strange dream on the previous night and wished to communicate it to the other animals. It had been agreed that they should all meet in the big barn as soon as Mr. Jones was safely out of the way. Old Major (so he was always called, though the name under which he had been exhibited was Willingdon Beauty) was so highly regarded on the farm that everyone was quite ready to lose an hour’s sleep in order to hear what he had to say.

    At one end of the big barn, on a sort of raised platform, Major was already ensconced on his bed of straw, under a lantern which hung from a beam. He was twelve years old and had lately grown rather stout, but he was still a majestic-looking pig, with a wise and benevolent appearance in spite of the fact that his tushes had never been cut. Before long the other animals began to arrive and make themselves comfortable after their different fashions. First came the three dogs, Bluebell, Jessie, and Pincher, and then the pigs, who settled down in the straw immediately in front of the platform. The hens perched themselves on the window-sills, the pigeons fluttered up to the rafters, the sheep and cows lay down behind the pigs and began to chew the cud. The two cart-horses, Boxer and Clover, came in together, walking very slowly and setting down their vast hairy hoofs with great care lest there should be some small animal concealed in the straw. Clover was a stout motherly mare approaching middle life, who had never quite got her figure back after her fourth foal. Boxer was an enormous beast, nearly eighteen hands high, and as strong as any two ordinary horses put together. A white stripe down his nose gave him a somewhat stupid appearance, and in fact he was not of first-rate intelligence, but he was universally respected for his steadiness of character and tremendous powers of work. After the horses came Muriel, the white goat, and Benjamin, the donkey. Benjamin was the oldest animal on the farm, and the worst tempered. He seldom talked, and when he did, it was usually to make some cynical remark–for instance, he would say that God had given him a tail to keep the flies off, but that he would sooner have had no tail and no flies. Alone among the animals on the farm he never laughed. If asked why, he would say that he saw nothing to laugh at. Nevertheless, without openly admitting it, he was devoted to Boxer; the two of them usually spent their Sundays together in the small paddock beyond the orchard, grazing side by side and never speaking.

    The two horses had just lain down when a brood of ducklings, which had lost their mother, filed into the barn, cheeping feebly and wandering from side to side to find some place where they would not be trodden on. Clover made a sort of wall round them with her great foreleg, and the ducklings nestled down inside it and promptly fell asleep. At the last moment Mollie, the foolish, pretty white mare who drew Mr. Jones’s trap, came mincing daintily in, chewing at a lump of sugar. She took a place near the front and began flirting her white mane, hoping to draw attention to the red ribbons it was plaited with. Last of all came the cat, who looked round, as usual, for the warmest place, and finally squeezed herself in between Boxer and Clover; there she purred contentedly throughout Major’s speech without listening to a word of what he was saying.

    All the animals were now present except Moses, the tame raven, who slept on a perch behind the back door. When Major saw that they had all made themselves comfortable and were waiting attentively, he cleared his throat and began:

    “Comrades, you have heard already about the strange dream that I had last night. But I will come to the dream later. I have something else to say first. I do not think, comrades, that I shall be with you for many months longer, and before I die, I feel it my duty to pass on to you such wisdom as I have acquired. I have had a long life, I have had much time for thought as I lay alone in my stall, and I think I may say that I understand the nature of life on this earth as well as any animal now living. It is about this that I wish to speak to you.

    “Now, comrades, what is the nature of this life of ours? Let us face it: our lives are miserable, laborious, and short. We are born, we are given just so much food as will keep the breath in our bodies, and those of us who are capable of it are forced to work to the last atom of our strength; and the very instant that our usefulness has come to an end we are slaughtered with hideous cruelty. No animal in England knows the meaning of happiness or leisure after he is a year old. No animal in England is free. The life of an animal is misery and slavery: that is the plain truth.

    “But is this simply part of the order of nature? Is it because this land of ours is so poor that it cannot afford a decent life to those who dwell upon it? No, comrades, a thousand times no! The soil of England is fertile, its climate is good, it is capable of affording food in abundance to an enormously greater number of animals than now inhabit it. This single farm of ours would support a dozen horses, twenty cows, hundreds of sheep–and all of them living in a comfort and a dignity that are now almost beyond our imagining. Why then do we continue in this miserable condition? Because nearly the whole of the produce of our labour is stolen from us by human beings. There, comrades, is the answer to all our problems. It is summed up in a single word–Man. Man is the only real enemy we have. Remove Man from the scene, and the root cause of hunger and overwork is abolished for ever.

    “Man is the only creature that consumes without producing. He does not give milk, he does not lay eggs, he is too weak to pull the plough, he cannot run fast enough to catch rabbits. Yet he is lord of all the animals. He sets them to work, he gives back to them the bare minimum that will prevent them from starving, and the rest he keeps for himself. Our labour tills the soil, our dung fertilises it, and yet there is not one of us that owns more than his bare skin. You cows that I see before me, how many thousands of gallons of milk have you given during this last year? And what has happened to that milk which should have been breeding up sturdy calves? Every drop of it has gone down the throats of our enemies. And you hens, how many eggs have you laid in this last year, and how many of those eggs ever hatched into chickens? The rest have all gone to market to bring in money for Jones and his men. And you, Clover, where are those four foals you bore, who should have been the support and pleasure of your old age? Each was sold at a year old–you will never see one of them again. In return for your four confinements and all your labour in the fields, what have you ever had except your bare rations and a stall?

    “And even the miserable lives we lead are not allowed to reach their natural span. For myself I do not grumble, for I am one of the lucky ones. I am twelve years old and have had over four hundred children. Such is the natural life of a pig. But no animal escapes the cruel knife in the end. You young porkers who are sitting in front of me, every one of you will scream your lives out at the block within a year. To that horror we all must come–cows, pigs, hens, sheep, everyone. Even the horses and the dogs have no better fate. You, Boxer, the very day that those great muscles of yours lose their power, Jones will sell you to the knacker, who will cut your throat and boil you down for the foxhounds. As for the dogs, when they grow old and toothless, Jones ties a brick round their necks and drowns them in the nearest pond.

    “Is it not crystal clear, then, comrades, that all the evils of this life of ours spring from the tyranny of human beings? Only get rid of Man, and the produce of our labour would be our own. Almost overnight we could become rich and free. What then must we do? Why, work night and day, body and soul, for the overthrow of the human race! That is my message to you, comrades: Rebellion! I do not know when that Rebellion will come, it might be in a week or in a hundred years, but I know, as surely as I see this straw beneath my feet, that sooner or later justice will be done. Fix your eyes on that, comrades, throughout the short remainder of your lives! And above all, pass on this message of mine to those who come after you, so that future generations shall carry on the struggle until it is victorious.

    “And remember, comrades, your resolution must never falter. No argument must lead you astray. Never listen when they tell you that Man and the animals have a common interest, that the prosperity of the one is the prosperity of the others. It is all lies. Man serves the interests of no creature except himself. And among us animals let there be perfect unity, perfect comradeship in the struggle. All men are enemies. All animals are comrades.”

    At this moment there was a tremendous uproar. While Major was speaking four large rats had crept out of their holes and were sitting on their hindquarters, listening to him. The dogs had suddenly caught sight of them, and it was only by a swift dash for their holes that the rats saved their lives. Major raised his trotter for silence.

    “Comrades,” he said, “here is a point that must be settled. The wild creatures, such as rats and rabbits–are they our friends or our enemies? Let us put it to the vote. I propose this question to the meeting: Are rats comrades?”

    The vote was taken at once, and it was agreed by an overwhelming majority that rats were comrades. There were only four dissentients, the three dogs and the cat, who was afterwards discovered to have voted on both sides. Major continued:

    “I have little more to say. I merely repeat, remember always your duty of enmity towards Man and all his ways. Whatever goes upon two legs is an enemy. Whatever goes upon four legs, or has wings, is a friend. And remember also that in fighting against Man, we must not come to resemble him. Even when you have conquered him, do not adopt his vices. No animal must ever live in a house, or sleep in a bed, or wear clothes, or drink alcohol, or smoke tobacco, or touch money, or engage in trade. All the habits of Man are evil. And, above all, no animal must ever tyrannise over his own kind. Weak or strong, clever or simple, we are all brothers. No animal must ever kill any other animal. All animals are equal.

    “And now, comrades, I will tell you about my dream of last night. I cannot describe that dream to you. It was a dream of the earth as it will be when Man has vanished. But it reminded me of something that I had long forgotten. Many years ago, when I was a little pig, my mother and the other sows used to sing an old song of which they knew only the tune and the first three words. I had known that tune in my infancy, but it had long since passed out of my mind. Last night, however, it came back to me in my dream. And what is more, the words of the song also came back-words, I am certain, which were sung by the animals of long ago and have been lost to memory for generations. I will sing you that song now, comrades. I am old and my voice is hoarse, but when I have taught you the tune, you can sing it better for yourselves. It is called ‘Beasts of England’.”

    Old Major cleared his throat and began to sing. As he had said, his voice was hoarse, but he sang well enough, and it was a stirring tune, something between ‘Clementine’ and ‘La Cucaracha’. The words ran:

    Beasts of England, beasts of Ireland, Beasts of every land and clime, Hearken to my joyful tidings Of the golden future time.

    Soon or late the day is coming, Tyrant Man shall be o’er thrown, And the fruitful fields of England Shall be trod by beasts alone.

    Rings shall vanish from our noses, And the harness from our back, Bit and spur shall rust forever, Cruel whips no more shall crack.

    Riches more than mind can picture, Wheat and barley, oats and hay, Clover, beans, and mangel-wurzels Shall be ours upon that day.

    Bright will shine the fields of England, Purer shall its waters be, Sweeter yet shall blow its breezes On the day that sets us free.

    For that day we all must labour, Though we die before it break; Cows and horses, geese and turkeys, All must toil for freedom’s sake.

    Beasts of England, beasts of Ireland, Beasts of every land and clime, Hearken well and spread my tidings Of the golden future time.

    The singing of this song threw the animals into the wildest excitement. Almost before Major had reached the end, they had begun singing it for themselves. Even the stupidest of them had already picked up the tune and a few of the words, and as for the clever ones, such as the pigs and dogs, they had the entire song by heart within a few minutes. And then, after a few preliminary tries, the whole farm burst out into ‘Beasts of England’ in tremendous unison. The cows lowed it, the dogs whined it, the sheep bleated it, the horses whinnied it, the ducks quacked it. They were so delighted with the song that they sang it right through five times in succession, and might have continued singing it all night if they had not been interrupted.

    Unfortunately, the uproar awoke Mr. Jones, who sprang out of bed, making sure that there was a fox in the yard. He seized the gun which always stood in a corner of his bedroom, and let fly a charge of number 6 shot into the darkness. The pellets buried themselves in the wall of the barn and the meeting broke up hurriedly. Everyone fled to his own sleeping-place. The birds jumped on to their perches, the animals settled down in the straw, and the whole farm was asleep in a moment.

    第一章

    故事发生在曼纳庄园里。这天晚上,庄园的主人琼斯先生说是已经锁好了鸡棚,但由于他喝得醉意十足,竟把里面的那些小门都忘了关上。他提着马灯踉踉跄跄地穿过院子,马灯光也跟着一直不停地晃来晃去,到了后门,他把靴子一脚一只踢了出去,又从洗碗间的酒桶里舀起最后一杯啤酒,一饮而尽,然后才上床休息。此时,床上的琼斯夫人已是鼾声如雷了。

    等那边庄主院卧室里的灯光一熄灭,整个庄园窝棚里就泛起一阵扑扑腾腾的骚动。还在白天的时候,庄园里就风传着一件事,说是老麦哲,就是得过“中等白鬃毛”奖的那头雄猪,在前一天晚上作了一个奇怪的梦,想要传达给其他动物。老麦哲(他一直被这样称呼,尽管他在参加展览时用的名字是“威灵顿美神”)在庄园了一直德高望重,所以动物们为了聆听他想要讲的事情,都十分乐意牺牲一小时的睡眠。当时,大家都已经同意,等琼斯先生完全走开后,他们就到大谷仓内集合。

    在大谷仓一头一个凸起的台子上,麦哲已经安稳地坐在草垫子上了,在他头顶上方的房梁上悬挂着一盏马灯。他已经十二岁了,近来长得有些发胖,但他依然仪表堂堂。尽管事实上他的犬牙从来没有割剪过,这也并不妨碍他面带着智慧和慈祥。不一会,动物们开始陆续赶来,并按各自不同的方式坐稳了。最先到来的是三条狗,布鲁拜尔、杰西和平彻,猪随后走进来,并立即坐在台子前面的稻草上。鸡栖在窗台上,鸽子扑腾上了房梁,羊和牛躺在猪身后并开始倒嚼起来。两匹套四轮货车的马,鲍克瑟和克拉弗,一块赶来,他们走进时走得很慢,每当他们在落下那巨大的毛乎乎的蹄子时,总是小心翼翼,生怕草堆里藏着什么小动物。克拉弗是一匹粗壮而慈爱的母马,接近中年。她在生了第四个小驹之后,体形再也没有能恢复原样。鲍克瑟身材高大,有近两米高的个头,强壮得赛过两匹普通马相加,不过,他脸上长了一道直到鼻子的白毛,多少显得有些戆相。实际上,他确实不怎么聪明,但他坚韧不拔的个性和干活时那股十足的劲头,使他赢得了普遍的尊敬。跟着马后面到的是白山羊穆丽尔,还有那头驴,本杰明。本杰明是庄园里年龄最老的动物,脾气也最糟,他沉默寡言,不开口则已,一开口就少不了说一些风凉话。譬如,他会说上帝给了他尾巴是为了驱赶苍蝇,但他却宁愿没有尾巴也没有苍蝇。庄园里的动物中,唯有他从来没有笑过,要问为什么,他会说他没有看见什么值得好笑的。然而他对鲍克瑟却是真诚相待,只不过没有公开承认罢了。通常,他俩总是一起在果园那边的小牧场上消磨星期天,肩并着肩,默默地吃草。

    这两匹马刚躺下,一群失去了妈妈的小鸭子排成一溜进了大谷仓,吱吱喳喳,东张西望,想找一处不会被踩上的地方。克拉弗用她粗壮的前腿象墙一样地围住他们,小鸭子偎依在里面,很快就入睡了。莫丽来得很晚,这个愚蠢的家伙,长着一身白生生的毛,是一匹套琼斯先生座车的母马。她扭扭捏捏地走进来,一颠一颠地,嘴里还嚼着一块糖。她占了个靠前的位置,就开始抖动起她的白鬃毛,试图炫耀一番那些扎在鬃毛上的红饰带。猫是最后一个来的,她象往常一样,到处寻找最热乎的地方,最后在鲍克瑟和克拉弗当中挤了进去。在麦哲讲演时,她在那儿自始至终都得意地发出“咕咕噜噜”的声音,压根儿没听进麦哲讲的一个字。

    那只驯顺了的乌鸦摩西睡在庄主院后门背后的架子上,除他之外,所有的动物都已到场,看到他们都坐稳了,并聚精会神地等待着,麦哲清了清喉咙,开口说道:

    “同志们,我昨晚做了一个奇怪的梦,这个你们都已经听说了,但我想等一会再提它。我想先说点别的事。同志们,我想我和你们在一起呆不了多久了。在我临死之前,我觉得有责任把我已经获得的智慧传授给你们。我活了一辈子,当我独自躺在圈中时,我总在思索,我想我敢说,如同任何一个健在的动物一样,我悟出了一个道理,那就是活在世上是怎么回事。这就是我要给你们讲的问题。

    “那么,同志们,我们又是怎么生活的呢?让我们来看一看吧:我们的一生是短暂的,却是凄惨而艰辛。一生下来,我们得到的食物不过仅仅使我们苟延残喘而已,但是,只要我们还能动一下,我们便会被驱赶着去干活,直到用尽最后一丝力气,一旦我们的油水被榨干,我们就会在难以置信的残忍下被宰杀。在英格兰的动物中,没有一个动物在一岁之后懂得什么是幸福或空闲的涵意。没有一个是自由的。显而易见,动物的一生是痛苦的、备受奴役的一生。

    “但是,这真的是命中注定的吗?那些生长在这里的动物之所以不能过上舒适的生活,难道是因为我们这块土地太贫瘠了吗?不!同志们!一千个不!英格兰土地肥沃,气候适宜,它可以提供丰富的食物,可以养活为数比现在多得多的动物。拿我们这一个庄园来说,就足以养活十二匹马、二十头牛和数百只羊,而且我们甚至无法想象,他们会过得多么舒适,活得多么体面。那么,为什么我们的悲惨境况没有得到改变呢?这是因为,几乎我们的全部劳动所得都被人类窃取走了。同志们,有一个答案可以解答我们的所以问题,我可以把它总结为一个字——人,人就是我们唯一真正的仇敌。把人从我们的生活中消除掉,饥饿与过度劳累的根子就会永远拔掉。

    “人是一种最可怜的家伙,什么都产不了,只会挥霍。那些家伙产不了奶,也下不了蛋,瘦弱得拉不动犁,跑起来也是慢吞吞的,连个兔子都逮不住。可那家伙却是所有动物的主宰,他驱使他们去干活,给他们报偿却只是一点少得不能再少的草料,仅够他们糊口而已。而他们劳动所得的其余的一切则都被他据为己有。是我们流血流汗在耕耘这块土地,是我们的粪便使它肥沃,可我们自己除了这一副空皮囊之外,又得到了什么呢!你们这些坐在我面前的牛,去年一年里,你们已产过多少加仑的奶呢!那些本来可以喂养出许多强壮的牛犊的奶又到哪儿去了呢?每一滴都流进了我们仇敌的喉咙里。还有你们这些鸡、这一年里你们已下了多少只蛋呢?可又有多少孵成了小鸡?那些没有孵化的鸡蛋都被拿到市场上为琼斯和他的伙计们换成了钞票!你呢,克拉弗,你的四匹小马驹到哪儿去了?他们本来是你晚年的安慰和寄托!而他们却都在一岁时给卖掉了,你永远也无法再见到他们了。补偿给你这四次坐月子和在地里劳作的,除了那点可怜的饲料和一间马厩外,还有什么呢?

    “就是过着这样悲惨的生活,我们也不能被允许享尽天年。拿我自己来说,我无可抱怨,因为我算是幸运的。我十二岁了,已有四百多个孩子,这对一个猪来说就是应有的生活了。但是,到头来没有一个动物能逃过那残忍的一刀。你们这些坐在我面前的小肉猪们,不出一年,你们都将在刀架上嚎叫着断送性命。这恐怖就是我们——牛、猪、鸡、羊等等每一位都难逃的结局。就是马和狗的命运也好不了多少。你,鲍克瑟,有朝一日你那强健的肌肉失去了力气,琼斯就会把你卖给屠马商,屠马商会割断你的喉咙,把你煮了给猎狗吃。而狗呢,等他们老了,牙也掉光了,琼斯就会就近找个池塘,弄块砖头拴再他们的脖子上,把他们沉到水底。

    “那么,同志们,我们这种生活的祸根来自暴虐的人类,这一点难道不是一清二楚的吗?只要驱除了人,我们的劳动所得就会全归我们自己,而且几乎在一夜之间,我们就会变得富裕而自由。那么我们应该为此做些什么呢?毫无疑问,奋斗!为了消除人类,全力以赴,不分昼夜地奋斗!同志们,我要告诉你们的就是这个:造反!老实说,我也不知道造反会在何时发生,或许近在一周之内,或许远在百年之后。但我确信,就象看到我蹄子底下的稻草一样确凿无疑,总有一天,正义要申张。同志们,在你们整个短暂的余生中,不要偏离这个目标!尤其是,把我说的福音传给你们的后代,这样,未来的一代一代动物就会继续这一斗争,直到取得最后胜利。

    “记住,同志们,你们的誓愿决不可动摇,你们决不要让任何甜言蜜语把你们引入歧途。当他们告诉你们什么人与动物有着共同利益,什么一方的兴衰就是另一方的兴衰,千万不要听信那种话,那全是彻头彻尾的谎言。人心里想的事情只有他自己的利益,此外别无他有。让我们在斗争中协调一致,情同手足。所以的人都是仇敌,所有的动物都是同志”。

    就在这时刻,响起了一阵刺耳的嘈杂声。原来,在麦哲讲话时,有四只个头挺大的耗子爬出洞口,蹲坐在后腿上听他演讲,突然间被狗瞧见,幸亏他们迅速窜回洞内,才免遭一死。麦哲抬起前蹄,平静了一下气氛:

    “同志们”,他说,“这里有一点必须澄清。野生的生灵,比如耗子和兔子,是我们的亲友呢还是仇敌?让我们表决一下吧,我向会议提出这个议题:耗子是同志吗?”

    表决立即进行,压倒多数的动物同意耗子是同志。有四个投了反对票,是三条狗和一只猫。后来才发现他们其实投了两次票,包括反对票和赞成票。麦哲继续说道:

    “我还有一点要补充。我只是重申一下,永远记住你们的责任是与人类及其习惯势不两立。所有靠两条腿行走的都是仇敌,所有靠四肢行走的,或者有翅膀的,都是亲友。还有记住:在同人类作斗争的过程中,我们就不要模仿他们。即使征服了他们,也决不沿用他们的恶习。是动物就决不住在房屋里,决不睡在床上,决不穿衣、喝酒、抽烟,决不接触钞票,从事交易。凡是人的习惯都是邪恶的。而且,千万要注意,任何动物都不能欺压自己的同类。不论是瘦弱的还是强壮的;不论是聪明的还是迟钝的,我们都是兄弟。任何动物都不得伤害其他动物。所有的动物一律平等。

    “现在,同志们,我来谈谈关于昨晚那个梦的事。那是一个在消灭了人类之后的未来世界的梦想,我无法把它描述出来。但它提醒了我一些早已忘却的事情。很多年以前,当我还是头小猪时,我母亲和其他母猪经常唱一只古老的歌,那支歌,连她们也只记得个曲调和头三句歌词。我很小的时候就对那曲调熟悉了。但我也忘了很久了。然而昨天晚上,我又在梦中回想起来了,更妙的是,歌词也在梦中出现,这歌词,我敢肯定,就是很久以前的动物唱的、并且失传很多代的那首歌词。现在我就想唱给你们听听,同志们,我老了,嗓音也沙哑了,但等我把你们教会了,你们会唱得更好的。他叫‘英格兰兽’。”

    老麦哲清了清嗓子就开始唱了起来,正如他说的那样,他声音沙哑,但唱得很不错。那首歌曲调慷慨激昂,旋律有点介于“Clementine”和“LaCucuracha”之间。歌词是这样的:

    英格兰兽,爱尔兰兽,

    普天之下的兽,

    倾听我喜悦的佳音,

    倾听那金色的未来。

    那一天迟早要到来,

    暴虐的人类终将消灭,

    富饶的英格兰大地,

    将只留下我们的足迹。

    我们的鼻中不再扣环,

    我们的背上不再配鞍,

    蹶子、马刺会永远锈蚀

    不再有残酷的鞭子噼啪抽闪。

    那难以想象的富裕生活,

    小麦、大麦、干草、燕麦

    苜宿、大豆还有甜菜,

    那一天将全归我侪。

    那一天我们将自由解放,

    阳光普照英格兰大地,

    水会更纯净,

    风也更柔逸。

    哪怕我们活不到那一天,

    但为了那一天我们岂能等闲,

    牛、马、鹅、鸡

    为自由务须流血汗。

    英格兰兽、爱尔兰兽,

    普天之下的兽,

    倾听我喜悦的佳音,

    倾听那金色的未来。

    唱着这支歌,动物们陷入了情不自禁的亢奋之中。几乎还没有等麦哲唱完,他们已经开始自己唱了。连最迟钝的动物也已经学会了曲调和个别歌词了。聪明一些的,如猪和狗,几分钟内就全部记住了整首歌。然后,他们稍加几次尝试,就突然间齐声合唱起来,整个庄园顿时回荡着这震天动地的歌声。牛哞哞地叫,狗汪汪地吠,羊咩咩地喊,马嘶嘶地鸣,鸭子嘎嘎地唤。唱着这首歌,他们是多么地兴奋,以至于整整连着唱了五遍,要不是中途被打断,他们真有可能唱个通宵。

    不巧,喧嚣声吵醒了琼斯先生,他自以为是院子中来了狐狸,便跳下床,操起那支总是放在卧室墙角的猎枪,用装在膛里的六号子弹对着黑暗处开了一枪,弹粒射进大谷仓的墙里。会议就此匆匆解散。动物们纷纷溜回自己的窝棚。家禽跳上了他们的架子,家畜卧到了草堆里,顷刻之间,庄园便沉寂下来。

    Chapter II

    Three nights later old Major died peacefully in his sleep. His body was buried at the foot of the orchard.

    This was early in March. During the next three months there was much secret activity. Major’s speech had given to the more intelligent animals on the farm a completely new outlook on life. They did not know when the Rebellion predicted by Major would take place, they had no reason for thinking that it would be within their own lifetime, but they saw clearly that it was their duty to prepare for it. The work of teaching and organising the others fell naturally upon the pigs, who were generally recognised as being the cleverest of the animals. Pre-eminent among the pigs were two young boars named Snowball and Napoleon, whom Mr. Jones was breeding up for sale. Napoleon was a large, rather fierce-looking Berkshire boar, the only Berkshire on the farm, not much of a talker, but with a reputation for getting his own way. Snowball was a more vivacious pig than Napoleon, quicker in speech and more inventive, but was not considered to have the same depth of character. All the other male pigs on the farm were porkers. The best known among them was a small fat pig named Squealer, with very round cheeks, twinkling eyes, nimble movements, and a shrill voice. He was a brilliant talker, and when he was arguing some difficult point he had a way of skipping from side to side and whisking his tail which was somehow very persuasive. The others said of Squealer that he could turn black into white.

    These three had elaborated old Major’s teachings into a complete system of thought, to which they gave the name of Animalism. Several nights a week, after Mr. Jones was asleep, they held secret meetings in the barn and expounded the principles of Animalism to the others. At the beginning they met with much stupidity and apathy. Some of the animals talked of the duty of loyalty to Mr. Jones, whom they referred to as “Master,” or made elementary remarks such as “Mr. Jones feeds us. If he were gone, we should starve to death.” Others asked such questions as “Why should we care what happens after we are dead?” or “If this Rebellion is to happen anyway, what difference does it make whether we work for it or not?”, and the pigs had great difficulty in making them see that this was contrary to the spirit of Animalism. The stupidest questions of all were asked by Mollie, the white mare. The very first question she asked Snowball was: “Will there still be sugar after the Rebellion?”

    “No,” said Snowball firmly. “We have no means of making sugar on this farm. Besides, you do not need sugar. You will have all the oats and hay you want.”

    “And shall I still be allowed to wear ribbons in my mane?” asked Mollie.

    “Comrade,” said Snowball, “those ribbons that you are so devoted to are the badge of slavery. Can you not understand that liberty is worth more than ribbons?”

    Mollie agreed, but she did not sound very convinced.

    The pigs had an even harder struggle to counteract the lies put about by Moses, the tame raven. Moses, who was Mr. Jones’s especial pet, was a spy and a tale-bearer, but he was also a clever talker. He claimed to know of the existence of a mysterious country called Sugarcandy Mountain, to which all animals went when they died. It was situated somewhere up in the sky, a little distance beyond the clouds, Moses said. In Sugarcandy Mountain it was Sunday seven days a week, clover was in season all the year round, and lump sugar and linseed cake grew on the hedges. The animals hated Moses because he told tales and did no work, but some of them believed in Sugarcandy Mountain, and the pigs had to argue very hard to persuade them that there was no such place.

    Their most faithful disciples were the two cart-horses, Boxer and Clover. These two had great difficulty in thinking anything out for themselves, but having once accepted the pigs as their teachers, they absorbed everything that they were told, and passed it on to the other animals by simple arguments. They were unfailing in their attendance at the secret meetings in the barn, and led the singing of ‘Beasts of England’, with which the meetings always ended.

    Now, as it turned out, the Rebellion was achieved much earlier and more easily than anyone had expected. In past years Mr. Jones, although a hard master, had been a capable farmer, but of late he had fallen on evil days. He had become much disheartened after losing money in a lawsuit, and had taken to drinking more than was good for him. For whole days at a time he would lounge in his Windsor chair in the kitchen, reading the newspapers, drinking, and occasionally feeding Moses on crusts of bread soaked in beer. His men were idle and dishonest, the fields were full of weeds, the buildings wanted roofing, the hedges were neglected, and the animals were underfed.

    June came and the hay was almost ready for cutting. On Midsummer’s Eve, which was a Saturday, Mr. Jones went into Willingdon and got so drunk at the Red Lion that he did not come back till midday on Sunday. The men had milked the cows in the early morning and then had gone out rabbiting, without bothering to feed the animals. When Mr. Jones got back he immediately went to sleep on the drawing-room sofa with the News of the World over his face, so that when evening came, the animals were still unfed. At last they could stand it no longer. One of the cows broke in the door of the store-shed with her horn and all the animals began to help themselves from the bins. It was just then that Mr. Jones woke up. The next moment he and his four men were in the store-shed with whips in their hands, lashing out in all directions. This was more than the hungry animals could bear. With one accord, though nothing of the kind had been planned beforehand, they flung themselves upon their tormentors. Jones and his men suddenly found themselves being butted and kicked from all sides. The situation was quite out of their control. They had never seen animals behave like this before, and this sudden uprising of creatures whom they were used to thrashing and maltreating just as they chose, frightened them almost out of their wits. After only a moment or two they gave up trying to defend themselves and took to their heels. A minute later all five of them were in full flight down the cart-track that led to the main road, with the animals pursuing them in triumph.

    Mrs. Jones looked out of the bedroom window, saw what was happening, hurriedly flung a few possessions into a carpet bag, and slipped out of the farm by another way. Moses sprang off his perch and flapped after her, croaking loudly. Meanwhile the animals had chased Jones and his men out on to the road and slammed the five-barred gate behind them. And so, almost before they knew what was happening, the Rebellion had been successfully carried through: Jones was expelled, and the Manor Farm was theirs.

    For the first few minutes the animals could hardly believe in their good fortune. Their first act was to gallop in a body right round the boundaries of the farm, as though to make quite sure that no human being was hiding anywhere upon it; then they raced back to the farm buildings to wipe out the last traces of Jones’s hated reign. The harness-room at the end of the stables was broken open; the bits, the nose-rings, the dog-chains, the cruel knives with which Mr. Jones had been used to castrate the pigs and lambs, were all flung down the well. The reins, the halters, the blinkers, the degrading nosebags, were thrown on to the rubbish fire which was burning in the yard. So were the whips. All the animals capered with joy when they saw the whips going up in flames. Snowball also threw on to the fire the ribbons with which the horses’ manes and tails had usually been decorated on market days.

    “Ribbons,” he said, “should be considered as clothes, which are the mark of a human being. All animals should go naked.”

    When Boxer heard this he fetched the small straw hat which he wore in summer to keep the flies out of his ears, and flung it on to the fire with the rest.

    In a very little while the animals had destroyed everything that reminded them of Mr. Jones. Napoleon then led them back to the store-shed and served out a double ration of corn to everybody, with two biscuits for each dog. Then they sang ‘Beasts of England’ from end to end seven times running, and after that they settled down for the night and slept as they had never slept before.

    But they woke at dawn as usual, and suddenly remembering the glorious thing that had happened, they all raced out into the pasture together. A little way down the pasture there was a knoll that commanded a view of most of the farm. The animals rushed to the top of it and gazed round them in the clear morning light. Yes, it was theirs–everything that they could see was theirs! In the ecstasy of that thought they gambolled round and round, they hurled themselves into the air in great leaps of excitement. They rolled in the dew, they cropped mouthfuls of the sweet summer grass, they kicked up clods of the black earth and snuffed its rich scent. Then they made a tour of inspection of the whole farm and surveyed with speechless admiration the ploughland, the hayfield, the orchard, the pool, the spinney. It was as though they had never seen these things before, and even now they could hardly believe that it was all their own.

    Then they filed back to the farm buildings and halted in silence outside the door of the farmhouse. That was theirs too, but they were frightened to go inside. After a moment, however, Snowball and Napoleon butted the door open with their shoulders and the animals entered in single file, walking with the utmost care for fear of disturbing anything. They tiptoed from room to room, afraid to speak above a whisper and gazing with a kind of awe at the unbelievable luxury, at the beds with their feather mattresses, the looking-glasses, the horsehair sofa, the Brussels carpet, the lithograph of Queen Victoria over the drawing-room mantelpiece. They were just coming down the stairs when Mollie was discovered to be missing. Going back, the others found that she had remained behind in the best bedroom. She had taken a piece of blue ribbon from Mrs. Jones’s dressing-table, and was holding it against her shoulder and admiring herself in the glass in a very foolish manner. The others reproached her sharply, and they went outside. Some hams hanging in the kitchen were taken out for burial, and the barrel of beer in the scullery was stove in with a kick from Boxer’s hoof, otherwise nothing in the house was touched. A unanimous resolution was passed on the spot that the farmhouse should be preserved as a museum. All were agreed that no animal must ever live there.

    The animals had their breakfast, and then Snowball and Napoleon called them together again.

    “Comrades,” said Snowball, “it is half-past six and we have a long day before us. Today we begin the hay harvest. But there is another matter that must be attended to first.”

    The pigs now revealed that during the past three months they had taught themselves to read and write from an old spelling book which had belonged to Mr. Jones’s children and which had been thrown on the rubbish heap. Napoleon sent for pots of black and white paint and led the way down to the five-barred gate that gave on to the main road. Then Snowball (for it was Snowball who was best at writing) took a brush between the two knuckles of his trotter, painted out MANOR FARM from the top bar of the gate and in its place painted ANIMAL FARM. This was to be the name of the farm from now onwards. After this they went back to the farm buildings, where Snowball and Napoleon sent for a ladder which they caused to be set against the end wall of the big barn. They explained that by their studies of the past three months the pigs had succeeded in reducing the principles of Animalism to Seven Commandments. These Seven Commandments would now be inscribed on the wall; they would form an unalterable law by which all the animals on Animal Farm must live for ever after. With some difficulty (for it is not easy for a pig to balance himself on a ladder) Snowball climbed up and set to work, with Squealer a few rungs below him holding the paint-pot. The Commandments were written on the tarred wall in great white letters that could be read thirty yards away. They ran thus:

    THE SEVEN COMMANDMENTS1. Whatever goes upon two legs is an enemy.2. Whatever goes upon four legs, or has wings, is a friend.3. No animal shall wear clothes.4. No animal shall sleep in a bed.5. No animal shall drink alcohol.6. No animal shall kill any other animal.7. All animals are equal.

    It was very neatly written, and except that “friend” was written “freind” and one of the “S’s” was the wrong way round, the spelling was correct all the way through. Snowball read it aloud for the benefit of the others. All the animals nodded in complete agreement, and the cleverer ones at once began to learn the Commandments by heart.

    “Now, comrades,” cried Snowball, throwing down the paint-brush, “to the hayfield! Let us make it a point of honour to get in the harvest more quickly than Jones and his men could do.”

    But at this moment the three cows, who had seemed uneasy for some time past, set up a loud lowing. They had not been milked for twenty-four hours, and their udders were almost bursting. After a little thought, the pigs sent for buckets and milked the cows fairly successfully, their trotters being well adapted to this task. Soon there were five buckets of frothing creamy milk at which many of the animals looked with considerable interest.

    “What is going to happen to all that milk?” said someone.

    “Jones used sometimes to mix some of it in our mash,” said one of the hens.

    “Never mind the milk, comrades!” cried Napoleon, placing himself in front of the buckets. “That will be attended to. The harvest is more important. Comrade Snowball will lead the way. I shall follow in a few minutes. Forward, comrades! The hay is waiting.”

    So the animals trooped down to the hayfield to begin the harvest, and when they came back in the evening it was noticed that the milk had disappeared.

    第二章

    三天之后,老麦哲在安睡中平静地死去。遗体埋在苹果园脚下。

    这是三月初的事。

    从此以后的三个月里,有很多秘密活动。麦哲的演讲给庄园里那些比较聪明的动物带来了一个全新的生活观念。他们不知道麦哲预言的造反什么时候才能发生,他们也无法想象造反会在他们有生之年内到来。但他们清楚地晓得,为此作准备就是他们的责任。训导和组织其他动物的工作,自然地落在猪的身上,他们被一致认为是动物中最聪明的。而其中最杰出的是两头名叫斯诺鲍和拿破仑的雄猪,他们是琼斯先生为出售喂养的。拿破仑是头伯克夏雄猪,也是庄园中唯一的伯克夏种,个头挺大,看起来很凶,说话不多,素以固执而出名。相比之下,斯诺鲍要伶俐多了,口才好,也更有独创性,但看起来个性上没有拿破仑那么深沉。庄园里其他的猪都是肉猪。他们中最出名的是一头短小而肥胖的猪,名叫斯奎拉。他长着圆圆的面颊,炯炯闪烁的眼睛,动作敏捷,声音尖细,是个不可多得的演说家。尤其是在阐述某些艰深的论点时,他习惯于边讲解边来回不停地蹦跳,同时还甩动着尾巴。而那玩意儿不知怎么搞地就是富有蛊惑力。别的动物提到斯奎拉时,都说他能把黑的说成白的。

    这三头猪把老麦哲的训导用心琢磨,推敲出一套完整的思想体系,他们称之为“动物主义”。每周总有几个夜晚,等琼斯先生入睡后,他们就在大户仓里召集秘密会议,向其他动物详细阐述动物主义的要旨。起初,他们针对的是那些迟钝和麻木的动物。这些动物中,有一些还大谈什么对琼斯先生的忠诚的义务,把他视为“主人”,提出很多浅薄的看法,比如“琼斯先生喂养我们,如果他走了,我们会饿死的”。等等。还有的问到这样的问题:“我们干嘛要关心我们死后才能发生的事情?”或者问:“如果造反注定要发生,我们干不干又有什么关系?”因而,为了教他们懂得这些说法都是与动物主义相悖离的,猪就下了很大的功夫。这愚蠢的问题是那匹白雌马莫丽提出来的,她向斯诺鲍最先问的问题是:“造反以后还有糖吗?”

    “没有”,斯诺鲍坚定地说,“我们没有办法在庄园制糖,再说,你不需要糖,而你想要的燕麦和草料你都会有的”。

    “那我还能在鬃毛上扎饰带吗?”莫丽问。

    “同志”,斯诺鲍说,“那些你如此钟爱的饰带全是奴隶的标记。你难道不明白自由比饰带更有价值吗?”

    莫丽同意了,但听起来并不十分肯定。

    猪面对的更困难的事情,是对付那只驯顺了的乌鸦摩西散布的谎言。摩西这个琼斯先生的特殊宠物,是个尖细和饶舌的家伙,还是个灵巧的说客。他声称他知道有一个叫做“蜜糖山”的神秘国度,那里是所有动物死后的归宿。它就在天空中云层上面的不远处。摩西说,在蜜糖山,每周七天,天天都是星期天,一年四季都有苜蓿,在那里,方糖和亚麻子饼就长在树篱上。动物们憎恶摩西,因为他光说闲话而不干活,但动物中也有相信蜜糖山的。所以,猪不得不竭力争辩,教动物们相信根本就不存在那么一个地方。

    他们最忠实的追随者是那两匹套货车的马,鲍克瑟和克拉弗。对他们俩来说,靠自己想通任何问题都很困难。而一旦把猪认作他们的导师,他们便吸取了猪教给他们的一切东西,还通过一些简单的讨论把这些道理传授给其他的动物。大谷仓中的秘密会议,他们也从不缺席。每当会议结束要唱那首“英格兰兽”时,也由他们带头唱起。

    这一阵子,就结果而言,造反之事比任何一个动物所预期的都要来得更早也更顺利。在过去数年间,琼斯先生尽管是个冷酷的主人,但不失为一位能干的庄园主,可是近来,他正处于背运的时候,打官司中赔了钱,他更沮丧沉沦,于是拼命地喝酒。有一阵子,他整日呆在厨房里,懒洋洋地坐在他的温莎椅上,翻看着报纸,喝着酒,偶尔把干面包片在啤酒里沾一下喂给摩西。他的伙计们也无所事事,这不守职。田地里长满了野草,窝棚顶棚也漏了,树篱无人照管,动物们饥肠辘辘。

    六月,眼看到了收割牧草的时节。在施洗约翰节的前夕,那一天是星期六,琼斯先生去了威灵顿,在雷德兰喝了个烂醉,直到第二天,也就是星期天的正午时分才赶回来。他的伙计们一大早挤完牛奶,就跑出去打兔子了,没有操心给动物添加草料。而琼斯先生一回来,就在客厅里拿了一张《世界新闻》报盖在脸上,在沙发上睡着了。所以一直到晚上,动物们还没有给喂过。他们终于忍受不住了,有一头母牛用角撞开了贮藏棚的门,于是,所有的动物一拥而上,自顾自地从饲料箱里抢东西。就在此刻,琼斯先生醒了。不一会儿,他和他的四个伙计手里拿着鞭子出现在贮藏棚,上来就四处乱打一气。饥饿的动物哪里还受到了这个,尽管毫无任何预谋,但都不约而同地,猛地扑向这些折磨他们的主人。琼斯先生一伙忽然发现他们自己正处在四面被围之中。被犄角抵,被蹄子踢,形势完全失去了控制。他们从前还没有见到动物这样的举动,他们曾经是怎样随心所欲的鞭笞和虐待这一群畜牲!而这群畜牲们的突然暴动吓得他们几乎不知所措。转眼工夫,他们放弃自卫,拔腿便逃。又过了个把分钟,在动物们势如破竹的追赶下,他们五个人沿着通往大路的车道仓皇败逃。

    琼斯夫人在卧室中看到窗外发生的一切,匆忙拆些细软塞进一个毛毡手提包里,从另一条路上溜出了庄园。摩西从他的架子上跳起来,扑扑腾腾地尾随着琼斯夫人,呱呱地大声叫着。这时,动物们已经把琼斯一伙赶到外面的大路上,然后砰地一声关上五栅门。就这样,在他们几乎还没有反应过来时,造反已经完全成功了:琼斯被驱逐了,曼纳庄园成了他们自己的。

    起初,有好大一会,动物们简直不敢相信他们的好运气。他们做的第一件事就是沿着庄园奔驰着绕了一圈,仿佛是要彻底证实一下再也没有人藏在庄园里了。接着,又奔回窝棚中,把那些属于可憎的琼斯统治的最后印迹消除掉。马厩端头的农具棚被砸开了,嚼子、鼻环、狗用的项圈,以及琼斯先生过去常为阉猪、阉羊用的残酷的刀子,统统给丢进井里。缰绳、笼头、眼罩和可耻的挂在马脖子上的草料袋,全都与垃圾一起堆到院中,一把火烧了。鞭子更不例外。动物们眼看着鞭子在火焰中烧起,他们全都兴高采烈的欢呼雀跃起来。斯诺鲍还把饰带也扔进火里,那些饰带是过去常在赶集时扎在马鬃和马尾上用的。

    “饰带”,他说道,“应该视同衣服,这是人类的标记。所有的动物都应该一丝不挂”。

    鲍克瑟听到这里,便把他夏天戴的一顶小草帽也拿出来,这顶草帽本来是防止蝇虫钻入耳朵才戴的,他也把它和别的东西一道扔进了人火中。

    不大一会儿,动物们便把所有能引起他们联想到琼斯先生的东西全毁完了。然后,拿破仑率领他们回到贮藏棚里,给他们分发了双份玉米,给狗发了双份饼干。接着,他们从头至尾把“英格兰兽”唱了七遍。然后安顿下来,而且美美睡了一夜,好象他们还从来没有睡过觉似的。

    但他们还是照常在黎明时醒来,转念想起已经发生了那么了不起的事情,他们全都跑出来,一起冲向大牧场。通向牧场的小路上,有一座小山包,在那里,可以一览整个庄园的大部分景色。动物们冲到小山包顶上,在清新的晨曦中四下注视。是的,这是他们的——他们目光所及的每一件东西都是他们的!在这个念头带来的狂喜中,他们兜着圈子跳呀、蹦呀,在喷涌而来的极度激动中,他们猛地蹦到空中。他们在露水上打滚,咀嚼几口甜润的夏草;他们踢开黑黝黝的田土,使劲吮吸那泥块中浓郁的香味。然后,他们巡视庄园一周,在无声的赞叹中查看了耕地、牧场、果树园、池塘和树丛。仿佛他们以前还从没有见到过这些东西似的。而且,就是在这个时刻,他们还是不敢相信这些都是他们自己的。

    后来,他们列队向庄园的窝棚走去,在庄主院门外静静地站住了。这也是他们的,可是,他们却惶恐得不敢进去。过一会儿,斯诺鲍和拿破仑用肩撞开门,动物们才鱼贯而入,他们小心翼翼地走着,生怕弄乱了什么。他们踮起蹄子尖一个屋接一个屋地走过,连比耳语大一点的声音都不敢吱一下,出于一种敬畏,目不转睛地盯着这难以置信的奢华,盯着镜子、马鬃沙发和那些用他们的羽绒制成的床铺,还有布鲁塞尔毛圈地毯,以及放在客厅壁炉台上的维多利亚女王的平版肖像。当他们拾级而下时,发现莫丽不见了。再折身回去,才见她呆在后面一间最好的卧室里。她在琼斯夫人的梳妆台上拿了一条蓝饰带,傻下唧唧地在镜子前面贴着肩臭美起来。在大家严厉的斥责下,她这才又走了出来。挂在厨房里的一些火腿也给拿出去埋了,洗碗间的啤酒桶被鲍克瑟踢了个洞。除此之外,房屋里任何其他东西都没有动过。在庄主院现场一致通过了一项决议:庄主院应保存起来作为博物馆。大家全都赞成:任何动物都不得在次居住。

    动物们用完早餐,斯诺鲍和拿破仑再次召集起他们。

    “同志们”,斯诺鲍说道,“现在是六点半,下面还有整整一天。今天我们开始收割牧草,不过,还有另外一件事情得先商量一下”。

    这时,大家才知道猪在过去的三个月中,从一本旧的拼读书本上自学了阅读和书写。那本书曾是琼斯先生的孩子的,早先被扔到垃圾堆里。拿破仑叫拿来几桶黑漆和白漆,带领大家来到朝着大路的五栅门。接着,斯诺鲍(正是他才最擅长书写)用蹄子的双趾捏起一支刷子,涂掉了栅栏顶的木牌上的“曼纳庄园”几个字,又在那上面写上“动物庄园”。这就是庄园以后的名字。写完后,他们又回到窝棚那里,斯诺鲍和拿破仑又叫拿来一架梯子,并让把梯子支在大谷仓的墙头。他们解释说,经过过去三个月的研讨,他们已经成功地把动物主义的原则简化为“七戒”,这“七戒”将要题写在墙上,它们将成为不可更改的法律,所有动物庄园的动物都必须永远遵循它生活。斯诺鲍好不容易才爬了上去(因为猪不易的梯子上保持平衡)并开始忙乎起来,斯奎拉在比他低几格的地方端着油漆桶。在刷过柏油的墙上,用巨大的字体写着“七诫”。字是白色的,在三十码以外清晰可辨。它们是这样写的:

    七诫

    1.凡靠两条腿行走者皆为仇敌;

    2.凡靠四肢行走者,或者长翅膀者,皆为亲友;

    3.任何动物不得着衣;

    4.任何动物不得卧床;

    5.任何动物不得饮酒;

    6.任何动物不得伤害其他动物;

    7.所有动物一律平等。

    写得十分潇洒,除了把亲友“friend”写成了“freind”,以及其中有一处“S”写反之外,全部拼写得很正确。斯诺鲍大声念给别的动物听,所有在场的动物都频频点头,表示完全赞同。较为聪明一些的动物立即开始背诵起来。

    “现在,同志们”,斯诺鲍扔下油漆刷子说道,“到牧场上去!我们要争口气,要比琼斯他们一伙人更快地收完牧草”。

    就在这时刻,早已有好大一会显得很不自在的三头母牛发出振耳的哞哞声。已经二十四小时没有给她们挤奶了。她们的奶子快要胀破了。猪稍一寻思,让取来奶桶,相当成功地给母牛挤了奶,他们的蹄子十分适于干这个活。很快,就挤满了五桶冒着沫的乳白色牛奶,许多动物津津有味地瞧着奶桶中的奶。

    “这些牛奶可怎么办呢?”有一个动物问答。

    “琼斯先生过去常常给我们的谷糠饲料中掺一些牛奶”,有只母鸡说道。

    “别理会牛奶了,同志们!”站在奶桶前的拿破仑大声喊道,“牛奶会给照看好的,收割牧草才更重了,斯诺鲍同志领你们去,我随后就来。前进,同志们!牧草在等待着!”

    于是,动物们成群结队地走向大牧场,开始了收割。当他们晚上收工回来的时候,大家注意的:牛奶已经不见了。

    Chapter III

    How they toiled and sweated to get the hay in! But their efforts were rewarded, for the harvest was an even bigger success than they had hoped.

    Sometimes the work was hard; the implements had been designed for human beings and not for animals, and it was a great drawback that no animal was able to use any tool that involved standing on his hind legs. But the pigs were so clever that they could think of a way round every difficulty. As for the horses, they knew every inch of the field, and in fact understood the business of mowing and raking far better than Jones and his men had ever done. The pigs did not actually work, but directed and supervised the others. With their superior knowledge it was natural that they should assume the leadership. Boxer and Clover would harness themselves to the cutter or the horse-rake (no bits or reins were needed in these days, of course) and tramp steadily round and round the field with a pig walking behind and calling out “Gee up, comrade!” or “Whoa back, comrade!” as the case might be. And every animal down to the humblest worked at turning the hay and gathering it. Even the ducks and hens toiled to and fro all day in the sun, carrying tiny wisps of hay in their beaks. In the end they finished the harvest in two days’ less time than it had usually taken Jones and his men. Moreover, it was the biggest harvest that the farm had ever seen. There was no wastage whatever; the hens and ducks with their sharp eyes had gathered up the very last stalk. And not an animal on the farm had stolen so much as a mouthful.

    All through that summer the work of the farm went like clockwork. The animals were happy as they had never conceived it possible to be. Every mouthful of food was an acute positive pleasure, now that it was truly their own food, produced by themselves and for themselves, not doled out to them by a grudging master. With the worthless parasitical human beings gone, there was more for everyone to eat. There was more leisure too, inexperienced though the animals were. They met with many difficulties–for instance, later in the year, when they harvested the corn, they had to tread it out in the ancient style and blow away the chaff with their breath, since the farm possessed no threshing machine–but the pigs with their cleverness and Boxer with his tremendous muscles always pulled them through. Boxer was the admiration of everybody. He had been a hard worker even in Jones’s time, but now he seemed more like three horses than one; there were days when the entire work of the farm seemed to rest on his mighty shoulders. From morning to night he was pushing and pulling, always at the spot where the work was hardest. He had made an arrangement with one of the cockerels to call him in the mornings half an hour earlier than anyone else, and would put in some volunteer labour at whatever seemed to be most needed, before the regular day’s work began. His answer to every problem, every setback, was “I will work harder!”–which he had adopted as his personal motto.

    But everyone worked according to his capacity The hens and ducks, for instance, saved five bushels of corn at the harvest by gathering up the stray grains. Nobody stole, nobody grumbled over his rations, the quarrelling and biting and jealousy which had been normal features of life in the old days had almost disappeared. Nobody shirked–or almost nobody. Mollie, it was true, was not good at getting up in the mornings, and had a way of leaving work early on the ground that there was a stone in her hoof. And the behaviour of the cat was somewhat peculiar. It was soon noticed that when there was work to be done the cat could never be found. She would vanish for hours on end, and then reappear at meal-times, or in the evening after work was over, as though nothing had happened. But she always made such excellent excuses, and purred so affectionately, that it was impossible not to believe in her good intentions. Old Benjamin, the donkey, seemed quite unchanged since the Rebellion. He did his work in the same slow obstinate way as he had done it in Jones’s time, never shirking and never volunteering for extra work either. About the Rebellion and its results he would express no opinion. When asked whether he was not happier now that Jones was gone, he would say only “Donkeys live a long time. None of you has ever seen a dead donkey,” and the others had to be content with this cryptic answer.

    On Sundays there was no work. Breakfast was an hour later than usual, and after breakfast there was a ceremony which was observed every week without fail. First came the hoisting of the flag. Snowball had found in the harness-room an old green tablecloth of Mrs. Jones’s and had painted on it a hoof and a horn in white. This was run up the flagstaff in the farmhouse garden every Sunday morning. The flag was green, Snowball explained, to represent the green fields of England, while the hoof and horn signified the future Republic of the Animals which would arise when the human race had been finally overthrown. After the hoisting of the flag all the animals trooped into the big barn for a general assembly which was known as the Meeting. Here the work of the coming week was planned out and resolutions were put forward and debated. It was always the pigs who put forward the resolutions. The other animals understood how to vote, but could never think of any resolutions of their own. Snowball and Napoleon were by far the most active in the debates. But it was noticed that these two were never in agreement: whatever suggestion either of them made, the other could be counted on to oppose it. Even when it was resolved–a thing no one could object to in itself–to set aside the small paddock behind the orchard as a home of rest for animals who were past work, there was a stormy debate over the correct retiring age for each class of animal. The Meeting always ended with the singing of ‘Beasts of England’, and the afternoon was given up to recreation.

    The pigs had set aside the harness-room as a headquarters for themselves. Here, in the evenings, they studied blacksmithing, carpentering, and other necessary arts from books which they had brought out of the farmhouse. Snowball also busied himself with organising the other animals into what he called Animal Committees. He was indefatigable at this. He formed the Egg Production Committee for the hens, the Clean Tails League for the cows, the Wild Comrades’ Re-education Committee (the object of this was to tame the rats and rabbits), the Whiter Wool Movement for the sheep, and various others, besides instituting classes in reading and writing. On the whole, these projects were a failure. The attempt to tame the wild creatures, for instance, broke down almost immediately. They continued to behave very much as before, and when treated with generosity, simply took advantage of it. The cat joined the Re-education Committee and was very active in it for some days. She was seen one day sitting on a roof and talking to some sparrows who were just out of her reach. She was telling them that all animals were now comrades and that any sparrow who chose could come and perch on her paw; but the sparrows kept their distance.

    The reading and writing classes, however, were a great success. By the autumn almost every animal on the farm was literate in some degree.

    As for the pigs, they could already read and write perfectly. The dogs learned to read fairly well, but were not interested in reading anything except the Seven Commandments. Muriel, the goat, could read somewhat better than the dogs, and sometimes used to read to the others in the evenings from scraps of newspaper which she found on the rubbish heap. Benjamin could read as well as any pig, but never exercised his faculty. So far as he knew, he said, there was nothing worth reading. Clover learnt the whole alphabet, but could not put words together. Boxer could not get beyond the letter D. He would trace out A, B, C, D, in the dust with his great hoof, and then would stand staring at the letters with his ears back, sometimes shaking his forelock, trying with all his might to remember what came next and never succeeding. On several occasions, indeed, he did learn E, F, G, H, but by the time he knew them, it was always discovered that he had forgotten A, B, C, and D. Finally he decided to be content with the first four letters, and used to write them out once or twice every day to refresh his memory. Mollie refused to learn any but the six letters which spelt her own name. She would form these very neatly out of pieces of twig, and would then decorate them with a flower or two and walk round them admiring them.

    None of the other animals on the farm could get further than the letter A. It was also found that the stupider animals, such as the sheep, hens, and ducks, were unable to learn the Seven Commandments by heart. After much thought Snowball declared that the Seven Commandments could in effect be reduced to a single maxim, namely: “Four legs good, two legs bad.” This, he said, contained the essential principle of Animalism. Whoever had thoroughly grasped it would be safe from human influences. The birds at first objected, since it seemed to them that they also had two legs, but Snowball proved to them that this was not so.

    “A bird’s wing, comrades,” he said, “is an organ of propulsion and not of manipulation. It should therefore be regarded as a leg. The distinguishing mark of man is the HAND, the instrument with which he does all his mischief.”

    The birds did not understand Snowball’s long words, but they accepted his explanation, and all the humbler animals set to work to learn the new maxim by heart. FOUR LEGS GOOD, TWO LEGS BAD, was inscribed on the end wall of the barn, above the Seven Commandments and in bigger letters When they had once got it by heart, the sheep developed a great liking for this maxim, and often as they lay in the field they would all start bleating “Four legs good, two legs bad! Four legs good, two legs bad!” and keep it up for hours on end, never growing tired of it.

    Napoleon took no interest in Snowball’s committees. He said that the education of the young was more important than anything that could be done for those who were already grown up. It happened that Jessie and Bluebell had both whelped soon after the hay harvest, giving birth between them to nine sturdy puppies. As soon as they were weaned, Napoleon took them away from their mothers, saying that he would make himself responsible for their education. He took them up into a loft which could only be reached by a ladder from the harness-room, and there kept them in such seclusion that the rest of the farm soon forgot their existence.

    The mystery of where the milk went to was soon cleared up. It was mixed every day into the pigs’ mash. The early apples were now ripening, and the grass of the orchard was littered with windfalls. The animals had assumed as a matter of course that these would be shared out equally; one day, however, the order went forth that all the windfalls were to be collected and brought to the harness-room for the use of the pigs. At this some of the other animals murmured, but it was no use. All the pigs were in full agreement on this point, even Snowball and Napoleon. Squealer was sent to make the necessary explanations to the others.

    “Comrades!” he cried. “You do not imagine, I hope, that we pigs are doing this in a spirit of selfishness and privilege? Many of us actually dislike milk and apples. I dislike them myself. Our sole object in taking these things is to preserve our health. Milk and apples (this has been proved by Science, comrades) contain substances absolutely necessary to the well-being of a pig. We pigs are brainworkers. The whole management and organisation of this farm depend on us. Day and night we are watching over your welfare. It is for YOUR sake that we drink that milk and eat those apples. Do you know what would happen if we pigs failed in our duty? Jones would come back! Yes, Jones would come back! Surely, comrades,” cried Squealer almost pleadingly, skipping from side to side and whisking his tail, “surely there is no one among you who wants to see Jones come back?”

    Now if there was one thing that the animals were completely certain of, it was that they did not want Jones back. When it was put to them in this light, they had no more to say. The importance of keeping the pigs in good health was all too obvious. So it was agreed without further argument that the milk and the windfall apples (and also the main crop of apples when they ripened) should be reserved for the pigs alone.

    第三章

    收割牧草时,他们干得多卖力!但他们的汗水并没有白流,因为这次丰收比他们先前期望的还要大。

    这些活时常很艰难:农具是为人而不是为动物设计的,没有一个动物能摆弄那些需要靠两条后腿站着才能使用的器械,这是一个很大的缺陷。但是,猪确实聪明,他们能想出排除每个困难的办法。至于马呢,他们这些田地了如指掌,实际上,他们比琼斯及其伙计们对刈草和耕地精通得多。猪其实并不干活,只是指导和监督其他动物。他们凭着非凡的学识,很自然地承担了领导工作。鲍克瑟和克拉弗情愿自己套上割草机或者马拉耙机(当然,这时候根本不会用嚼子或者缰绳),迈着沉稳的步伐,坚定地一圈一圈地行进,猪在其身后跟着,根据不同情况,要么吆喝一声“吁、吁,同志!”要么就是“喔、喔,同志!”在搬运和堆积牧草时,每个动物无不尽力服从指挥。就连鸭子和鸡也整天在大太阳下,辛苦地用嘴巴衔上一小撮牧草来来回回忙个不停。最后,他们完成了收获,比琼斯那伙人过去干的活的时间提前了整整两天!更了不起的是,这是一个庄园里前所未有的大丰收。没有半点遗落;鸡和鸭子凭他们敏锐的眼光竟连非常细小的草梗草叶也没有放过。也没有一个动物偷吃哪怕一口牧草。

    整个夏季,庄园里的工作象时钟一样运行得有条有理,动物也都幸福愉快,而这一切,是他们从前连想都不敢想的。而今,既然所有食物都出自他们自己劳作,自己生产,而不是吝啬的主人施舍的嗟来之食,因而他们吃的是自己所有的食物,每嚼一口都是一种无比的享受。尽管他们还没有什么经验,但随着寄生的人的离去,每一个动物便有了更多的食物,也有了更多的闲暇。他们遇到过不少麻烦,但也都顺利解决了。比如,这年年底,收完玉米后,因为庄园里没有打谷机和脱粒机,他们就有那种古老的方式,踩来踩去地把玉米粒弄下来,再靠嘴巴把秣壳吹掉。面对困难,猪的机灵和鲍克瑟的力大无比总能使他们顺利度过难关。动物们对鲍克瑟赞叹不已。即使在琼斯时期,鲍克瑟就一直是个勤劳而持之以恒的好劳力,而今,他更是一个顶三个,那一双强劲的肩膀,常常象是承担了庄园里所有的活计。从早到晚,他不停地拉呀推呀,总是出现在工作最艰苦的地方。他早就和一只小公鸡约好,每天早晨,小公鸡提前半小时叫醒他,他就在正式上工之前先干一些志愿活,而这些活看起来也是最急需的。无论遇到什么困难和挫折,鲍克瑟的回答总是:“我要更加努力工作”,这句话也是他一直引用的座右铭。

    但是,每个动物都只能量力而行,比如鸡和鸭子,收获时单靠他们捡拾零落的谷粒,就节约了五蒲式耳的玉米。没有谁偷吃,也没有谁为自己的口粮抱怨,那些过去习以为常的争吵、咬斗和嫉妒也几乎一扫而光。没有或者说几乎没有动物开小差逃工。不过,倒真有这样的事:莫丽不太习惯早晨起来,她还有一个坏毛病,常常借故蹄子里夹了个石子,便丢下地里的活,早早溜走了。猫的表现也多少与众不同。每当有活干的时候,大家就发现怎么也找不到猫了。她会连续几小时不见踪影,直到吃饭时,或者收工后,才若无其事一般重新露面。可是她总有绝妙的理由,咕咕噜噜地说着,简直真诚得叫谁也没法怀疑她动机良好。老本杰明,就是那头驴,起义后似乎变化不大。他还是和在琼斯时期一样,慢条斯理地干活,从不开小差,也从不支援承担额外工作。对于起义和起义的结果,他从不表态。谁要问他是否为琼斯的离去而感到高兴,他就只说一句:“驴都长寿,你们谁都没有见过死驴呢”。面对他那神秘的回答,其他动物只好就此罢休。

    星期天没有活,早餐比平时晚一个小时,早餐之后,有一项每周都要举行的仪式,从不例外。先是升旗。这面旗是斯诺鲍以前在农具室里找到的一块琼斯夫人的绿色旧台布,上面用白漆画了一个蹄子和犄角,它每星期天早晨在庄主院花园的旗杆上升起。斯诺鲍解释说,旗是绿色的,象征绿色的英格兰大地。而蹄子和犄角象征着未来的动物共和国,这个共和国将在人类最终被铲除时诞生。升旗之后,所有动物列队进入大谷仓,参加一个名为“大会议”的全体会议。在这里将规划出有关下一周的工作,提出和讨论各项决议。别的动物知道怎样表决,但从未能自己提出任何议题。而斯诺鲍和拿破仑则分别是讨论中最活跃的中心。但显而易见,他们两个一直合不来,无论其中一个建议什么,另一个就准会反其道而行之。甚至对已经通过的议题,比如把果园后面的小牧场留给年老体衰的动物,这一个实际上谁都不反对的议题,他们也是同样如此。为各类动物确定退休年龄,也要激烈争论一番。大会议总是随着“英格兰兽”的歌声结束,下午留作娱乐时间。

    猪已经把农具室当作他们自己的指挥部了。一到晚上,他们就在这里,从那些在庄主院里拿来的书上学习打铁、木工和其他必备的技艺。斯诺鲍自己还忙于组织其他动物加入他所谓的“动物委员会”。他为母鸡设立了“产蛋委员会”,为牛设立了“洁尾社”,还设立了“野生同志再教育委员会”(这个委员会目的在于驯化耗子和兔子),又为羊发起了“让毛更白运动”等等。此外,还组建了一个读写班。为这一切,他真是不知疲倦。但总的来说。这些活动都失败了,例如,驯化野生动物的努力几乎立即流产。这些野生动物仍旧一如既往,要是对他们宽宏大量,他们就公然趁机钻空子。猫参加了“再教育委员会”,很活跃了几天。有动物看见她曾经有一天在窝棚顶上和一些她够不着的麻雀交谈。她告诉麻雀说,动物现在都是同志,任何麻雀,只要他们愿意,都可以到她的爪子上来,并在上面休息,但麻雀们还是对她敬而远之。

    然而,读书班却相当成功。到了秋季,庄园里几乎所有的动物都不同程度地扫了盲。

    对猪来说,他们已经能够十分熟练地读写。狗的阅读能力也练得相当不错,可惜他们只对读“七诫”有兴趣。山羊穆丽尔比狗读得还要好,她还常在晚上把从垃圾堆里找来的剪报念给其他动物听。本杰明读得不比任何猪逊色,但从不运用发挥他的本领。他说,据他所知,迄今为止,还没有什么值得读的东西。克拉弗学会了全部字母,可是就拼不成单词。鲍克瑟只能学到字母D,他会用硕大的蹄子在尘土上摹写出A、B、C、D,然后,站在那里,翘着耳朵,目不转睛地盯着,而且还不时抖动一下额毛,竭尽全力地想下一个字母,可总是想不起来。有好几次,真的,他确实学到了E、F、G、H,但等他学会了这几个,又总是发现他已经忘了A、B、C、D。最后,他决定满足于头四个字母,并在每天坚持写上一两遍,以加强记忆。莫丽除了那六个拼出她自己名字的字母Mollie外,再也不肯学点别的。她会用几根细嫩的树枝,非常灵巧地拼出她的名字,然后用一两支鲜花装饰一下,再绕着它们走几圈,赞叹一番。

    庄园里的其他动物都只学会了一个字母A。另外还有一点,那些比较迟钝的动物,如羊、鸡、鸭子等,还没有学会熟记“七诫”。于是,斯诺鲍经过反复思忖,宣布“七诫”实际上可以简化为一条准则,那就是“四条腿好,两条腿坏”。他说,这条准则包含了动物主义的基本原则,无论是谁,一旦完全掌握了这个准则,便免除了受到人类影响的危险。起初,禽鸟们首先表示反对,因为他们好像也只有两条腿,到斯诺鲍向他们证明这其实不然。

    “同志们”,他说道,“禽鸟的翅膀,是一种推动行进的器官,而不是用来操作和控制的,因此,它和腿是一回事。而人的不同特点是手,那是他们作恶多端的器官。”

    对这一番长篇大论,禽鸟们并没有弄懂,但他们接受了斯诺鲍的解释。同时,所有这类反应较慢的动物,都开始郑重其事地在心里熟记这个新准则。“四条腿好,两条腿坏”还题写在大谷仓一端的墙上,位于“七诫”的上方,字体比“七诫”还要大。羊一旦在心里记住了这个准则之后,就愈发兴致勃勃。当他们躺在地里时,就经常咩咩地叫着:“四条腿好,两条腿坏!四条腿好,两条腿坏!”一叫就是几个小时,从不觉得厌烦。

    拿破仑对斯诺鲍的什么委员会没有半点兴趣。他说,比起为那些已经长大成型的动物做的事来说,对年轻一代的教育才更为重要。赶巧,在收割牧草后不久,杰西和布鲁拜尔都崽了,生下了九条强壮的小狗。等这些小狗刚一断奶,拿破仑说他愿意为他们的教育负责,再把它们从母亲身边带走了。他把他们带到一间阁楼上,那间阁楼只有从农具室搭着梯子才能上去。他们处于这样的隔离状态中,庄园里其他动物很快就把他们忘掉了。

    牛奶的神秘去向不久就弄清了。原来,它每天被掺到猪饲料里。这时,早茬的苹果正在成熟,果园的草坪上遍布着被风吹落的果子。动物们以为把这些果子平均分配乃是理所当然。然而,有一天,发布了这样一个指示,说是让把所有被风吹落下来的苹果收集起来,带到农具室去供猪食用。对此,其他有些动物嘟嘟囔囔地直发牢骚,但是,这也无济于事。所有的猪对此都完全赞同,甚至包括斯诺鲍和拿破仑在内。斯奎拉奉命对其他动物作些必要的解释。

    “同志们”,他大声嚷道,“你们不会把我们猪这样做看成是出于自私和特权吧?我希望你们不。实际上,我们中有许多猪根本不喜欢牛奶和苹果。我自己就很不喜欢。我们食用这些东西的唯一目的是要保护我们的健康。牛奶和苹果(这一点已经被科学所证明,同志们)包含的营养对猪的健康来说是绝对必需的。我们猪是脑力劳动者。庄园的全部管理和组织工作都要依靠我们。我们夜以继日地为大家的幸福费尽心机。因此,这是为了你们,我们才喝牛奶,才吃苹果的。你们知道吧,万一我们猪失职了,那会发生什么事情呢?琼斯会卷土重来!是的,琼斯会卷土重来!真的,同志们!”斯奎拉一边左右蹦跳着,一边甩动着尾巴,几乎恳求地大喊道:“真的,你没有谁想看到琼斯卷土重来吧?”

    此时,如果说还有那么一件事情动物们能完全肯定的话,那就是他们不愿意让琼斯回来。当斯奎拉的见解说明了这一点以后,他们就不再有什么可说的了。使猪保持良好健康的重要性再也清楚不过了。于是,再没有继续争论,大家便一致同意:牛奶和被风吹落的苹果(并且还有苹果成熟后的主要收获)应当单独分配给猪。

    Chapter IV

    By the late summer the news of what had happened on Animal Farm had spread across half the county. Every day Snowball and Napoleon sent out flights of pigeons whose instructions were to mingle with the animals on neighbouring farms, tell them the story of the Rebellion, and teach them the tune of ‘Beasts of England’.

    Most of this time Mr. Jones had spent sitting in the taproom of the Red Lion at Willingdon, complaining to anyone who would listen of the monstrous injustice he had suffered in being turned out of his property by a pack of good-for-nothing animals. The other farmers sympathised in principle, but they did not at first give him much help. At heart, each of them was secretly wondering whether he could not somehow turn Jones’s misfortune to his own advantage. It was lucky that the owners of the two farms which adjoined Animal Farm were on permanently bad terms. One of them, which was named Foxwood, was a large, neglected, old-fashioned farm, much overgrown by woodland, with all its pastures worn out and its hedges in a disgraceful condition. Its owner, Mr. Pilkington, was an easy-going gentleman farmer who spent most of his time in fishing or hunting according to the season. The other farm, which was called Pinchfield, was smaller and better kept. Its owner was a Mr. Frederick, a tough, shrewd man, perpetually involved in lawsuits and with a name for driving hard bargains. These two disliked each other so much that it was difficult for them to come to any agreement, even in defence of their own interests.

    Nevertheless, they were both thoroughly frightened by the rebellion on Animal Farm, and very anxious to prevent their own animals from learning too much about it. At first they pretended to laugh to scorn the idea of animals managing a farm for themselves. The whole thing would be over in a fortnight, they said. They put it about that the animals on the Manor Farm (they insisted on calling it the Manor Farm; they would not tolerate the name “Animal Farm”) were perpetually fighting among themselves and were also rapidly starving to death. When time passed and the animals had evidently not starved to death, Frederick and Pilkington changed their tune and began to talk of the terrible wickedness that now flourished on Animal Farm. It was given out that the animals there practised cannibalism, tortured one another with red-hot horseshoes, and had their females in common. This was what came of rebelling against the laws of Nature, Frederick and Pilkington said.

    However, these stories were never fully believed. Rumours of a wonderful farm, where the human beings had been turned out and the animals managed their own affairs, continued to circulate in vague and distorted forms, and throughout that year a wave of rebelliousness ran through the countryside. Bulls which had always been tractable suddenly turned savage, sheep broke down hedges and devoured the clover, cows kicked the pail over, hunters refused their fences and shot their riders on to the other side. Above all, the tune and even the words of ‘Beasts of England’ were known everywhere. It had spread with astonishing speed. The human beings could not contain their rage when they heard this song, though they pretended to think it merely ridiculous. They could not understand, they said, how even animals could bring themselves to sing such contemptible rubbish. Any animal caught singing it was given a flogging on the spot. And yet the song was irrepressible. The blackbirds whistled it in the hedges, the pigeons cooed it in the elms, it got into the din of the smithies and the tune of the church bells. And when the human beings listened to it, they secretly trembled, hearing in it a prophecy of their future doom.

    Early in October, when the corn was cut and stacked and some of it was already threshed, a flight of pigeons came whirling through the air and alighted in the yard of Animal Farm in the wildest excitement. Jones and all his men, with half a dozen others from Foxwood and Pinchfield, had entered the five-barred gate and were coming up the cart-track that led to the farm. They were all carrying sticks, except Jones, who was marching ahead with a gun in his hands. Obviously they were going to attempt the recapture of the farm.

    This had long been expected, and all preparations had been made. Snowball, who had studied an old book of Julius Caesar’s campaigns which he had found in the farmhouse, was in charge of the defensive operations. He gave his orders quickly, and in a couple of minutes every animal was at his post.

    As the human beings approached the farm buildings, Snowball launched his first attack. All the pigeons, to the number of thirty-five, flew to and fro over the men’s heads and muted upon them from mid-air; and while the men were dealing with this, the geese, who had been hiding behind the hedge, rushed out and pecked viciously at the calves of their legs. However, this was only a light skirmishing manoeuvre, intended to create a little disorder, and the men easily drove the geese off with their sticks. Snowball now launched his second line of attack. Muriel, Benjamin, and all the sheep, with Snowball at the head of them, rushed forward and prodded and butted the men from every side, while Benjamin turned around and lashed at them with his small hoofs. But once again the men, with their sticks and their hobnailed boots, were too strong for them; and suddenly, at a squeal from Snowball, which was the signal for retreat, all the animals turned and fled through the gateway into the yard.

    The men gave a shout of triumph. They saw, as they imagined, their enemies in flight, and they rushed after them in disorder. This was just what Snowball had intended. As soon as they were well inside the yard, the three horses, the three cows, and the rest of the pigs, who had been lying in ambush in the cowshed, suddenly emerged in their rear, cutting them off. Snowball now gave the signal for the charge. He himself dashed straight for Jones. Jones saw him coming, raised his gun and fired. The pellets scored bloody streaks along Snowball’s back, and a sheep dropped dead. Without halting for an instant, Snowball flung his fifteen stone against Jones’s legs. Jones was hurled into a pile of dung and his gun flew out of his hands. But the most terrifying spectacle of all was Boxer, rearing up on his hind legs and striking out with his great iron-shod hoofs like a stallion. His very first blow took a stable-lad from Foxwood on the skull and stretched him lifeless in the mud. At the sight, several men dropped their sticks and tried to run. Panic overtook them, and the next moment all the animals together were chasing them round and round the yard. They were gored, kicked, bitten, trampled on. There was not an animal on the farm that did not take vengeance on them after his own fashion. Even the cat suddenly leapt off a roof onto a cowman’s shoulders and sank her claws in his neck, at which he yelled horribly. At a moment when the opening was clear, the men were glad enough to rush out of the yard and make a bolt for the main road. And so within five minutes of their invasion they were in ignominious retreat by the same way as they had come, with a flock of geese hissing after them and pecking at their calves all the way.

    All the men were gone except one. Back in the yard Boxer was pawing with his hoof at the stable-lad who lay face down in the mud, trying to turn him over. The boy did not stir.

    “He is dead,” said Boxer sorrowfully. “I had no intention of doing that. I forgot that I was wearing iron shoes. Who will believe that I did not do this on purpose?”

    “No sentimentality, comrade!” cried Snowball from whose wounds the blood was still dripping. “War is war. The only good human being is a dead one.”

    “I have no wish to take life, not even human life,” repeated Boxer, and his eyes were full of tears.

    “Where is Mollie?” exclaimed somebody.

    Mollie in fact was missing. For a moment there was great alarm; it was feared that the men might have harmed her in some way, or even carried her off with them. In the end, however, she was found hiding in her stall with her head buried among the hay in the manger. She had taken to flight as soon as the gun went off. And when the others came back from looking for her, it was to find that the stable-lad, who in fact was only stunned, had already recovered and made off.

    The animals had now reassembled in the wildest excitement, each recounting his own exploits in the battle at the top of his voice. An impromptu celebration of the victory was held immediately. The flag was run up and ‘Beasts of England’ was sung a number of times, then the sheep who had been killed was given a solemn funeral, a hawthorn bush being planted on her grave. At the graveside Snowball made a little speech, emphasising the need for all animals to be ready to die for Animal Farm if need be.

    The animals decided unanimously to create a military decoration, “Animal Hero, First Class,” which was conferred there and then on Snowball and Boxer. It consisted of a brass medal (they were really some old horse-brasses which had been found in the harness-room), to be worn on Sundays and holidays. There was also “Animal Hero, Second Class,” which was conferred posthumously on the dead sheep.

    There was much discussion as to what the battle should be called. In the end, it was named the Battle of the Cowshed, since that was where the ambush had been sprung. Mr. Jones’s gun had been found lying in the mud, and it was known that there was a supply of cartridges in the farmhouse. It was decided to set the gun up at the foot of the Flagstaff, like a piece of artillery, and to fire it twice a year–once on October the twelfth, the anniversary of the Battle of the Cowshed, and once on Midsummer Day, the anniversary of the Rebellion.

    第四章

    到了那里夏末,有关动物庄园里种种事件的消息,已经传遍了半个国家。每一天,斯诺鲍和拿破仑都要放出一群鸽子。鸽子的任务是混入附近庄园的动物中,告诉他们起义的史实,教他们唱“英格兰兽”。

    这个时期,琼斯先生把大部分时间都在泡在威灵顿雷德兰的酒吧间了。他心怀着被区区畜牲撵出家园的痛苦,每逢有人愿意听,他就诉说一通他的冤屈。别的庄园主基本上同情他,但起初没有给他太多帮助。他们都在心里暗暗寻思,看是否能多少从琼斯的不幸中给自己捞到什么好处。幸而,与动物庄园毗邻的两个庄园关系一直很差。一个叫作福克斯伍德庄园,面积不小,却照管得很差。广阔的田地里尽是荒芜的牧场和丢人现眼的树篱。庄园主皮尔金顿先生是一位随和的乡绅,随着季节不同,他不是钓鱼消闲,就是去打猎度日。另一个叫作平彻菲尔德庄园,小一点,但照料得不错。它的主人是弗雷德里克先生,一个精明的硬汉子,却总是牵扯在官司中,落了个好斤斤计较的名声。这两个人向来不和,谁也不买谁的帐,即使事关他们的共同利益,他们也是如此。

    话虽如此,可是这一次,他们俩都被动物庄园的造反行动彻底吓坏了,急不可待地要对他们自己庄园里的动物封锁这方面的消息。开始的时候,他们对动物们自己管理庄园的想法故作嘲笑与蔑视。他们说,整个事态两周内就会结束。他们散布说,曼纳庄园(他们坚持称之为曼纳庄园,而不能容忍动物庄园这个名字)的畜牲总是在他们自己之间打斗,而且快要饿死了。过一段时间,那里的动物显然并没有饿死,弗雷德里克和皮尔金顿就改了腔调,开始说什么动物庄园如今邪恶猖獗。他们说,传说那里的动物同类相食,互相用烧得通红的马蹄铁拷打折磨,还共同霸占他们中的雌性动物。弗雷德里克和皮尔金顿说,正是在这一点上,造反是悖于天理的。

    然而,谁也没有完全听信这些说法。有这样一座奇妙的庄园,在那儿人被撵走,动物们掌管自己的事务,这个小道消息继续以各种形式流传着。整个那一年,在全国范围内造反之波此起彼伏:一向温顺的公牛突然变野了,羊毁坏了树篱,糟踏了苜蓿,母牛蹄翻了奶桶,猎马不肯越过围栏而把背上的骑手甩到了另一边。更有甚者,“英格兰兽”的曲子甚至还有歌词已经无处不知,它以惊异的速度流传着。尽管人们故意装作不屑一顾,认为它滑稽可笑,但是,当他们听到了这支歌,便怒不可遏。他们说,他们简直弄不明白,怎么就连畜牲们也竟能唱这样无耻的下流小调。那些因为唱这支歌而被逮住的动物,当场就会被责以鞭笞。可这支歌还是压抑不住的,乌鸦在树篱上啭鸣着唱它,鸽子在榆树上咕咕着唱它,歌声渗进铁匠铺的喧声,渗进教堂的钟声,它预示着人所面临的厄运,因而,他们听到这些便暗自发抖。

    十月初,玉米收割完毕并且堆放好了,其中有些已经脱了粒。有一天,一群鸽子从空中急速飞回,兴高采烈地落在动物庄园的院子里。原来琼斯和他的所有伙计们,以及另外六个来自福克斯伍德庄园和平彻菲尔德庄园的人,已经进了五栅门,正沿着庄园的车道向这走来。除了一马当先的琼斯先生手里握着一支枪外,他们全都带着棍棒。显然,他们企图夺回这座庄园。

    这是早就预料到了的,所有相应的准备工作也已经就绪。斯诺鲍负责这次防御战。他曾在庄主院的屋子里找到一本谈论儒略-凯撒征战的旧书,并且钻研过。此时,他迅速下令,不出两分钟,动物们已经各就各位。

    当这伙人接近庄园的窝棚时,斯诺鲍发动第一次攻击,所有的鸽子,大概有三十五只左右,在这伙人头上盘旋,从半空中向他们一齐拉屎。趁着他们应付鸽子的“空袭”,早已藏在树篱后的一群鹅冲了出来,使劲地啄他们的腿肚子。而这还只是些小打小闹的计策,只不过制造点小混乱罢了。这帮人用棍棒毫不费力就把鹅赶跑了。斯诺鲍接着发动第二次攻击,穆丽尔、本杰明和所有的羊,随着打头的斯诺鲍冲向前去,从各个方向对这伙人又戳又抵,而本杰明则回头用他的小蹄子对他们尥起蹶子来。可是,对动物们来说,这帮拎着棍棒、靴子上又带着钉子的人还是太厉害了。突然,从斯诺鲍那里发出一声尖叫,这是退兵的信号,所有的动物转身从门口退回院子内。

    那些人发出得意的呼叫,正象他们所想象的那样,他们看到仇敌们溃不成军,于是就毫无秩序的追击着。这正是斯诺鲍所期望的。等他们完全进入院子后,三匹马,三头牛以及其余埋伏在牛棚里的猪,突然出现在他们身后,切断了他们的退路。这时,斯诺鲍发出了进攻的信号,他自己径直向琼斯冲出,琼斯看见他冲过来,举起枪就开了火,弹粒擦过斯诺鲍背部,刻下了一道血痕,一只羊中弹伤亡。当时迟,那时快,斯诺鲍凭他那两百多磅体重猛地扑向琼斯的腿,琼斯一下子被推到粪堆上,枪也从手中甩了出去。而最为惊心动魄的情景还在鲍克瑟那儿,他就像一匹没有阉割的种马,竟靠后腿直立起来,用他那巨大的钉着铁掌的蹄子猛打一气,第一下就击中了一个福克斯伍德庄园的马夫的脑壳,打得他倒在泥坑里断了气。看到这个情形,几个人扔掉棍子就要跑。他们被惊恐笼罩着,接着,就在所有动物的追逐下绕着院子到处乱跑。他们不是被抵,就是被踢;不是被咬,就是被踩。庄园里的动物无不以各自不同的方式向他们复仇。就连那只猫也突然从房顶跳到一个放牛人的肩上,用爪子掐进他的脖子里,疼得他大喊大叫。趁着门口没有挡道的机会,这伙人喜出望外,夺路冲出院子,迅速逃到大路上。一路上又有鹅在啄着他们的腿肚子,嘘嘘的轰赶他们。就这样,他们这次侵袭,在五分钟之内,又从进来的路上灰溜溜地败逃了。

    除了一个人之外,这帮人全都跑了。回到院子里,鲍克瑟用蹄子扒拉一下那个脸朝下趴在地上的马夫,试图把它翻过来,这家伙一动也不动。

    “他死了”,鲍克瑟难过地说,“我本不想这样干,我忘了我还钉着铁掌呢,谁相信我这是无意的呢?”

    “不要多愁善感,同志!”伤口还在滴滴答答流血的斯诺鲍大声说到。“打仗就是打仗,只有死人才是好人。”

    “我不想杀生,即使对人也不”,鲍克瑟重复道,两眼还含着泪花。

    不知是谁大声喊道:“莫丽哪儿去了?”

    莫丽确实失踪了。大家感到一阵惊慌,他们担心人设了什么计伤害了她,更担心人把她抢走了。结果,却发现她正躲在她的厩棚里,头还钻在料槽的草中。她在枪响的时候就逃跑了。后来又发现,那个马夫只不过昏了过去,就在他们寻找莫丽时,马夫苏醒过来,趁机溜掉了。

    这时,动物们又重新集合起来,他们沉浸在无比的喜悦之中,每一位都扯着嗓子把自己在战斗中的功劳表白一番。当下,他们立即举行了一个即兴的庆功仪式。庄园的旗帜升上去了,“英格兰兽”唱了许多遍。接着又为那只被杀害的羊举行了隆重的葬礼,还为她在墓地上种了一棵山楂树。斯诺鲍在墓前作了一个简短的演说,他强调说,如果需要的话,每个动物都当为动物庄园准备牺牲。

    动物们一致决定设立一个“一级动物英雄”军功勋章,这一称号就地立即授予斯诺鲍和鲍克瑟。并有一枚铜质奖章(那是在农具室里发现的一些旧的、货真价实的黄铜制做的),可在星期天和节日里佩戴。还有一枚“二级动物英雄”勋章,这一称号追认给那只死去的羊。

    关于对这次战斗如何称谓的事,他们讨论来,讨论去,最后决定命名为“牛棚大战”,因为伏击就是在那儿发起的。他们还把琼斯先生那支掉在泥坑里的枪找到了,又在庄主院里发现了存贮的子弹。于是决定把枪架在旗杆脚下,像一门大炮一样,并在每年鸣枪两次,一次在十月十二日的“牛棚大战”纪念日,一次在施洗约翰节,也就是起义纪念日。

    Chapter V

    As winter drew on, Mollie became more and more troublesome. She was late for work every morning and excused herself by saying that she had overslept, and she complained of mysterious pains, although her appetite was excellent. On every kind of pretext she would run away from work and go to the drinking pool, where she would stand foolishly gazing at her own reflection in the water. But there were also rumours of something more serious. One day, as Mollie strolled blithely into the yard, flirting her long tail and chewing at a stalk of hay, Clover took her aside.

    “Mollie,” she said, “I have something very serious to say to you. This morning I saw you looking over the hedge that divides Animal Farm from Foxwood. One of Mr. Pilkington’s men was standing on the other side of the hedge. And–I was a long way away, but I am almost certain I saw this–he was talking to you and you were allowing him to stroke your nose. What does that mean, Mollie?”

    “He didn’t! I wasn’t! It isn’t true!” cried Mollie, beginning to prance about and paw the ground.

    “Mollie! Look me in the face. Do you give me your word of honour that that man was not stroking your nose?”

    “It isn’t true!” repeated Mollie, but she could not look Clover in the face, and the next moment she took to her heels and galloped away into the field.

    A thought struck Clover. Without saying anything to the others, she went to Mollie’s stall and turned over the straw with her hoof. Hidden under the straw was a little pile of lump sugar and several bunches of ribbon of different colours.

    Three days later Mollie disappeared. For some weeks nothing was known of her whereabouts, then the pigeons reported that they had seen her on the other side of Willingdon. She was between the shafts of a smart dogcart painted red and black, which was standing outside a public-house. A fat red-faced man in check breeches and gaiters, who looked like a publican, was stroking her nose and feeding her with sugar. Her coat was newly clipped and she wore a scarlet ribbon round her forelock. She appeared to be enjoying herself, so the pigeons said. None of the animals ever mentioned Mollie again.

    In January there came bitterly hard weather. The earth was like iron, and nothing could be done in the fields. Many meetings were held in the big barn, and the pigs occupied themselves with planning out the work of the coming season. It had come to be accepted that the pigs, who were manifestly cleverer than the other animals, should decide all questions of farm policy, though their decisions had to be ratified by a majority vote. This arrangement would have worked well enough if it had not been for the disputes between Snowball and Napoleon. These two disagreed at every point where disagreement was possible. If one of them suggested sowing a bigger acreage with barley, the other was certain to demand a bigger acreage of oats, and if one of them said that such and such a field was just right for cabbages, the other would declare that it was useless for anything except roots. Each had his own following, and there were some violent debates. At the Meetings Snowball often won over the majority by his brilliant speeches, but Napoleon was better at canvassing support for himself in between times. He was especially successful with the sheep. Of late the sheep had taken to bleating “Four legs good, two legs bad” both in and out of season, and they often interrupted the Meeting with this. It was noticed that they were especially liable to break into “Four legs good, two legs bad” at crucial moments in Snowball’s speeches. Snowball had made a close study of some back numbers of the ‘Farmer and Stockbreeder’ which he had found in the farmhouse, and was full of plans for innovations and improvements. He talked learnedly about field drains, silage, and basic slag, and had worked out a complicated scheme for all the animals to drop their dung directly in the fields, at a different spot every day, to save the labour of cartage. Napoleon produced no schemes of his own, but said quietly that Snowball’s would come to nothing, and seemed to be biding his time. But of all their controversies, none was so bitter as the one that took place over the windmill.

    In the long pasture, not far from the farm buildings, there was a small knoll which was the highest point on the farm. After surveying the ground, Snowball declared that this was just the place for a windmill, which could be made to operate a dynamo and supply the farm with electrical power. This would light the stalls and warm them in winter, and would also run a circular saw, a chaff-cutter, a mangel-slicer, and an electric milking machine. The animals had never heard of anything of this kind before (for the farm was an old-fashioned one and had only the most primitive machinery), and they listened in astonishment while Snowball conjured up pictures of fantastic machines which would do their work for them while they grazed at their ease in the fields or improved their minds with reading and conversation.

    Within a few weeks Snowball’s plans for the windmill were fully worked out. The mechanical details came mostly from three books which had belonged to Mr. Jones–‘One Thousand Useful Things to Do About the House’, ‘Every Man His Own Bricklayer’, and ‘Electricity for Beginners’. Snowball used as his study a shed which had once been used for incubators and had a smooth wooden floor, suitable for drawing on. He was closeted there for hours at a time. With his books held open by a stone, and with a piece of chalk gripped between the knuckles of his trotter, he would move rapidly to and fro, drawing in line after line and uttering little whimpers of excitement. Gradually the plans grew into a complicated mass of cranks and cog-wheels, covering more than half the floor, which the other animals found completely unintelligible but very impressive. All of them came to look at Snowball’s drawings at least once a day. Even the hens and ducks came, and were at pains not to tread on the chalk marks. Only Napoleon held aloof. He had declared himself against the windmill from the start. One day, however, he arrived unexpectedly to examine the plans. He walked heavily round the shed, looked closely at every detail of the plans and snuffed at them once or twice, then stood for a little while contemplating them out of the corner of his eye; then suddenly he lifted his leg, urinated over the plans, and walked out without uttering a word.

    The whole farm was deeply divided on the subject of the windmill. Snowball did not deny that to build it would be a difficult business. Stone would have to be carried and built up into walls, then the sails would have to be made and after that there would be need for dynamos and cables. (How these were to be procured, Snowball did not say.) But he maintained that it could all be done in a year. And thereafter, he declared, so much labour would be saved that the animals would only need to work three days a week. Napoleon, on the other hand, argued that the great need of the moment was to increase food production, and that if they wasted time on the windmill they would all starve to death. The animals formed themselves into two factions under the slogan, “Vote for Snowball and the three-day week” and “Vote for Napoleon and the full manger.” Benjamin was the only animal who did not side with either faction. He refused to believe either that food would become more plentiful or that the windmill would save work. Windmill or no windmill, he said, life would go on as it had always gone on–that is, badly.

    Apart from the disputes over the windmill, there was the question of the defence of the farm. It was fully realised that though the human beings had been defeated in the Battle of the Cowshed they might make another and more determined attempt to recapture the farm and reinstate Mr. Jones. They had all the more reason for doing so because the news of their defeat had spread across the countryside and made the animals on the neighbouring farms more restive than ever. As usual, Snowball and Napoleon were in disagreement. According to Napoleon, what the animals must do was to procure firearms and train themselves in the use of them. According to Snowball, they must send out more and more pigeons and stir up rebellion among the animals on the other farms. The one argued that if they could not defend themselves they were bound to be conquered, the other argued that if rebellions happened everywhere they would have no need to defend themselves. The animals listened first to Napoleon, then to Snowball, and could not make up their minds which was right; indeed, they always found themselves in agreement with the one who was speaking at the moment.

    At last the day came when Snowball’s plans were completed. At the Meeting on the following Sunday the question of whether or not to begin work on the windmill was to be put to the vote. When the animals had assembled in the big barn, Snowball stood up and, though occasionally interrupted by bleating from the sheep, set forth his reasons for advocating the building of the windmill. Then Napoleon stood up to reply. He said very quietly that the windmill was nonsense and that he advised nobody to vote for it, and promptly sat down again; he had spoken for barely thirty seconds, and seemed almost indifferent as to the effect he produced. At this Snowball sprang to his feet, and shouting down the sheep, who had begun bleating again, broke into a passionate appeal in favour of the windmill. Until now the animals had been about equally divided in their sympathies, but in a moment Snowball’s eloquence had carried them away. In glowing sentences he painted a picture of Animal Farm as it might be when sordid labour was lifted from the animals’ backs. His imagination had now run far beyond chaff-cutters and turnip-slicers. Electricity, he said, could operate threshing machines, ploughs, harrows, rollers, and reapers and binders, besides supplying every stall with its own electric light, hot and cold water, and an electric heater. By the time he had finished speaking, there was no doubt as to which way the vote would go. But just at this moment Napoleon stood up and, casting a peculiar sidelong look at Snowball, uttered a high-pitched whimper of a kind no one had ever heard him utter before.

    At this there was a terrible baying sound outside, and nine enormous dogs wearing brass-studded collars came bounding into the barn. They dashed straight for Snowball, who only sprang from his place just in time to escape their snapping jaws. In a moment he was out of the door and they were after him. Too amazed and frightened to speak, all the animals crowded through the door to watch the chase. Snowball was racing across the long pasture that led to the road. He was running as only a pig can run, but the dogs were close on his heels. Suddenly he slipped and it seemed certain that they had him. Then he was up again, running faster than ever, then the dogs were gaining on him again. One of them all but closed his jaws on Snowball’s tail, but Snowball whisked it free just in time. Then he put on an extra spurt and, with a few inches to spare, slipped through a hole in the hedge and was seen no more.

    Silent and terrified, the animals crept back into the barn. In a moment the dogs came bounding back. At first no one had been able to imagine where these creatures came from, but the problem was soon solved: they were the puppies whom Napoleon had taken away from their mothers and reared privately. Though not yet full-grown, they were huge dogs, and as fierce-looking as wolves. They kept close to Napoleon. It was noticed that they wagged their tails to him in the same way as the other dogs had been used to do to Mr. Jones.

    Napoleon, with the dogs following him, now mounted on to the raised portion of the floor where Major had previously stood to deliver his speech. He announced that from now on the Sunday-morning Meetings would come to an end. They were unnecessary, he said, and wasted time. In future all questions relating to the working of the farm would be settled by a special committee of pigs, presided over by himself. These would meet in private and afterwards communicate their decisions to the others. The animals would still assemble on Sunday mornings to salute the flag, sing ‘Beasts of England’, and receive their orders for the week; but there would be no more debates.

    In spite of the shock that Snowball’s expulsion had given them, the animals were dismayed by this announcement. Several of them would have protested if they could have found the right arguments. Even Boxer was vaguely troubled. He set his ears back, shook his forelock several times, and tried hard to marshal his thoughts; but in the end he could not think of anything to say. Some of the pigs themselves, however, were more articulate. Four young porkers in the front row uttered shrill squeals of disapproval, and all four of them sprang to their feet and began speaking at once. But suddenly the dogs sitting round Napoleon let out deep, menacing growls, and the pigs fell silent and sat down again. Then the sheep broke out into a tremendous bleating of “Four legs good, two legs bad!” which went on for nearly a quarter of an hour and put an end to any chance of discussion.

    Afterwards Squealer was sent round the farm to explain the new arrangement to the others.

    “Comrades,” he said, “I trust that every animal here appreciates the sacrifice that Comrade Napoleon has made in taking this extra labour upon himself. Do not imagine, comrades, that leadership is a pleasure! On the contrary, it is a deep and heavy responsibility. No one believes more firmly than Comrade Napoleon that all animals are equal. He would be only too happy to let you make your decisions for yourselves. But sometimes you might make the wrong decisions, comrades, and then where should we be? Suppose you had decided to follow Snowball, with his moonshine of windmills–Snowball, who, as we now know, was no better than a criminal?”

    “He fought bravely at the Battle of the Cowshed,” said somebody.

    “Bravery is not enough,” said Squealer. “Loyalty and obedience are more important. And as to the Battle of the Cowshed, I believe the time will come when we shall find that Snowball’s part in it was much exaggerated. Discipline, comrades, iron discipline! That is the watchword for today. One false step, and our enemies would be upon us. Surely, comrades, you do not want Jones back?”

    Once again this argument was unanswerable. Certainly the animals did not want Jones back; if the holding of debates on Sunday mornings was liable to bring him back, then the debates must stop. Boxer, who had now had time to think things over, voiced the general feeling by saying: “If Comrade Napoleon says it, it must be right.” And from then on he adopted the maxim, “Napoleon is always right,” in addition to his private motto of “I will work harder.”

    By this time the weather had broken and the spring ploughing had begun. The shed where Snowball had drawn his plans of the windmill had been shut up and it was assumed that the plans had been rubbed off the floor. Every Sunday morning at ten o’clock the animals assembled in the big barn to receive their orders for the week. The skull of old Major, now clean of flesh, had been disinterred from the orchard and set up on a stump at the foot of the flagstaff, beside the gun. After the hoisting of the flag, the animals were required to file past the skull in a reverent manner before entering the barn. Nowadays they did not sit all together as they had done in the past. Napoleon, with Squealer and another pig named Minimus, who had a remarkable gift for composing songs and poems, sat on the front of the raised platform, with the nine young dogs forming a semicircle round them, and the other pigs sitting behind. The rest of the animals sat facing them in the main body of the barn. Napoleon read out the orders for the week in a gruff soldierly style, and after a single singing of ‘Beasts of England’, all the animals dispersed.

    On the third Sunday after Snowball’s expulsion, the animals were somewhat surprised to hear Napoleon announce that the windmill was to be built after all. He did not give any reason for having changed his mind, but merely warned the animals that this extra task would mean very hard work, it might even be necessary to reduce their rations. The plans, however, had all been prepared, down to the last detail. A special committee of pigs had been at work upon them for the past three weeks. The building of the windmill, with various other improvements, was expected to take two years.

    That evening Squealer explained privately to the other animals that Napoleon had never in reality been opposed to the windmill. On the contrary, it was he who had advocated it in the beginning, and the plan which Snowball had drawn on the floor of the incubator shed had actually been stolen from among Napoleon’s papers. The windmill was, in fact, Napoleon’s own creation. Why, then, asked somebody, had he spoken so strongly against it? Here Squealer looked very sly. That, he said, was Comrade Napoleon’s cunning. He had SEEMED to oppose the windmill, simply as a manoeuvre to get rid of Snowball, who was a dangerous character and a bad influence. Now that Snowball was out of the way, the plan could go forward without his interference. This, said Squealer, was something called tactics. He repeated a number of times, “Tactics, comrades, tactics!” skipping round and whisking his tail with a merry laugh. The animals were not certain what the word meant, but Squealer spoke so persuasively, and the three dogs who happened to be with him growled so threateningly, that they accepted his explanation without further questions.

    第五章

    冬天快要到了,莫丽变得越来越讨厌。她每天早上干活总要迟到,而且总为自己开脱说她睡过头了,她还常常诉说一些不可思议的病痛,不过,她的食欲却很旺盛。她会找出种种借口逃避干活而跑到饮水池边,呆呆地站在那儿,凝视着她在水中的倒影。但还有一些传闻,说起来比这更严重一些。有一天,当莫丽边晃悠着她的长尾巴边嚼着一根草根,乐悠悠的闲逛到院子里时,克拉弗把她拉到一旁。

    “莫丽”,她说,“我有件非常要紧的事要对你说,今天早晨,我看见你在查看那段隔开动物庄园和福克斯伍德庄园的树篱时,有一个皮尔金顿先生的伙计正站在树篱的另一边。尽管我离得很远,但我敢肯定我看见他在对你说话,你还让他摸你的鼻子。这是怎么回事,莫丽?”

    “他没摸!我没让!这不是真的!”莫丽大声嚷着,抬起前蹄子搔着地。

    “莫丽!看着我,你能向我发誓,那人不是在摸你的鼻子。”

    “这不是真的!”莫丽重复道,但却不敢正视克拉弗。然后,她朝着田野飞奔而去,逃之夭夭。

    克拉弗心中闪过一个念头。谁也没有打招呼,她就跑到莫丽的厩棚里,用蹄子翻开一堆草。草下竟藏着一堆方糖和几条不同颜色的饰带。

    三天后,莫丽不见了,好几个星期下落不明。后来鸽子报告说他们曾在威灵顿那边见到过她,当时,她正被驾在一辆单驾马车上,那辆车很时髦,漆得有红有黑,停在一个客栈外面。有个红脸膛的胖子,身穿方格子马裤和高筒靴,象是客栈老板,边抚摸着她的鼻子边给她喂糖。她的毛发修剪一新,额毛上还佩戴着一条鲜红的饰带。所以鸽子说,她显得自鸣得意。从此以后,动物们再也不提她了。

    一月份,天气极其恶劣。田地好象铁板一样,什么活都干不成。倒是在大谷仓里召开了很多会议,猪忙于筹划下一季度的工作。他们明显比其它动物聪明,也就自然而然地该对庄园里所有的大政方针做出决定,尽管他们的决策还得通过大多数表决同意后才有效。本来,要是斯诺鲍和拿破仑相互之间不闹别扭,整个程序会进行得很顺利。可是在每一个论点上,他们俩一有可能便要抬杠。如果其中一个建议用更大面积播种大麦,另一个则肯定要求用更大面积播种燕麦;如果一个说某某地方最适宜种卷心菜,另一个就会声称那里非种薯类不可,不然就是废地一块。他们俩都有自己的追随者,相互之间还有一些激烈的争辩。在大会议上,斯诺鲍能言善辩,令绝大多数动物心诚口服。而拿破仑更擅长在会议上休息时为争取到支持游说拉票。在羊那儿,他尤其成功。后来,不管适时不适时,羊都在咩咩地叫着“四条腿好,两条腿坏”,并经常借此来捣乱大会议。而且,大家注意到了,越是斯诺鲍的讲演讲到关键处,他们就越有可能插进“四条腿好,两条腿坏”的咩咩声。斯诺鲍曾在庄主院里找到一些过期的《农场主和畜牧业者》杂志,并对此作过深入的研究,装了满脑子的革新和发明设想。他谈起什么农田排水、什么饲料保鲜、什么碱性炉渣,学究气十足。他还设计出一个复杂的系统,可以把动物每天在不同地方拉的粪便直接通到地里,以节省运送的劳力。拿破仑自己无所贡献,却拐弯抹角地说斯诺鲍的这些东西最终将会是一场空,看起来他是在走着瞧了。但是在他们所有的争吵中,最为激烈的莫过于关于风车一事的争辩。

    在狭长的大牧场上,离庄园里的窝棚不远的地方,有一座小山包,那是庄园里的制高点。斯诺鲍在勘察过那地方之后,宣布说那里是建造风车最合适的地方。这风车可用来带动发电机,从而可为庄园提供电力。也就可以使窝棚里用上电灯并在冬天取暖,还可以带动圆锯、铡草机、切片机和电动挤奶机。动物们以前还从未听说过任何这类事情(因为这是一座老式的庄园,只有一台非常原始的机器)。当斯诺鲍绘声绘色地描述着那些奇妙的机器的情景时,说那些机器可以在他们悠闲地在地里吃草时,在他们修养心性而读书或聊天时为他们干活,动物们都听呆了。

    不出几个星期,斯诺鲍为风车作的设计方案就全部拟订好了。机械方面的详细资料大多取自于《对居室要做的1000件益事》、《自己做自己的瓦工》和《电学入门》三本书,这三本书原来也是琼斯先生的。斯诺鲍把一间小棚作为他的工作室,那间小棚曾是孵卵棚,里面铺着光滑的木制地板,地板上适宜于画图。他在那里闭门不出,一干就是几个小时。他把打开的书用石块压着,蹄子的两趾间夹着一截粉笔,麻利地来回走动,一边发出带点兴奋的哼哧声,一边画着一道接一道的线条。渐渐地,设计图深入到有大量曲柄和齿轮的复杂部分,图面覆盖了大半个地板,这在其他动物看来简直太深奥了,但印象却非常深刻。他们每天至少要来一次,看看斯诺鲍作图。就连鸡和鸭子也来,而且为了不踩踏粉笔线还格外小心谨慎。惟独拿破仑回避着。一开始,他就声言反对风车。然而有一天,出乎意料,他也来检查设计图了。他沉闷不语地在棚子里绕来绕去,仔细查看设计图上的每一处细节,偶尔还冲着它们从鼻子里哼哼一两声,然后乜斜着眼睛,站在一旁往图上打量一阵子,突然,他抬起腿来,对着图撒了一泡尿,接了一声不吭,扬长而去。

    整个庄园在风车一事上截然地分裂开了。斯诺鲍毫不否认修建它是一项繁重的事业,需要采石并筑成墙,还得制造叶片,另外还需要发电机和电缆(至于这些如何兑现,斯诺鲍当时没说)。但他坚持认为这项工程可在一年内完成。而且还宣称,建成之后将会因此节省大量的劳力,以至于动物们每周只需要干三天活。另一方面,拿破仑却争辩说,当前最急需的是增加食料生产,而如果他们在风车上浪费时间,他们全都会饿死的。在“拥护斯诺鲍和每周三日工作制”和“拥护拿破仑和食料满槽制”的不同口号下,动物们形成了两派,本杰明是唯一一个两边都不沾的动物。他既不相信什么食料会更充足,也不相信什么风车会节省劳力。他说,有没有风车无所谓,生活会继续下去的,一如既往,也就是说总有不足之处。

    除了风车争执之外,还有一个关于庄园的防御问题。尽管人在牛棚大战中被击溃了,但他们为夺回庄园并使琼斯先生复辟,会发动一次更凶狠的进犯,这是千真万确的事。进一步说,因为他们受到挫败的消息已经传遍了整个国家,使得附近庄园的动物比以前更难驾驭了,他们也就更有理由这样干了。可是斯诺鲍和拿破仑又照例发生了分歧。根据拿破仑的意见,动物们的当务之急是设法武装起来,并自我训练使用武器。而按斯诺鲍的说法,他们应该放出越来越多的鸽子,到其他庄园的动物中煽动造反。一个说如不自卫就无异于坐以待毙;另一个则说如果造反四起,他们就断无自卫的必要。动物们先听了拿破仑的,又听了斯诺鲍的,竟不能确定谁是谁非。实际上,他们总是发现,讲话的是谁,他们就会同意谁的。

    终于熬到了这一天,斯诺鲍的设计图完成了。在紧接着的星期天大会议上,是否开工建造风车的议题将要付诸表决,当动物们在大谷仓里集合完毕,斯诺鲍站了起来,尽管不时被羊的咩咩声打断,他还是提出了他热衷于建造风车的缘由。接着,拿破仑站起来反驳,他非常隐讳地说风车是瞎折腾,劝告大家不要支持它,就又猛地坐了下去。他斤斤讲了不到半分钟,似乎显得有点说不说都一个样。这时,斯诺鲍跳了起来,喝住了又要咩咩乱叫的羊,慷慨陈词,呼吁大家对风车给予支持。在这之前,动物们因各有所好,基本上是平均地分成两派,但在顷刻之间,斯诺鲍的雄辩口才就说得他们服服贴贴。他用热烈的语言,描述着当动物们摆脱了沉重的劳动时动物庄园的景象。他的设想此时早已远远超出了铡草机和切萝卜机。他说,电能带动脱粒机、犁、耙、碾子、收割机和捆扎机,除此之外,还能给每一个窝棚里提供电灯、热水或凉水,以及电炉等等。他讲演完后,表决会何去何从已经很明显了。就在这个关头,拿破仑站起来,怪模怪样地瞥了斯诺鲍一眼,把了一声尖细的口哨,这样的口哨声以前没有一个动物听到他打过。

    这时,从外面传来一阵凶狠的汪汪叫声,紧接着,九条强壮的狗,戴着镶有青铜饰钉的项圈,跳进大仓谷里来,径直扑向斯诺鲍。就在斯诺鲍要被咬上的最后一刻,他才跳起来,一下跑到门外,于是狗就在后面追。动物们都吓呆了,个个张口结舌。他们挤到门外注视着这场追逐。斯诺鲍飞奔着穿过通向大路的牧场,他使出浑身解数拼命地跑着。而狗已经接近他的后蹄子。突然间,他滑倒了,眼看着就要被他们逮住。可他又重新起来,跑得更快了。狗又一次赶上去,其中一条狗几乎就要咬住斯诺鲍的尾巴了,幸而斯诺鲍及时甩开了尾巴。接着他又一个冲刺,和狗不过一步之差,从树篱中的一个缺口窜了出去,再也看不到了。

    动物们惊愕地爬回大谷仓。不一会儿,那些狗又汪汪地叫着跑回来。刚开始时,动物们都想不出这些家伙是从哪儿来的,但问题很快就弄明白了:他们正是早先被拿破仑从他们的母亲身边带走的那些狗崽子,被拿破仑偷偷地养着。他们尽管还没有完全长大,但个头都不小,看上去凶得象狼。大家都注意到,他们始终紧挨着拿破仑,对他摆着尾巴。那姿势,竟和别的狗过去对琼斯先生的做法一模一样。

    这时,拿破仑在狗的尾随下,登上那个当年麦哲发表演讲的凸台,并宣布,从今以后,星期天早晨的大会议就此告终。他说,那些会议毫无必要,又浪费时间。此后一切有关庄园工作的议题,将有一个由猪组成的特别委员会定夺,这个委员会由他亲自统管。他们将在私下碰头,然后把有关决策传达给其他动物。动物们仍要在星期天早晨集合,向庄园的旗帜致敬,唱“英格兰兽”,并接受下一周的工作任务。但再也不搞什么辩论了。

    本来,斯诺鲍被逐已经对他们刺激不小了,但他们更为这个通告感到惊愕。有几个动物想要抗议,却可惜没有找到合适的辩词。甚至鲍克瑟也感到茫然不解,他支起耳朵,抖动几下额毛,费力地想理出个头绪,结果没想出任何可说的话。然而,有些猪倒十分清醒,四只在前排的小肉猪不以为然地尖声叫着,当即都跳起来准备发言。但突然间,围坐在拿破仑身旁的那群狗发出一阵阴森恐怖的咆哮,于是,他们便沉默不语,重新坐了下去。接着,羊又声音响亮地咩咩叫起“四条腿好,两条腿坏!”一直持续了一刻钟,从而,所有讨论一下的希望也付诸东流了。

    后来,斯奎拉受命在庄园里兜了一圈,就这个新的安排向动物作一解释。

    “同志们”,他说,“我希望每一位在这儿的动物,会对拿破仑同志为承担这些额外的劳动所作的牺牲而感激的。同志们,不要以为当领导是一种享受!恰恰相反,它是一项艰深而繁重的职责。没有谁能比拿破仑同志更坚信所有动物一律平等。他也确实很想让大家自己为自己作主。可是,万一你们失策了,那么同志们,我们会怎样呢?要是你们决定按斯诺鲍的风车梦想跟从了他会怎样呢?斯诺鲍这家伙,就我们现在所知,不比一个坏蛋强多少。”

    “他在牛棚大战中作战很勇敢”,有个动物说了一句。

    “勇敢是不够的”,斯奎拉说,“忠诚和服从更为重要。就牛棚大战而言,我相信我们最终会有一天发现斯诺鲍的作用被吹得太大了。纪律,同志们,铁的纪律!这是我们今天的口号。一步走错,我们的仇敌便会来颠覆我们。同志们,你们肯定不想让琼斯回来吧?”

    这番论证同样是无可辩驳的。毫无疑问,动物们害怕琼斯回来;如果星期天早晨召集的辩论有导致他回来的可能,那么辩论就应该停止。鲍克瑟细细琢磨了好一阵子,说了句“如果这是拿破仑同志说,那就一定没错”,以此来表达他的整个感受。并且从此以后,他又用“拿破仑同志永远正确”这句格言,作为对他个人的座右铭“我要更加努力工作”的补充。

    到了天气变暖,春耕已经开始的时候。那间斯诺鲍用来画风车设计图的小棚还一直被封着,大家想象着那些设计图早已从地板上擦掉了。每星期天早晨十点钟,动物们聚集在大谷仓,接受他们下一周的工作任务。如今,老麦哲的那个风干了肉的颅骨,也已经从果园脚下挖了出来,驾在旗杆下的一个木墩上,位于枪的一侧。升旗之后,动物们要按规定恭恭敬敬地列队经过那个颅骨,然后才走进大谷仓。近来,他们还没有像早先那样全坐在一起过。拿破仑同斯奎拉和另一个叫梅尼缪斯的猪,共同坐在前台。这个梅尼缪斯具有非凡的天赋,擅于谱曲作诗。九条年轻的狗围着它们成半圆形坐着。其他猪坐在后台。别的动物面对着他们坐在大谷仓中间。拿破仑用一种粗暴的军人风格,宣读对下一周的安排,随后只唱了一遍“英格兰兽”,所有的动物就解散了。

    斯诺鲍被逐后的第三个星期天,拿破仑宣布要建造风车,动物们听到这个消息,终究有些吃惊。而拿破仑没有为改变主意讲述任何理由,只是简单地告诫动物们,那项额外的任务将意味着非常艰苦的劳动:也许有必要缩减他们的食料。然而,设计图已全部筹备好,并已经进入最后的细节部分。一个由猪组成的特别委员会为此在过去三周内一直工作着。风车的修建,加上其他一些各种各样的改进,预期要两年时间。

    当天晚上,斯奎拉私下对其他动物解释说,拿破仑从来没有真正反对过风车。相反,正是由他最初做的建议。那个斯诺鲍画在孵卵棚地板上的设计图,实际上是他早先从拿破仑的笔记中剽窃的。事实上,风车是拿破仑自己的创造。于是,有的动物问道,为什么他曾说它的坏话说得那么厉害?在这一点上,斯奎拉显得非常圆滑。他说,这是拿破仑同志的老练,他装作反对风车,那只是一个计谋,目的在于驱除斯诺鲍这个隐患,这个坏东西。既然现在斯诺鲍已经溜掉了,计划也就能在没有斯诺鲍妨碍的情况下顺利进行了。斯奎拉说,这就是所谓的策略,他重复了好几遍,“策略,同志们,策略!”还一边带着欢快的笑声,一边甩动着尾巴,活蹦乱跳。动物们吃不准这些话的含意,可是斯奎拉讲的如此富有说服力,加上赶巧了有三条狗和他在一起,又是那样气势汹汹的狂叫着,因而他们没有进一步再问什么,就接受了他的解释。

    Chapter VI

    All that year the animals worked like slaves. But they were happy in their work; they grudged no effort or sacrifice, well aware that everything that they did was for the benefit of themselves and those of their kind who would come after them, and not for a pack of idle, thieving human beings.

    Throughout the spring and summer they worked a sixty-hour week, and in August Napoleon announced that there would be work on Sunday afternoons as well. This work was strictly voluntary, but any animal who absented himself from it would have his rations reduced by half. Even so, it was found necessary to leave certain tasks undone. The harvest was a little less successful than in the previous year, and two fields which should have been sown with roots in the early summer were not sown because the ploughing had not been completed early enough. It was possible to foresee that the coming winter would be a hard one.

    The windmill presented unexpected difficulties. There was a good quarry of limestone on the farm, and plenty of sand and cement had been found in one of the outhouses, so that all the materials for building were at hand. But the problem the animals could not at first solve was how to break up the stone into pieces of suitable size. There seemed no way of doing this except with picks and crowbars, which no animal could use, because no animal could stand on his hind legs. Only after weeks of vain effort did the right idea occur to somebody-namely, to utilise the force of gravity. Huge boulders, far too big to be used as they were, were lying all over the bed of the quarry. The animals lashed ropes round these, and then all together, cows, horses, sheep, any animal that could lay hold of the rope–even the pigs sometimes joined in at critical moments–they dragged them with desperate slowness up the slope to the top of the quarry, where they were toppled over the edge, to shatter to pieces below. Transporting the stone when it was once broken was comparatively simple. The horses carried it off in cart-loads, the sheep dragged single blocks, even Muriel and Benjamin yoked themselves into an old governess-cart and did their share. By late summer a sufficient store of stone had accumulated, and then the building began, under the superintendence of the pigs.

    But it was a slow, laborious process. Frequently it took a whole day of exhausting effort to drag a single boulder to the top of the quarry, and sometimes when it was pushed over the edge it failed to break. Nothing could have been achieved without Boxer, whose strength seemed equal to that of all the rest of the animals put together. When the boulder began to slip and the animals cried out in despair at finding themselves dragged down the hill, it was always Boxer who strained himself against the rope and brought the boulder to a stop. To see him toiling up the slope inch by inch, his breath coming fast, the tips of his hoofs clawing at the ground, and his great sides matted with sweat, filled everyone with admiration. Clover warned him sometimes to be careful not to overstrain himself, but Boxer would never listen to her. His two slogans, “I will work harder” and “Napoleon is always right,” seemed to him a sufficient answer to all problems. He had made arrangements with the cockerel to call him three-quarters of an hour earlier in the mornings instead of half an hour. And in his spare moments, of which there were not many nowadays, he would go alone to the quarry, collect a load of broken stone, and drag it down to the site of the windmill unassisted.

    The animals were not badly off throughout that summer, in spite of the hardness of their work. If they had no more food than they had had in Jones’s day, at least they did not have less. The advantage of only having to feed themselves, and not having to support five extravagant human beings as well, was so great that it would have taken a lot of failures to outweigh it. And in many ways the animal method of doing things was more efficient and saved labour. Such jobs as weeding, for instance, could be done with a thoroughness impossible to human beings. And again, since no animal now stole, it was unnecessary to fence off pasture from arable land, which saved a lot of labour on the upkeep of hedges and gates. Nevertheless, as the summer wore on, various unforeseen shortages began to make them selves felt. There was need of paraffin oil, nails, string, dog biscuits, and iron for the horses’ shoes, none of which could be produced on the farm. Later there would also be need for seeds and artificial manures, besides various tools and, finally, the machinery for the windmill. How these were to be procured, no one was able to imagine.

    One Sunday morning, when the animals assembled to receive their orders, Napoleon announced that he had decided upon a new policy. From now onwards Animal Farm would engage in trade with the neighbouring farms: not, of course, for any commercial purpose, but simply in order to obtain certain materials which were urgently necessary. The needs of the windmill must override everything else, he said. He was therefore making arrangements to sell a stack of hay and part of the current year’s wheat crop, and later on, if more money were needed, it would have to be made up by the sale of eggs, for which there was always a market in Willingdon. The hens, said Napoleon, should welcome this sacrifice as their own special contribution towards the building of the windmill.

    Once again the animals were conscious of a vague uneasiness. Never to have any dealings with human beings, never to engage in trade, never to make use of money–had not these been among the earliest resolutions passed at that first triumphant Meeting after Jones was expelled? All the animals remembered passing such resolutions: or at least they thought that they remembered it. The four young pigs who had protested when Napoleon abolished the Meetings raised their voices timidly, but they were promptly silenced by a tremendous growling from the dogs. Then, as usual, the sheep broke into “Four legs good, two legs bad!” and the momentary awkwardness was smoothed over. Finally Napoleon raised his trotter for silence and announced that he had already made all the arrangements. There would be no need for any of the animals to come in contact with human beings, which would clearly be most undesirable. He intended to take the whole burden upon his own shoulders. A Mr. Whymper, a solicitor living in Willingdon, had agreed to act as intermediary between Animal Farm and the outside world, and would visit the farm every Monday morning to receive his instructions. Napoleon ended his speech with his usual cry of “Long live Animal Farm!” and after the singing of ‘Beasts of England’ the animals were dismissed.

    Afterwards Squealer made a round of the farm and set the animals’ minds at rest. He assured them that the resolution against engaging in trade and using money had never been passed, or even suggested. It was pure imagination, probably traceable in the beginning to lies circulated by Snowball. A few animals still felt faintly doubtful, but Squealer asked them shrewdly, “Are you certain that this is not something that you have dreamed, comrades? Have you any record of such a resolution? Is it written down anywhere?” And since it was certainly true that nothing of the kind existed in writing, the animals were satisfied that they had been mistaken.

    Every Monday Mr. Whymper visited the farm as had been arranged. He was a sly-looking little man with side whiskers, a solicitor in a very small way of business, but sharp enough to have realised earlier than anyone else that Animal Farm would need a broker and that the commissions would be worth having. The animals watched his coming and going with a kind of dread, and avoided him as much as possible. Nevertheless, the sight of Napoleon, on all fours, delivering orders to Whymper, who stood on two legs, roused their pride and partly reconciled them to the new arrangement. Their relations with the human race were now not quite the same as they had been before. The human beings did not hate Animal Farm any less now that it was prospering; indeed, they hated it more than ever. Every human being held it as an article of faith that the farm would go bankrupt sooner or later, and, above all, that the windmill would be a failure. They would meet in the public-houses and prove to one another by means of diagrams that the windmill was bound to fall down, or that if it did stand up, then that it would never work. And yet, against their will, they had developed a certain respect for the efficiency with which the animals were managing their own affairs. One symptom of this was that they had begun to call Animal Farm by its proper name and ceased to pretend that it was called the Manor Farm. They had also dropped their championship of Jones, who had given up hope of getting his farm back and gone to live in another part of the county. Except through Whymper, there was as yet no contact between Animal Farm and the outside world, but there were constant rumours that Napoleon was about to enter into a definite business agreement either with Mr. Pilkington of Foxwood or with Mr. Frederick of Pinchfield–but never, it was noticed, with both simultaneously.

    It was about this time that the pigs suddenly moved into the farmhouse and took up their residence there. Again the animals seemed to remember that a resolution against this had been passed in the early days, and again Squealer was able to convince them that this was not the case. It was absolutely necessary, he said, that the pigs, who were the brains of the farm, should have a quiet place to work in. It was also more suited to the dignity of the Leader (for of late he had taken to speaking of Napoleon under the title of “Leader”) to live in a house than in a mere sty. Nevertheless, some of the animals were disturbed when they heard that the pigs not only took their meals in the kitchen and used the drawing-room as a recreation room, but also slept in the beds. Boxer passed it off as usual with “Napoleon is always right!”, but Clover, who thought she remembered a definite ruling against beds, went to the end of the barn and tried to puzzle out the Seven Commandments which were inscribed there. Finding herself unable to read more than individual letters, she fetched Muriel.

    “Muriel,” she said, “read me the Fourth Commandment. Does it not say something about never sleeping in a bed?”

    With some difficulty Muriel spelt it out.

    “It says, ‘No animal shall sleep in a bed with sheets,”‘ she announced finally.

    Curiously enough, Clover had not remembered that the Fourth Commandment mentioned sheets; but as it was there on the wall, it must have done so. And Squealer, who happened to be passing at this moment, attended by two or three dogs, was able to put the whole matter in its proper perspective.

    “You have heard then, comrades,” he said, “that we pigs now sleep in the beds of the farmhouse? And why not? You did not suppose, surely, that there was ever a ruling against beds? A bed merely means a place to sleep in. A pile of straw in a stall is a bed, properly regarded. The rule was against sheets, which are a human invention. We have removed the sheets from the farmhouse beds, and sleep between blankets. And very comfortable beds they are too! But not more comfortable than we need, I can tell you, comrades, with all the brainwork we have to do nowadays. You would not rob us of our repose, would you, comrades? You would not have us too tired to carry out our duties? Surely none of you wishes to see Jones back?”

    The animals reassured him on this point immediately, and no more was said about the pigs sleeping in the farmhouse beds. And when, some days afterwards, it was announced that from now on the pigs would get up an hour later in the mornings than the other animals, no complaint was made about that either.

    By the autumn the animals were tired but happy. They had had a hard year, and after the sale of part of the hay and corn, the stores of food for the winter were none too plentiful, but the windmill compensated for everything. It was almost half built now. After the harvest there was a stretch of clear dry weather, and the animals toiled harder than ever, thinking it well worth while to plod to and fro all day with blocks of stone if by doing so they could raise the walls another foot. Boxer would even come out at nights and work for an hour or two on his own by the light of the harvest moon. In their spare moments the animals would walk round and round the half-finished mill, admiring the strength and perpendicularity of its walls and marvelling that they should ever have been able to build anything so imposing. Only old Benjamin refused to grow enthusiastic about the windmill, though, as usual, he would utter nothing beyond the cryptic remark that donkeys live a long time.

    November came, with raging south-west winds. Building had to stop because it was now too wet to mix the cement. Finally there came a night when the gale was so violent that the farm buildings rocked on their foundations and several tiles were blown off the roof of the barn. The hens woke up squawking with terror because they had all dreamed simultaneously of hearing a gun go off in the distance. In the morning the animals came out of their stalls to find that the flagstaff had been blown down and an elm tree at the foot of the orchard had been plucked up like a radish. They had just noticed this when a cry of despair broke from every animal’s throat. A terrible sight had met their eyes. The windmill was in ruins.

    With one accord they dashed down to the spot. Napoleon, who seldom moved out of a walk, raced ahead of them all. Yes, there it lay, the fruit of all their struggles, levelled to its foundations, the stones they had broken and carried so laboriously scattered all around. Unable at first to speak, they stood gazing mournfully at the litter of fallen stone. Napoleon paced to and fro in silence, occasionally snuffing at the ground. His tail had grown rigid and twitched sharply from side to side, a sign in him of intense mental activity. Suddenly he halted as though his mind were made up.

    “Comrades,” he said quietly, “do you know who is responsible for this? Do you know the enemy who has come in the night and overthrown our windmill? SNOWBALL!” he suddenly roared in a voice of thunder. “Snowball has done this thing! In sheer malignity, thinking to set back our plans and avenge himself for his ignominious expulsion, this traitor has crept here under cover of night and destroyed our work of nearly a year. Comrades, here and now I pronounce the death sentence upon Snowball. ‘Animal Hero, Second Class,’ and half a bushel of apples to any animal who brings him to justice. A full bushel to anyone who captures him alive!”

    The animals were shocked beyond measure to learn that even Snowball could be guilty of such an action. There was a cry of indignation, and everyone began thinking out ways of catching Snowball if he should ever come back. Almost immediately the footprints of a pig were discovered in the grass at a little distance from the knoll. They could only be traced for a few yards, but appeared to lead to a hole in the hedge. Napoleon snuffed deeply at them and pronounced them to be Snowball’s. He gave it as his opinion that Snowball had probably come from the direction of Foxwood Farm.

    “No more delays, comrades!” cried Napoleon when the footprints had been examined. “There is work to be done. This very morning we begin rebuilding the windmill, and we will build all through the winter, rain or shine. We will teach this miserable traitor that he cannot undo our work so easily. Remember, comrades, there must be no alteration in our plans: they shall be carried out to the day. Forward, comrades! Long live the windmill! Long live Animal Farm!”

    第六章

    那一年,动物们干起活来就像奴隶一样。但他们乐在其中,流血流汗甚至牺牲也心甘情愿,因为他们深深地意识到:他们干的每件事都是为他们自己和未来的同类的利益,而不是为了那帮游手好闲、偷摸成性的人类。

    从初春到夏末这段时间里,他们每周工作六十个小时。到了八月,拿破仑又宣布,星期天下午也要安排工作。这项工作完全是自愿性的,不过,无论哪个动物缺勤,他的口粮就要减去一半。即使这样,大家还是发觉,有些活就是干不完。收获比去年要差一些,而且,因为耕作没有及早完成,本来应该在初夏播种薯类作物的两快地也没种成。可以预见,来冬将是一个艰难的季节。

    风车的事引起了意外的难题。按说,庄园里就有一个质地很好的石灰石矿,又在一间小屋里发现了大量的沙子和水泥,这样,所有的建筑材料都已齐备。但问题是,动物们刚开始不知道如何才能把石头弄碎到适用的规格。似乎除了动用十字镐和撬棍外,没有别的办法。可是,动物们都不能用后腿站立,也就无法使用镐和撬棍。在他们徒劳几个星期之后,才有动物想出了一个好主意,就是利用重力的作用。再看那些巨大的圆石,虽然大都无法直接利用,但整个采石场上到处都是。于是,动物们用绳子绑住石头,然后,由牛、马、羊以及所有能抓住绳子的动物合在一起——甚至猪有时也在关键时刻搭个帮手——一起拖着石头,慢慢地、慢慢地沿着坡拖到矿顶。到了那儿,把石头从边上堆下去,在底下就摔成了碎块。这样一来,运送的事倒显得相对简一些了。马驾着满载的货车运送,羊则一块一块地拖,就连穆丽尔和本杰明也套上一辆旧两轮座车,贡献出了他们的力量。这样到了夏末,备用的石头便积累足了,接着,在猪的监督下,工程就破土动工了。

    但是,整个采石过程在当时却进展缓慢,历尽艰辛。把一块圆石拖到矿顶,常常要竭尽全力干整整一天,有些时候,石头从崖上推下去了,却没有摔碎。要是没有鲍克瑟,没有他那几乎能与所有其他动物合在一起相匹敌的力气,恐怕什么事都干不成。每逢动物们发现圆石开始往下滑,他们自己正被拖下山坡而绝望地哭喊时,总是多亏鲍克瑟拉住了绳索才稳了下来。看着他蹄子尖紧扣着地面,一-一-吃力地爬着坡;看着他呼吸急促,巨大的身躯浸透了汗水,动物们无不满怀钦佩和赞叹。克拉弗常常告诫他小心点,不要劳累过度了,但他从不放在心上。对他来说,“我要更加努力工作”和“拿破仑同志永远正确”这两句口头禅足以回答所有的难题。他已同那只小公鸡商量好了,把原来每天早晨提前半小时叫醒他,改为提前三刻钟。同时,尽管近来业余时间并不多,但他仍要在空闲时间里,独自到采石场去,在没有任何帮手的情况下,装上一车碎石,拖去倒在风车的地基里。

    这一夏季,尽管动物们工作得十分辛苦,他们的境况还不算太坏,虽然他们得到的饲料不比琼斯时期多,但至少也不比那时少。除了自己食用外,动物们不必去并供养那五个骄奢淫逸的人,这个优越性太显著了,它足以使许多不足之处显得不足为道。另外,动物们干活的方式,在许多情况下,不但效率高而且省力。比如锄草这类活,动物们可以干得完美无缺,而对人来说,这一点远远做不到。再说,如今的动物们都不偷不摸了,也就不必用篱笆把牧场和田地隔开,因此便省去了大量的维护树篱和栅栏的劳力。话虽如此,过了夏季,各种各样意料不到的缺欠就暴露出来了。庄园里需要煤油、钉子、线绳、狗食饼干以及马蹄上钉的铁掌等等,但庄园里又不出产这些东西。后来,又需要种子和人造化肥,还有各类工具以及风车用的机。可是,如何搞到这些东西,动物们就都想像不出了。

    一个星期天早晨,当动物们集合起来接受任务时,拿破仑宣布,他已经决定了一项新政策。说是往后动物庄园将要同邻近的庄园做些交易,这当然不是为了任何商业目的,而是仅仅为了获得某些急需的物资。他说,为风车所需要的东西一定要不惜一切代价。因此,他正在准备出卖一堆干草和和当年的部分小麦收成,而且,再往后如果需要更多的钱的话,就得靠卖鸡蛋来补充了,因为鸡蛋在威灵顿总是有销路的。拿破仑还说,鸡应该高兴地看到,这一牺牲就是他们对建造风车的特殊贡献。

    动物们再一次感到一种说不出的别扭。决不和人打交道,决不从事交易,决不使用钱,这些最早就有的誓言,在琼斯被逐后的第一次大会议上,不就已经确立了吗?订立这些誓言的情形至今都还历历在目;或者至少他们自以为还记得有这回事。那四只曾在拿破仑宣布废除大会议时提出抗议的幼猪胆怯地发言了,但在狗那可怕的咆哮声下,很快又不吱声了。接着,羊又照例咩咩地叫起“四条腿好,两条腿坏!”一时间的难堪局面也就顺利地对付过去了。最后,拿破仑抬起前蹄,平静一下气氛,宣布说他已经作好了全部安排,任何动物都不必介入和人打交道这种明显最为讨厌的事体中。而他有意把全部重担放在自己肩上。一个住在威灵顿的叫温普尔先生的律师,已经同意担当动物庄园和外部社会的中介人,并且将在每个星期一早晨来访以接受任务。最后,拿破仑照例喊一声:“动物庄园万岁!”就结束了整个讲话。接着,动物们在唱完“英格兰兽”后,纷纷散场离去。

    后来,斯奎拉在庄园里转了一圈才使动物们安心下来。他向他们打保票说,反对从事交易和用钱的誓言从来没有通过过,搞不好连提议都不曾有过。这纯粹是臆想,追溯其根源,很可能是斯诺鲍散布的一个谎言。对此,一些动物还是半信半疑,斯奎拉就狡黠问他们:“你们敢肯定这不是你们梦到一些事吗?同志们!你们有任何关于这个誓约的记录吗?它写在哪儿了?”自然,这类东西都从没有见诸文字。因此,动物们便相信是他们自己搞错了。

    那个温普尔是个律师,长着络腮胡子,矮个子,看上去一脸奸诈相。他经办的业务规模很小,但他却精明过人,早就看出了动物庄园会需要经纪人,并且佣金会很可观的。按协议,每个星期一温普尔都要来庄园一趟。动物们看着他来来去去,犹有几分畏惧,避之唯恐不及。不过,在他们这些四条腿的动物看来,拿破仑向靠两条腿站着的温普尔发号施令的情景,激发了他们的自豪,这在一定程度上也让他们感到这个新协议是顺心的。现在,他们同人类的关系确实今非昔比了。但是,人们对动物庄园的嫉恨不但没有因为它的兴旺而有所消解,反而恨之弥深。而且每个人都怀着这样一个信条:动物庄园迟早要破产,并且关键是,那个风车将是一堆废虚。他们在小酒店聚会,相互用图表论证说风车注定要倒塌;或者说,即便它能建成,那也永远运转不起来云云。虽然如此,他们对动物们管理自己庄园能力,也不由自主地刮目相看了。其中一个迹象就是,他们在称呼动物庄园时,不再故意叫它曼纳庄园,而开始用动物庄园这个名正言顺的名称。他们放弃了对琼斯的支持,而琼斯自己也已是万念俱焚,不再对重主他的庄园抱有希望,并且已经移居到国外另一个地方了。如今,多亏了这个温普尔,动物庄园才得以和外部社会接触,但是不断有小道消息说,拿破仑正准备同福克斯伍德的皮尔金顿先生,或者是平彻菲尔德的弗雷德里克先生签订一项明确的商业协议,不过还提到,这个协议永远不会同时和两家签订的。

    大概就是在这个时候,猪突然搬进了庄主院,并且住在那里了。这一下,动物们又似乎想起了,有一条早先就立下的誓愿是反对这样做的。可斯奎拉又教他们认识到,事实并非如此。他说,猪是庄园的首脑,应该有一个安静的工作场所,这一点绝对必要。再说,对领袖(近来他在谈到拿破仑时,已经开始用“领袖”这一尊称)的尊严来说,住在房屋里要比住在纯粹的猪圈里更相称一些。尽管这样,在一听到猪不但在厨房里用餐,而且把客厅当作娱乐室占用了之后,还是有一些动物为此深感不安。鲍克瑟到蛮不在乎,照例说了一句“拿破仑同志永远正确。”但是克拉弗却认为她记得有一条反对床铺的诫律,她跑到大谷仓那里,试图从题写在那儿的“七诫”中找出答案。结果发现她自己连单个的字母都不认不过来。她便找来穆丽尔。

    “穆丽尔”她说道,“你给我念一下第四条诫律,它是不是说决不睡在床上什么的?”

    穆丽尔好不容易才拼读出来。

    “它说,‘任何动物不得卧床铺盖被褥’,”她终于念道。

    克拉弗觉得太突兀了,她从不记得第四条诫律提到过被褥,可它既然就写在墙上,那它一定本来就是这样。赶巧这时候,斯奎拉在两三条狗的陪伴下路过这儿,他能从特殊的角度来说明整个问题。

    “那么,同志们,你们已经听到我们猪现在睡到庄主院床上的事了?为什么不呢?你们不想想,真的有过什么诫律反对床吗?床只不过是指一个睡觉的地方。如果正确看待的话,窝棚里的稻草堆就是一张床。这条诫律是反对被褥的,因为被褥是人类发明的。我们已经把庄主院床上的被褥全撤掉了,而睡在毯子里。它们也是多么舒服的床啊!可是同志们,我可以告诉你们,现在所有的脑力工作得靠我们来做,和我们所需要的程度相比,这些东西并不见得舒服多少。同志们,你们不会不让我们休息吧?你们不愿使我们过于劳累而失职吧?肯定你们谁都不愿意看到琼斯回来吧?”

    在这一点上,动物们立刻就使他消除了疑虑,也不再说什么有关猪睡在庄主院床上的事了。而且数日之后,当宣布说,往后猪的起床时间要比其他动物晚一小时,也没有谁对此抱怨。

    直到秋天,动物们都挺累的,却也愉快。说起来他们已经在艰难中熬过整整一年了,并且在卖了部分干草和玉米之后,准备过冬的饲料就根本不够用了,但是,风车补偿这一切,它这时差不多建到一半了。秋收以后,天气一直晴朗无雨,动物们干起活来比以前更勤快了。他们整天拖着石块,辛劳地来回奔忙。他们想着这样一来,便能在一天之内把墙又加高一-了,因而是多么富有意义啊!鲍克瑟甚至在夜间也要出来,借着中秋的月光干上一两个小时。动物们则乐于在工余时间绕着进行了一半的工程走来走去,对于那墙壁的强度和垂直度赞叹一番。并为他们竟能修建如此了不起的工程而感到惊喜交加。唯独老本杰明对风车毫无热情,他如同往常一样,除了说驴都长寿这句话神乎其神的话之外,就再也无所表示了。

    十二月到了,带来了猛烈的西北风。这时常常是雨天,没法和水泥,建造工程不得不中断。后来有一个夜晚,狂风大作,整个庄园里的窝棚从地基上都被摇撼了,大谷仓顶棚的一些瓦片也刮掉了。鸡群在恐惧中嘎嘎乱叫着惊醒来,因为他们在睡梦中同时听见远处在打枪。早晨,动物们走出窝棚,发现旗杆已被风吹倒,果园边上的一棵榆树也象萝卜一样被连根拔起。就在这个时候,所有的动物喉咙里突然爆发出一阵绝望的哭喊。一幅可怕的景象呈现在他们面前:风车毁了。

    他们不约而同地冲向现场。很少外出散步的拿破仑,率先跑在最前头。是的,他们的全部奋斗成果躺在那儿了,全部夷为平地了,他们好不容易弄碎又拉来的石头四下散乱着。动物们心酸地凝视着倒塌下来的碎石块,一下子说不出话来。拿破仑默默地来回踱着步,偶尔在地面上闻一闻,他的尾巴变得僵硬,并且还忽左忽右急剧地抽动,对他来说,这是紧张思维活动的表现。突然,他不动了,似乎心里已有了主意。

    “同志们,”他平静地说,“你们知道这是谁做的孽吗?那个昨晚来毁了我们风车的仇敌你们认识吗?斯诺鲍!”他突然用雷鸣般的嗓音吼道:“这是斯诺鲍干的!这个叛徒用心何其毒也,他摸黑爬到这儿,毁了我们近一年的劳动成果。他企图借此阻挠我们的计划,并为他可耻的被逐报复。同志们,此时此刻,我宣布判处斯诺鲍死刑。并给任何对他依法惩处的动物授予‘二级动物英雄’勋章和半莆式耳苹果,活捉他的动物将得到一整莆式耳苹果。”

    动物们得知斯诺鲍竟能犯下如此罪行,无不感到十分愤慨。于是,他们在一阵怒吼之后,就开始想象如何在斯诺鲍再回来时捉住他。差不多就在同时,在离小山包不远的草地上,发现了猪蹄印。那些蹄印只能跟踪出几步远,但看上去是朝着树篱缺口方向的。拿破仑对着蹄印仔细地嗅了一番,便一口咬定那蹄印是斯诺鲍的,他个人认为斯诺鲍有可能是从福克斯伍德庄园方向来的。

    “不要再迟疑了,同志们!”拿破仑在查看了蹄印后说道:“还有工作要干,我们正是要从今天早晨起,开始重建风车,而且经过这个冬天,我们要把它建成。风雨无阻。我们要让这个卑鄙的叛徒知道,他不能就这样轻而易举地破坏我们的工作。记住,同志们,我们的计划不仅不会有任何变更,反而要一丝不苟地实行下去。前进,同志们!风车万岁!动物庄园万岁!”

    Chapter VII

    It was a bitter winter. The stormy weather was followed by sleet and snow, and then by a hard frost which did not break till well into February. The animals carried on as best they could with the rebuilding of the windmill, well knowing that the outside world was watching them and that the envious human beings would rejoice and triumph if the mill were not finished on time.

    Out of spite, the human beings pretended not to believe that it was Snowball who had destroyed the windmill: they said that it had fallen down because the walls were too thin. The animals knew that this was not the case. Still, it had been decided to build the walls three feet thick this time instead of eighteen inches as before, which meant collecting much larger quantities of stone. For a long time the quarry was full of snowdrifts and nothing could be done. Some progress was made in the dry frosty weather that followed, but it was cruel work, and the animals could not feel so hopeful about it as they had felt before. They were always cold, and usually hungry as well. Only Boxer and Clover never lost heart. Squealer made excellent speeches on the joy of service and the dignity of labour, but the other animals found more inspiration in Boxer’s strength and his never-failing cry of “I will work harder!”

    In January food fell short. The corn ration was drastically reduced, and it was announced that an extra potato ration would be issued to make up for it. Then it was discovered that the greater part of the potato crop had been frosted in the clamps, which had not been covered thickly enough. The potatoes had become soft and discoloured, and only a few were edible. For days at a time the animals had nothing to eat but chaff and mangels. Starvation seemed to stare them in the face.

    It was vitally necessary to conceal this fact from the outside world. Emboldened by the collapse of the windmill, the human beings were inventing fresh lies about Animal Farm. Once again it was being put about that all the animals were dying of famine and disease, and that they were continually fighting among themselves and had resorted to cannibalism and infanticide. Napoleon was well aware of the bad results that might follow if the real facts of the food situation were known, and he decided to make use of Mr. Whymper to spread a contrary impression. Hitherto the animals had had little or no contact with Whymper on his weekly visits: now, however, a few selected animals, mostly sheep, were instructed to remark casually in his hearing that rations had been increased. In addition, Napoleon ordered the almost empty bins in the store-shed to be filled nearly to the brim with sand, which was then covered up with what remained of the grain and meal. On some suitable pretext Whymper was led through the store-shed and allowed to catch a glimpse of the bins. He was deceived, and continued to report to the outside world that there was no food shortage on Animal Farm.

    Nevertheless, towards the end of January it became obvious that it would be necessary to procure some more grain from somewhere. In these days Napoleon rarely appeared in public, but spent all his time in the farmhouse, which was guarded at each door by fierce-looking dogs. When he did emerge, it was in a ceremonial manner, with an escort of six dogs who closely surrounded him and growled if anyone came too near. Frequently he did not even appear on Sunday mornings, but issued his orders through one of the other pigs, usually Squealer.

    One Sunday morning Squealer announced that the hens, who had just come in to lay again, must surrender their eggs. Napoleon had accepted, through Whymper, a contract for four hundred eggs a week. The price of these would pay for enough grain and meal to keep the farm going till summer came on and conditions were easier.

    When the hens heard this, they raised a terrible outcry. They had been warned earlier that this sacrifice might be necessary, but had not believed that it would really happen. They were just getting their clutches ready for the spring sitting, and they protested that to take the eggs away now was murder. For the first time since the expulsion of Jones, there was something resembling a rebellion. Led by three young Black Minorca pullets, the hens made a determined effort to thwart Napoleon’s wishes. Their method was to fly up to the rafters and there lay their eggs, which smashed to pieces on the floor. Napoleon acted swiftly and ruthlessly. He ordered the hens’ rations to be stopped, and decreed that any animal giving so much as a grain of corn to a hen should be punished by death. The dogs saw to it that these orders were carried out. For five days the hens held out, then they capitulated and went back to their nesting boxes. Nine hens had died in the meantime. Their bodies were buried in the orchard, and it was given out that they had died of coccidiosis. Whymper heard nothing of this affair, and the eggs were duly delivered, a grocer’s van driving up to the farm once a week to take them away.

    All this while no more had been seen of Snowball. He was rumoured to be hiding on one of the neighbouring farms, either Foxwood or Pinchfield. Napoleon was by this time on slightly better terms with the other farmers than before. It happened that there was in the yard a pile of timber which had been stacked there ten years earlier when a beech spinney was cleared. It was well seasoned, and Whymper had advised Napoleon to sell it; both Mr. Pilkington and Mr. Frederick were anxious to buy it. Napoleon was hesitating between the two, unable to make up his mind. It was noticed that whenever he seemed on the point of coming to an agreement with Frederick, Snowball was declared to be in hiding at Foxwood, while, when he inclined toward Pilkington, Snowball was said to be at Pinchfield.

    Suddenly, early in the spring, an alarming thing was discovered. Snowball was secretly frequenting the farm by night! The animals were so disturbed that they could hardly sleep in their stalls. Every night, it was said, he came creeping in under cover of darkness and performed all kinds of mischief. He stole the corn, he upset the milk-pails, he broke the eggs, he trampled the seedbeds, he gnawed the bark off the fruit trees. Whenever anything went wrong it became usual to attribute it to Snowball. If a window was broken or a drain was blocked up, someone was certain to say that Snowball had come in the night and done it, and when the key of the store-shed was lost, the whole farm was convinced that Snowball had thrown it down the well. Curiously enough, they went on believing this even after the mislaid key was found under a sack of meal. The cows declared unanimously that Snowball crept into their stalls and milked them in their sleep. The rats, which had been troublesome that winter, were also said to be in league with Snowball.

    Napoleon decreed that there should be a full investigation into Snowball’s activities. With his dogs in attendance he set out and made a careful tour of inspection of the farm buildings, the other animals following at a respectful distance. At every few steps Napoleon stopped and snuffed the ground for traces of Snowball’s footsteps, which, he said, he could detect by the smell. He snuffed in every corner, in the barn, in the cow-shed, in the henhouses, in the vegetable garden, and found traces of Snowball almost everywhere. He would put his snout to the ground, give several deep sniffs, ad exclaim in a terrible voice, “Snowball! He has been here! I can smell him distinctly!” and at the word “Snowball” all the dogs let out blood-curdling growls and showed their side teeth.

    The animals were thoroughly frightened. It seemed to them as though Snowball were some kind of invisible influence, pervading the air about them and menacing them with all kinds of dangers. In the evening Squealer called them together, and with an alarmed expression on his face told them that he had some serious news to report.

    “Comrades!” cried Squealer, making little nervous skips, “a most terrible thing has been discovered. Snowball has sold himself to Frederick of Pinchfield Farm, who is even now plotting to attack us and take our farm away from us! Snowball is to act as his guide when the attack begins. But there is worse than that. We had thought that Snowball’s rebellion was caused simply by his vanity and ambition. But we were wrong, comrades. Do you know what the real reason was? Snowball was in league with Jones from the very start! He was Jones’s secret agent all the time. It has all been proved by documents which he left behind him and which we have only just discovered. To my mind this explains a great deal, comrades. Did we not see for ourselves how he attempted–fortunately without success–to get us defeated and destroyed at the Battle of the Cowshed?”

    The animals were stupefied. This was a wickedness far outdoing Snowball’s destruction of the windmill. But it was some minutes before they could fully take it in. They all remembered, or thought they remembered, how they had seen Snowball charging ahead of them at the Battle of the Cowshed, how he had rallied and encouraged them at every turn, and how he had not paused for an instant even when the pellets from Jones’s gun had wounded his back. At first it was a little difficult to see how this fitted in with his being on Jones’s side. Even Boxer, who seldom asked questions, was puzzled. He lay down, tucked his fore hoofs beneath him, shut his eyes, and with a hard effort managed to formulate his thoughts.

    “I do not believe that,” he said. “Snowball fought bravely at the Battle of the Cowshed. I saw him myself. Did we not give him ‘Animal Hero, first Class,’ immediately afterwards?”

    “That was our mistake, comrade. For we know now–it is all written down in the secret documents that we have found–that in reality he was trying to lure us to our doom.”

    “But he was wounded,” said Boxer. “We all saw him running with blood.”

    “That was part of the arrangement!” cried Squealer. “Jones’s shot only grazed him. I could show you this in his own writing, if you were able to read it. The plot was for Snowball, at the critical moment, to give the signal for flight and leave the field to the enemy. And he very nearly succeeded–I will even say, comrades, he WOULD have succeeded if it had not been for our heroic Leader, Comrade Napoleon. Do you not remember how, just at the moment when Jones and his men had got inside the yard, Snowball suddenly turned and fled, and many animals followed him? And do you not remember, too, that it was just at that moment, when panic was spreading and all seemed lost, that Comrade Napoleon sprang forward with a cry of ‘Death to Humanity!’ and sank his teeth in Jones’s leg? Surely you remember THAT, comrades?” exclaimed Squealer, frisking from side to side.

    Now when Squealer described the scene so graphically, it seemed to the animals that they did remember it. At any rate, they remembered that at the critical moment of the battle Snowball had turned to flee. But Boxer was still a little uneasy.

    “I do not believe that Snowball was a traitor at the beginning,” he said finally. “What he has done since is different. But I believe that at the Battle of the Cowshed he was a good comrade.”

    “Our Leader, Comrade Napoleon,” announced Squealer, speaking very slowly and firmly, “has stated categorically–categorically, comrade–that Snowball was Jones’s agent from the very beginning–yes, and from long before the Rebellion was ever thought of.”

    “Ah, that is different!” said Boxer. “If Comrade Napoleon says it, it must be right.”

    “That is the true spirit, comrade!” cried Squealer, but it was noticed he cast a very ugly look at Boxer with his little twinkling eyes. He turned to go, then paused and added impressively: “I warn every animal on this farm to keep his eyes very wide open. For we have reason to think that some of Snowball’s secret agents are lurking among us at this moment!”

    Four days later, in the late afternoon, Napoleon ordered all the animals to assemble in the yard. When they were all gathered together, Napoleon emerged from the farmhouse, wearing both his medals (for he had recently awarded himself “Animal Hero, First Class”, and “Animal Hero, Second Class”), with his nine huge dogs frisking round him and uttering growls that sent shivers down all the animals’ spines. They all cowered silently in their places, seeming to know in advance that some terrible thing was about to happen.

    Napoleon stood sternly surveying his audience; then he uttered a high-pitched whimper. Immediately the dogs bounded forward, seized four of the pigs by the ear and dragged them, squealing with pain and terror, to Napoleon’s feet. The pigs’ ears were bleeding, the dogs had tasted blood, and for a few moments they appeared to go quite mad. To the amazement of everybody, three of them flung themselves upon Boxer. Boxer saw them coming and put out his great hoof, caught a dog in mid-air, and pinned him to the ground. The dog shrieked for mercy and the other two fled with their tails between their legs. Boxer looked at Napoleon to know whether he should crush the dog to death or let it go. Napoleon appeared to change countenance, and sharply ordered Boxer to let the dog go, whereat Boxer lifted his hoof, and the dog slunk away, bruised and howling.

    Presently the tumult died down. The four pigs waited, trembling, with guilt written on every line of their countenances. Napoleon now called upon them to confess their crimes. They were the same four pigs as had protested when Napoleon abolished the Sunday Meetings. Without any further prompting they confessed that they had been secretly in touch with Snowball ever since his expulsion, that they had collaborated with him in destroying the windmill, and that they had entered into an agreement with him to hand over Animal Farm to Mr. Frederick. They added that Snowball had privately admitted to them that he had been Jones’s secret agent for years past. When they had finished their confession, the dogs promptly tore their throats out, and in a terrible voice Napoleon demanded whether any other animal had anything to confess.

    The three hens who had been the ringleaders in the attempted rebellion over the eggs now came forward and stated that Snowball had appeared to them in a dream and incited them to disobey Napoleon’s orders. They, too, were slaughtered. Then a goose came forward and confessed to having secreted six ears of corn during the last year’s harvest and eaten them in the night. Then a sheep confessed to having urinated in the drinking pool–urged to do this, so she said, by Snowball–and two other sheep confessed to having murdered an old ram, an especially devoted follower of Napoleon, by chasing him round and round a bonfire when he was suffering from a cough. They were all slain on the spot. And so the tale of confessions and executions went on, until there was a pile of corpses lying before Napoleon’s feet and the air was heavy with the smell of blood, which had been unknown there since the expulsion of Jones.

    When it was all over, the remaining animals, except for the pigs and dogs, crept away in a body. They were shaken and miserable. They did not know which was more shocking–the treachery of the animals who had leagued themselves with Snowball, or the cruel retribution they had just witnessed. In the old days there had often been scenes of bloodshed equally terrible, but it seemed to all of them that it was far worse now that it was happening among themselves. Since Jones had left the farm, until today, no animal had killed another animal. Not even a rat had been killed. They had made their way on to the little knoll where the half-finished windmill stood, and with one accord they all lay down as though huddling together for warmth–Clover, Muriel, Benjamin, the cows, the sheep, and a whole flock of geese and hens–everyone, indeed, except the cat, who had suddenly disappeared just before Napoleon ordered the animals to assemble. For some time nobody spoke. Only Boxer remained on his feet. He fidgeted to and fro, swishing his long black tail against his sides and occasionally uttering a little whinny of surprise. Finally he said:

    “I do not understand it. I would not have believed that such things could happen on our farm. It must be due to some fault in ourselves. The solution, as I see it, is to work harder. From now onwards I shall get up a full hour earlier in the mornings.”

    And he moved off at his lumbering trot and made for the quarry. Having got there, he collected two successive loads of stone and dragged them down to the windmill before retiring for the night.

    The animals huddled about Clover, not speaking. The knoll where they were lying gave them a wide prospect across the countryside. Most of Animal Farm was within their view–the long pasture stretching down to the main road, the hayfield, the spinney, the drinking pool, the ploughed fields where the young wheat was thick and green, and the red roofs of the farm buildings with the smoke curling from the chimneys. It was a clear spring evening. The grass and the bursting hedges were gilded by the level rays of the sun. Never had the farm–and with a kind of surprise they remembered that it was their own farm, every inch of it their own property–appeared to the animals so desirable a place. As Clover looked down the hillside her eyes filled with tears. If she could have spoken her thoughts, it would have been to say that this was not what they had aimed at when they had set themselves years ago to work for the overthrow of the human race. These scenes of terror and slaughter were not what they had looked forward to on that night when old Major first stirred them to rebellion. If she herself had had any picture of the future, it had been of a society of animals set free from hunger and the whip, all equal, each working according to his capacity, the strong protecting the weak, as she had protected the lost brood of ducklings with her foreleg on the night of Major’s speech. Instead–she did not know why–they had come to a time when no one dared speak his mind, when fierce, growling dogs roamed everywhere, and when you had to watch your comrades torn to pieces after confessing to shocking crimes. There was no thought of rebellion or disobedience in her mind. She knew that, even as things were, they were far better off than they had been in the days of Jones, and that before all else it was needful to prevent the return of the human beings. Whatever happened she would remain faithful, work hard, carry out the orders that were given to her, and accept the leadership of Napoleon. But still, it was not for this that she and all the other animals had hoped and toiled. It was not for this that they had built the windmill and faced the bullets of Jones’s gun. Such were her thoughts, though she lacked the words to express them.

    At last, feeling this to be in some way a substitute for the words she was unable to find, she began to sing ‘Beasts of England’. The other animals sitting round her took it up, and they sang it three times over–very tunefully, but slowly and mournfully, in a way they had never sung it before.

    They had just finished singing it for the third time when Squealer, attended by two dogs, approached them with the air of having something important to say. He announced that, by a special decree of Comrade Napoleon, ‘Beasts of England’ had been abolished. From now onwards it was forbidden to sing it.

    The animals were taken aback.

    “Why?” cried Muriel.

    “It’s no longer needed, comrade,” said Squealer stiffly. “‘Beasts of England’ was the song of the Rebellion. But the Rebellion is now completed. The execution of the traitors this afternoon was the final act. The enemy both external and internal has been defeated. In ‘Beasts of England’ we expressed our longing for a better society in days to come. But that society has now been established. Clearly this song has no longer any purpose.”

    Frightened though they were, some of the animals might possibly have protested, but at this moment the sheep set up their usual bleating of “Four legs good, two legs bad,” which went on for several minutes and put an end to the discussion.

    So ‘Beasts of England’ was heard no more. In its place Minimus, the poet, had composed another song which began:

    Animal Farm, Animal Farm,

    Never through me shalt thou come to harm!

    and this was sung every Sunday morning after the hoisting of the flag. But somehow neither the words nor the tune ever seemed to the animals to come up to ‘Beasts of England’.

    第七章

    那是一个寒冷的冬天。狂风暴雨的天气刚刚过去,这又下起了雨夹雪,接着又是大雪纷飞。然后,严寒来了,冰天冻地一般,直到二月才见和缓。动物们都在全力以赴地赶建风车,因为他们都十分清楚:外界正在注视着他们,如果风车不能重新及时建成,那些妒火中烧的人类便会为此幸灾乐祸的。

    那些人不怀好意,佯称他们不相信风车会是斯诺鲍毁坏的。他们说,风车之所以倒塌纯粹是因为墙座太薄。而动物们认为事实并非如此。不过,他们还是决定这一次要把墙筑到三-厚,而不是上一次的一-半。这就意味着得采集更多的石头。但采石场上好长时间积雪成堆,什么事也干不成。后来,严冬的天气变得干燥了,倒是干了一些活,但那却是一项苦不堪言的劳作,动物们再也不象先前那样满怀希望、信心十足。它们总感到冷,又常常觉得饿。只有鲍克瑟和克拉弗从不气馁。斯奎拉则时不时来一段关于什么劳动的乐趣以及劳工神圣之类的精彩演讲,但使其他动物受到鼓舞更大的,却来自鲍克瑟的踏实肯干和他总是挂在嘴边的口头禅:“我要更加努力工作。”

    一月份,食物就开始短缺了。谷类饲料急骤减少,有通知说要发给额外的土豆来弥补。可随后却发现由于地窖上面盖得不够厚,绝大部分土豆都已受冻而发软变坏了,只有很少一些还可以吃。这段时间里,动物们已有好些天除了吃谷糠和萝卜外,再也没有别的可吃的了,他们差不多面临着饥荒。

    对外遮掩这一实情是非常必要的。风车的倒塌已经给人壮了胆,他们因而就捏造出有关动物庄园的新奇的谎言。这一次,外面又谣传说他们这里所有的动物都在饥荒和瘟疫中垂死挣扎,而且说他们内部不断自相残杀,已经到了以同类相食和吞食幼崽度日的地步。拿破仑清醒地意识倒饲料短缺的真相被外界知道后的严重后果,因而决意利用温普尔先生散布一些相反的言论。本来,到目前为止,对温普尔的每周一次来访,动物们还几乎与他没有什么接触。可是这一次,他们却挑选了一些动物,大都是羊,要他们在温普尔能听得到的地方,装作是在无意的聊天中谈有关饲料粮增加的事。这还不够,拿破仑又让储藏棚里那些几乎已是完全空空如也的大箱子满沙子,然后把剩下的饲料粮盖在上面。最后找个适当的借口,把温普尔领到储藏棚,让他瞥上一眼。温普尔被蒙骗过去了,就不断在外界报告说,动物庄园根本不缺饲料云云。

    然而快到一月底的时候,问题就变得突出了,其关键就是,必须得从某个地方弄到些额外的粮食。而这些天来,拿破仑轻易不露面,整天就呆在庄主院里,那儿的每道门都由气势汹汹的狗把守着。一旦他要出来,也必是一本正经,而且,还有六条狗前呼后拥着,不管谁要走近,那些狗都会吼叫起来。甚至在星期天早晨,他也常常不露面,而由其他一头猪,一般是斯奎拉来发布他的指示。

    一个星期天早晨,斯奎拉宣布说,所有重新开始下蛋的鸡,必须把鸡蛋上交。因为通过温普尔牵线,拿破仑已经承诺了一项每周支付四百只鸡蛋的合同。这些鸡蛋所赚的钱可买回很多饲粮,庄园也就可以坚持到夏季,那时,情况就好转了。

    鸡一听到这些,便提出了强烈的抗议。虽然在此之前就已经有过预先通知,说这种牺牲恐怕是必不可少的,但他们并不相信真会发生这种事。此时,他们刚把春季孵小鸡用的蛋准备好,因而便抗议说,现在拿走鸡蛋就是谋财害命。于是,为了搅乱拿破仑的计划,他们在三只年轻的黑米诺卡鸡的带动下,索性豁出去了。他们的做法是飞到椽子上下蛋,鸡蛋落到地上便打得粉碎。这是自琼斯被逐以后第一次带有反叛味的行为。对此,拿破仑立即采取严厉措施。他指示停止给鸡供应饲料,同时下令,任何动物,不论是谁,哪怕给鸡一粒粮食都要被处以死刑。这些命令由狗来负责执行。坚持了五天的鸡最后投降了,又回到了鸡窝里。在这期间共有九只鸡死去,遗体都埋到了果园里,对外则说他们是死于鸡瘟。对于此事,温普尔一点也不知道,鸡蛋按时交付,每周都由一辆食品车来庄园拉一次。

    这段时间里,一直都没有再见到斯诺鲍。有谣传说他躲在附近的庄园里,不是在福克斯伍德庄园就是在平彻菲尔德庄园。此时,拿破仑和其他庄园的关系也比以前稍微改善了些。碰巧,在庄园的场院里,有一堆十年前在清理一片榉树林时堆在那儿的木材,至今已经很合用了。于是温普尔就建议拿破仑把它卖掉。皮尔金顿先生和弗雷德里克先生都十分想买。可拿破仑还在犹豫,拿不准卖给谁好。大家注意到,每当他似乎要和弗雷德里克先生达成协议的时候,就有谣传说斯诺鲍正躲在福克斯伍德庄园;而当他打算倾向于皮尔金顿时,就又有谣传说斯诺鲍是在平彻菲尔德庄园。

    初春时节,突然间有一件事震惊了庄园。说是斯诺鲍常在夜间秘密地潜入庄园!动物们吓坏了,躲在窝棚里夜不能寐。据说,每天晚上他都在夜幕的掩护下潜入庄园,无恶不作。他偷走谷子,弄翻牛奶桶,打碎鸡蛋,践踏苗圃,咬掉果树皮。不论什么时候什么事情搞糟了,通常都要推到斯诺鲍身上,要是一扇窗子坏了或者水道堵塞了,准有某个动物断定这是斯诺鲍在夜间干的。储藏棚的钥匙丢了,所有动物都坚信是斯诺鲍给扔到井里去了。奇怪的是,甚至在发现钥匙原来是被误放在一袋面粉底下之后,他们还是这样坚信不移。牛异口同声地声称斯诺鲍在她们睡觉时溜进牛棚,吸了她们的奶。那些在冬天曾给她们带来烦恼的老鼠,也被指责为斯诺鲍的同伙。

    拿破仑下令对斯诺鲍的活动进行一次全面调查。他在狗的护卫下,开始对庄园的窝棚进行一次仔细的巡回检查,其他动物谦恭地在几步之外尾随着。每走几步,拿破仑就停下来,嗅一嗅地面上是否有斯诺鲍的气味。他说他能借此分辨出斯诺鲍的蹄印。他嗅遍了每一个角落,从大谷仓、牛棚到鸡窝和苹果园,几乎到处都发现了斯诺鲍的踪迹。每到一处他就把嘴伸到地上,深深地吸上几下,便以惊异的语气大叫到:“斯诺鲍!他到过这儿!我能清楚地嗅出来!”一听到“斯诺鲍”,所有的狗都呲牙咧嘴,发出一阵令动物们胆颤心惊的咆哮。

    动物们被彻底吓坏了。对他们来说,斯诺鲍就象某种看不见的恶魔,浸透在他们周围的空间,以各种危险威胁着他们。到了晚上,斯奎拉把他们召集起来,带着一幅惶恐不安的神情说,他有要事相告。

    “同志们!”斯奎拉边神经质地蹦跳着边大叫道,“发现了一件最为可怕的事,斯诺鲍已经投靠了平彻菲尔德庄园的弗雷德里克了。而那家伙正在策划着袭击我们,企图独占我们的庄园!斯诺鲍将在袭击中给他带路。更糟糕的是,我们曾以为,斯诺鲍的造反是出自于自命不凡和野心勃勃。可我们搞错了,同志们,你们知道真正的动机是什么吗?斯诺鲍从一开始就和琼斯是一伙的!他自始至终都是琼斯的密探。我们刚刚发现了一些他丢下的文件,这一点在那些文件中完全得到了证实。同志们,依我看,这就能说明不少问题了。在牛棚大战中,虽然幸亏他的阴谋没有得逞,但他想使我们遭到毁灭的企图,难道不是我们有目共睹的吗?”

    大家都怔住了。比起斯诺鲍毁坏风车一事,这一罪孽要严重得多了。但是,他们在完全接受这一点之前,却犹豫了好几分钟,他们都记得,或者自以为还记得,在牛棚大战中,他们曾看到的是斯诺鲍在带头冲锋陷阵,并不时的重整旗鼓,而且,即使在琼斯的子弹已射进它的脊背时也毫不退缩。对此,他们首先就感到困惑不解,这怎么能说明他是站在琼斯一边的呢?就连很少质疑的鲍克瑟也或然不解。他卧在地上,前腿弯在身子底下,眼睛紧闭着,绞尽脑汁想理顺他的思路。

    “我不信,”他说道,“斯诺鲍在牛棚大战中作战勇敢,这是我亲眼看到的。战斗一结束,我们不是就立刻授予他‘一级动物英雄’勋章了吗?”

    “那是我们的失误,同志们,因为我们现在才知道,他实际上是想诱使我们走向灭亡。在我们已经发现的秘密文件中,这一点写得清清楚楚。”

    “但是他负伤了,”鲍克瑟说,“我们都看见他在流着血冲锋。”

    “那也是预谋中的一部分!”斯奎拉叫道,“琼斯的子弹只不过擦了一下他的皮而已。要是你能识字的话,我会把他自己写的文件拿给你看的。他们的阴谋,就是在关键时刻发出一个信号,让斯诺鲍逃跑并把庄园留给敌人。他差不多就要成功了,我甚至敢说,要是没有我们英勇的领袖拿破仑同志,他早就得逞了。难道你们不记得了,就在琼斯一伙冲进院子的时候,斯诺鲍突然转身就逃,于是很多动物都跟着他跑了吗?还有,就在那一会儿,都乱套了,几乎都要完了,拿破仑同志突然冲上前去,大喊:‘消灭人类!’同时咬住了琼斯的腿,这一点难道你们不记得了吗?你们肯定记得这些吧?”斯奎拉一边左右蹦跳,一边大声叫着。

    既然斯奎拉把那一场景描述得如此形象生动,动物们便似乎觉得,他们果真记得有这么回事。不管怎么说,他们记得在激战的关键时刻,斯诺鲍曾经掉头逃过。但是鲍克瑟还有一些感到不自在。

    他终于说道:“我不相信斯诺鲍一开始就是一个叛徒。他后来的所作所为是另一回事,但我认为在牛棚大战中,他是一个好同志。”

    “我们的领袖,拿破仑同志,”斯奎拉以缓慢而坚定的语气宣告,“已经明确地——明确了,同志们——声明斯诺鲍一开始就是琼斯的奸细,是的,远在想着起义前就是的。”

    “噢,这就不一样了!如果这是拿破仑同志说的,那就肯定不会错。”鲍克瑟说。

    “这是事实的真相,同志们!”斯奎拉大叫着。但动物们注意到他那闪亮的小眼睛向鲍克瑟怪模怪样地瞥了一眼。在他转身要走时,停下来又强调了一句:“我提醒庄园的每个动物要睁大眼睛。我们有理由相信,眼下,斯诺鲍的密探正在我们中间潜伏着!”

    四天以后,在下午的晚些时候,拿破仑召集所有的动物在院子里开会。他们集合好后,拿破仑从屋里出来了,佩戴着他的两枚勋章(他最近已授予他自己“一级动物英雄”和“二级动物英雄”勋章),还带着他那九条大狗,那些狗围着他蹦来蹦去,发出让所有动物都毛骨悚然的吼叫。动物们默默地蜷缩在那里,似乎预感到要发生什么可怕的事。

    拿破仑严厉地站在那儿向下面扫了一眼,接着便发出一声尖细的惊叫。于是,那些狗就立刻冲上前咬住了四头猪的耳朵,把他们往外拖。那四头猪在疼痛和恐惧中嗥叫着,被拖到拿破仑脚下。猪的耳朵流出血来。狗尝到了血腥味,发狂了好一会儿。使所有动物感到惊愕的是,有三条狗向鲍克瑟扑去。鲍克瑟看到他们来了,就伸出巨掌,在半空中逮住一条狗,把他踩在地上。那条狗尖叫着求饶,另外两条狗夹着尾巴飞跑回来了。鲍克瑟看着拿破仑,想知道是该把那狗压死呢还是放掉。拿破仑变了脸色,他厉声喝令鲍克瑟把狗放掉。鲍克瑟抬起掌,狗带着伤哀号着溜走了。

    喧嚣立即平静下来了。那四头猪浑身发抖地等待发落,面孔上的每道皱纹似乎都刻写着他们的罪状。他们正是抗议拿破仑废除星期天大会议的那四头猪。拿破仑喝令他们坦白罪行。他们没等进一步督促就交代说,他们从斯诺鲍被驱逐以后一直和他保持秘密接触,还配合他捣毁风车,并和他达成一项协议,打算把动物庄园拱手让给弗雷德里克先生。他们还补充说斯诺鲍曾在私下里对他们承认,他过去几年来一直是琼斯的特务,他们刚一坦白完,狗就立刻咬穿了他们的喉咙。这时,拿破仑声色俱厉地质问别的动物还有什么要坦白的。

    那三这曾经试图通过鸡蛋事件领头闹事的鸡走上前去,说斯诺鲍曾在她们的梦中显现,并煽动她们违抗拿破仑的命令。她们也被杀掉了。接着一只鹅上前坦白,说他曾在去年收割季节藏了六穗谷子,并在当天晚上吃掉了。随后一只羊坦白说她曾向饮水池里撒过尿,她说是斯诺鲍驱使她这么干的。另外两只羊交待道,他们曾经谋杀了一只老公羊,一只十分忠实的拿破仑的信徒,他们在他正患咳嗽时,追着他围着火堆转来转去。这些动物都被当场杀掉了。口供和死刑就这样进行着,直到拿破仑脚前堆起一堆尸体。空气中弥漫着浓重的血腥味,这样的事情自从赶走琼斯以来还一直是闻所未闻的。

    等这一切都过去了,剩下的动物,除了猪和狗以来,便都挤成一堆溜走了。他们感到震惊,感到害怕,但却说不清到底什么更使他们害怕——是那些和斯诺鲍结成同盟的叛逆更可怕呢,还是刚刚目睹的对这些叛逆的残忍的惩罚更可怕。过去,和这种血流遍地的情景同样可怕的事也时常可见,但对他们来说是一次要阴森得多,因为这就发生在他们自己同志中间。从琼斯逃离庄园至今,没有一个动物杀害过其他动物,就连老鼠也未曾受害。这时,他们已经走到小山包上,干了一半的风车就矗立在那里,大伙不约而同地躺下来,并挤在一起取暖。克拉弗、穆丽尔、本杰明、牛、羊及一群鹅和鸡,实际上,除了那只猫外全都在这儿,猫在拿破仑命令所有动物集合的时候突然失踪了。一时间,大家都默默不语,只有鲍克瑟还继续站着,一边烦躁不安地走来走去,一边用他那又长又黑的尾巴不断地在自己身上抽打着。偶尔还发出一丝惊叫声,最后他说话了。

    “我不明白,我真不愿相信这种事会发生在我们庄园里,这一定得归咎于我们自己的某些失误。要解决这个,我想关键就是要更加努力地工作,从今天起,早上我要提前一个小时起床。”

    他步履沉重地走开了,走向采石场。到了那儿,他便连续收集了两车石头,并且都拉到风车那里,一直忙到晚上才收工。

    动物们挤在克拉弗周围默默不语。从他们躺着的地方,可以俯视整个村庄,在那里,动物庄园的绝大部分都尽收眼底。他们看到:狭长的牧场伸向那条大路,耕种过的地里长着茁壮而碧绿的麦苗,还有草滩、树林、饮水池塘,以及庄园里的红色屋顶和那烟囱里冒出的袅袅青烟。这是一个晴朗的春天的傍晚,夕阳的光辉洒在草地和茂盛的丛林上,荡漾着片片金辉。他们此刻忽然想到,这是他们自己的庄园,每一-土地都归他们自己所有,这是他们感到十分惊讶,因为在此之前,他们从未发现这里竟是如此令他们心驰神往。克拉弗看着下面的山坡,热泪不禁涌上眼眶。如果她有办法说出此时的想法的话,她肯定就会这样说,现在的情形可不是几年前他们为推翻人类而努力奋斗的目标,这些可怕的情形以及这种杀戮并不是他们在老麦哲第一次鼓动起义的那天晚上所向往的。对于未来,如果说她还曾有过什么构想,那就一定是构想了这样一个社会:在那里,没有饥饿和鞭子的折磨,一律平等,各尽其能,强者保护弱者,就象是在麦哲讲演的那天晚上,她曾经用前腿保护着那是最后才到的一群小鸭子一样。但现在她不明白,为什么他们现在竟处在一个不敢讲真话的世界里。当那些气势汹汹的狗到处咆哮的时候,当眼看着自己的同志在坦白了可怕的罪行后被撕成碎片而无可奈何的时候,她的心里没有反叛或者违命的念头。她知道,尽管如此,他们现在也比琼斯在的时候强多了,再说,他们的当务之急还是要防备人类卷土重来。不管出了什么事,她都要依然忠心耿耿,辛勤劳动,服从拿破仑的领导,完成交给自己的任务。然而,她仍相信,她和其他的动物曾期望并为之操劳的,并不是今天这般情景;他们建造风车,勇敢地冒着琼斯的枪林弹雨冲锋陷阵也不是为着这些。这就是她所想的,尽管她还一下说不清。

    最后,她觉得实在找不到什么合适的措词,而只能换个方式来表达,于是便开始唱“英格兰兽”。围在她周围的动物跟着唱起来。他们唱了三遍,唱得十分和谐,但却缓慢而凄然。他们以前还从没有用这种唱法唱过这支歌。

    他们刚唱完第三遍,斯奎拉就在两条狗的陪同下,面带着要说什么大事的神情向他们走过来。他宣布,遵照拿破仑同志的一项特别命令,“英格兰兽”已被废止了。从今以后禁止再唱这首歌。

    动物们怔住了。

    “为什么?穆丽尔囔道。

    “不需要了,同志们,”斯奎拉冷冷地说到,‘英格兰兽’是起义用的歌。但起义已经成功,今天下午对叛徒的处决就是最后的行动。另外仇敌已经全部打垮了。我们在‘英格兰兽’中表达的是在当时对未来美好社会的渴望,但这个社会现在已经建立。这首歌明显不再有任何意义了。”

    他们感到害怕,可是,恐怕还是有些动物要提出抗议。但就在这时,羊大声地咩咩叫起那套老调子来:“四条腿好,两条腿坏。”持续了好几分钟,也就结束了这场争议。

    于是再也听不到“英格兰兽”这首歌了,取而代之的,是善写诗的梅尼缪斯写的另外一首歌,它是这样开头的:

    动物庄园,动物庄园,

    我永远不会损害您!

    从此,每个星期天早晨升旗之后就唱这首歌,但不知怎么搞的,对动物们来说,无论是词还是曲,这首歌似乎都不再能和“英格兰兽”相提并论了。

    Chapter VIII

    A few days later, when the terror caused by the executions had died down, some of the animals remembered–or thought they remembered–that the Sixth Commandment decreed “No animal shall kill any other animal.” And though no one cared to mention it in the hearing of the pigs or the dogs, it was felt that the killings which had taken place did not square with this. Clover asked Benjamin to read her the Sixth Commandment, and when Benjamin, as usual, said that he refused to meddle in such matters, she fetched Muriel. Muriel read the Commandment for her. It ran: “No animal shall kill any other animal WITHOUT CAUSE.” Somehow or other, the last two words had slipped out of the animals’ memory. But they saw now that the Commandment had not been violated; for clearly there was good reason for killing the traitors who had leagued themselves with Snowball.

    Throughout the year the animals worked even harder than they had worked in the previous year. To rebuild the windmill, with walls twice as thick as before, and to finish it by the appointed date, together with the regular work of the farm, was a tremendous labour. There were times when it seemed to the animals that they worked longer hours and fed no better than they had done in Jones’s day. On Sunday mornings Squealer, holding down a long strip of paper with his trotter, would read out to them lists of figures proving that the production of every class of foodstuff had increased by two hundred per cent, three hundred per cent, or five hundred per cent, as the case might be. The animals saw no reason to disbelieve him, especially as they could no longer remember very clearly what conditions had been like before the Rebellion. All the same, there were days when they felt that they would sooner have had less figures and more food.

    All orders were now issued through Squealer or one of the other pigs. Napoleon himself was not seen in public as often as once in a fortnight. When he did appear, he was attended not only by his retinue of dogs but by a black cockerel who marched in front of him and acted as a kind of trumpeter, letting out a loud “cock-a-doodle-doo” before Napoleon spoke. Even in the farmhouse, it was said, Napoleon inhabited separate apartments from the others. He took his meals alone, with two dogs to wait upon him, and always ate from the Crown Derby dinner service which had been in the glass cupboard in the drawing-room. It was also announced that the gun would be fired every year on Napoleon’s birthday, as well as on the other two anniversaries.

    Napoleon was now never spoken of simply as “Napoleon.” He was always referred to in formal style as “our Leader, Comrade Napoleon,” and this pigs liked to invent for him such titles as Father of All Animals, Terror of Mankind, Protector of the Sheep-fold, Ducklings’ Friend, and the like. In his speeches, Squealer would talk with the tears rolling down his cheeks of Napoleon’s wisdom the goodness of his heart, and the deep love he bore to all animals everywhere, even and especially the unhappy animals who still lived in ignorance and slavery on other farms. It had become usual to give Napoleon the credit for every successful achievement and every stroke of good fortune. You would often hear one hen remark to another, “Under the guidance of our Leader, Comrade Napoleon, I have laid five eggs in six days”; or two cows, enjoying a drink at the pool, would exclaim, “Thanks to the leadership of Comrade Napoleon, how excellent this water tastes!” The general feeling on the farm was well expressed in a poem entitled Comrade Napoleon, which was composed by Minimus and which ran as follows:

    Friend of fatherless! Fountain of happiness! Lord of the swill-bucket! Oh, how my soul is on Fire when I gaze at thy Calm and commanding eye, Like the sun in the sky, Comrade Napoleon!

    Thou are the giver of All that thy creatures love, Full belly twice a day, clean straw to roll upon; Every beast great or small Sleeps at peace in his stall, Thou watchest over all, Comrade Napoleon!

    Had I a sucking-pig, Ere he had grown as big Even as a pint bottle or as a rolling-pin, He should have learned to be Faithful and true to thee, Yes, his first squeak should be” Comrade Napoleon!”

    Napoleon approved of this poem and caused it to be inscribed on the wall of the big barn, at the opposite end from the Seven Commandments. It was surmounted by a portrait of Napoleon, in profile, executed by Squealer in white paint.

    Meanwhile, through the agency of Whymper, Napoleon was engaged in complicated negotiations with Frederick and Pilkington. The pile of timber was still unsold. Of the two, Frederick was the more anxious to get hold of it, but he would not offer a reasonable price. At the same time there were renewed rumours that Frederick and his men were plotting to attack Animal Farm and to destroy the windmill, the building of which had aroused furious jealousy in him. Snowball was known to be still skulking on Pinchfield Farm. In the middle of the summer the animals were alarmed to hear that three hens had come forward and confessed that, inspired by Snowball, they had entered into a plot to murder Napoleon. They were executed immediately, and fresh precautions for Napoleon’s safety were taken. Four dogs guarded his bed at night, one at each corner, and a young pig named Pinkeye was given the task of tasting all his food before he ate it, lest it should be poisoned.

    At about the same time it was given out that Napoleon had arranged to sell the pile of timber to Mr. Pilkington; he was also going to enter into a regular agreement for the exchange of certain products between Animal Farm and Foxwood. The relations between Napoleon and Pilkington, though they were only conducted through Whymper, were now almost friendly. The animals distrusted Pilkington, as a human being, but greatly preferred him to Frederick, whom they both feared and hated. As the summer wore on, and the windmill neared completion, the rumours of an impending treacherous attack grew stronger and stronger. Frederick, it was said, intended to bring against them twenty men all armed with guns, and he had already bribed the magistrates and police, so that if he could once get hold of the title-deeds of Animal Farm they would ask no questions. Moreover, terrible stories were leaking out from Pinchfield about the cruelties that Frederick practised upon his animals. He had flogged an old horse to death, he starved his cows, he had killed a dog by throwing it into the furnace, he amused himself in the evenings by making cocks fight with splinters of razor-blade tied to their spurs. The animals’ blood boiled with rage when they heard of these things beingdone to their comrades, and sometimes they clamoured to be allowed to go out in a body and attack Pinchfield Farm, drive out the humans, and set the animals free. But Squealer counselled them to avoid rash actions and trust in Comrade Napoleon’s strategy.

    Nevertheless, feeling against Frederick continued to run high. One Sunday morning Napoleon appeared in the barn and explained that he had never at any time contemplated selling the pile of timber to Frederick; he considered it beneath his dignity, he said, to have dealings with scoundrels of that description. The pigeons who were still sent out to spread tidings of the Rebellion were forbidden to set foot anywhere on Foxwood, and were also ordered to drop their former slogan of “Death to Humanity” in favour of “Death to Frederick.” In the late summer yet another of Snowball’s machinations was laid bare. The wheat crop was full of weeds, and it was discovered that on one of his nocturnal visits Snowball had mixed weed seeds with the seed corn. A gander who had been privy to the plot had confessed his guilt to Squealer and immediately committed suicide by swallowing deadly nightshade berries. The animals now also learned that Snowball had never–as many of them had believed hitherto–received the order of “Animal Hero, First Class.” This was merely a legend which had been spread some time after the Battle of the Cowshed by Snowball himself. So far from being decorated, he had been censured for showing cowardice in the battle. Once again some of the animals heard this with a certain bewilderment, but Squealer was soon able to convince them that their memories had been at fault.

    In the autumn, by a tremendous, exhausting effort–for the harvest had to be gathered at almost the same time–the windmill was finished. The machinery had still to be installed, and Whymper was negotiating the purchase of it, but the structure was completed. In the teeth of every difficulty, in spite of inexperience, of primitive implements, of bad luck and of Snowball’s treachery, the work had been finished punctually to the very day! Tired out but proud, the animals walked round and round their masterpiece, which appeared even more beautiful in their eyes than when it had been built the first time. Moreover, the walls were twice as thick as before. Nothing short of explosives would lay them low this time! And when they thought of how they had laboured, what discouragements they had overcome, and the enormous difference that would be made in their lives when the sails were turning and the dynamos running–when they thought of all this, their tiredness forsook them and they gambolled round and round the windmill, uttering cries of triumph. Napoleon himself, attended by his dogs and his cockerel, came down to inspect the completed work; he personally congratulated the animals on their achievement, and announced that the mill would be named Napoleon Mill.

    Two days later the animals were called together for a special meeting in the barn. They were struck dumb with surprise when Napoleon announced that he had sold the pile of timber to Frederick. Tomorrow Frederick’s wagons would arrive and begin carting it away. Throughout the whole period of his seeming friendship with Pilkington, Napoleon had really been in secret agreement with Frederick.

    All relations with Foxwood had been broken off; insulting messages had been sent to Pilkington. The pigeons had been told to avoid Pinchfield Farm and to alter their slogan from “Death to Frederick” to “Death to Pilkington.” At the same time Napoleon assured the animals that the stories of an impending attack on Animal Farm were completely untrue, and that the tales about Frederick’s cruelty to his own animals had been greatly exaggerated. All these rumours had probably originated with Snowball and his agents. It now appeared that Snowball was not, after all, hiding on Pinchfield Farm, and in fact had never been there in his life: he was living–in considerable luxury, so it was said–at Foxwood, and had in reality been a pensioner of Pilkington for years past.

    The pigs were in ecstasies over Napoleon’s cunning. By seeming to be friendly with Pilkington he had forced Frederick to raise his price by twelve pounds. But the superior quality of Napoleon’s mind, said Squealer, was shown in the fact that he trusted nobody, not even Frederick. Frederick had wanted to pay for the timber with something called a cheque, which, it seemed, was a piece of paper with a promise to pay written upon it. But Napoleon was too clever for him. He had demanded payment in real five-pound notes, which were to be handed over before the timber was removed. Already Frederick had paid up; and the sum he had paid was just enough to buy the machinery for the windmill.

    Meanwhile the timber was being carted away at high speed. When it was all gone, another special meeting was held in the barn for the animals to inspect Frederick’s bank-notes. Smiling beatifically, and wearing both his decorations, Napoleon reposed on a bed of straw on the platform, with the money at his side, neatly piled on a china dish from the farmhouse kitchen. The animals filed slowly past, and each gazed his fill. And Boxer put out his nose to sniff at the bank-notes, and the flimsy white things stirred and rustled in his breath.

    Three days later there was a terrible hullabaloo. Whymper, his face deadly pale, came racing up the path on his bicycle, flung it down in the yard and rushed straight into the farmhouse. The next moment a choking roar of rage sounded from Napoleon’s apartments. The news of what had happened sped round the farm like wildfire. The banknotes were forgeries! Frederick had got the timber for nothing!

    Napoleon called the animals together immediately and in a terrible voice pronounced the death sentence upon Frederick. When captured, he said, Frederick should be boiled alive. At the same time he warned them that after this treacherous deed the worst was to be expected. Frederick and his men might make their long-expected attack at any moment. Sentinels were placed at all the approaches to the farm. In addition, four pigeons were sent to Foxwood with a conciliatory message, which it was hoped might re-establish good relations with Pilkington.

    The very next morning the attack came. The animals were at breakfast when the look-outs came racing in with the news that Frederick and his followers had already come through the five-barred gate. Boldly enough the animals sallied forth to meet them, but this time they did not have the easy victory that they had had in the Battle of the Cowshed. There were fifteen men, with half a dozen guns between them, and they opened fire as soon as they got within fifty yards. The animals could not face the terrible explosions and the stinging pellets, and in spite of the efforts of Napoleon and Boxer to rally them, they were soon driven back. A number of them were already wounded. They took refuge in the farm buildings and peeped cautiously out from chinks and knot-holes. The whole of the big pasture, including the windmill, was in the hands of the enemy. For the moment even Napoleon seemed at a loss. He paced up and down without a word, his tail rigid and twitching. Wistful glances were sent in the direction of Foxwood. If Pilkington and his men would help them, the day might yet be won. But at this moment the four pigeons, who had been sent out on the day before, returned, one of them bearing a scrap of paper from Pilkington. On it was pencilled the words: “Serves you right.”

    Meanwhile Frederick and his men had halted about the windmill. The animals watched them, and a murmur of dismay went round. Two of the men had produced a crowbar and a sledge hammer. They were going to knock the windmill down.

    “Impossible!” cried Napoleon. “We have built the walls far too thick for that. They could not knock it down in a week. Courage, comrades!”

    But Benjamin was watching the movements of the men intently. The two with the hammer and the crowbar were drilling a hole near the base of the windmill. Slowly, and with an air almost of amusement, Benjamin nodded his long muzzle.

    “I thought so,” he said. “Do you not see what they are doing? In another moment they are going to pack blasting powder into that hole.”

    Terrified, the animals waited. It was impossible now to venture out of the shelter of the buildings. After a few minutes the men were seen to be running in all directions. Then there was a deafening roar. The pigeons swirled into the air, and all the animals, except Napoleon, flung themselves flat on their bellies and hid their faces. When they got up again, a huge cloud of black smoke was hanging where the windmill had been. Slowly the breeze drifted it away. The windmill had ceased to exist!

    At this sight the animals’ courage returned to them. The fear and despair they had felt a moment earlier were drowned in their rage against this vile, contemptible act. A mighty cry for vengeance went up, and without waiting for further orders they charged forth in a body and made straight for the enemy. This time they did not heed the cruel pellets that swept over them like hail. It was a savage, bitter battle. The men fired again and again, and, when the animals got to close quarters, lashed out with their sticks and their heavy boots. A cow, three sheep, and two geese were killed, and nearly everyone was wounded. Even Napoleon, who was directing operations from the rear, had the tip of his tail chipped by a pellet. But the men did not go unscathed either. Three of them had their heads broken by blows from Boxer’s hoofs; another was gored in the belly by a cow’s horn; another had his trousers nearly torn off by Jessie and Bluebell. And when the nine dogs of Napoleon’s own bodyguard, whom he had instructed to make a detour under cover of the hedge, suddenly appeared on the men’s flank, baying ferociously, panic overtook them. They saw that they were in danger of being surrounded. Frederick shouted to his men to get out while the going was good, and the next moment the cowardly enemy was running for dear life. The animals chased them right down to the bottom of the field, and got in some last kicks at them as they forced their way through the thorn hedge.

    They had won, but they were weary and bleeding. Slowly they began to limp back towards the farm. The sight of their dead comrades stretched upon the grass moved some of them to tears. And for a little while they halted in sorrowful silence at the place where the windmill had once stood. Yes, it was gone; almost the last trace of their labour was gone! Even the foundations were partially destroyed. And in rebuilding it they could not this time, as before, make use of the fallen stones. This time the stones had vanished too. The force of the explosion had flung them to distances of hundreds of yards. It was as though the windmill had never been.

    As they approached the farm Squealer, who had unaccountably been absent during the fighting, came skipping towards them, whisking his tail and beaming with satisfaction. And the animals heard, from the direction of the farm buildings, the solemn booming of a gun.

    “What is that gun firing for?” said Boxer.

    “To celebrate our victory!” cried Squealer.

    “What victory?” said Boxer. His knees were bleeding, he had lost a shoe and split his hoof, and a dozen pellets had lodged themselves in his hind leg.

    “What victory, comrade? Have we not driven the enemy off our soil–the sacred soil of Animal Farm?”

    “But they have destroyed the windmill. And we had worked on it for two years!”

    “What matter? We will build another windmill. We will build six windmills if we feel like it. You do not appreciate, comrade, the mighty thing that we have done. The enemy was in occupation of this very ground that we stand upon. And now–thanks to the leadership of Comrade Napoleon–we have won every inch of it back again!”

    “Then we have won back what we had before,” said Boxer.

    “That is our victory,” said Squealer.

    They limped into the yard. The pellets under the skin of Boxer’s leg smarted painfully. He saw ahead of him the heavy labour of rebuilding the windmill from the foundations, and already in imagination he braced himself for the task. But for the first time it occurred to him that he was eleven years old and that perhaps his great muscles were not quite what they had once been.

    But when the animals saw the green flag flying, and heard the gun firing again–seven times it was fired in all–and heard the speech that Napoleon made, congratulating them on their conduct, it did seem to them after all that they had won a great victory. The animals slain in the battle were given a solemn funeral. Boxer and Clover pulled the wagon which served as a hearse, and Napoleon himself walked at the head of the procession. Two whole days were given over to celebrations. There were songs, speeches, and more firing of the gun, and a special gift of an apple was bestowed on every animal, with two ounces of corn for each bird and three biscuits for each dog. It was announced that the battle would be called the Battle of the Windmill, and that Napoleon had created a new decoration, the Order of the Green Banner, which he had conferred upon himself. In the general rejoicings the unfortunate affair of the banknotes was forgotten.

    It was a few days later than this that the pigs came upon a case of whisky in the cellars of the farmhouse. It had been overlooked at the time when the house was first occupied. That night there came from the farmhouse the sound of loud singing, in which, to everyone’s surprise, the strains of ‘Beasts of England’ were mixed up. At about half past nine Napoleon, wearing an old bowler hat of Mr. Jones’s, was distinctly seen to emerge from the back door, gallop rapidly round the yard, and disappear indoors again. But in the morning a deep silence hung over the farmhouse. Not a pig appeared to be stirring. It was nearly nine o’clock when Squealer made his appearance, walking slowly and dejectedly, his eyes dull, his tail hanging limply behind him, and with every appearance of being seriously ill. He called the animals together and told them that he had a terrible piece of news to impart. Comrade Napoleon was dying!

    A cry of lamentation went up. Straw was laid down outside the doors of the farmhouse, and the animals walked on tiptoe. With tears in their eyes they asked one another what they should do if their Leader were taken away from them. A rumour went round that Snowball had after all contrived to introduce poison into Napoleon’s food. At eleven o’clock Squealer came out to make another announcement. As his last act upon earth, Comrade Napoleon had pronounced a solemn decree: the drinking of alcohol was to be punished by death.

    By the evening, however, Napoleon appeared to be somewhat better, and the following morning Squealer was able to tell them that he was well on the way to recovery. By the evening of that day Napoleon was back at work, and on the next day it was learned that he had instructed Whymper to purchase in Willingdon some booklets on brewing and distilling. A week later Napoleon gave orders that the small paddock beyond the orchard, which it had previously been intended to set aside as a grazing-ground for animals who were past work, was to be ploughed up. It was given out that the pasture was exhausted and needed re-seeding; but it soon became known that Napoleon intended to sow it with barley.

    About this time there occurred a strange incident which hardly anyone was able to understand. One night at about twelve o’clock there was a loud crash in the yard, and the animals rushed out of their stalls. It was a moonlit night. At the foot of the end wall of the big barn, where the Seven Commandments were written, there lay a ladder broken in two pieces. Squealer, temporarily stunned, was sprawling beside it, and near at hand there lay a lantern, a paint-brush, and an overturned pot of white paint. The dogs immediately made a ring round Squealer, and escorted him back to the farmhouse as soon as he was able to walk. None of the animals could form any idea as to what this meant, except old Benjamin, who nodded his muzzle with a knowing air, and seemed to understand, but would say nothing.

    But a few days later Muriel, reading over the Seven Commandments to herself, noticed that there was yet another of them which the animals had remembered wrong. They had thought the Fifth Commandment was “No animal shall drink alcohol,” but there were two words that they had forgotten. Actually the Commandment read: “No animal shall drink alcohol TO EXCESS.”

    第八章

    几天以后,这次行刑引起的恐慌已经平息下来后,有些动物才想起了第六条诫律中已经规定:“任何动物不得伤害其他动物”,至少他们自以为记得有这条规定。尽管在提起这个话题时,谁也不愿让猪和狗听见,但他们还是觉得这次杀戮与这一条诫律不相符。克拉弗请求本杰明给她念一下第六条诫律,而本杰明却像往常一样说他不愿介入这类事情。她又找来穆丽尔。穆丽尔就给她念了,上面写着:“任何动物不得伤害其他动物而无缘无故”。对后面这五个字,动物们不知怎么回事就是不记得了。但他们现在却清楚地看到,杀掉那些与斯诺鲍串通一气的叛徒是有充分根据的,它并没有违犯诫律。

    整整这一年,动物们比前些年干得更加卖力。重建风车,不但要把墙筑得比上一次厚一倍,还要按预定日期完成;再加上庄园里那些日常性活计,这两项合在一起,任务十分繁重。对动物来说,他们已经不止一次感觉到,现在干活时间比琼斯时期长,吃得却并不比那时强。每到星期天早上,斯奎拉蹄子上就捏着一张长纸条,向他们发布各类食物产量增加的一系列数据,根据内容分门别类,有的增加了百分之二百,有的增加了百分之三百或者百分之五百。动物们觉得没有任何理由不相信他,尤其是因为他们再也记不清楚起义前的情形到底是什么样了。不过,他们常常觉得,宁愿要这些数字少一些,而吃得更多些。

    现在所有的命令都是通过斯奎拉,或者另外一头猪发布的。拿破仑自己则两星期也难得露一次面。一旦他要出来了,他就不仅要带着狗侍卫,而且还要有一只黑色小公鸡,象号手一样在前面开道。在拿破仑讲话之前,公鸡先要响亮地啼叫一下“喔——喔——喔!”据说,这是在庄主院,拿破仑也和别的猪分开居住的。用他在两头狗的侍侯下独自用餐,而且还总要德贝陶瓷餐具用餐,那些餐具原来陈列在客厅的玻璃橱柜里。另外,有通告说,每年逢拿破仑生日也要鸣枪,就向其他两个纪念日一样。

    如今,对拿破仑给不能简单地直呼“拿破仑”了。提到他就要用正式的尊称:“我们的领袖拿破仑同志”,而那些猪还喜欢给他冠以这样一些头衔,如“动物之父”,“人类克星”,“的羊保护神”,“鸭子的至亲”等等。斯奎拉每次演讲时,总要泪流满面地大谈一番拿破仑的智慧和他的好心肠,说他对普天之下的动物,尤其是对那些还不幸地生活在其它庄园里的受歧视和受奴役的动物,满怀着深挚的爱等等。在庄园里,把每遇到一件幸运之事,每取得一项成就的荣誉归于拿破仑已成了家常便饭。你会常常听到一只鸡对另一只鸡这样讲道:“在我们的领袖拿破仑的指引下,我在六天之内下了五只蛋”,或者两头正在饮水的牛声称:“多亏拿破仑同志的领导,这水喝起来真甜!”庄园里的动物们的整个精神状态,充分体现在一首名为“拿破仑同志”的诗中,诗是梅尼缪斯编写的,全诗如下:

    孤儿之至亲!

    辛福之源泉!

    赐给食料的的恩主!

    您双目坚毅沉静

    如日当空,

    仰着看您

    啊!我满怀激情

    拿破仑同志!

    是您赐予

    您那众生灵所期求之一切,

    每日两餐饱食,

    还有那洁净的草垫,

    每个动物不论大小,

    都在窝棚中平静歇睡,

    因为有您在照看,

    拿破仑同志!

    我要是有头幼崽,

    在他长大以前,

    哪怕他小得像奶瓶、像小桶,

    他也应学会

    用忠诚和老实待您,

    放心吧,

    他的第一声尖叫肯定是

    “拿破仑同志!”

    拿破仑对这首诗很满意,并让手下把它刻在大谷仓的墙上,位于与“七诫”相对的另一头。诗的上方是拿破仑的一幅侧身画像,是斯奎拉用白漆画成的。

    在这期间,由温普尔牵线,拿破仑正着手与弗雷德里克及皮尔金顿进行一系列繁冗的谈判。那堆木材至今还没有卖掉。在这两个人中,弗雷德里克更急着要买,但他又不愿意出一个公道的价钱。与此同时,有一个过时的消息重新开始流传,说弗雷德里克和他的伙计们正在密谋袭击动物庄园,并想把那个他嫉恨已久的风车毁掉,据说斯诺鲍就藏在平彻菲尔德庄园。仲夏时节,动物们又惊讶地听说,另外有三只鸡也主动坦白交待,说他们曾受斯诺鲍的煽动,参与过一起刺杀拿破仑的阴谋。那三只鸡立即被处决了,随后,为了拿破仑的安全起见,又采取了新的戒备措施,夜间有四条狗守卫着他的床,每个床脚一条狗,一头名叫平克埃的猪,接受了在拿破仑吃饭前品尝他的食物的任务,以防食物有毒。

    差不多同时,有通知说拿破仑决定把那堆木材卖给皮尔金顿先生;他还拟订一项关于动物庄园和福克斯伍德庄园交换某些产品的长期协议。尽管是通过温普尔牵线,但拿破仑和皮尔金顿现在的关系可以说是相当不错的。对于皮尔金顿这个人,动物们并不信任。但他们更不信任弗雷德里克,他们对他又怕又恨。夏天过去了,风车即将竣工,那个关于弗雷德里克将要袭击庄园的风声也越来越紧。据说危险已经迫在眉睫,而且,弗雷德里克打算带二十个全副武装的人来,还说他已经买通了地方官员和警察,这样,一旦他能把动物庄园的地契弄到手,就会得到他们的认可。更有甚者,从平彻菲尔德庄园透露出许多可怕的消息,说弗雷德里克正用他的动物进行残酷无情的演习。他用鞭子抽死了一匹老马,饿他的牛,还把一条狗扔到炉子里烧死了,到了晚上,他就把刮脸刀碎片绑在鸡爪子上看斗鸡取乐。听到这些正加害在他们同志身上的事,动物们群情激愤,热血沸腾,他们不时叫嚷着要一起去进攻平彻菲尔德庄园,赶走那里的人,解放那里的动物。但斯奎拉告诫动物们,要避免草率行动,要相信拿破仑的战略布署。

    尽管如此,反对弗雷德里克的情绪还是越来越高涨。在一个星期天早上,拿破仑来到大谷仓,他解释说他从来未打算把那堆木料卖给弗雷德里克。他说,和那个恶棍打交道有辱他的身份。为了向外传播起义消息而放出去的鸽子,以后不准在福克斯伍德庄园落脚。他还下令,把他们以前的口号“打倒人类”换成“打倒弗雷德里克”。夏末,斯诺鲍的另一个阴谋又被揭露了,麦田里长满了杂草,原来发现是他在某个夜晚潜入庄园后,往粮种里拌了草籽。一只与此事件有牵连的雄鸡向斯奎拉坦白了这一罪行,随后,他就吞食了剧毒草莓自尽了。动物们现在还得知,和他们一直想像的情况正相反,斯诺鲍从来都没有受到过“一级动物英雄”嘉奖。受奖的事只不过是在牛棚大战后,斯诺鲍自己散布的一个神话。根本就没有给他授勋这回事,倒是因为他在战斗中表现怯懦而早就受到谴责。有些动物又一次感到不好接受,但斯奎拉很快就使他们相信是他们记错了。

    到了秋天,动物们在保证完成收割的情况下,竭尽全力,终于使风车竣工了,而且几乎是和收割同时完成的。接下来还得安装机器,温普尔正在为购买机器的事而奔忙,但是到此为止,风车主体已经建成。且不说他们经历的每一步如何困难,不管他们的经验多么不足,工具多么原始,运气多么不佳,斯诺鲍的诡计多么阴险,整个工程到此已经一丝不差按时竣工了!动物们精疲力尽,但却倍感自豪,他们绕着他们自己的这一杰作不停地转来转去。在他们眼里,风车比第一次筑得漂亮多了,另外,墙座也比第一次的厚一倍。这一次,除了炸药,什么东西都休想摧毁它们!回想起来,他们为此不知流过多少血和汗,又克服了不知多少个困难,但是一想到一旦当风车的翼板转动就能带动发电机,就会给他们的生活带来巨大的改观,——想到这前前后后的一切,他们于是就忘却了疲劳,而且还一边得意地狂呼着,一边围着风车雀跃不已。拿破仑在狗和公鸡的前呼后拥下,亲自莅临视察,并亲自对动物们的成功表示祝贺,还宣布,这个风车要命名为“拿破仑风车”。

    两天后,动物们被召集到大谷仓召开一次特别会议。拿破仑宣布,他已经把那堆木料卖给了弗雷德里克,再过一天,弗雷德里克就要来拉货。顿时,动物们一个个都惊得目瞪口呆。在整个这段时间里,拿破仑只是与皮尔金顿表面上友好而已,实际上他已和弗雷德里克达成了秘密协议。

    与福克斯伍德庄园的关系已经完全破裂了,他们就向皮尔金顿发出了侮辱信,并通知鸽子以后要避开平彻菲尔德庄园,还把“打倒弗雷德里克”的口号改为“打倒皮尔金顿”。同时,拿破仑断然地告诉动物们说,所谓动物庄园面临着一个迫在眉睫的袭击的说法是彻头彻尾的谎言,还有,有关弗雷德里克虐待他的动物的谣传,也是被严重地夸张了的。所有的谣言都极可能来自斯诺鲍及其同伙。总之,现在看来斯诺鲍并没有藏在平彻菲尔德庄园。事实上他生平从来没有到过那儿,他正住在福克斯伍德庄园,据说生活得相当奢侈。而且多年来,他一直就是皮尔金顿门下的一个地地道道的食客。

    猪无不为拿破仑的老练欣喜若狂。他表面上与皮尔金顿友好,这就迫使弗雷德里克把价钱提高了十二英镑。斯奎拉说,拿破仑思想上的卓越之处,实际上就体现在他对任何人都不信任上,即使对弗雷德里克也是如此。弗雷德里克曾打算用一种叫做支票的东西支付木料钱,那玩意儿差不多只是一张纸,只不过写着保证支付之类的诺言而已,但拿破仑根本不是他能糊弄得了的,他要求用真正的五英镑票子付款,而且要在运木料之前交付。弗雷德里克已经如数付清,所付的数目刚好够为大风车买机器用。

    这期间,木料很快就被拉走了,等全部拉完之后,在大谷仓里又召开了一次特别会议,让动物们观赏弗雷德里克付给的钞票。拿破仑笑逐颜开,心花怒放,他戴着他的两枚勋章,端坐在那个凸出的草垫子上,钱就在他身边,整齐地堆放在从庄主院厨房里拿来的瓷盘子上。动物们排成一行慢慢走过,无不大饱眼福。鲍克瑟还伸出鼻子嗅了嗅那钞票,随着他的呼吸,还激起了一股稀稀的白末屑和嘶嘶作响声。

    三天以后,在一阵震耳的嘈杂声中,只见温普尔骑着自行车飞快赶来,面色如死人一般苍白。他把自行车在院子里就地一扔,就径直冲进庄主院。过来一会,就在拿破仑的房间里响起一阵哽噎着嗓子的怒吼声。出事了,这消息象野火一般传遍整个庄园。钞票是假的!弗雷德里克白白地拉走了木料!

    拿破仑立即把所有动物召集在一起,咬牙切齿地宣布,判处弗雷德里克死刑。他说,要是抓住这家伙,就要把他活活煮死。同时他告诫他们,继这个阴险的背信弃义的行动之后,最糟糕的事情也就会一触即发了。弗雷德里克和他的同伙随时都可能发动他们蓄谋已久的袭击。因此,已在所有通向庄园的路口安装了岗哨。另外,四只鸽子给福克斯伍德庄园送去和好的信件,希望与皮尔金顿重修旧好。

    就在第二天早晨,敌人开始袭击了。当时动物们正在吃早饭,哨兵飞奔来报,说弗雷德里克及其随从已经走进了五栅门。动物们勇气十足,立刻就向敌人迎头出击,但这一回他们可没有像牛棚大战那样轻易取胜。敌方这一次共有十五个人,六条枪,他们一走到距离五十码处就立刻开火。可怕的枪声和恶毒的子弹使动物们无法抵挡,虽然拿破仑和鲍克瑟好不容易才把他们集结起来,可不一会儿他们就又被打退了回来。很多动物已经负伤。于是他们纷纷逃进庄园的窝棚里躲了起来,小心翼翼地透过墙缝,透过木板上的节疤孔往外窥探。只见整个大牧场,还有风车,都已落到敌人手中。此时就连拿破仑似乎也已不知所措了。他一言不发,走来走去,尾巴变得僵硬,而且还不停抽搐着。他不时朝着福克斯伍德庄园方向瞥去渴望的眼光。如果皮尔金顿和他手下的人帮他们一把的话,这场拼斗还可以打胜。但正在此刻,前一天派出的四只鸽子返回来了,其中有一只带着皮尔金顿的一张小纸片。纸上用铅笔写着:“你们活该。”

    这时,弗雷德里克一伙人已停在风车周围。动物们一边窥视着他们,一边惶恐不安地嘀咕起来,有两个人拿出一根钢钎和一把大铁锤,他们准备拆除风车。

    “不可能!”拿破仑喊道,“我们已把墙筑得那么厚。他们休想在一星期内拆除。不要怕,同志们!”

    但本杰明仍在急切地注视着那些人的活动。拿着钢钎和大铁锤的两个人,正在风车的地基附近打孔。最后,本杰明带着几乎是戏谑的神情,慢腾腾地呶了呶他那长长的嘴巴。

    “我看是这样”他说,“你们没看见他们在干什么吗?过一会儿,他们就要往打好的孔里装炸药。”

    太可怕了。但此时此刻,动物们不敢冒险冲出窝棚,他们只好等待着。过了几分钟,眼看着那些人朝四下散开,接着,就是一声震耳欲聋的爆炸声。顿时,鸽子就立刻飞到空中,其它动物,除了拿破仑外,全都转过脸去,猛地趴倒在地。他们起来后,风车上空飘荡着一团巨大的黑色烟云。微风慢慢吹散了烟云:风车已荡然无存!

    看到这情景,动物们又重新鼓起勇气。他们在片刻之前所感到的胆怯和恐惧,此刻便被这种可耻卑鄙的行为所激起的狂怒淹没了。他们发出一阵强烈的复仇呐喊,不等下一步的命令,便一齐向敌人冲去。这一次,他们顾不上留意那如冰雹一般扫射而来的残忍的子弹了。这是一场残酷、激烈的战斗。那帮人在不断地射击,等到动物们接近他们时,他们就又用棍棒和那沉重的靴子大打出手。一头牛、三只羊、两只鹅被杀害了,几乎每个动物都受了伤。就连一直在后面指挥作战的拿破仑也被子弹削去了尾巴尖。但人也并非没有伤亡。三个人的头被鲍克瑟的蹄掌打破;另一个人的肚子被一头牛的犄角刺破;还有一个人,裤子几乎被杰西和布鲁拜尔撕掉,给拿破仑作贴身警卫的那九条狗,奉他的命令在树篱的遮掩下迂回过去,突然出现在敌人的侧翼,凶猛地吼叫起来,把那帮人吓坏了。他们发现有被包围的危险,弗雷德里克趁退路未断便喊他的同伙撤出去,不一会儿,那些贪生怕死的敌人便没命似地逃了。动物们一直把他们追到庄园边上,在他们从那片树篱中挤出去时,还踢了他们最后几下。

    他们胜利了,但他们都已是疲惫不堪,鲜血淋漓。它们一瘸一拐地朝庄园缓缓地走回。看到横在草地上的同志们的尸体,有的动物悲伤得眼泪汪汪。他们在那个曾矗立着风车的地方肃穆地站了好长时间。的的确确,风车没了;他们劳动的最后一点印迹几乎也没了!甚至地基也有一部分被炸毁,而且这一下,要想再建风车,也非同上一次可比了。上一次还可以利用剩下的石头。可这一次连石头也不见了。爆炸的威力把石头抛到了几百码以外。好像这儿从未有过风车一样。

    当他们走近庄园,斯奎拉朝他们蹦蹦跳跳地走过来,他一直莫名其妙地没有参加战斗,而此时却高兴得摇头摆尾。就在这时,动物们听到从庄园的窝棚那边传来祭典的鸣枪声。

    “干嘛要开枪?”鲍克瑟问。

    “庆祝我们的胜利!”斯奎拉囔道。

    “什么胜利?”鲍克瑟问。他的膝盖还在流血,又丢了一只蹄铁,蹄子也绽裂了,另外还有十二颗子弹击中了他的后腿。

    “什么胜利?同志们,难道我们没有从我们的领土上——从神圣的动物庄园的领土上赶跑敌人吗?”

    “但他们毁了风车,而我们却为建风车干了两年!”

    “那有什么?我们将另建一座。我们高兴的话就建它六座风车。同志们,你们不了解,我们已经干了一件多么了不起的事。敌人曾占领了我们脚下这块土地。而现在呢,多亏拿破仑同志的领导,我们重新夺回了每一-土地!”

    “然而我们夺回的只是我们本来就有的,”鲍克瑟又说道。

    “这就是我们的胜利,”斯奎拉说。

    他们一瘸一拐地走进大院。鲍克瑟腿皮下的子弹使他疼痛难忍。他知道,摆在他面前的工作,将是一项从地基开始再建风车的沉重劳动,他还想像他自己已经为这项任务振作了起来。但是,他第一次想到,他已十一岁了。他那强壮的肌体也许是今非昔比了。

    但当动物们看到那面绿旗在飘扬,听到再次鸣枪——共响了七下,听到拿破仑的讲话,听到他对他们的行动的祝贺,他们似乎觉得,归根到底,他们取得了巨大的胜利。大家为在战斗中死难的动物安排了一个隆重的葬礼。鲍克瑟和克拉弗拉着灵车,拿破仑亲自走在队列的前头。整整两天用来举行庆祝活动,有唱歌,有演讲,还少不了鸣枪,每一个牲口都得了一只作为特殊纪念物的苹果,每只家禽得到了二盎司谷子,每条狗有三块饼干。有通知说,这场战斗将命名为风车战役,拿破仑还设立了一个新勋章“绿旗勋章”,并授予了他自己。在这一片欢天喜地之中,那个不幸的钞票事件也就被忘掉了。

    庆祝活动过后几天,猪偶然在庄主院的地下室里,发现了一箱威士忌,这在他们刚住进这里时没注意到。当天晚上,从庄主院那边传出一阵响亮的歌声,令动物们惊奇的是,中间还夹杂着“英格兰兽”的旋律。大约在九点半左右,只见拿破仑戴着一顶琼斯先生的旧圆顶礼帽,从后门出来,在院子里飞快地跑了一圈,又闪进门不见了。但在第二天早晨,庄主院内却是一片沉寂,看不到一头猪走动,快到九点钟时,斯奎拉出来了,迟缓而沮丧地走着,目光呆滞,尾巴无力地掉在身后,浑身上下病怏怏的。他把动物们叫到一起,说还要传达一个沉痛的消息:拿破仑同志病危!

    一阵哀嚎油然而起。庄主院门外铺着草甸,于是,动物们踮着蹄尖从那儿走过。他们眼中含着热泪,相互之间总是询问:要是他们的领袖拿破仑离开了,他们可该怎么办。庄园里此刻到处都在风传,说斯诺鲍最终还是设法把毒药掺到拿破仑的食物中了。十一点,斯奎拉出来发布另一项公告,说是拿破仑同志在弥留之际宣布了一项神圣的法令:饮酒者要处死刑。

    可是到了傍晚,拿破仑显得有些好转,次日早上,斯奎拉就告诉他们说拿破仑正在顺利康复。即日夜晚,拿破仑又重新开始工作了。又过了一天,动物们才知道,他早先让温普尔在威灵顿买了一些有关蒸馏及酿造酒类方面的小册子。一周后,拿破仑下令,叫把苹果园那边的小牧场耕锄掉。那牧场原先是打算为退休动物留作草场用的,现在却说牧草已耗尽,需要重新耕种;但不久以后便真相大白了,拿破仑准备在那儿播种大麦。

    大概就在这时,发生了一件奇怪的事情,几乎每个动物都百思不得其解。这事发生在一天夜里十二点钟左右,当时,院子里传来一声巨大的跌撞声,动物们都立刻冲出窝棚去看。那个夜晚月光皎洁,在大谷仓一头写着“七诫”的墙角下,横着一架断为两截的梯子。斯奎拉平躺在梯子边上,一时昏迷不醒。他手边有一盏马灯,一把漆刷子,一只打翻的白漆桶。狗当即就把斯奎拉围了起来,待他刚刚苏醒过来,马上就护送他回到了庄主院。除了本杰明以外,动物们都想不通这是怎么回事。本杰明呶了呶他那长嘴巴,露出一副会意了的神情,似乎看出点眉目来了,但却啥也没说。

    但是几天后,穆丽尔自己在看到七诫时注意到,又有另外一条诫律动物们都记错了,他们本来以为,第五条诫律是“任何动物不得饮酒”,但有两个字他们都忘了,实际上那条诫律是“任何动物不得饮酒过度”。

    Chapter IX

    Boxer’s split hoof was a long time in healing. They had started the rebuilding of the windmill the day after the victory celebrations were ended. Boxer refused to take even a day off work, and made it a point of honour not to let it be seen that he was in pain. In the evenings he would admit privately to Clover that the hoof troubled him a great deal. Clover treated the hoof with poultices of herbs which she prepared by chewing them, and both she and Benjamin urged Boxer to work less hard. “A horse’s lungs do not last for ever,” she said to him. But Boxer would not listen. He had, he said, only one real ambition left–to see the windmill well under way before he reached the age for retirement.

    At the beginning, when the laws of Animal Farm were first formulated, the retiring age had been fixed for horses and pigs at twelve, for cows at fourteen, for dogs at nine, for sheep at seven, and for hens and geese at five. Liberal old-age pensions had been agreed upon. As yet no animal had actually retired on pension, but of late the subject had been discussed more and more. Now that the small field beyond the orchard had been set aside for barley, it was rumoured that a corner of the large pasture was to be fenced off and turned into a grazing-ground for superannuated animals. For a horse, it was said, the pension would be five pounds of corn a day and, in winter, fifteen pounds of hay, with a carrot or possibly an apple on public holidays. Boxer’s twelfth birthday was due in the late summer of the following year.

    Meanwhile life was hard. The winter was as cold as the last one had been, and food was even shorter. Once again all rations were reduced, except those of the pigs and the dogs. A too rigid equality in rations, Squealer explained, would have been contrary to the principles of Animalism. In any case he had no difficulty in proving to the other animals that they were NOT in reality short of food, whatever the appearances might be. For the time being, certainly, it had been found necessary to make a readjustment of rations (Squealer always spoke of it as a “readjustment,” never as a “reduction”), but in comparison with the days of Jones, the improvement was enormous. Reading out the figures in a shrill, rapid voice, he proved to them in detail that they had more oats, more hay, more turnips than they had had in Jones’s day, that they worked shorter hours, that their drinking water was of better quality, that they lived longer, that a larger proportion of their young ones survived infancy, and that they had more straw in their stalls and suffered less from fleas. The animals believed every word of it. Truth to tell, Jones and all he stood for had almost faded out of their memories. They knew that life nowadays was harsh and bare, that they were often hungry and often cold, and that they were usually working when they were not asleep. But doubtless it had been worse in the old days. They were glad to believe so. Besides, in those days they had been slaves and now they were free, and that made all the difference, as Squealer did not fail to point out.

    There were many more mouths to feed now. In the autumn the four sows had all littered about simultaneously, producing thirty-one young pigs between them. The young pigs were piebald, and as Napoleon was the only boar on the farm, it was possible to guess at their parentage. It was announced that later, when bricks and timber had been purchased, a schoolroom would be built in the farmhouse garden. For the time being, the young pigs were given their instruction by Napoleon himself in the farmhouse kitchen. They took their exercise in the garden, and were discouraged from playing with the other young animals. About this time, too, it was laid down as a rule that when a pig and any other animal met on the path, the other animal must stand aside: and also that all pigs, of whatever degree, were to have the privilege of wearing green ribbons on their tails on Sundays.

    The farm had had a fairly successful year, but was still short of money. There were the bricks, sand, and lime for the schoolroom to be purchased, and it would also be necessary to begin saving up again for the machinery for the windmill. Then there were lamp oil and candles for the house, sugar for Napoleon’s own table (he forbade this to the other pigs, on the ground that it made them fat), and all the usual replacements such as tools, nails, string, coal, wire, scrap-iron, and dog biscuits. A stump of hay and part of the potato crop were sold off, and the contract for eggs was increased to six hundred a week, so that that year the hens barely hatched enough chicks to keep their numbers at the same level. Rations, reduced in December, were reduced again in February, and lanterns in the stalls were forbidden to save oil. But the pigs seemed comfortable enough, and in fact were putting on weight if anything. One afternoon in late February a warm, rich, appetising scent, such as the animals had never smelt before, wafted itself across the yard from the little brew-house, which had been disused in Jones’s time, and which stood beyond the kitchen. Someone said it was the smell of cooking barley. The animals sniffed the air hungrily and wondered whether a warm mash was being prepared for their supper. But no warm mash appeared, and on the following Sunday it was announced that from now onwards all barley would be reserved for the pigs. The field beyond the orchard had already been sown with barley. And the news soon leaked out that every pig was now receiving a ration of a pint of beer daily, with half a gallon for Napoleon himself, which was always served to him in the Crown Derby soup tureen.

    But if there were hardships to be borne, they were partly offset by the fact that life nowadays had a greater dignity than it had had before. There were more songs, more speeches, more processions. Napoleon had commanded that once a week there should be held something called a Spontaneous Demonstration, the object of which was to celebrate the struggles and triumphs of Animal Farm. At the appointed time the animals would leave their work and march round the precincts of the farm in military formation, with the pigs leading, then the horses, then the cows, then the sheep, and then the poultry. The dogs flanked the procession and at the head of all marched Napoleon’s black cockerel. Boxer and Clover always carried between them a green banner marked with the hoof and the horn and the caption, “Long live Comrade Napoleon!” Afterwards there were recitations of poems composed in Napoleon’s honour, and a speech by Squealer giving particulars of the latest increases in the production of foodstuffs, and on occasion a shot was fired from the gun. The sheep were the greatest devotees of the Spontaneous Demonstration, and if anyone complained (as a few animals sometimes did, when no pigs or dogs were near) that they wasted time and meant a lot of standing about in the cold, the sheep were sure to silence him with a tremendous bleating of “Four legs good, two legs bad!” But by and large the animals enjoyed these celebrations. They found it comforting to be reminded that, after all, they were truly their own masters and that the work they did was for their own benefit. So that, what with the songs, the processions, Squealer’s lists of figures, the thunder of the gun, the crowing of the cockerel, and the fluttering of the flag, they were able to forget that their bellies were empty, at least part of the time.

    In April, Animal Farm was proclaimed a Republic, and it became necessary to elect a President. There was only one candidate, Napoleon, who was elected unanimously. On the same day it was given out that fresh documents had been discovered which revealed further details about Snowball’s complicity with Jones. It now appeared that Snowball had not, as the animals had previously imagined, merely attempted to lose the Battle of the Cowshed by means of a stratagem, but had been openly fighting on Jones’s side. In fact, it was he who had actually been the leader of the human forces, and had charged into battle with the words “Long live Humanity!” on his lips. The wounds on Snowball’s back, which a few of the animals still remembered to have seen, had been inflicted by Napoleon’s teeth.

    In the middle of the summer Moses the raven suddenly reappeared on the farm, after an absence of several years. He was quite unchanged, still did no work, and talked in the same strain as ever about Sugarcandy Mountain. He would perch on a stump, flap his black wings, and talk by the hour to anyone who would listen. “Up there, comrades,” he would say solemnly, pointing to the sky with his large beak–“up there, just on the other side of that dark cloud that you can see–there it lies, Sugarcandy Mountain, that happy country where we poor animals shall rest for ever from our labours!” He even claimed to have been there on one of his higher flights, and to have seen the everlasting fields of clover and the linseed cake and lump sugar growing on the hedges. Many of the animals believed him. Their lives now, they reasoned, were hungry and laborious; was it not right and just that a better world should exist somewhere else? A thing that was difficult to determine was the attitude of the pigs towards Moses. They all declared contemptuously that his stories about Sugarcandy Mountain were lies, and yet they allowed him to remain on the farm, not working, with an allowance of a gill of beer a day.

    After his hoof had healed up, Boxer worked harder than ever. Indeed, all the animals worked like slaves that year. Apart from the regular work of the farm, and the rebuilding of the windmill, there was the schoolhouse for the young pigs, which was started in March. Sometimes the long hours on insufficient food were hard to bear, but Boxer never faltered. In nothing that he said or did was there any sign that his strength was not what it had been. It was only his appearance that was a little altered; his hide was less shiny than it had used to be, and his great haunches seemed to have shrunken. The others said, “Boxer will pick up when the spring grass comes on”; but the spring came and Boxer grew no fatter. Sometimes on the slope leading to the top of the quarry, when he braced his muscles against the weight of some vast boulder, it seemed that nothing kept him on his feet except the will to continue. At such times his lips were seen to form the words, “I will work harder”; he had no voice left. Once again Clover and Benjamin warned him to take care of his health, but Boxer paid no attention. His twelfth birthday was approaching. He did not care what happened so long as a good store of stone was accumulated before he went on pension.

    Late one evening in the summer, a sudden rumour ran round the farm that something had happened to Boxer. He had gone out alone to drag a load of stone down to the windmill. And sure enough, the rumour was true. A few minutes later two pigeons came racing in with the news; “Boxer has fallen! He is lying on his side and can’t get up!”

    About half the animals on the farm rushed out to the knoll where the windmill stood. There lay Boxer, between the shafts of the cart, his neck stretched out, unable even to raise his head. His eyes were glazed, his sides matted with sweat. A thin stream of blood had trickled out of his mouth. Clover dropped to her knees at his side.

    “Boxer!” she cried, “how are you?”

    “It is my lung,” said Boxer in a weak voice. “It does not matter. I think you will be able to finish the windmill without me. There is a pretty good store of stone accumulated. I had only another month to go in any case. To tell you the truth, I had been looking forward to my retirement. And perhaps, as Benjamin is growing old too, they will let him retire at the same time and be a companion to me.”

    “We must get help at once,” said Clover. “Run, somebody, and tell Squealer what has happened.”

    All the other animals immediately raced back to the farmhouse to give Squealer the news. Only Clover remained, and Benjamin who lay down at Boxer’s side, and, without speaking, kept the flies off him with his long tail. After about a quarter of an hour Squealer appeared, full of sympathy and concern. He said that Comrade Napoleon had learned with the very deepest distress of this misfortune to one of the most loyal workers on the farm, and was already making arrangements to send Boxer to be treated in the hospital at Willingdon. The animals felt a little uneasy at this. Except for Mollie and Snowball, no other animal had ever left the farm, and they did not like to think of their sick comrade in the hands of human beings. However, Squealer easily convinced them that the veterinary surgeon in Willingdon could treat Boxer’s case more satisfactorily than could be done on the farm. And about half an hour later, when Boxer had somewhat recovered, he was with difficulty got on to his feet, and managed to limp back to his stall, where Clover and Benjamin had prepared a good bed of straw for him.

    For the next two days Boxer remained in his stall. The pigs had sent out a large bottle of pink medicine which they had found in the medicine chest in the bathroom, and Clover administered it to Boxer twice a day after meals. In the evenings she lay in his stall and talked to him, while Benjamin kept the flies off him. Boxer professed not to be sorry for what had happened. If he made a good recovery, he might expect to live another three years, and he looked forward to the peaceful days that he would spend in the corner of the big pasture. It would be the first time that he had had leisure to study and improve his mind. He intended, he said, to devote the rest of his life to learning the remaining twenty-two letters of the alphabet.

    However, Benjamin and Clover could only be with Boxer after working hours, and it was in the middle of the day when the van came to take him away. The animals were all at work weeding turnips under the supervision of a pig, when they were astonished to see Benjamin come galloping from the direction of the farm buildings, braying at the top of his voice. It was the first time that they had ever seen Benjamin excited–indeed, it was the first time that anyone had ever seen him gallop. “Quick, quick!” he shouted. “Come at once! They’re taking Boxer away!” Without waiting for orders from the pig, the animals broke off work and raced back to the farm buildings. Sure enough, there in the yard was a large closed van, drawn by two horses, with lettering on its side and a sly-looking man in a low-crowned bowler hat sitting on the driver’s seat. And Boxer’s stall was empty.

    The animals crowded round the van. “Good-bye, Boxer!” they chorused, “good-bye!”

    “Fools! Fools!” shouted Benjamin, prancing round them and stamping the earth with his small hoofs. “Fools! Do you not see what is written on the side of that van?”

    That gave the animals pause, and there was a hush. Muriel began to spell out the words. But Benjamin pushed her aside and in the midst of a deadly silence he read:

    “‘Alfred Simmonds, Horse Slaughterer and Glue Boiler, Willingdon. Dealer in Hides and Bone-Meal. Kennels Supplied.’ Do you not understand what that means? They are taking Boxer to the knacker’s!”

    A cry of horror burst from all the animals. At this moment the man on the box whipped up his horses and the van moved out of the yard at a smart trot. All the animals followed, crying out at the tops of their voices. Clover forced her way to the front. The van began to gather speed. Clover tried to stir her stout limbs to a gallop, and achieved a canter. “Boxer!” she cried. “Boxer! Boxer! Boxer!” And just at this moment, as though he had heard the uproar outside, Boxer’s face, with the white stripe down his nose, appeared at the small window at the back of the van.

    “Boxer!” cried Clover in a terrible voice. “Boxer! Get out! Get out quickly! They’re taking you to your death!”

    All the animals took up the cry of “Get out, Boxer, get out!” But the van was already gathering speed and drawing away from them. It was uncertain whether Boxer had understood what Clover had said. But a moment later his face disappeared from the window and there was the sound of a tremendous drumming of hoofs inside the van. He was trying to kick his way out. The time had been when a few kicks from Boxer’s hoofs would have smashed the van to matchwood. But alas! his strength had left him; and in a few moments the sound of drumming hoofs grew fainter and died away. In desperation the animals began appealing to the two horses which drew the van to stop. “Comrades, comrades!” they shouted. “Don’t take your own brother to his death!” But the stupid brutes, too ignorant to realise what was happening, merely set back their ears and quickened their pace. Boxer’s face did not reappear at the window. Too late, someone thought of racing ahead and shutting the five-barred gate; but in another moment the van was through it and rapidly disappearing down the road. Boxer was never seen again.

    Three days later it was announced that he had died in the hospital at Willingdon, in spite of receiving every attention a horse could have. Squealer came to announce the news to the others. He had, he said, been present during Boxer’s last hours.

    “It was the most affecting sight I have ever seen!” said Squealer, lifting his trotter and wiping away a tear. “I was at his bedside at the very last. And at the end, almost too weak to speak, he whispered in my ear that his sole sorrow was to have passed on before the windmill was finished. ‘Forward, comrades!’ he whispered. ‘Forward in the name of the Rebellion. Long live Animal Farm! Long live Comrade Napoleon! Napoleon is always right.’ Those were his very last words, comrades.”

    Here Squealer’s demeanour suddenly changed. He fell silent for a moment, and his little eyes darted suspicious glances from side to side before he proceeded.

    It had come to his knowledge, he said, that a foolish and wicked rumour had been circulated at the time of Boxer’s removal. Some of the animals had noticed that the van which took Boxer away was marked “Horse Slaughterer,” and had actually jumped to the conclusion that Boxer was being sent to the knacker’s. It was almost unbelievable, said Squealer, that any animal could be so stupid. Surely, he cried indignantly, whisking his tail and skipping from side to side, surely they knew their beloved Leader, Comrade Napoleon, better than that? But the explanation was really very simple. The van had previously been the property of the knacker, and had been bought by the veterinary surgeon, who had not yet painted the old name out. That was how the mistake had arisen.

    The animals were enormously relieved to hear this. And when Squealer went on to give further graphic details of Boxer’s death-bed, the admirable care he had received, and the expensive medicines for which Napoleon had paid without a thought as to the cost, their last doubts disappeared and the sorrow that they felt for their comrade’s death was tempered by the thought that at least he had died happy.

    Napoleon himself appeared at the meeting on the following Sunday morning and pronounced a short oration in Boxer’s honour. It had not been possible, he said, to bring back their lamented comrade’s remains for interment on the farm, but he had ordered a large wreath to be made from the laurels in the farmhouse garden and sent down to be placed on Boxer’s grave. And in a few days’ time the pigs intended to hold a memorial banquet in Boxer’s honour. Napoleon ended his speech with a reminder of Boxer’s two favourite maxims, “I will work harder” and “Comrade Napoleon is always right”–maxims, he said, which every animal would do well to adopt as his own.

    On the day appointed for the banquet, a grocer’s van drove up from Willingdon and delivered a large wooden crate at the farmhouse. That night there was the sound of uproarious singing, which was followed by what sounded like a violent quarrel and ended at about eleven o’clock with a tremendous crash of glass. No one stirred in the farmhouse before noon on the following day, and the word went round that from somewhere or other the pigs had acquired the money to buy themselves another case of whisky.

    第九章

    鲍克瑟蹄掌上的裂口过了很长时间才痊愈。庆祝活动结束后第二天,动物们就开始第三次建造风车了。对此,鲍克瑟哪里肯闲着,他一天不干活都不行,于是就忍住伤痛不让他们有所察觉。到了晚上他悄悄告诉克拉弗,他的掌子疼得厉害。克拉弗就用嘴巴嚼着草药给他敷上。她和本杰明一起恳求鲍克瑟干活轻一点。她对他说:“马肺又不能永保不衰。”但鲍克瑟不听,他说,他剩下的唯一一个心愿就是在他到退休年龄之前,能看到风车建设顺利进行。

    想当初,当动物庄园初次制定律法时,退休年龄分别规定为:马和猪十二岁,牛十四岁,狗九岁,羊七岁,鸡和鹅五岁,还允诺要发给充足的养老津贴。虽然至今还没有一个动物真正领过养老津贴,但近来这个话题讨论得越来越多了。眼下,因为苹果园那边的那块小牧场已被留作大麦田,就又有小道消息说大牧场的一角要围起来给退休动物留作牧场用。据说,每匹马的养老津贴是每天五磅谷子,到冬天是每天十五磅干草,公共节假日里还发给一根胡萝卜,或者尽量给一个苹果。鲍克瑟的十二岁生日就在来年的夏末。

    这个时期的生活十分艰苦。冬天象去年一样冷,食物也更少了。除了那些猪和狗以外,所有动物的饲料粮再次减少。斯奎拉解释说,在定量上过于教条的平等是违背动物主义原则的。不论在什么情况下,他都毫不费力地向其他动物证明,无论表面现象是什么,他们事实上并不缺粮。当然,暂时有必要调整一下供应量(斯奎拉总说这是“调整”,从不认为是“减少”)。但与琼斯时代相比,进步是巨大的。为了向大家详细说明这一点,斯奎拉用他那尖细的嗓音一口气念了一大串数字。这些数字反映出,和琼斯时代相比,他们现在有了更多的燕麦、干草、萝卜,工作的时间更短,饮用的水质更好,寿命延长了,年轻一代的存活率提高了,窝棚里有了更多的草垫,而且跳蚤少多了。动物们对他所说的每句话无不信以为真。说实话,在他们的记忆中,琼斯及他所代表的一切几乎已经完全淡忘了。他们知道,近来的生活窘困而艰难,常常是饥寒交迫,醒着的时候就是干活,但毫无疑问,过去更糟糕。他们情愿相信这些。再说,那时他们是奴隶,现在却享有自由。诚如斯奎拉那句总是挂在嘴上的话所说,这一点使一切都有了天壤之别。

    现在有更多的嘴要吃饭。这天,四头母猪差不多同时都下小崽,共有三十一头。他们生下来就带着黑白条斑。谁是他们的父亲呢?这并不难推测,因为拿破仑是庄园里唯一的种猪。有通告说,过些时候,等买好了砖头和木材,就在庄主院花园里为他们盖一间学堂。目前,暂时由拿破仑在庄主院的厨房里亲自给他们上课。这些小猪平常是在花园里活动,而且不许他们和其他年幼的动物一起玩耍。大约与此同时,又颁布了一项规定,规定说当其他的动物在路上遇到猪时,他们就必须要站到路边;另外,所有的猪,不论地位高低,均享有星期天在尾巴上戴饰带的特权。

    庄园度过了相当顺利的一年,但是,他们的钱还是不够用。建学堂用的砖头、沙子、石灰和风车用的机器得花钱去买。庄主院需要的灯油和蜡烛,拿破仑食用的糖(他禁止其他猪吃糖,原因是吃糖会使他们发胖),也得花钱去买。再加上所有日用的勤杂品,诸如工具、钉子、绳子、煤、铁丝、铁块和狗食饼干等等,开销不小。为此,又得重新攒钱。剩余的干草和部分土豆收成已经卖掉,鸡蛋合同又增加到每周六百个。因此在这一年中,孵出的小鸡连起码的数目都不够,鸡群几乎没法维持在过去的数目水平上。十二月份已经减少的口粮,二月份又削减了一次,为了省油,窝棚里也禁止点灯。但是,猪好像倒很舒服,而且事实上,即使有上述情况存在,他们的体重仍有增加。二月末的一个下午,有一股动物们以前从没有闻到过的新鲜、浓郁、令他们馋涎欲滴的香味,从厨房那一边小酿造房里飘过院子来,那间小酿造房在琼斯时期就已弃置不用了。有动物说,这是蒸煮大麦的味道。他们贪婪地嗅着香气,心里都在暗自猜测:这是不是在为他们的晚餐准备热乎乎的大麦糊糊。但是,晚饭时并没有见到热乎乎的大麦糊糊。而且在随后的那个星期天,又宣布了一个通告,说是从今往后,所有的大麦要贮存给猪用。而在此之前,苹果园那边的田里就早已种上了大麦。不久,又传出这样一个消息,说是现在每头猪每天都要领用一品脱啤酒,拿破仑则独自领用半磅,通常都是盛在德贝郡出产的瓷制的带盖汤碗里。

    但是,不管受了什么气,不管日子多么难熬,只要一想到他们现在活得比从前体面,他们也就觉得还可以说得过去。现在歌声多,演讲多,活动多。拿破仑已经指示,每周应当举行一次叫做“自发游行”的活动,目的在于庆祝动物庄园的奋斗成果和兴旺景象。每到既定时刻,动物们便纷纷放下工作,列队绕着庄园的边界游行,猪带头,然后是马、牛、羊,接着是家禽。狗在队伍两侧,拿破仑的黑公鸡走在队伍的最前头。鲍克瑟和克拉弗还总要扯着一面绿旗,旗上标着蹄掌和犄角,以及“拿破仑同志万岁!”的标语。游行之后,是背诵赞颂拿破仑的诗的活动,接着是演讲,由斯奎拉报告饲料增产的最新数据。而且不时还要鸣枪庆贺。羊对“自发游行”活动最为热心,如果哪个动物抱怨(个别动物有时趁猪和狗不在场就会发牢骚)说这是浪费时间,只不过意味着老是站在那里受冻,羊就肯定会起响亮地叫起“四条腿号,两条腿坏”,顿时就叫得他们哑口无言。但大体上说,动物们搞这些庆祝活动还是兴致勃勃的。归根到底,他们发现正是在这些活动中,他们才感到他们真正是当家做主了,所做的一切都是在为自己谋福利,想到这些,他们也就心满意足。因而,在歌声中,在游戏中,在斯奎拉列举的数字中,在鸣枪声中,在黑公鸡的啼叫声中,在绿旗的飘扬中,他们就可以至少在部分时间里忘却他们的肚子还是空荡荡的。

    四月份,动物庄园宣告成为“动物共和国”,在所难免的是要选举一位总统,可候选人只有一个,就是拿破仑,他被一致推举就任总统。同一天,又公布了有关斯诺鲍和琼斯串通一气的新证据,其中涉及到很多详细情况。这样,现在看来,斯诺鲍不仅诡计多端地破坏“牛棚大战”,这一点动物们以前已有印象了,而且是公开地为琼斯作帮凶。事实上,正是他充当了那伙人的元凶,他在参加混战之前,还高喊过“人类万岁!”有些动物仍记得斯诺鲍背上带了伤,但那实际上是拿破仑亲自咬的。

    仲夏时节,乌鸦摩西在失踪数年之后,突然又回到庄园。他几乎没有什么变化,照旧不干活,照旧口口声声地讲着“蜜糖山”的老一套。谁要是愿意听,他就拍打着黑翅膀飞到一根树桩上,滔滔不绝地讲起来:“在那里,同志们,”他一本正经地讲着,并用大嘴巴指着天空——“在那里,就在你们看到的那团乌云那边——那儿有座‘蜜糖山’。那个幸福的国度将是我们可怜的动物摆脱了尘世之后的归宿!”他甚至声称曾在一次高空飞行中到过那里,并看到了那里一望无际的苜蓿地,亚麻子饼和方糖就长在树篱上。很多动物相信了他的话。他们推想,他们现在生活在饥饿和劳累之中,那么换一种情形,难道就不该合情合理地有一个好得多的世界吗?难以谈判的是猪对待摩西的态度,他们都轻蔑地称他那些“蜜糖山”的说法全是谎言,可是仍然允许他留在庄园,允许他不干活,每天还给他一吉尔的啤酒作为补贴。

    鲍克瑟的蹄掌痊愈之后,他干活就更拼命了。其实,在这一年,所有的动物干起活来都象奴隶一般。庄园里除了那些常见的活和第三次建造风车的事之外,还要给年幼的猪盖学堂,这一工程是在三月份动工的。有时,在食不果腹的情况下长时间劳动是难以忍受的,但鲍克瑟从未退缩过。他的一言一行没有任何迹象表明他的干劲不如过去,只是外貌上有点小小的变化:他的皮毛没有以前那么光亮,粗壮的腰部似乎也有点萎缩。别的动物说:“等春草长上来时,鲍克瑟就会慢慢恢复过来”;但是,春天来了,鲍克瑟却并没有长胖。有时,当他在通往矿顶的坡上,用尽全身气力顶着那些巨型圆石头的重荷的时候,撑持他的力量仿佛唯有不懈的意志了。这种时候,他总是一声不吭,但猛地看上去,似乎还隐约见到他口中念念有词“我要更加努力工作”。克拉弗和本杰明又一次警告他,要当心身体,但鲍克瑟不予理会。他的十二岁生日临近了,但他没有放在心上,而一心一意想的只是在领取养老津贴之前把石头攒够。

    夏天的一个傍晚,快到天黑的时候,有个突如其来的消息传遍整个庄园,说鲍克瑟出了什么事。在这之前,他曾独自外出,往风车那里拉了一车石头。果然,消息是真的。几分钟后两只鸽子急速飞过来,带来消息说:“鲍克瑟倒下去了!他现在正-着身体躺在那里,站不起来了!”

    庄园里大约有一半动物冲了出去,赶到建风车的小山包上。鲍克瑟就躺在那里。他在车辕中间伸着脖子,连头也抬不起来,眼睛眨巴着,两肋的毛被汗水粘得一团一团的,嘴里流出一股稀稀的鲜血。克拉弗跪倒在他的身边。

    “鲍克瑟!”她呼喊道,“你怎么啦?”

    “我的肺,”鲍克瑟用微弱的声音说,“没关系,我想没有我你们也能建成风车,备用的石头已经积攒够了。我充其量只有一个月时间了。不瞒你说,我一直盼望着退休。眼看本杰明年老了,说不定他们会让他同时退休,和我作个伴。”

    “我们会得到帮助的,”克拉弗叫到,“快,谁跑去告诉斯奎拉出事啦。”

    其他动物全都立即跑回庄主院,向斯奎拉报告这一消息,只有克拉弗和本杰明留下来。本杰明躺在鲍克瑟旁边,不声不响地用他的长尾巴给鲍克瑟赶苍蝇。大约过了一刻钟,斯奎拉满怀同情和关切赶到现场。他说拿破仑同志已得知此事,对庄园里这样一位最忠诚的成员发生这种不幸感到十分悲伤,而且已在安排把鲍克瑟送往威灵顿的医院治疗。动物们对此感到有些不安,因为除了莫丽和斯诺鲍之外,其他动物从未离开过庄园,他们不愿想到把一位患病的同志交给人类。然而,斯奎拉毫不费力地说服了他们,他说在威灵顿的兽医院比在庄园里能更好地治疗鲍克瑟的病。大约过了半小时,鲍克瑟有些好转了,他好不容易才站起来,一步一颤地回到他的厩棚,里面已经由克拉弗和本杰明给他准备了一个舒适的稻草床。

    此后两天里,鲍克瑟就呆在他的厩棚里。猪送来了一大瓶红色的药,那是他们在卫生间的药柜里发现的,由克拉弗在饭后给鲍克瑟服用,每天用药两次。晚上,她躺在他的棚子里和他聊天,本杰明给他赶苍蝇。鲍克瑟声言对所发生的事并不后悔。如果他能彻底康复,他还希望自己能再活上三年。他盼望着能在大牧场的一角平平静静地住上一阵。那样的话,他就能第一次腾出空来学习,以增长才智。他说,他打算利用全部余生去学习字母表上还剩下的二十二个字母。

    然而,本杰明和克拉弗只有在收工之后才能和鲍克瑟在一起。而正是那一天中午,有一辆车来了,拉走了鲍克瑟。当时,动物们正在一头猪的监视下忙着在萝卜地里除草,忽然,他们惊讶地看着本杰明从庄园窝棚那边飞奔而来,一边还扯着嗓子大叫着。这是他们第一次见到本杰明如此激动,事实上,也是第一次看到他奔跑。“快,快!”他大声喊着,“快来呀!他们要拉走鲍克瑟!”没等猪下命令,动物们全都放下活计,迅速跑回去了。果然,院子里停着一辆大篷车,由两匹马拉着,车边上写着字,驾车人的位置上坐着一个男人,阴沉着脸,头戴一顶低檐圆礼帽。鲍克瑟的棚子空着。

    动物们围住车,异口同声地说:“再见,鲍克瑟!再见!”

    “笨蛋!傻瓜!”本杰明喊着,绕着他们一边跳,一边用他的小蹄掌敲打着地面:“傻瓜!你们没看见车边上写着什么吗?”

    这下子,动物们犹豫了,场面也静了下来。穆丽尔开始拼读那些字。可本杰明却把她推到了一边,他自己就在死一般的寂静中念到:

    “‘威灵顿,艾夫列-西蒙兹,屠马商兼煮胶商,皮革商兼供应狗食的骨粉商。’你们不明白这是什么意思吗?他们要把鲍克瑟拉到在宰马场去!”

    听到这些,所有的动物都突然迸发出一阵恐惧的哭嚎。就在这时,坐在车上的那个人扬鞭催马,马车在一溜小跑中离开大院。所有的动物都跟在后面,拼命地叫喊着。克拉弗硬挤到最前面。这时,马车开始加速,克拉弗也试图加快她那粗壮的四肢赶上去,并且越跑越快,“鲍克瑟!”她哭喊道,“鲍克瑟!鲍克瑟!鲍克瑟!”恰在这时,好像鲍克瑟听到了外面的喧嚣声,他的面孔,带着一道直通鼻子的白毛,出现在车后的小窗子里。

    “鲍克瑟!”克拉弗凄厉地哭喊道,“鲍克瑟!出来!快出来!他们要送你去死!”

    所有的动物一齐跟着哭喊起来,“出来,鲍克瑟,快出来!”但马车已经加速,离他们越来越远了。说不准鲍克瑟到底是不是听清了克拉弗喊的那些话。但不一会,他的脸从窗上消失了,接着车内响起一阵巨大的马蹄踢蹬声。他是在试图踹开车子出来。按说只要几下,鲍克瑟就能把车厢踢个粉碎。可是天啊!时过境迁,他已没有力气起了;一忽儿,马蹄的踢蹬声渐渐变弱直至消失了。奋不顾身的动物便开始恳求拉车的两匹马停下来,“朋友,朋友!”他们大声呼喊,“别把你们的亲兄弟拉去送死!”但是那两匹愚蠢的畜牲,竟然傻得不知道这是怎么回事,只管竖起耳朵加速奔跑。鲍克瑟的面孔再也没有出现在窗子上。有的动物想跑到前面关上五栅门,但是太晚了,一瞬间,马车就已冲出大门,飞快地消失在大路上。再也见不到鲍克瑟了。

    三天之后,据说他已死在威灵顿的医院里,但是,作为一匹马,他已经得到了无微不至的照顾。这个消息是由斯奎拉当众宣布的,他说,在鲍克瑟生前的最后几小时里,他一直守候在场。

    “那是我见到过的最受感动的场面!”他一边说,一边抬起蹄子抹去一滴泪水,“在最后一刻我守在他床边。临终前,他几乎衰弱得说不出话来,他凑在我的耳边轻声说,他唯一遗憾的是在风车建成之前死去。他低声说:‘同志们,前进!以起义的名义前进,动物庄园万岁!拿破仑同志万岁!拿破仑永远正确。’同志们,这些就是他的临终遗言。”

    讲到这里,斯奎拉忽然变了脸色,他沉默一会,用他那双小眼睛射出的疑神疑鬼的目光扫视了一下会场,才继续讲下去。

    他说,据他所知,鲍克瑟给拉走后,庄园上流传着一个愚蠢的、不怀好意的谣言。有的动物注意到,拉走鲍克瑟的马车上有“屠马商”的标记,就信口开河地说,鲍克瑟被送到宰马场了。他说,几乎难以置信竟有这么傻的动物。他摆着尾巴左右蹦跳着,愤愤地责问,从这一点来看,他们真的很了解敬爱的领袖拿破仑同志吗?其实,答案十分简单,那辆车以前曾归一个屠马商所有,但兽医院已买下了它,不过他们还没有来得及把旧名字涂掉。正是因为这一点,才引起大家的误会。

    动物们听到这里,都大大地松了一口气。接着斯奎拉继续绘声绘色地描述着鲍克瑟的灵床和他所受到的优待,还有拿破仑为他不惜一切代价购置的贵重药品等等细节。于是他们打消了最后一丝疑虑,想到他们的同志在幸福中死去,他们的悲哀也消解了。

    在接下来那个星期天早晨的会议上,拿破仑亲自到会,为向鲍克瑟致敬宣读了一篇简短的悼辞。他说,已经不可能把他们亡故的同志的遗体拉回来并埋葬在庄园里了。但他已指示,用庄主院花园里的月桂花做一个大花圈,送到鲍克瑟的墓前。并且,几天之后,猪还打算为向鲍克瑟致哀举行一追悼宴会。最后,拿破仑以“我要更加努力工作”和“拿破仑同志永远正确”这两句鲍克瑟心爱的格言结束了他的讲话。在提到这两句格言时,他说,每个动物都应该把这两句格言作为自己的借鉴,并认真地贯彻到实际行动中去。

    到了确定为宴会的那一天,一辆杂货商的马车从威灵顿驶来,在庄主院交付了一只大木箱。当天晚上,庄主院里传来一阵鼓噪的歌声,在此之后,又响起了另外一种声音,听上去象是在激烈地吵闹,这吵闹声直到十一点左右的时候,在一阵打碎了玻璃的巨响声中才静了下来。直到第二天中午之前,庄主院不见任何动静。同时,又流传着这样一个小道消息,说猪先前不知从哪里搞到了一笔钱,并给他们又买了一箱威士忌。

    Chapter X

    Years passed. The seasons came and went, the short animal lives fled by. A time came when there was no one who remembered the old days before the Rebellion, except Clover, Benjamin, Moses the raven, and a number of the pigs.

    Muriel was dead; Bluebell, Jessie, and Pincher were dead. Jones too was dead–he had died in an inebriates’ home in another part of the country. Snowball was forgotten. Boxer was forgotten, except by the few who had known him. Clover was an old stout mare now, stiff in the joints and with a tendency to rheumy eyes. She was two years past the retiring age, but in fact no animal had ever actually retired. The talk of setting aside a corner of the pasture for superannuated animals had long since been dropped. Napoleon was now a mature boar of twenty-four stone. Squealer was so fat that he could with difficulty see out of his eyes. Only old Benjamin was much the same as ever, except for being a little greyer about the muzzle, and, since Boxer’s death, more morose and taciturn than ever.

    There were many more creatures on the farm now, though the increase was not so great as had been expected in earlier years. Many animals had been born to whom the Rebellion was only a dim tradition, passed on by word of mouth, and others had been bought who had never heard mention of such a thing before their arrival. The farm possessed three horses now besides Clover. They were fine upstanding beasts, willing workers and good comrades, but very stupid. None of them proved able to learn the alphabet beyond the letter B. They accepted everything that they were told about the Rebellion and the principles of Animalism, especially from Clover, for whom they had an almost filial respect; but it was doubtful whether they understood very much of it.

    The farm was more prosperous now, and better organised: it had even been enlarged by two fields which had been bought from Mr. Pilkington. The windmill had been successfully completed at last, and the farm possessed a threshing machine and a hay elevator of its own, and various new buildings had been added to it. Whymper had bought himself a dogcart. The windmill, however, had not after all been used for generating electrical power. It was used for milling corn, and brought in a handsome money profit. The animals were hard at work building yet another windmill; when that one was finished, so it was said, the dynamos would be installed. But the luxuries of which Snowball had once taught the animals to dream, the stalls with electric light and hot and cold water, and the three-day week, were no longer talked about. Napoleon had denounced such ideas as contrary to the spirit of Animalism. The truest happiness, he said, lay in working hard and living frugally.

    Somehow it seemed as though the farm had grown richer without making the animals themselves any richer-except, of course, for the pigs and the dogs. Perhaps this was partly because there were so many pigs and so many dogs. It was not that these creatures did not work, after their fashion. There was, as Squealer was never tired of explaining, endless work in the supervision and organisation of the farm. Much of this work was of a kind that the other animals were too ignorant to understand. For example, Squealer told them that the pigs had to expend enormous labours every day upon mysterious things called “files,” “reports,” “minutes,” and “memoranda”. These were large sheets of paper which had to be closely covered with writing, and as soon as they were so covered, they were burnt in the furnace. This was of the highest importance for the welfare of the farm, Squealer said. But still, neither pigs nor dogs produced any food by their own labour; and there were very many of them, and their appetites were always good.

    As for the others, their life, so far as they knew, was as it had always been. They were generally hungry, they slept on straw, they drank from the pool, they laboured in the fields; in winter they were troubled by the cold, and in summer by the flies. Sometimes the older ones among them racked their dim memories and tried to determine whether in the early days of the Rebellion, when Jones’s expulsion was still recent, things had been better or worse than now. They could not remember. There was nothing with which they could compare their present lives: they had nothing to go upon except Squealer’s lists of figures, which invariably demonstrated that everything was getting better and better. The animals found the problem insoluble; in any case, they had little time for speculating on such things now. Only old Benjamin professed to remember every detail of his long life and to know that things never had been, nor ever could be much better or much worse–hunger, hardship, and disappointment being, so he said, the unalterable law of life.

    And yet the animals never gave up hope. More, they never lost, even for an instant, their sense of honour and privilege in being members of Animal Farm. They were still the only farm in the whole county–in all England!–owned and operated by animals. Not one of them, not even the youngest, not even the newcomers who had been brought from farms ten or twenty miles away, ever ceased to marvel at that. And when they heard the gun booming and saw the green flag fluttering at the masthead, their hearts swelled with imperishable pride, and the talk turned always towards the old heroic days, the expulsion of Jones, the writing of the Seven Commandments, the great battles in which the human invaders had been defeated. None of the old dreams had been abandoned. The Republic of the Animals which Major had foretold, when the green fields of England should be untrodden by human feet, was still believed in. Some day it was coming: it might not be soon, it might not be with in the lifetime of any animal now living, but still it was coming. Even the tune of ‘Beasts of England’ was perhaps hummed secretly here and there: at any rate, it was a fact that every animal on the farm knew it, though no one would have dared to sing it aloud. It might be that their lives were hard and that not all of their hopes had been fulfilled; but they were conscious that they were not as other animals. If they went hungry, it was not from feeding tyrannical human beings; if they worked hard, at least they worked for themselves. No creature among them went upon two legs. No creature called any other creature “Master.” All animals were equal.

    One day in early summer Squealer ordered the sheep to follow him, and led them out to a piece of waste ground at the other end of the farm, which had become overgrown with birch saplings. The sheep spent the whole day there browsing at the leaves under Squealer’s supervision. In the evening he returned to the farmhouse himself, but, as it was warm weather, told the sheep to stay where they were. It ended by their remaining there for a whole week, during which time the other animals saw nothing of them. Squealer was with them for the greater part of every day. He was, he said, teaching them to sing a new song, for which privacy was needed.

    It was just after the sheep had returned, on a pleasant evening when the animals had finished work and were making their way back to the farm buildings, that the terrified neighing of a horse sounded from the yard. Startled, the animals stopped in their tracks. It was Clover’s voice. She neighed again, and all the animals broke into a gallop and rushed into the yard. Then they saw what Clover had seen.

    It was a pig walking on his hind legs.

    Yes, it was Squealer. A little awkwardly, as though not quite used to supporting his considerable bulk in that position, but with perfect balance, he was strolling across the yard. And a moment later, out from the door of the farmhouse came a long file of pigs, all walking on their hind legs. Some did it better than others, one or two were even a trifle unsteady and looked as though they would have liked the support of a stick, but every one of them made his way right round the yard successfully. And finally there was a tremendous baying of dogs and a shrill crowing from the black cockerel, and out came Napoleon himself, majestically upright, casting haughty glances from side to side, and with his dogs gambolling round him.

    He carried a whip in his trotter.

    There was a deadly silence. Amazed, terrified, huddling together, the animals watched the long line of pigs march slowly round the yard. It was as though the world had turned upside-down. Then there came a moment when the first shock had worn off and when, in spite of everything-in spite of their terror of the dogs, and of the habit, developed through long years, of never complaining, never criticising, no matter what happened–they might have uttered some word of protest. But just at that moment, as though at a signal, all the sheep burst out into a tremendous bleating of–

    “Four legs good, two legs BETTER! Four legs good, two legs BETTER! Four legs good, two legs BETTER!”

    It went on for five minutes without stopping. And by the time the sheep had quieted down, the chance to utter any protest had passed, for the pigs had marched back into the farmhouse.

    Benjamin felt a nose nuzzling at his shoulder. He looked round. It was Clover. Her old eyes looked dimmer than ever. Without saying anything, she tugged gently at his mane and led him round to the end of the big barn, where the Seven Commandments were written. For a minute or two they stood gazing at the tatted wall with its white lettering.

    “My sight is failing,” she said finally. “Even when I was young I could not have read what was written there. But it appears to me that that wall looks different. Are the Seven Commandments the same as they used to be, Benjamin?”

    For once Benjamin consented to break his rule, and he read out to her what was written on the wall. There was nothing there now except a single Commandment. It ran:

    ALL ANIMALS ARE EQUAL

    BUT SOME ANIMALS ARE MORE EQUAL THAN OTHERS

    After that it did not seem strange when next day the pigs who were supervising the work of the farm all carried whips in their trotters. It did not seem strange to learn that the pigs had bought themselves a wireless set, were arranging to install a telephone, and had taken out subscriptions to ‘John Bull’, ‘Tit-Bits’, and the ‘Daily Mirror’. It did not seem strange when Napoleon was seen strolling in the farmhouse garden with a pipe in his mouth–no, not even when the pigs took Mr. Jones’s clothes out of the wardrobes and put them on, Napoleon himself appearing in a black coat, ratcatcher breeches, and leather leggings, while his favourite sow appeared in the watered silk dress which Mrs. Jones had been used to wearing on Sundays.

    A week later, in the afternoon, a number of dog-carts drove up to the farm. A deputation of neighbouring farmers had been invited to make a tour of inspection. They were shown all over the farm, and expressed great admiration for everything they saw, especially the windmill. The animals were weeding the turnip field. They worked diligently hardly raising their faces from the ground, and not knowing whether to be more frightened of the pigs or of the human visitors.

    That evening loud laughter and bursts of singing came from the farmhouse. And suddenly, at the sound of the mingled voices, the animals were stricken with curiosity. What could be happening in there, now that for the first time animals and human beings were meeting on terms of equality? With one accord they began to creep as quietly as possible into the farmhouse garden.

    At the gate they paused, half frightened to go on but Clover led the way in. They tiptoed up to the house, and such animals as were tall enough peered in at the dining-room window. There, round the long table, sat half a dozen farmers and half a dozen of the more eminent pigs, Napoleon himself occupying the seat of honour at the head of the table. The pigs appeared completely at ease in their chairs. The company had been enjoying a game of cards but had broken off for the moment, evidently in order to drink a toast. A large jug was circulating, and the mugs were being refilled with beer. No one noticed the wondering faces of the animals that gazed in at the window.

    Mr. Pilkington, of Foxwood, had stood up, his mug in his hand. In a moment, he said, he would ask the present company to drink a toast. But before doing so, there were a few words that he felt it incumbent upon him to say.

    It was a source of great satisfaction to him, he said–and, he was sure, to all others present–to feel that a long period of mistrust and misunderstanding had now come to an end. There had been a time–not that he, or any of the present company, had shared such sentiments–but there had been a time when the respected proprietors of Animal Farm had been regarded, he would not say with hostility, but perhaps with a certain measure of misgiving, by their human neighbours. Unfortunate incidents had occurred, mistaken ideas had been current. It had been felt that the existence of a farm owned and operated by pigs was somehow abnormal and was liable to have an unsettling effect in the neighbourhood. Too many farmers had assumed, without due enquiry, that on such a farm a spirit of licence and indiscipline would prevail. They had been nervous about the effects upon their own animals, or even upon their human employees. But all such doubts were now dispelled. Today he and his friends had visited Animal Farm and inspected every inch of it with their own eyes, and what did they find? Not only the most up-to-date methods, but a discipline and an orderliness which should be an example to all farmers everywhere. He believed that he was right in saying that the lower animals on Animal Farm did more work and received less food than any animals in the county. Indeed, he and his fellow-visitors today had observed many features which they intended to introduce on their own farms immediately.

    He would end his remarks, he said, by emphasising once again the friendly feelings that subsisted, and ought to subsist, between Animal Farm and its neighbours. Between pigs and human beings there was not, and there need not be, any clash of interests whatever. Their struggles and their difficulties were one. Was not the labour problem the same everywhere? Here it became apparent that Mr. Pilkington was about to spring some carefully prepared witticism on the company, but for a moment he was too overcome by amusement to be able to utter it. After much choking, during which his various chins turned purple, he managed to get it out: “If you have your lower animals to contend with,” he said, “we have our lower classes!” This BON MOT set the table in a roar; and Mr. Pilkington once again congratulated the pigs on the low rations, the long working hours, and the general absence of pampering which he had observed on Animal Farm.

    And now, he said finally, he would ask the company to rise to their feet and make certain that their glasses were full. “Gentlemen,” concluded Mr. Pilkington, “gentlemen, I give you a toast: To the prosperity of Animal Farm!”

    There was enthusiastic cheering and stamping of feet. Napoleon was so gratified that he left his place and came round the table to clink his mug against Mr. Pilkington’s before emptying it. When the cheering had died down, Napoleon, who had remained on his feet, intimated that he too had a few words to say.

    Like all of Napoleon’s speeches, it was short and to the point. He too, he said, was happy that the period of misunderstanding was at an end. For a long time there had been rumours–circulated, he had reason to think, by some malignant enemy–that there was something subversive and even revolutionary in the outlook of himself and his colleagues. They had been credited with attempting to stir up rebellion among the animals on neighbouring farms. Nothing could be further from the truth! Their sole wish, now and in the past, was to live at peace and in normal business relations with their neighbours. This farm which he had the honour to control, he added, was a co-operative enterprise. The title-deeds, which were in his own possession, were owned by the pigs jointly.

    He did not believe, he said, that any of the old suspicions still lingered, but certain changes had been made recently in the routine of the farm which should have the effect of promoting confidence still further. Hitherto the animals on the farm had had a rather foolish custom of addressing one another as “Comrade.” This was to be suppressed. There had also been a very strange custom, whose origin was unknown, of marching every Sunday morning past a boar’s skull which was nailed to a post in the garden. This, too, would be suppressed, and the skull had already been buried. His visitors might have observed, too, the green flag which flew from the masthead. If so, they would perhaps have noted that the white hoof and horn with which it had previously been marked had now been removed. It would be a plain green flag from now onwards.

    He had only one criticism, he said, to make of Mr. Pilkington’s excellent and neighbourly speech. Mr. Pilkington had referred throughout to “Animal Farm.” He could not of course know–for he, Napoleon, was only now for the first time announcing it–that the name “Animal Farm” had been abolished. Henceforward the farm was to be known as “The Manor Farm”–which, he believed, was its correct and original name.

    “Gentlemen,” concluded Napoleon, “I will give you the same toast as before, but in a different form. Fill your glasses to the brim. Gentlemen, here is my toast: To the prosperity of The Manor Farm!”

    There was the same hearty cheering as before, and the mugs were emptied to the dregs. But as the animals outside gazed at the scene, it seemed to them that some strange thing was happening. What was it that had altered in the faces of the pigs? Clover’s old dim eyes flitted from one face to another. Some of them had five chins, some had four, some had three. But what was it that seemed to be melting and changing? Then, the applause having come to an end, the company took up their cards and continued the game that had been interrupted, and the animals crept silently away.

    But they had not gone twenty yards when they stopped short. An uproar of voices was coming from the farmhouse. They rushed back and looked through the window again. Yes, a violent quarrel was in progress. There were shoutings, bangings on the table, sharp suspicious glances, furious denials. The source of the trouble appeared to be that Napoleon and Mr. Pilkington had each played an ace of spades simultaneously.

    Twelve voices were shouting in anger, and they were all alike. No question, now, what had happened to the faces of the pigs. The creatures outside looked from pig to man, and from man to pig, and from pig to man again; but already it was impossible to say which was which.

    November 1943-February 1944

    第十章

    春去秋来,年复一年。随着岁月的流逝,寿命较短的动物都已相继死去。眼下,除了克拉弗、本杰明、乌鸦摩西和一些猪之外,已经没有一个能记得起义前的日子了。

    穆丽尔死了,布鲁拜尔、杰西、平彻尔都死了,琼斯也死了,他死在国内其他一个地方的一个酒鬼家里。斯诺鲍被忘掉了。鲍克瑟也被忘掉了,所不同的是,唯有几个本来就相识的动物还记得。克拉弗如今也老了,她身体肥胖,关节僵硬,眼里总带着一团眼屎。按退休年龄来说,她的年龄已超过两年了,但实际上,从未有一个动物真正退休。拨出大牧场一角给退休动物享用的话题也早就搁到一边了。如今的拿破仑已是一头完全成熟的雄猪,体重三百多磅。斯奎拉胖得连睁眼往外看都似乎感到困难。只有老本杰明,几乎和过去一个样,就是鼻子和嘴周围有点发灰,再有一点,自从鲍克瑟死去后,他比以前更加孤僻和沉默寡言。

    现在,庄园里的牲口比以前多得多了,尽管增长的数目不象早些年所预见的那么大。很多动物生在庄园,还有一些则来自别的地方。对于那些出生在庄园的动物来说,起义只不过是一个朦朦胧胧的口头上的传说而已;而对那些来自外乡的动物来说,他们在来到庄园之前,还从未听说过起义的事。现在的庄园,除了克拉弗之外,另外还有三匹马,他们都是好同志,都很了不起,也都十分温顺,可惜反应都很慢。看起来,他们中间没有一个能学会字母表上“B”以后的字母。对于有关起义和动物主义原则的事,凡是他们能听到的,他们都毫无保留地全盘接受,尤其是对出自克拉弗之口的更是如此。他们对克拉弗的尊敬,已近乎于孝顺。但是,他们究竟是不是能弄通这些道理,仍然值得怀疑。

    现在的庄园更是欣欣向荣,也更是井然有序了。庄园里增加了两块地,这两块地是从皮尔金顿先生那里买来的。风车最终还是成功地建成了,庄园里也有了自己的一台打谷机及草料升降机。另外,还加盖了许多种类不一的新建筑。温普尔也为自己买了一辆双轮单驾马车。不过,风车最终没有用来发电,而是用来磨谷子啦,并且为庄园创收了数目可观的利润。如今,动物们又为建造另一座风车而辛勤劳作,据说,等这一座建成了,就要安装上发电机。但是,当年谈论风车时,斯诺鲍引导动物们所想像的那种享受不尽的舒适,那种带电灯和冷热水的窝棚,那种每周三天工作制,如今不再谈论了。拿破仑早就斥责说,这些想法是与动物主义的精神背道而驰的。他说,最纯粹的幸福在于工作勤奋和生活俭朴。

    不知道为什么,反正看上去,庄园似乎已经变得富裕了,但动物们自己一点没有变富,当然猪和狗要排除在外。也许,其中的部分原因是由于猪和狗都多吧。处在他们这一等级的动物,都是用他们自己的方式从事劳动。正像斯奎拉乐于解释的那样,在庄园的监督和组织工作中,有很多没完没了的事,在这类事情中,有大量工作是其它动物由于无知而无法理解的。例如,斯奎拉告诉他们说,猪每天要耗费大量的精力,用来处理所谓“文件”、“报告”、“会议记录”和“备忘录”等等神秘的事宜。这类文件数量很大,还必须仔细填写,而且一旦填写完毕,又得把它们在炉子里烧掉。斯奎拉说,这是为了庄园的幸福所做的最重要的工作。但是至今为止,无论是猪还是狗,都还没有亲自生产过一粒粮食,而他们仍然为数众多,他们的食欲还总是十分旺盛。

    至于其它动物,迄今就他们所知,他们的生活还是一如既往。他们普遍都在挨饿,睡的是草垫,喝的是池塘里的水,干的是田间里的活,冬天被寒冷所困,夏天又换成了苍蝇。有时,他们中间的年长者绞尽脑汁,竭尽全力从那些淡漠的印象中搜索着回忆的线索,他们试图以此来推定起义后的早期,刚赶走琼斯那会,情况是比现在好呢还是糟,但他们都记不得了。没有一件事情可以用来和现在的生活做比较,除了斯奎拉的一系列数字以外,他们没有任何凭据用来比较,而斯奎拉的数字总是千篇一律地表明,所有的事正变得越来越好。动物们发现这个问题解释不清,不管怎么说,他们现在很少有时间去思索这类事情。唯有老本杰明与众不同,他自称对自己那漫长的一生中的每个细节都记忆犹新,还说他认识到事物过去没有,将来也不会有什么更好或更糟之分。因此他说,饥饿、艰难、失望的现实,是生活不可改变的规律。

    不过,动物们仍然没有放弃希望。确切地说,他们身为动物庄园的一员,从来没有失去自己的荣誉感和优越感,哪怕是一瞬间也没有过。他们的庄园依然是整个国家——所有英伦三岛中——唯一的归动物所有、并由动物管理的庄园。他们中间的成员,就连最年轻的,甚至还有那些来自十英里或二十英里以外庄园的新成员,每每想到这一点,都无不感到惊喜交加。当他们听到鸣枪,看到旗杆上的绿旗飘扬,他们内心就充满了不朽的自豪,话题一转,也就时常提起那史诗般的过去,以及驱除琼斯、刻写“七诫”、击退人类来犯者的伟大战斗等等。那些旧日的梦想一个也没有丢弃。想当年麦哲预言过的“动物共和国”,和那个英格兰的绿色田野上不再有人类足迹践踏的时代,至今依然是他们信仰所在。他们依然相信:总有一天,那个时代会到来,也许它不会马上到来,也许它不会在任何现在健在的动物的有生之年到来,但它终究要到来。而且至今,说不定就连“英格兰兽”的曲子还在被到处偷偷得哼唱着,反正事实上,庄园里的每个动物都知道它,尽管谁也不敢放声大唱。也许,他们生活艰难;也许,他们的希望并没有全部实现,但他们很清楚,他们和别的动物不一样。如果他们还没有吃饱,那么也不是因为把食物拿去喂了暴虐的人类;如果他们干活苦了,那么至少他们是在为自己辛劳。在他们中间,谁也不用两条腿走路,谁也不把谁称做“老爷”,所有动物一律平等。

    初夏的一天,斯奎拉让羊跟着他出去,他把他们领到庄园的另一头,那地方是一块长满桦树苗的荒地。在斯奎拉的监督下,羊在那里吃了整整一天树叶子,到了晚上,斯奎拉告诉羊说,既然天气暖和了,他们就呆在那儿算了。然后,他自己返回了庄主院。羊在那里呆了整整一个星期。在这期间,别的动物连他们的一丝影子也没见着。斯奎拉每天倒是耗费大量时间和他们泡在一起。他解释说,他正在给他们教唱一首新歌,因此十分需要清静。

    那是一个爽朗的傍晚,羊回来了。当时,动物们才刚刚收工,正走在回窝棚的路上。突然,从大院里传来了一声马的悲鸣,动物们吓了一跳,全都立即停下脚步。是克拉弗的声音,她又嘶叫起来。于是,所有的动物全都奔跑着冲进了大院。这一下,他们看到了克拉弗看到的情景。

    是一头猪在用后腿走路。

    是的,是斯奎拉。他还有点笨拙好象还不大习惯用这种姿势支撑他那巨大的身体,但他却能以熟练的平衡,在院子里散步了。不大一会,从庄主院门里又走出一长队猪,都用后腿在行走。他们走到好坏不一,有一两头猪还有点不稳当,看上去好像他们本来更适于找一根棍子支撑着。不过,每头猪都绕着院子走得相当成功。最后,在一阵非常响亮的狗叫声和那只黑公鸡尖细的啼叫声中,拿破仑亲自走出来了,他大模大样地直立着,眼睛四下里轻慢地瞥了一下。他的狗则活蹦乱跳地簇拥再他的周围。

    他蹄子中捏着一根鞭子。

    一阵死一般的寂静。惊讶、恐惧的动物们挤在一堆,看着那一长溜猪慢慢地绕着院子行走。仿佛这世界已经完全颠倒了。接着,当他们从这场震惊中缓过一点劲的时候,有那么一瞬间,他们顾不上顾虑任何事——顾不上他们对狗的害怕,顾不上他们多少年来养成的,无论发生什么事,他们也从来不抱怨、从批评的习惯——他们马上要大声抗议了,但就在这时,象是被一个信号激了一下一样,所有的羊爆发出一阵巨大的咩咩声——

    “四条腿好,两条腿更好!四条腿好,两条腿更好!四条腿好,两条腿更好!”

    喊叫声不间歇地持续了五分钟。等羊安静下来后,已经错过了任何抗议的机会了,因为猪已列队走回庄主院。

    本杰明感觉到有一个鼻子在他肩上磨蹭。回头一看,是克拉弗。只见她那一双衰劳的眼睛比以往更加灰暗。她没说一句话,轻轻地拽他的鬃毛,领着他转到大谷仓那一头,那儿是写着“七诫”的地方。他们站在那里注视着有白色字体的柏油墙,足有一两分钟。

    “我的眼睛不行了”,他终于说话了,“就是年轻时,我也认不得那上面所写的东西。可是今天,怎么我看这面墙不同以前了。‘七诫’还是过去那样吗?本杰明?”

    只有这一次,本杰明答应破个例,他把墙上写的东西念给她听,而今那上面已经没有别的什么了,只有一条诫律,它是这样写的:

    所有动物一例平等

    但有些动物比其他动物

    更加平等

    从此以后,似乎不再有什么可稀奇的了:第二天所有的猪在庄园监督干活时蹄子上都捏着一根鞭子,算不得稀奇;猪给他们自己买一台无线电收音机,并正在准备安装一部电话,算不得稀奇;得知他们已经订阅了《约翰-牛报》、《珍闻报》及《每日镜报》,算不得稀奇;看到拿破仑在庄主院花园里散步时,嘴里含着一根烟斗,也算不得稀奇。是的,不必再大惊小怪了。哪怕猪把琼斯先生的衣服从衣柜里拿出来穿在身上也没有什么。如今,拿破仑已经亲自穿上了一件黑外套和一条特制的马裤,还绑上了皮绑腿,同时,他心爱的母猪则穿上一件波纹绸裙子,那裙子是琼斯夫人过去常在星期天穿的。

    一周后的一天下午,一位两轮单驾马车驶进庄园。一个由邻近庄园主组成的代表团,已接受邀请来此进行考查观光。他们参观了整个庄园,并对他们看到的每件事都赞不绝口,尤其是对风车。那时,动物们正在萝卜地里除草,他们干得细心认真,很少扬起脸,搞不清他们是对猪更害怕呢,还是对来参观的人更害怕。

    那天晚上,从庄主院里传来一阵阵哄笑声和歌声。动物们突然被这混杂的声音吸引住了。他们感到好奇的是,既然这是动物和人第一次在平等关系下济济一堂,那么在那里会发生什么事呢?于是他们便不约而同地,尽量不出一点声音地往庄主院的花园里爬去。

    到了门口,他们又停住了,大概是因为害怕而不敢再往前走,但克拉弗带头进去了,他们踮着蹄子,走到房子跟前,那些个头很高的动物就从餐厅的窗户上往里面看。屋子里面,在那张长长的桌子周围,坐着六个庄园主和六头最有名望的猪,拿破仑自己坐在桌子上首的东道主席位上,猪在椅子上显出一副舒适自在的样子。宾主一直都在津津有味地玩扑克牌,但是在中间停了一会,显然是为了准备干杯。有一个很大的罐子在他们中间传来传去,杯子里又添满了啤酒。他们都没注意到窗户上有很多诧异的面孔正在凝视着里面。

    福克斯伍德庄园的皮尔金顿先生举着杯子站了起来。他说道,稍等片刻,他要请在场的诸位干杯。在此之前,他感到有几句话得先讲一下。

    他说,他相信,他还有其他在场的各位都感到十分喜悦的是,持续已久的猜疑和误解时代已经结束了。曾有这样一个时期,无论是他自己,还是在座的诸君,都没有今天这种感受,当时,可敬的动物庄园的所有者,曾受到他们的人类邻居的关注,他情愿说这关注多半是出于一定程度上的焦虑,而不是带着敌意。不幸的事件曾发生过,错误的观念也曾流行过。一个由猪所有并由猪管理经营的庄园也曾让人觉得有些名不正言不顺,而且有容易给邻近庄园带来扰乱因素的可能。相当多的庄园主没有做适当的调查就信口推断说,在这样的庄园里,肯定会有一种放荡不羁的歪风邪气在到处蔓延。他们担心这种状况会影响到他们自己的动物,甚至影响他们的雇员。但现在,所有这种怀疑都已烟消云散了。今天,他和他的朋友们拜访了动物庄园,用他们自己的眼睛观察了庄园的每一个角落。他们发现了什么呢?这里不仅有最先进的方法,而且纪律严明,有条不紊,这应该是各地庄园主学习的榜样。他相信,他有把握说,动物庄园的下级动物,比全国任何动物干的活都多,吃的饭都少。的确,他和他的代表团成员今天看到了很多有特色之处,他们准备立即把这些东西引进到他们各自的庄园中去。

    他说,他愿在结束发言的时候,再次重申动物庄园及其邻居之间已经建立的和应该建立的友好感情。在猪和人之间不存在,也不应该存在任何意义上的利害冲突。他们的奋斗目标和遇到的困难是一致的。劳工问题不是到处都相同嘛?讲到这里,显然,皮尔金顿先生想突然讲出一句经过仔细琢磨的妙语,但他好一会儿乐不可支,讲不出话来,他竭力抑制住,下巴都憋得发紫了,最后才蹦出一句:“如果你们有你们的下层动物在作对,”他说,“我们有我们的下层阶级!”这一句意味隽永的话引起一阵哄堂大笑。皮尔金顿先生再次为他在动物庄园看到的饲料供给少、劳动时间长,普遍没有娇生惯养的现象等等向猪表示祝贺。

    他最后说道,到此为止,他要请各位站起来,实实在在地斟满酒杯。“先生们,”皮尔金顿先生在结束时说,“先生们,我敬你们一杯:为动物庄园的繁荣昌盛干杯!”

    一片热烈的喝彩声和跺脚声响起。拿破仑顿时心花怒放,他离开座位,绕着桌子走向皮尔金顿先生,和他碰了杯便喝干了,喝采声一静下来,依然靠后腿站立着的拿破仑示意,他也有几句话要讲。

    这个讲话就象拿破仑所有的演讲一样,简明扼要而又一针见血。他说,他也为那个误解的时代的结束而感到高兴。曾经有很长一个时期,流传着这样的谣言,他有理由认为,这些谣言是一些居心叵测的仇敌散布的,说在他和他的同僚的观念中,有一种主张颠覆、甚至是从根本上属于破坏性的东西。他们一直被看作是企图煽动邻近庄园的动物造反。但是,事实是任何谣言都掩盖不了的。他们唯一的愿望,无论是在过去还是现在,都是与他们的邻居和平共处,保持正常的贸易关系。他补充说,他有幸掌管的这个庄园是一家合营企业。他自己手中的那张地契,归猪共同所有。

    他说道,他相信任何旧的猜疑不会继续存在下去了。而最近对庄园的惯例又作了一些修正,会进一步增强这一信心。长期以来,庄园里的动物还有一个颇为愚蠢的习惯,那就是互相以“同志”相称。这要取消。还有一个怪僻,搞不清是怎么来的,就是在每个星期天早上,要列队走过花园里一个钉在木桩上的雄猪头盖骨。这个也要取消。头盖骨已经埋了。他的来访者也许已经看到那面旗杆上飘扬着的绿旗。果然如此的话,他们或许已经注意到,过去旗面上画着的白色蹄掌和犄角现在没有了。从今以后那面旗将是全绿的旗。

    他说,皮尔金顿先生的精采而友好的演讲,他只有一点要作一补充修正。皮尔金顿先生一直提到“动物庄园”,他当然不知道了,因为就连他拿破仑也只是第一次宣告,“动物庄园”这个名字作废了。今后,庄园的名字将是“曼纳庄园”,他相信,这个名字才是它的真名和原名。

    “先生们,“他总结说,“我将给你们以同样的祝辞,但要以不同的形式,请满上这一杯。先生们,这就是我的祝辞:为曼纳庄园的繁荣昌盛干杯!”

    一阵同样热烈而真诚的喝采声响起,酒也一饮而尽。但当外面的动物们目不转睛地看着这一情景时,他们似乎看到了,有一些怪事正在发生。猪的面孔上发生了什么变化呢?克拉弗那一双衰老昏花的眼睛扫过一个接一个面孔。他们有的有五个下巴,有的有四个,有的有三个,但是有什么东西似乎正在融化消失,正在发生变化。接着,热烈的掌声结束了,他们又拿起扑克牌,继续刚才中断的游戏,外面的动物悄悄地离开了。

    但他们还没有走出二十码,又突然停住了。庄主院传出一阵吵闹声。他们跑回去,又一次透过窗子往里面看。是的,里面正在大吵大闹。那情景,既有大喊大叫的,也有捶打桌子的;一边是疑神疑鬼的锐利的目光,另一边却在咆哮着矢口否认。动乱的原因好象是因为拿破仑和皮尔金顿先生同时打出了一张黑桃A。

    十二个嗓门一齐在愤怒地狂叫着,他们何其相似乃尔!而今,不必再问猪的面孔上发生了什么变化。外面的众生灵从猪看到人,又从人看到猪,再从猪看到人;但他们已分不出谁是猪,谁是人了。

    1943年11月——1944年2月

  • Aldous Leonard Huxley《Brave New World》

    Aldous Leonard Huxley (1894-1963)

    Chapter One

    A SQUAT grey building of only thirty-four stories. Over the main entrance the words, CENTRAL LONDON HATCHERY AND CONDITIONING CENTRE, and, in a shield, the World State’s motto, COMMUNITY, IDENTITY, STABILITY.

    The enormous room on the ground floor faced towards the north. Cold for all the summer beyond the panes, for all the tropical heat of the room itself, a harsh thin light glared through the windows, hungrily seeking some draped lay figure, some pallid shape of academic goose-flesh, but finding only the glass and nickel and bleakly shining porcelain of a laboratory. Wintriness responded to wintriness. The
    overalls of the workers were white, their hands gloved with a pale corpse-coloured rubber. The light was frozen, dead, a ghost. Only from the yellow barrels of the microscopes did it borrow a certain rich and living substance, lying along the polished tubes like butter, streak after luscious streak in long recession down the work tables.

    “And this,” said the Director opening the door, “is the Fertilizing Room.” Bent over their instruments, three hundred Fertilizers were plunged, as the Director of Hatcheries and Conditioning entered the room, in the scarcely breathing silence, the absent-minded, soliloquizing hum or whistle, of absorbed concentration. A troop of newly arrived students, very young, pink and callow, followed nervously, rather abjectly, at the Director’s heels. Each of them carried a notebook, in which, whenever the great man spoke, he desperately scribbled. Straight from the horse’s mouth. It was a rare privilege. The D. H. C. for Central London always made a point of
    personally conducting his new students round the various departments.

    “Just to give you a general idea,” he would explain to them. For of course some sort of general idea they must have, if they were to do their work intelligently–though as little of one, if they were to be good and happy members of society, as possible.

    For particulars, as every one knows, make for virture and happiness; generalities are intellectually necessary evils. Not philosophers but fretsawyers and stamp collectors compose the backbone of society.

    “To-morrow,” he would add, smiling at them with a slightly menacing geniality, “you’ll be settling down to serious work. You won’t have time for generalities. Meanwhile …”

    Meanwhile, it was a privilege. Straight from the horse’s mouth into the notebook. The boys scribbled like mad.

    Tall and rather thin but upright, the Director advanced into the room. He had a long chin and big rather prominent teeth, just covered, when he was not talking, by his full, floridly curved lips. Old, young? Thirty? Fifty? Fifty-five? It was hard to say. And anyhow the question didn’t arise; in this year of stability, A. F. 632, it didn’t occur to you to ask it.

    “I shall begin at the beginning,” said the D.H.C. and the more zealous students recorded his intention in their notebooks: Begin at the beginning. “These,” he waved his hand, “are the incubators.” And opening an insulated door he showed them explained, “at blood heat; whereas the male gametes,” and here he opened another door, “they have to be kept at thirty-five instead of thirty-seven. Full blood heat sterilizes.” Rams wrapped in theremogene beget no lambs.

    Still leaning against the incubators he gave them, while the pencils scurried illegibly across the pages, a brief description of the modern fertilizing process; spoke first, of course, of its surgical introduction–”the operation undergone voluntarily for the good of Society, not to mention the fact that it carries a bonus amounting to six months’ salary”; continued with some account of the technique for preserving the
    excised ovary alive and actively developing; passed on to a consideration of optimum temperature, salinity, viscosity; referred to the liquor in which the detached and ripened eggs were kept; and, leading his charges to the work tables, actually showed them how this liquor was drawn off from the test-tubes; how it was let out drop by drop onto the specially warmed slides of the microscopes; how the eggs
    which it contained were inspected for abnormalities, counted and transferred to a porous receptacle; how (and he now took them to watch the operation) this receptacle was immersed in a warm bouillon containing free-swimming spermatozoa–at a minimum concentration of one hundred thousand per cubic
    centimetre, he insisted; and how, after ten minutes, the container was lifted out of the liquor and its contents re-examined; how, if any of the eggs remained unfertilized, it was again immersed, and, if necessary, yet again; how the fertilized ova went back to the incubators; where the Alphas and Betas remained until definitely bottled; while the Gammas, Deltas and Epsilons were brought out again,
    after only thirty-six hours, to undergo Bokanovsky’s Process. “Bokanovsky’s Process,” repeated the Director, and the students underlined the words in their little notebooks.

    One egg, one embryo, one adult-normality. But a bokanovskified egg will bud, will
    proliferate, will divide. From eight to ninety-six buds, and every bud will grow into a
    perfectly formed embryo, and every embryo into a full-sized adult. Making
    ninety-six human beings grow where only one grew before. Progress.
    “Essentially,” the D.H.C. concluded, “bokanovskification consists of a series of arrests of development. We check the normal growth and, paradoxically enough, the egg responds by budding.”
    Responds by budding. The pencils were busy.
    He pointed. On a very slowly moving band a rack-full of test-tubes was entering a
    large metal box, another, rack-full was emerging. Machinery faintly purred. It took
    eight minutes for the tubes to go through, he told them. Eight minutes of hard
    X-rays being about as much as an egg can stand. A few died; of the rest, the least
    susceptible divided into two; most put out four buds; some eight; all were returned
    to the incubators, where the buds began to develop; then, after two days, were
    suddenly chilled, chilled and checked. Two, four, eight, the buds in their turn
    budded; and having budded were dosed almost to death with alcohol; consequently
    burgeoned again and having budded–bud out of bud out of bud–were
    thereafter–further arrest being generally fatal–left to develop in peace. By which
    time the original egg was in a fair way to becoming anything from eight to ninety-six
    embryos– a prodigious improvement, you will agree, on nature. Identical twins–but
    not in piddling twos and threes as in the old viviparous days, when an egg would
    sometimes accidentally divide; actually by dozens, by scores at a time.
    “Scores,” the Director repeated and flung out his arms, as though he were
    distributing largesse. “Scores.”
    But one of the students was fool enough to ask where the advantage lay.
    “My good boy!” The Director wheeled sharply round on him. “Can’t you see? Can’t
    you see?” He raised a hand; his expression was solemn. “Bokanovsky’s Process is
    one of the major instruments of social stability!”
    Major instruments of social stability.
    Standard men and women; in uniform batches. The whole of a small factory staffed
    with the products of a single bokanovskified egg.
    “Ninety-six identical twins working ninety-six identical machines!” The voice was
    almost tremulous with enthusiasm. “You really know where you are. For the first
    time in history.” He quoted the planetary motto. “Community, Identity, Stability.”
    Grand words. “If we could bokanovskify indefinitely the whole problem would be
    solved.”
    Solved by standard Gammas, unvarying Deltas, uniform Epsilons. Millions of
    identical twins. The principle of mass production at last applied to biology.
    “But, alas,” the Director shook his head, “we can’t bokanovskify indefinitely.”
    Ninety-six seemed to be the limit; seventy-two a good average. From the same
    ovary and with gametes of the same male to manufacture as many batches of
    identical twins as possible–that was the best (sadly a second best) that they could
    do. And even that was difficult.
    “For in nature it takes thirty years for two hundred eggs to reach maturity. But our
    business is to stabilize the population at this moment, here and now. Dribbling out
    twins over a quarter of a century–what would be the use of that?”
    Obviously, no use at all. But Podsnap’s Technique had immensely accelerated the
    process of ripening. They could make sure of at least a hundred and fifty mature
    eggs within two years. Fertilize and bokanovskify–in other words, multiply by
    seventy-two–and you get an average of nearly eleven thousand brothers and sisters
    in a hundred and fifty batches of identical twins, all within two years of the same age.
    “And in exceptional cases we can make one ovary yield us over fifteen thousand
    adult individuals.”
    Beckoning to a fair-haired, ruddy young man who happened to be passing at the
    moment. “Mr. Foster,” he called. The ruddy young man approached. “Can you tell
    us the record for a single ovary, Mr. Foster?”
    “Sixteen thousand and twelve in this Centre,” Mr. Foster replied without hesitation.
    He spoke very quickly, had a vivacious blue eye, and took an evident pleasure in
    quoting figures. “Sixteen thousand and twelve; in one hundred and eighty-nine
    batches of identicals. But of course they’ve done much better,” he rattled on, “in
    some of the tropical Centres. Singapore has often produced over sixteen thousand
    five hundred; and Mombasa has actually touched the seventeen thousand mark.
    But then they have unfair advantages. You should see the way a negro ovary
    responds to pituitary! It’s quite astonishing, when you’re used to working with
    European material. Still,” he added, with a laugh (but the light of combat was in his
    eyes and the lift of his chin was challenging), “still, we mean to beat them if we can.
    I’m working on a wonderful Delta-Minus ovary at this moment. Only just eighteen
    months old. Over twelve thousand seven hundred children already, either decanted
    or in embryo. And still going strong. We’ll beat them yet.”
    “That’s the spirit I like!” cried the Director, and clapped Mr. Foster on the shouder.
    “Come along with us, and give these boys the benefit of your expert knowledge.”
    Mr. Foster smiled modestly. “With pleasure.” They went.
    In the Bottling Room all was harmonious bustle and ordered activity. Flaps of fresh
    sow’s peritoneum ready cut to the proper size came shooting up in little lifts from
    the Organ Store in the sub-basement. Whizz and then, click! the lift-hatches hew
    open; the bottle-liner had only to reach out a hand, take the flap, insert,
    smooth-down, and before the lined bottle had had time to travel out of reach along
    the endless band, whizz, click! another flap of peritoneum had shot up from the
    depths, ready to be slipped into yet another bottle, the next of that slow
    interminable procession on the band.
    Next to the Liners stood the Matriculators. The procession advanced; one by one the
    eggs were transferred from their test-tubes to the larger containers; deftly the
    peritoneal lining was slit, the morula dropped into place, the saline solution poured
    in … and already the bottle had passed, and it was the turn of the labellers.
    Heredity, date of fertilization, membership of Bokanovsky Group–details were
    transferred from test-tube to bottle. No longer anonymous, but named, identified,
    the procession marched slowly on; on through an opening in the wall, slowly on into
    the Social Predestination Room.
    “Eighty-eight cubic metres of card-index,” said Mr. Foster with relish, as they entered.
    “Containing all the relevant information,” added the Director.
    “Brought up to date every morning.”
    “And co-ordinated every afternoon.”
    “On the basis of which they make their calculations.”
    “So many individuals, of such and such quality,” said Mr. Foster.
    “Distributed in such and such quantities.”
    “The optimum Decanting Rate at any given moment.”
    “Unforeseen wastages promptly made good.”
    “Promptly,” repeated Mr. Foster. “If you knew the amount of overtime I had to put
    in after the last Japanese earthquake!” He laughed goodhumouredly and shook his
    head.
    “The Predestinators send in their figures to the Fertilizers.”
    “Who give them the embryos they ask for.”
    “And the bottles come in here to be predestined in detail.”
    “After which they are sent down to the Embryo Store.”
    “Where we now proceed ourselves.”
    And opening a door Mr. Foster led the way down a staircase into the basement.
    The temperature was still tropical. They descended into a thickening twilight. Two
    doors and a passage with a double turn insured the cellar against any possible
    infiltration of the day.
    “Embryos are like photograph film,” said Mr. Foster waggishly, as he pushed open
    the second door. “They can only stand red light.”
    And in effect the sultry darkness into which the students now followed him was
    visible and crimson, like the darkness of closed eyes on a summer’s afternoon. The
    bulging flanks of row on receding row and tier above tier of bottles glinted with
    innumerable rubies, and among the rubies moved the dim red spectres of men and
    women with purple eyes and all the symptoms of lupus. The hum and rattle of
    machinery faintly stirred the air.
    “Give them a few figures, Mr. Foster,” said the Director, who was tired of talking.
    Mr. Foster was only too happy to give them a few figures.
    Two hundred and twenty metres long, two hundred wide, ten high. He pointed
    upwards. Like chickens drinking, the students lifted their eyes towards the distant
    ceiling.
    Three tiers of racks: ground floor level, first gallery, second gallery.
    The spidery steel-work of gallery above gallery faded away in all directions into the
    dark. Near them three red ghosts were busily unloading demijohns from a moving
    staircase.
    The escalator from the Social Predestination Room.
    Each bottle could be placed on one of fifteen racks, each rack, though you couldn’t
    see it, was a conveyor traveling at the rate of thirty-three and a third centimetres an
    hour. Two hundred and sixty-seven days at eight metres a day. Two thousand one
    hundred and thirty-six metres in all. One circuit of the cellar at ground level, one on
    the first gallery, half on the second, and on the two hundred and sixty-seventh
    morning, daylight in the Decanting Room. Independent existence–so called.
    “But in the interval,” Mr. Foster concluded, “we’ve managed to do a lot to them. Oh,
    a very great deal.” His laugh was knowing and triumphant.
    “That’s the spirit I like,” said the Director once more. “Let’s walk around. You tell
    them everything, Mr. Foster.”
    Mr. Foster duly told them.
    Told them of the growing embryo on its bed of peritoneum. Made them taste the
    rich blood surrogate on which it fed. Explained why it had to be stimulated with
    placentin and thyroxin. Told them of the corpus luteum extract. Showed them the jets
    through which at every twelfth metre from zero to 2040 it was automatically injected.
    Spoke of those gradually increasing doses of pituitary administered during the final
    ninety-six metres of their course. Described the artificial maternal circulation
    installed in every bottle at Metre 112; showed them the resevoir of blood-surrogate,
    the centrifugal pump that kept the liquid moving over the placenta and drove it
    through the synthetic lung and waste product filter. Referred to the embryo’s
    troublesome tendency to an?mia, to the massive doses of hog’s stomach extract
    and foetal foal’s liver with which, in consequence, it had to be supplied.
    Showed them the simple mechanism by means of which, during the last two metres
    out of every eight, all the embryos were simultaneously shaken into familiarity with
    movement. Hinted at the gravity of the so-called “trauma of decanting,” and
    enumerated the precautions taken to minimize, by a suitable training of the bottled
    embryo, that dangerous shock. Told them of the test for sex carried out in the
    neighborhood of Metre 200. Explained the system of labelling–a T for the males, a
    circle for the females and for those who were destined to become freemartins a
    question mark, black on a white ground.
    “For of course,” said Mr. Foster, “in the vast majority of cases, fertility is merely a
    nuisance. One fertile ovary in twelve hundred–that would really be quite sufficient for
    our purposes. But we want to have a good choice. And of course one must always
    have an enormous margin of safety. So we allow as many as thirty per cent of the
    female embryos to develop normally. The others get a dose of male sex-hormone
    every twenty-four metres for the rest of the course. Result: they’re decanted as
    freemartins–structurally quite normal (except,” he had to admit, “that they do have
    the slightest tendency to grow beards), but sterile. Guaranteed sterile. Which brings
    us at last,” continued Mr. Foster, “out of the realm of mere slavish imitation of
    nature into the much more interesting world of human invention.”
    He rubbed his hands. For of course, they didn’t content themselves with merely
    hatching out embryos: any cow could do that.
    “We also predestine and condition. We decant our babies as socialized human
    beings, as Alphas or Epsilons, as future sewage workers or future …” He was going
    to say “future World controllers,” but correcting himself, said “future Directors of
    Hatcheries,” instead.
    The D.H.C. acknowledged the compliment with a smile.
    They were passing Metre 320 on Rack 11. A young Beta-Minus mechanic was busy
    with screw-driver and spanner on the blood-surrogate pump of a passing bottle. The
    hum of the electric motor deepened by fractions of a tone as he turned the nuts.
    Down, down … A final twist, a glance at the revolution counter, and he was done. He
    moved two paces down the line and began the same process on the next pump.
    “Reducing the number of revolutions per minute,” Mr. Foster explained. “The
    surrogate goes round slower; therefore passes through the lung at longer intervals;
    therefore gives the embryo less oxygen. Nothing like oxygen-shortage for keeping
    an embryo below par.” Again he rubbed his hands.
    “But why do you want to keep the embryo below par?” asked an ingenuous student.
    “Ass!” said the Director, breaking a long silence. “Hasn’t it occurred to you that an
    Epsilon embryo must have an Epsilon environment as well as an Epsilon heredity?”
    It evidently hadn’t occurred to him. He was covered with confusion.
    “The lower the caste,” said Mr. Foster, “the shorter the oxygen.” The first organ
    affected was the brain. After that the skeleton. At seventy per cent of normal
    oxygen you got dwarfs. At less than seventy eyeless monsters.
    “Who are no use at all,” concluded Mr. Foster.
    Whereas (his voice became confidential and eager), if they could discover a
    technique for shortening the period of maturation what a triumph, what a
    benefaction to Society!
    “Consider the horse.”
    They considered it.
    Mature at six; the elephant at ten. While at thirteen a man is not yet sexually
    mature; and is only full-grown at twenty. Hence, of course, that fruit of delayed
    development, the human intelligence.
    “But in Epsilons,” said Mr. Foster very justly, “we don’t need human intelligence.”
    Didn’t need and didn’t get it. But though the Epsilon mind was mature at ten, the
    Epsilon body was not fit to work till eighteen. Long years of superfluous and wasted
    immaturity. If the physical development could be speeded up till it was as quick,
    say, as a cow’s, what an enormous saving to the Community!
    “Enormous!” murmured the students. Mr. Foster’s enthusiasm was infectious.
    He became rather technical; spoke of the abnormal endocrine co-ordination which
    made men grow so slowly; postulated a germinal mutation to account for it. Could
    the effects of this germinal mutation be undone? Could the individual Epsilon
    embryo be made a revert, by a suitable technique, to the normality of dogs and
    cows? That was the problem. And it was all but solved.
    Pilkington, at Mombasa, had produced individuals who were sexually mature at four
    and full-grown at six and a half. A scientific triumph. But socially useless.
    Six-year-old men and women were too stupid to do even Epsilon work. And the
    process was an all-or-nothing one; either you failed to modify at all, or else you
    modified the whole way. They were still trying to find the ideal compromise between
    adults of twenty and adults of six. So far without success. Mr. Foster sighed and
    shook his head.
    Their wanderings through the crimson twilight had brought them to the
    neighborhood of Metre 170 on Rack 9. From this point onwards Rack 9 was enclosed
    and the bottle performed the remainder of their journey in a kind of tunnel,
    interrupted here and there by openings two or three metres wide.
    “Heat conditioning,” said Mr. Foster.
    Hot tunnels alternated with cool tunnels. Coolness was wedded to discomfort in the
    form of hard X-rays. By the time they were decanted the embryos had a horror of
    cold. They were predestined to emigrate to the tropics, to be miner and acetate silk
    spinners and steel workers. Later on their minds would be made to endorse the
    judgment of their bodies. “We condition them to thrive on heat,” concluded Mr.
    Foster. “Our colleagues upstairs will teach them to love it.”
    “And that,” put in the Director sententiously, “that is the secret of happiness and
    virtue–liking what you’ve got to do. All conditioning aims at that: making people like
    their unescapable social destiny.”
    In a gap between two tunnels, a nurse was delicately probing with a long fine
    syringe into the gelatinous contents of a passing bottle. The students and their
    guides stood watching her for a few moments in silence.
    “Well, Lenina,” said Mr. Foster, when at last she withdrew the syringe and
    straightened herself up.
    The girl turned with a start. One could see that, for all the lupus and the purple
    eyes, she was uncommonly pretty.
    “Henry!” Her smile flashed redly at him–a row of coral teeth.
    “Charming, charming,” murmured the Director and, giving her two or three little
    pats, received in exchange a rather deferential smile for himself.
    “What are you giving them?” asked Mr. Foster, making his tone very professional.
    “Oh, the usual typhoid and sleeping sickness.”
    “Tropical workers start being inoculated at Metre 150,” Mr. Foster explained to the
    students. “The embryos still have gills. We immunize the fish against the future
    man’s diseases.” Then, turning back to Lenina, “Ten to five on the roof this
    afternoon,” he said, “as usual.”
    “Charming,” said the Dhector once more, and, with a final pat, moved away after
    the others.
    On Rack 10 rows of next generation’s chemical workers were being trained in the
    toleration of lead, caustic soda, tar, chlorine. The first of a batch of two hundred and
    fifty embryonic rocket-plane engineers was just passing the eleven hundred metre
    mark on Rack 3. A special mechanism kept their containers in constant rotation. “To
    improve their sense of balance,” Mr. Foster explained. “Doing repairs on the outside
    of a rocket in mid-air is a ticklish job. We slacken off the circulation when they’re
    right way up, so that they’re half starved, and double the flow of surrogate when
    they’re upside down. They learn to associate topsy-turvydom with weli-being; in fact,
    they’re only truly happy when they’re standing on their heads.
    “And now,” Mr. Foster went on, “I’d like to show you some very interesting
    conditioning for Alpha Plus Intellectuals. We have a big batch of them on Rack 5.
    First Gallery level,” he called to two boys who had started to go down to the ground
    floor.
    “They’re round about Metre 900,” he explained. “You can’t really do any useful
    intellectual conditioning till the foetuses have lost their tails. Follow me.”
    But the Director had looked at his watch. “Ten to three,” he said. “No time for the
    intellectual embryos, I’m afraid. We must go up to the Nurseries before the children
    have finished their afternoon sleep.”
    Mr. Foster was disappointed. “At least one glance at the Decanting Room,” he
    pleaded.
    “Very well then.” The Director smiled indulgently. “Just one glance.”

    Chapter Two

    MR. FOSTER was left in the Decanting Room. The D.H.C. and his students stepped
    into the nearest lift and were carried up to the fifth floor.
    INFANT NURSERIES. NEO-PAVLOVIAN CONDITIONING ROOMS, announced the notice
    board.
    The Director opened a door. They were in a large bare room, very bright and sunny;
    for the whole of the southern wall was a single window. Half a dozen nurses,
    trousered and jacketed in the regulation white viscose-linen uniform, their hair
    aseptically hidden under white caps, were engaged in setting out bowls of roses in a
    long row across the floor. Big bowls, packed tight with blossom. Thousands of
    petals, ripe-blown and silkily smooth, like the cheeks of innumerable little cherubs,
    but of cherubs, in that bright light, not exclusively pink and Aryan, but also
    luminously Chinese, also Mexican, also apoplectic with too much blowing of celestial
    trumpets, also pale as death, pale with the posthumous whiteness of marble.
    The nurses stiffened to attention as the D.H.C. came in.
    “Set out the books,” he said curtly.
    In silence the nurses obeyed his command. Between the rose bowls the books were
    duly set out–a row of nursery quartos opened invitingly each at some gaily coloured
    image of beast or fish or bird.
    “Now bring in the children.”
    They hurried out of the room and returned in a minute or two, each pushing a kind
    of tall dumb-waiter laden, on all its four wire-netted shelves, with eight-month-old
    babies, all exactly alike (a Bokanovsky Group, it was evident) and all (since their
    caste was Delta) dressed in khaki.
    “Put them down on the floor.”
    The infants were unloaded.
    “Now turn them so that they can see the flowers and books.”
    Turned, the babies at once fell silent, then began to crawl towards those clusters of
    sleek colours, those shapes so gay and brilliant on the white pages. As they
    approached, the sun came out of a momentary eclipse behind a cloud. The roses
    flamed up as though with a sudden passion from within; a new and profound
    sigruficance seemed to suffuse the shining pages of the books. From the ranks of
    the crawling babies came little squeals of excitement, gurgles and twitterings of
    pleasure.
    The Director rubbed his hands. “Excellent!” he said. “It might almost have been
    done on purpose.”
    The swiftest crawlers were already at their goal. Small hands reached out
    uncertainly, touched, grasped, unpetaling the transfigured roses, crumpling the
    illuminated pages of the books. The Director waited until all were happily busy.
    Then, “Watch carefully,” he said. And, lifting his hand, he gave the signal.
    The Head Nurse, who was standing by a switchboard at the other end of the room,
    pressed down a little lever.
    There was a violent explosion. Shriller and ever shriller, a siren shrieked. Alarm
    bells maddeningly sounded.
    The children started, screamed; their faces were distorted with terror.
    “And now,” the Director shouted (for the noise was deafening), “now we proceed to
    rub in the lesson with a mild electric shock.”
    He waved his hand again, and the Head Nurse pressed a second lever. The
    screaming of the babies suddenly changed its tone. There was something
    desperate, almost insane, about the sharp spasmodic yelps to which they now gave
    utterance. Their little bodies twitched and stiffened; their limbs moved jerkily as if to
    the tug of unseen wires.
    “We can electrify that whole strip of floor,” bawled the Director in explanation. “But
    that’s enough,” he signalled to the nurse.
    The explosions ceased, the bells stopped ringing, the shriek of the siren died down
    from tone to tone into silence. The stiffly twitching bodies relaxed, and what had
    become the sob and yelp of infant maniacs broadened out once more into a normal
    howl of ordinary terror.
    “Offer them the flowers and the books again.”
    The nurses obeyed; but at the approach of the roses, at the mere sight of those
    gaily-coloured images of pussy and cock-a-doodle-doo and baa-baa black sheep,
    the infants shrank away in horror, the volume of their howling suddenly increased.
    “Observe,” said the Director triumphantly, “observe.”
    Books and loud noises, fiowers and electric shocks–already in the infant mind these
    couples were compromisingly linked; and after two hundred repetitions of the same
    or a similar lesson would be wedded indissolubly. What man has joined, nature is
    powerless to put asunder.
    “They’ll grow up with what the psychologists used to call an ‘instinctive’ hatred of
    books and flowers. Reflexes unalterably conditioned. They’ll be safe from books
    and botany all their lives.” The Director turned to his nurses. “Take them away
    again.”
    Still yelling, the khaki babies were loaded on to their dumb-waiters and wheeled
    out, leaving behind them the smell of sour milk and a most welcome silence.
    One of the students held up his hand; and though he could see quite well why you
    couldn’t have lower-cast people wasting the Community’s time over books, and that
    there was always the risk of their reading something which might undesirably
    decondition one of their reflexes, yet … well, he couldn’t understand about the
    flowers. Why go to the trouble of making it psychologically impossible for Deltas to
    like flowers?
    Patiently the D.H.C. explained. If the children were made to scream at the sight of a
    rose, that was on grounds of high economic policy. Not so very long ago (a century
    or thereabouts), Gammas, Deltas, even Epsilons, had been conditioned to like
    flowers–flowers in particular and wild nature in general. The idea was to make them
    want to be going out into the country at every available opportunity, and so compel
    them to consume transport.
    “And didn’t they consume transport?” asked the student.
    “Quite a lot,” the D.H.C. replied. “But nothing else.”
    Primroses and landscapes, he pointed out, have one grave defect: they are
    gratuitous. A love of nature keeps no factories busy. It was decided to abolish the
    love of nature, at any rate among the lower classes; to abolish the love of nature,
    but not the tendency to consume transport. For of course it was essential that they
    should keep on going to the country, even though they hated it. The problem was
    to find an economically sounder reason for consuming transport than a mere
    affection for primroses and landscapes. It was duly found.
    “We condition the masses to hate the country,” concluded the Director. “But
    simultaneously we condition them to love all country sports. At the same time, we
    see to it that all country sports shall entail the use of elaborate apparatus. So that
    they consume manufactured articles as well as transport. Hence those electric
    shocks.”
    “I see,” said the student, and was silent, lost in admiration.
    There was a silence; then, clearing his throat, “Once upon a time,” the Director
    began, “while our Ford was still on earth, there was a little boy called Reuben
    Rabinovitch. Reuben was the child of Polish-speaking parents.”
    The Director interrupted himself. “You know what Polish is, I suppose?”
    “A dead language.”
    “Like French and German,” added another student, officiously showing off his
    learning.
    “And ‘parent’?” questioned the D.H.C.
    There was an uneasy silence. Several of the boys blushed. They had not yet learned
    to draw the significant but often very fine distinction between smut and pure science.
    One, at last, had the courage to raise a hand.
    “Human beings used to be …” he hesitated; the blood rushed to his cheeks. “Well,
    they used to be viviparous.”
    “Quite right.” The Director nodded approvingly.
    “And when the babies were decanted …”
    “‘Born,’” came the correction.
    “Well, then they were the parents–I mean, not the babies, of course; the other
    ones.” The poor boy was overwhelmed with confusion.
    “In brief,” the Director summed up, “the parents were the father and the mother.”
    The smut that was really science fell with a crash into the boys’ eye-avoiding silence.
    “Mother,” he repeated loudly rubbing in the science; and, leaning back in his chair,
    “These,” he said gravely, “are unpleasant facts; I know it. But then most historical
    facts are unpleasant.”
    He returned to Little Reuben–to Little Reuben, in whose room, one evening, by an oversight, his father and mother (crash, crash!) happened to leave the radio turned on.
    (“For you must remember that in those days of gross viviparous reproduction, children were always brought up by their parents and not in State Conditioning Centres.”)
    While the child was asleep, a broadcast programme from London suddenly started
    to come through; and the next morning, to the astonishment of his crash and crash
    (the more daring of the boys ventured to grin at one another), Little Reuben woke
    up repeating word for word a long lecture by that curious old writer (“one of the very
    few whose works have been permitted to come down to us”), George Bernard Shaw,
    who was speaking, according to a well-authenticated tradition, about his own genius.
    To Little Reuben’s wink and snigger, this lecture was, of course, perfectly
    incomprehensible and, imagining that their child had suddenly gone mad, they sent
    for a doctor. He, fortunately, understood English, recognized the discourse as that
    which Shaw had broadcasted the previous evening, realized the significance of what
    had happened, and sent a letter to the medical press about it.
    “The principle of sleep-teaching, or hypnop?dia, had been discovered.” The D.H.C.
    made an impressive pause.
    The principle had been discovered; but many, many years were to elapse before
    that principle was usefully applied.
    “The case of Little Reuben occurred only twenty-three years after Our Ford’s first
    T-Model was put on the market.” (Here the Director made a sign of the T on his
    stomach and all the students reverently followed suit.) “And yet …”
    Furiously the students scribbled. “Hypnop?dia, first used officially in A.F. 214. Why not
    before? Two reasons. (a) …”
    “These early experimenters,” the D.H.C. was saying, “were on the wrong track. They
    thought that hypnop?dia could be made an instrument of intellectual education …”
    (A small boy asleep on his right side, the right arm stuck out, the right hand
    hanging limp over the edge of the bed. Through a round grating in the side of a
    box a voice speaks softly.
    “The Nile is the longest river in Africa and the second in length of all the rivers of
    the globe. Although falling short of the length of the Mississippi-Missouri, the Nile is
    at the head of all rivers as regards the length of its basin, which extends through 35
    degrees of latitude …”
    At breakfast the next morning, “Tommy,” some one says, “do you know which is the
    longest river in Africa?” A shaking of the head. “But don’t you remember something
    that begins: The Nile is the …”
    “The – Nile – is – the – longest – river – in – Africa – and – the – second – in – length –
    of – all – the – rivers – of – the – globe …” The words come rushing out. “Although –
    falling – short – of …”
    “Well now, which is the longest river in Africa?”
    The eyes are blank. “I don’t know.”
    “But the Nile, Tommy.”
    “The – Nile – is – the – longest – river – in – Africa – and – second …”
    “Then which river is the longest, Tommy?”
    Tommy burst into tears. “I don’t know,” he howls.)
    That howl, the Director made it plain, discouraged the earliest invesfigators. The
    experiments were abandoned. No further attempt was made to teach children the
    length of the Nile in their sleep. Quite rightly. You can’t learn a science unless you
    know what it’s all about.
    “Whereas, if they’d only started on moral education,” said the Director, leading the
    way towards the door. The students followed him, desperately scribbling as they
    walked and all the way up in the lift. “Moral education, which ought never, in any
    circumstances, to be rational.”
    “Silence, silence,” whispered a loud speaker as they stepped out at the fourteenth
    floor, and “Silence, silence,” the trumpet mouths indefatigably repeated at intervals
    down every corridor. The students and even the Director himself rose automatically
    to the tips of their toes. They were Alphas, of course, but even Alphas have been
    well conditioned. “Silence, silence.” All the air of the fourteenth floor was sibilant with
    the categorical imperative.
    Fifty yards of tiptoeing brought them to a door which the Director cautiously opened.
    They stepped over the threshold into the twilight of a shuttered dormitory. Eighty
    cots stood in a row against the wall. There was a sound of light regular breathing
    and a continuous murmur, as of very faint voices remotely whispering.
    A nurse rose as they entered and came to attention before the Director.
    “What’s the lesson this afternoon?” he asked.
    “We had Elementary Sex for the first forty minutes,” she answered. “But now it’s
    switched over to Elementary Class Consciousness.”
    The Director walked slowly down the long line of cots. Rosy and relaxed with sleep,
    eighty little boys and girls lay seftly hreathing. There was a whisper under every
    pillow. The D.H.C. halted and, bending over one of the little beds, listened
    attentively.
    “Elementary Class Consciousness, did you say? Let’s have it repeated a little louder
    by the trumpet.”
    At the end of the room a loud speaker projected from the wall. The Director walked
    up to it and pressed a switch.
    “… all wear green,” said a soft but very distinct voice, beginning in the middle of a
    sentence, “and Delta Children wear khaki. Oh no, I don’t want to play with Delta
    children. And Epsilons are still worse. They’re too stupid to be able to read or write.
    Besides they wear black, which is such a beastly colour. I’m so glad I’m a Beta.”
    There was a pause; then the voice began again.
    “Alpha children wear grey They work much harder than we do, because they’re so
    frightfully clever. I’m really awfuly glad I’m a Beta, because I don’t work so hard.
    And then we are much better than the Gammas and Deltas. Gammas are stupid.
    They all wear green, and Delta children wear khaki. Oh no, I don’t want to play with
    Delta children. And Epsilons are still worse. They’re too stupid to be able …”
    The Director pushed back the switch. The voice was silent. Only its thin ghost
    continued to mutter from beneath the eighty pillows.
    “They’ll have that repeated forty or fifty times more before they wake; then again
    on Thursday, and again on Saturday. A hundred and twenty times three times a
    week for thirty months. After which they go on to a more advanced lesson.”
    Roses and electric shocks, the khaki of Deltas and a whiff of asafoetida–wedded
    indissolubly before the child can speak. But wordless conditioning is crude and
    wholesale; cannot bring home the finer distinctions, cannot inculcate the more
    complex courses of behaviour. For that there must be words, but words without
    reason. In brief, hypnop?dia.
    “The greatest moralizing and socializing force of all time.”
    The students took it down in their little books. Straight from the horse’s mouth.
    Once more the Director touched the switch.
    “… so frightfully clever,” the soft, insinuating, indefatigable voice was saying, “I’m
    really awfully glad I’m a Beta, because …”
    Not so much like drops of water, though water, it is true, can wear holes in the
    hardest granite; rather, drops of liquid sealing-wax, drops that adhere, incrust,
    incorporate themselves with what they fall on, till finally the rock is all one scarlet
    blob.
    “Till at last the child’s mind is these suggestions, and the sum of the suggestions is
    the child’s mind. And not the child’s mind only. The adult’s mind too–all his life
    long. The mind that judges and desires and decides–made up of these
    suggestions. But all these suggestions are our suggestions!” The Director almost
    shouted in his triumph. “Suggestions from the State.” He banged the nearest table.
    “It therefore follows …”
    A noise made him turn round.
    “Oh, Ford!” he said in another tone, “I’ve gone and woken the children.”

    Chapter Three

    OUTSIDE, in the garden, it was playtime. Naked in the warm June sunshine, six or
    seven hundred little boys and girls were running with shrill yells over the lawns, or
    playing ball games, or squatting silently in twos and threes among the flowering
    shrubs. The roses were in bloom, two nightingales soliloquized in the boskage, a
    cuckoo was just going out of tune among the lime trees. The air was drowsy with the
    murmur of bees and helicopters.
    The Director and his students stood for a short time watching a game of Centrifugal
    Bumble-puppy. Twenty children were grouped in a circle round a chrome steel tower.
    A ball thrown up so as to land on the platform at the top of the tower rolled down
    into the interior, fell on a rapidly revolving disk, was hurled through one or other of
    the numerous apertures pierced in the cylindrical casing, and had to be caught.
    “Strange,” mused the Director, as they turned away, “strange to think that even in
    Our Ford’s day most games were played without more apparatus than a ball or two
    and a few sticks and perhaps a bit of netting. imagine the folly of allowing people to
    play elaborate games which do nothing whatever to increase consumption. It’s
    madness. Nowadays the Controllers won’t approve of any new game unless it can be
    shown that it requires at least as much apparatus as the most complicated of
    existing games.” He interrupted himself.
    “That’s a charming little group,” he said, pointing.
    In a little grassy bay between tall clumps of Mediterranean heather, two children, a
    little boy of about seven and a little girl who might have been a year older, were
    playing, very gravely and with all the focussed attention of scientists intent on a
    labour of discovery, a rudimentary sexual game.
    “Charming, charming!” the D.H.C. repeated sentimentally.
    “Charming,” the boys politely agreed. But their smile was rather patronizing. They
    had put aside similar childish amusements too recently to be able to watch them
    now without a touch of contempt. Charming? but it was just a pair of kids fooling
    about; that was all. Just kids.
    “I always think,” the Director was continuing in the same rather maudlin tone, when
    he was interrupted by a loud boo-hooing.
    From a neighbouring shrubbery emerged a nurse, leading by the hand a small boy,
    who howled as he went. An anxious-looking little girl trotted at her heels.
    “What’s the matter?” asked the Director.
    The nurse shrugged her shoulders. “Nothing much,” she answered. “It’s just that
    this little boy seems rather reluctant to join in the ordinary erotic play. I’d noticed it
    once or twice before. And now again to-day. He started yelling just now …”
    “Honestly,” put in the anxious-looking little girl, “I didn’t mean to hurt him or
    anything. Honestly.”
    “Of course you didn’t, dear,” said the nurse reassuringly. “And so,” she went on,
    turning back to the Director, “I’m taking him in to see the Assistant Superintendent
    of Psychology. Just to see if anything’s at all abnormal.”
    “Ouite right,” said the Director. “Take him in. You stay here, little girl,” he added, as
    the nurse moved away with her still howling charge. “What’s your name?”
    “Polly Trotsky.”
    “And a very good name too,” said the Director. “Run away now and see if you can
    find some other little boy to play with.”
    The child scampered off into the bushes and was lost to sight.
    “Exquisite little creature!” said the Director, looking after her. Then, turning to his
    students, “What I’m going to tell you now,” he said, “may sound incredible. But
    then, when you’re not accustomed to history, most facts about the past do sound
    incredible.”
    He let out the amazing truth. For a very long period before the time of Our Ford,
    and even for some generations afterwards, erotic play between children had been
    regarded as abnormal (there was a roar of laughter); and not only abnormal,
    actually immoral (no!): and had therefore been rigorously suppressed.
    A look of astonished incredulity appeared on the faces of his listeners. Poor little
    kids not allowed to amuse themselves? They could not believe it.
    “Even adolescents,” the D.H.C. was saying, “even adolescents like yourselves …”
    “Not possible!”
    “Barring a little surreptitious auto-erotism and homosexuality–absolutely nothing.”
    “Nothing?”
    “In most cases, till they were over twenty years old.”
    “Twenty years old?” echoed the students in a chorus of loud disbelief.
    “Twenty,” the Director repeated. “I told you that you’d find it incredible.”
    “But what happened?” they asked. “What were the results?”
    “The results were terrible.” A deep resonant voice broke startlingly into the dialogue.
    They looked around. On the fringe of the little group stood a stranger–a man of
    middle height, black-haired, with a hooked nose, full red lips, eyes very piercing
    and dark. “Terrible,” he repeated.
    The D.H.C. had at that moment sat down on one of the steel and rubber benches
    conveniently scattered through the gardens; but at the sight of the stranger, he
    sprang to his feet and darted forward, his hand outstretched, smiling with all his
    teeth, effusive.
    “Controller! What an unexpected pleasure! Boys, what are you thinking of? This is
    the Controller; this is his fordship, Mustapha Mond.”
    In the four thousand rooms of the Centre the four thousand electric clocks
    simultaneously struck four. Discarnate voices called from the trumpet mouths.
    “Main Day-shift off duty. Second Day-shift take over. Main Day-shift off …”
    In the lift, on their way up to the changing rooms, Henry Foster and the Assistant
    Director of Predestination rather pointedly turned their backs on Bernard Marx from
    the Psychology Bureau: averted themselves from that unsavoury reputation.
    The faint hum and rattle of machinery still stirred the crimson air in the Embryo
    Store. Shifts might come and go, one lupus-coloured face give place to another;
    majestically and for ever the conveyors crept forward with their load of future men
    and women.
    Lenina Crowne walked briskly towards the door.
    His fordship Mustapha Mond! The eyes of the saluting students almost popped out
    of their heads. Mustapha Mond! The Resident Controller for Western Europe! One of
    the Ten World Controllers. One of the Ten … and he sat down on the bench with the
    D.H.C., he was going to stay, to stay, yes, and actually talk to them … straight from
    the horse’s mouth. Straight from the mouth of Ford himself.
    Two shrimp-brown children emerged from a neighbouring shrubbery, stared at them
    for a moment with large, astonished eyes, then returned to their amusements
    among the leaves.
    “You all remember,” said the Controller, in his strong deep voice, “you all
    remember, I suppose, that beautiful and inspired saying of Our Ford’s: History is
    bunk. History,” he repeated slowly, “is bunk.”
    He waved his hand; and it was as though, with an invisible feather wisk, he had
    brushed away a little dust, and the dust was Harappa, was Ur of the Chaldees;
    some spider-webs, and they were Thebes and Babylon and Cnossos and Mycenae.
    Whisk. Whisk–and where was Odysseus, where was Job, where were Jupiter and
    Gotama and Jesus? Whisk–and those specks of antique dirt called Athens and
    Rome, Jerusalem and the Middle Kingdom–all were gone. Whisk–the place where
    Italy had been was empty. Whisk, the cathedrals; whisk, whisk, King Lear and the
    Thoughts of Pascal. Whisk, Passion; whisk, Requiem; whisk, Symphony; whisk …
    “Going to the Feelies this evening, Henry?” enquired the Assistant Predestinator. “I
    hear the new one at the Alhambra is first-rate. There’s a love scene on a bearskin
    rug; they say it’s marvellous. Every hair of the bear reproduced. The most amazing
    tactual effects.”
    “That’s why you’re taught no history,” the Controller was saying. “But now the time
    has come …”
    The D.H.C. looked at him nervously. There were those strange rumours of old
    forbidden books hidden in a safe in the Controller’s study. Bibles, poetry–Ford knew
    what.
    Mustapha Mond intercepted his anxious glance and the corners of his red lips
    twitched ironically.
    “It’s all right, Director,” he said in a tone of faint derision, “I won’t corrupt them.”
    The D.H.C. was overwhelmed with confusion.
    Those who feel themselves despised do well to look despising. The smile on
    Bernard Marx’s face was contemptuous. Every hair on the bear indeed!
    “I shall make a point of going,” said Henry Foster.
    Mustapha Mond leaned forward, shook a finger at them. “Just try to realize it,” he
    said, and his voice sent a strange thrill quivering along their diaphragms. “Try to
    realize what it was like to have a viviparous mother.”
    That smutty word again. But none of them dreamed, this time, of smiling.
    “Try to imagine what ‘living with one’s family’ meant.”
    They tried; but obviously without the smallest success.
    “And do you know what a ‘home’ was?”
    They shook their heads.
    From her dim crimson cellar Lenina Crowne shot up seventeen stories, turned to the
    right as she stepped out of the lift, walked down a long corridor and, opening the
    door marked GIRLS’ DRESSING-ROOM, plunged into a deafening chaos of arms and
    bosoms and underclothing. Torrents of hot water were splashing into or gurgling out
    of a hundred baths. Rumbling and hissing, eighty vibro-vacuum massage machines
    were simultaneously kneading and sucking the firm and sunburnt flesh of eighty
    superb female specimens. Every one was talking at the top of her voice. A Synthetic
    Music machine was warbling out a super-cornet solo.
    “Hullo, Fanny,” said Lenina to the young woman who had the pegs and locker next
    to hers.
    Fanny worked in the Bottling Room, and her surname was also Crowne. But as the
    two thousand million inhabitants of the plant had only ten thousand names between
    them, the coincidence was not particularly surprising.
    Lenina pulled at her zippers-downwards on the jacket, downwards with a
    double-handed gesture at the two that held trousers, downwards again to loosen her
    undergarment. Still wearing her shoes and stockings, she walked off towards the
    bathrooms.
    Home, home–a few small rooms, stiflingly over-inhabited by a man, by a
    periodically teeming woman, by a rabble of boys and girls of all ages. No air, no
    space; an understerilized prison; darkness, disease, and smells.
    (The Controller’s evocation was so vivid that one of the boys, more sensitive than
    the rest, turned pale at the mere description and was on the point of being sick.)
    Lenina got out of the bath, toweled herself dry, took hold of a long flexible tube
    plugged into the wall, presented the nozzle to her breast, as though she meant to
    commit suicide, pressed down the trigger. A blast of warmed air dusted her with the
    finest talcum powder. Eight different scents and eau-de-Cologne were laid on in little
    taps over the wash-basin. She turned on the third from the left, dabbed herself with
    chypre and, carrying her shoes and stockings in her hand, went out to see if one of
    the vibro-vacuum machines were free.
    And home was as squalid psychically as physically. Psychically, it was a rabbit hole, a
    midden, hot with the frictions of tightly packed life, reeking with emotion. What
    suffocating intimacies, what dangerous, insane, obscene relationships between the
    members of the family group! Maniacally, the mother brooded over her children (her
    children) … brooded over them like a cat over its kittens; but a cat that could talk, a
    cat that could say, “My baby, my baby,” over and over again. “My baby, and oh, oh,
    at my breast, the little hands, the hunger, and that unspeakable agonizing
    pleasure! Till at last my baby sleeps, my baby sleeps with a bubble of white milk at
    the corner of his mouth. My little baby sleeps …”
    “Yes,” said Mustapha Mond, nodding his head, “you may well shudder.”
    “Who are you going out with to-night?” Lenina asked, returning from the vibro-vac
    like a pearl illuminated from within, pinkly glowing.
    “Nobody.”
    Lenina raised her eyebrows in astonishment.
    “I’ve been feeling rather out of sorts lately,” Fanny explained. “Dr. Wells advised
    me to have a Pregnancy Substitute.”
    “But, my dear, you’re only nineteen. The first Pregnancy Substitute isn’t compulsory
    till twenty-one.”
    “I know, dear. But some people are better if they begin earlier. Dr. Wells told me
    that brunettes with wide pelvises, like me, ought to have their first Pregnancy
    Substitute at seventeen. So I’m really two years late, not two years early.” She
    opened the door of her locker and pointed to the row of boxes and labelled phials
    on the upper shelf.
    “SYRUP OF CORPUS LUTEUM,” Lenina read the names aloud. “OVARIN,
    GUARANTEED FRESH: NOT TO BE USED AFTER AUGUST 1ST, A.F. 632. MAMMARY
    GLAND EXTRACT: TO BE TAKEN THREE TIMES DAILY, BEFORE MEALS, WITH A LITTLE
    WATER. PLACENTIN: 5cc TO BE INJECTED INTRAVENALLY EVERY THIRD DAY … Ugh!”
    Lenina shuddered. “How I loathe intravenals, don’t you?”
    “Yes. But when they do one good …” Fanny was a particularly sensible girl.
    Our Ford–or Our Freud, as, for some inscrutable reason, he chose to call himself
    whenever he spoke of psychological matters–Our Freud had been the first to reveal
    the appalling dangers of family life. The world was full of fathers–was therefore full
    of misery; full of mothers–therefore of every kind of perversion from sadism to
    chastity; full of brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts–full of madness and suicide.
    “And yet, among the savages of Samoa, in certain islands off the coast of New
    Guinea …”
    The tropical sunshine lay like warm honey on the naked bodies of children tumbling
    promiscuously among the hibiscus blossoms. Home was in any one of twenty
    palm-thatched houses. In the Trobriands conception was the work of ancestral
    ghosts; nobody had ever heard of a father.
    “Extremes,” said the Controller, “meet. For the good reason that they were made to
    meet.”
    “Dr. Wells says that a three months’ Pregnancy Substitute now will make all the
    difference to my health for the next three or four years.”
    “Well, I hope he’s right,” said Lenina. “But, Fanny, do you really mean to say that
    for the next three moaths you’re not supposed to …”
    “Oh no, dear. Only for a week or two, that’s all. I shall spend the evening at the
    Club playing Musical Bridge. I suppose you’re going out?”
    Lenina nodded.
    “Who with?”
    “Henry Foster.”
    “Again?” Fanny’s kind, rather moon-like face took on an incongruous expression of
    pained and disapproving astonishment. “Do you mean to tell me you’re still going
    out with Henry Foster?”
    Mothers and fathers, brothers and sisters. But there were also husbands, wives,
    lovers. There were also monogamy and romance.
    “Though you probably don’t know what those are,” said Mustapha Mond.
    They shook their heads.
    Family, monogamy, romance. Everywhere exclusiveness, a narrow channelling of
    impulse and energy.
    “But every one belongs to every one else,” he concluded, citing the hypnop?dic
    proverb.
    The students nodded, emphatically agreeing with a statement which upwards of
    sixty-two thousand repetitions in the dark had made them accept, not merely as
    true, but as axiomatic, self-evident, utterly indisputable.
    “But after all,” Lenina was protesting, “it’s only about four months now since I’ve
    been having Henry.”
    “Only four months! I like that. And what’s more,” Fanny went on, pointing an
    accusing finger, “there’s been nobody else except Henry all that time. Has there?”
    Lenina blushed scarlet; but her eyes, the tone of her voice remained defiant. “No,
    there hasn’t been any one else,” she answered almost trucuently. “And I jolly well
    don’t see why there should have been.”
    “Oh, she jolly well doesn’t see why there should have been,” Fanny repeated, as
    though to an invisible listener behind Lenina’s left shoulder. Then, with a sudden
    change of tone, “But seriously,” she said, “I really do think you ought to be careful.
    It’s such horribly bad form to go on and on like this with one man. At forty, or
    thirty-five, it wouldrl’t be so bad. But at your age, Lenina! No, it really won’t do. And
    you know how strongly the D.H.C. objects to anything intense or long-drawn. Four
    months of Henry Foster, without having another man–why, he’d be furious if he
    knew …”
    “Think of water under pressure in a pipe.” They thought of it. “I pierce it once,” said
    the Controller. “What a jet!”
    He pierced it twenty times. There were twenty piddling little fountains.
    “My baby. My baby …!”
    “Mother!” The madness is infectious.
    “My love, my one and only, precious, precious …”
    Mother, monogamy, romance. High spurts the fountain; fierce and foamy the wild
    jet. The urge has but a single outlet. My love, my baby. No wonder these poor
    pre-moderns were mad and wicked and miserable. Their world didn’t allow them to
    take things easily, didn’t allow them to be sane, virtuous, happy. What with mothers
    and lovers, what with the prohibitions they were not conditioned to obey, what with
    the temptations and the lonely remorses, what with all the diseases and the endless
    isolating pain, what with the uncertainties and the poverty–they were forced to feel
    strongly. And feeling strongly (and strongly, what was more, in solitude, in
    hopelessly individual isolation), how could they be stable?
    “Of course there’s no need to give him up. Have somebody else from time to time,
    that’s all. He has other girls, doesn’t he?”
    Lenina admitted it.
    “Of course he does. Trust Henry Foster to be the perfect gentleman–always correct.
    And then there’s the Director to think of. You know what a stickler …”
    Nodding, “He patted me on the behind this afternoon,” said Lenina.
    “There, you see!” Fanny was triumphant. “That shows what he stands for. The
    strictest conventionality.”
    “Stability,” said the Controller, “stability. No civilization without social stability. No
    social stability without individual stability.” His voice was a trumpet. Listening they
    felt larger, warmer.
    The machine turns, turns and must keep on turning–for ever. It is death if it stands
    still. A thousand millions scrabbled the crust of the earth. The wheels began to turn.
    In a hundred and fifty years there were two thousand millions. Stop all the wheels.
    In a hundred and fifty weeks there are once more only a thousand millions; a
    thousand thousand thousand men and women have starved to death.
    Wheels must turn steadily, but cannot turn untended. There must be men to tend
    them, men as steady as the wheels upon their axles, sane men, obedient men,
    stable in contentment.
    Crying: My baby, my mother, my only, only love groaning: My sin, my terrible God;
    screaming with pain,muttering with fever, bemoaning old age and poverty–how can
    they tend the wheels? And if they cannot tend the wheels … The corpses of a
    thousand thousand thousand men and women would be hard to bury or burn.
    “And after all,” Fanny’s tone was coaxing, “it’s not as though there were anything
    painful or disagreeable about having one or two men besides Henry. And seeing
    that you ought to be a little more promiscuous …”
    “Stability,” insisted the Controller, “stability. The primal and the ultimate need.
    Stability. Hence all this.”
    With a wave of his hand he indicated the gardens, the huge building of the
    Conditioning Centre, the naked children furtive in the undergrowth or running across
    the lawns.
    Lenina shook her head. “Somehow,” she mused, “I hadn’t been feeling very keen
    on promiscuity lately. There are times when one doesn’t. Haven’t you found that
    too, Fanny?”
    Fanny nodded her sympathy and understanding. “But one’s got to make the effort,”
    she said, sententiously, “one’s got to play the game. After all, every one belongs to
    every one else.”
    “Yes, every one belongs to every one else,” Lenina repeated slowly and, sighing,
    was silent for a moment; then, taking Fanny’s hand, gave it a little squeeze.
    “You’re quite right, Fanny. As usual. I’ll make the effort.”
    Impulse arrested spills over, and the flood is feeling, the flood is passion, the flood
    is even madness: it depends on the force of the current, the height and strength of
    the barrier. The unchecked stream flows smoothly down its appointed channels into
    a calm well-being. (The embryo is hungry; day in, day out, the blood-surrogate
    pump unceasingly turns its eight hundred revolutions a minute. The decanted infant
    howls; at once a nurse appears with a bottle of external secretion. Feeling lurks in
    that interval of time between desire and its consummation. Shorten that interval,
    break down all those old unnecessary barriers.
    “Fortunate boys!” said the Controller. “No pains have been spared to make your
    lives emotionally easy–to preserve you, so far as that is possible, from having
    emotions at all.”
    “Ford’s in his flivver,” murmured the D.H.C. “All’s well with the world.”
    “Lenina Crowne?” said Henry Foster, echoing the Assistant Predestinator’s question
    as he zipped up his trousers. “Oh, she’s a splendid girl. Wonderfully pneumatic. I’m
    surprised you haven’t had her.”
    “I can’t think how it is I haven’t,” said the Assistant Predestinator. “I certainly will. At
    the first opportunity.”
    From his place on the opposite side of the changing-room aisle, Bernard Marx
    overheard what they were saying and turned pale.
    “And to tell the truth,” said Lenina, “I’m beginning to get just a tiny bit bored with
    nothing but Henry every day.” She pulled on her left stocking. “Do you know Bernard
    Marx?” she asked in a tone whose excessive casualness was evidently forced.
    Fanny looked startled. “You don’t mean to say …?”
    “Why not? Bernard’s an Alpha Plus. Besides, he asked me to go to one of the
    Savage Reservations with him. I’ve always wanted to see a Savage Reservation.”
    “But his reputation?”
    “What do I care about his reputation?”
    “They say he doesn’t like Obstacle Golf.”
    “They say, they say,” mocked Lenina.
    “And then he spends most of his time by himself–alone.” There was horror in
    Fanny’s voice.
    “Well, he won’t be alone when he’s with me. And anyhow, why are people so beastly
    to him? I think he’s rather sweet.” She smiled to herself; how absurdly shy he had
    been! Frightened almost–as though she were a World ControUer and he a
    Gamma-Minus machine minder.
    “Consider your own lives,” said Mustapha Mond. “Has any of you ever encountered
    an insurmountable obstacle?”
    The question was answered by a negative silence.
    “Has any of you been compelled to live through a long time-interval between the
    consciousness of a desire and its fufilment?”
    “Well,” began one of the boys, and hesitated.
    “Speak up,” said the D.H.C. “Don’t keep his fordship waiting.”
    “I once had to wait nearly four weeks before a girl I wanted woud let me have her.”
    “And you felt a strong emotion in consequence?”
    “Horrible!”
    “Horrible; precisely,” said the Controller. “Our ancestors were so stupid and
    short-sighted that when the first reformers came along and offered to deliver them
    from those horrible emotions, they woudn’t have anything to do with them.”
    “Talking about her as though she were a bit of meat.” Bernard ground his teeth.
    “Have her here, have her there.” Like mutton. Degrading her to so much mutton.
    She said she’d think it over, she said she’d give me an answer this week. Oh, Ford,
    Ford, Ford.” He would have liked to go up to them and hit them in the face–hard,
    again and again.
    “Yes, I really do advise you to try her,” Henry Foster was saying.
    “Take Ectogenesis. Pfitzner and Kawaguchi had got the whole technique worked out.
    But would the Governments look at it? No. There was something called Christianity.
    Women were forced to go on being viviparous.”
    “He’s so ugly!” said Fanny.
    “But I rather like his looks.”
    “And then so small.” Fanny made a grimace; smallness was so horribly and typically
    low-caste.
    “I think that’s rather sweet,” said Lenina. “One feels one would like to pet him. You
    know. Like a cat.”
    Fanny was shocked. “They say somebody made a mistake when he was still in the
    bottle–thought he was a Gamma and put alcohol into his blood-surrogate. That’s
    why he’s so stunted.”
    “What nonsense!” Lenina was indignant.
    “Sleep teaching was actually prohibited in England. There was something called
    liberalism. Parliament, if you know what that was, passed a law against it. The
    records survive. Speeches about liberty of the subject. Liberty to be inefficient and
    miserable. Freedom to be a round peg in a square hole.”
    “But, my dear chap, you’re welcome, I assure you. You’re welcome.” Henry Foster
    patted the Assistant Predestinator on the shoulder. “Every one belongs to every one
    else, after all.”
    One hundred repetitions three nights a week for four years, thought Bernard Marx,
    who was a specialist on hypnop?dia. Sixty-two thousand four hundred repetitions
    make one truth. Idiots!
    “Or the Caste System. Constantly proposed, constantly rejected. There was
    something called democracy. As though men were more than physico-chemically
    equal.”
    “Well, all I can say is that I’m going to accept his invitation.”
    Bernard hated them, hated them. But they were two, they were large, they were
    strong.
    “The Nine Years’ War began in A.F. 141.”
    “Not even if it were true about the alcohol in his blood-surrogate.”
    “Phosgene, chloropicrin, ethyl iodoacetate, diphenylcyanarsine, trichlormethyl,
    chloroformate, dichlorethyl sulphide. Not to mention hydrocyanic acid.”
    “Which I simply don’t believe,” Lenina concluded.
    “The noise of fourteen thousand aeroplanes advancing in open order. But in the
    Kurfurstendamm and the Eighth Arrondissement, the explosion of the anthrax
    bombs is hardly louder than the popping of a paper bag.”
    “Because I do want to see a Savage Reservation.”
    Ch3C6H2(NO2)3+Hg(CNO)2=well, what? An enormous hole in the ground, a pile of
    masonry, some bits of flesh and mucus, a foot, with the boot still on it, flying
    through the air and landing, flop, in the middle of the geraniums–the scarlet ones;
    such a splendid show that summer!
    “You’re hopeless, Lenina, I give you up.”
    “The Russian technique for infecting water supplies was particularly ingenious.”
    Back turned to back, Fanny and Lenina continued their changing in silence.
    “The Nine Years’ War, the great Economic Collapse. There was a choice between
    World Control and destruction. Between stability and …”
    “Fanny Crowne’s a nice girl too,” said the Assistant Predestmator.
    In the nurseries, the Elementary Class Consciousness lesson was over, the voices
    were adapting future demand to future industrial supply. “I do love flying,” they
    whispered, “I do love flying, I do love having new clothes, I do love …”
    “Liberalism, of course, was dead of anthrax, but all the same you couldn’t do things
    by force.”
    “Not nearly so pneumatic as Lenina. Oh, not nearly.”
    “But old clothes are beastly,” continued the untiring whisper. “We always throw away
    old clothes. Ending is better than mending, ending is better thast mending, ending
    is better …”
    “Government’s an affair of sitting, not hitting. You rule with the brains and the
    buttocks, never with the fists. For example, there was the conscription of
    consumption.”
    “There, I’m ready,” said Lenina, but Fanny remained speechless and averted. “Let’s
    make peace, Fanny darling.”
    “Every man, woman and child compelled to consume so much a year. In the
    interests of industry. The sole result …”
    “Ending is better than mending. The more stitches, the less riches; the more
    stitches …”
    “One of these days,” said Fanny, with dismal emphasis, “you’ll get into trouble.”
    “Conscientious objection on an enormous scale. Anything not to consume. Back to
    nature.”
    “I do love flying. I do love flying.”
    “Back to culture. Yes, actually to culture. You can’t consume much if you sit still and
    read books.”
    “Do I look all right?” Lenina asked. Her jacket was made of bottle green acetate
    cloth with green viscose fur; at the cuffs and collar.
    “Eight hundred Simple Lifers were mowed down by machine guns at Golders Green.”
    “Ending is better than mending, ending is better than mending.”
    Green corduroy shorts and white viscose-woollen stockings turned down below the knee.
    “Then came the famous British Museum Massacre. Two thousand culture fans
    gassed with dichlorethyl sulphide.”
    A green-and-white jockey cap shaded Lenina’s eyes; her shoes were bright green
    and highly polished.
    “In the end,” said Mustapha Mond, “the Controllers realized that force was no good.
    The slower but infinitely surer methods of ectogenesis, neo-Pavlovian conditioning
    and hypnop?dia …”
    And round her waist she wore a silver-mounted green morocco-surrogate cartridge
    belt, bulging (for Lenina was not a freemartin) with the regulation supply of
    contraceptives.
    “The discoveries of Pfitzner and Kawaguchi were at last made use of. An intensive
    propaganda against viviparous reproduction …”
    “Perfect!” cried Fanny enthusiastically. She could never resist Lenina’s charm for
    long. “And what a perfectly sweet Malthusian belt!”
    “Accompanied by a campaign against the Past; by the closing of museums, the
    blowing up of historical monuments (luckily most of them had already been
    destroyed during the Nine Years’ War); by the suppression of all books published
    before A.F. 15O.”
    “I simply must get one like it,” said Fanny.
    “There were some things called the pyramids, for example.
    “My old black-patent bandolier …”
    “And a man called Shakespeare. You’ve never heard of them of course.”
    “It’s an absolute disgrace–that bandolier of mine.”
    “Such are the advantages of a really scientific education.”
    “The more stitches the less riches; the more stitches the less …”
    “The introduction of Our Ford’s first T-Model …”
    “I’ve had it nearly three months.”
    “Chosen as the opening date of the new era.”
    “Ending is better than mending; ending is better …”
    “There was a thing, as I’ve said before, called Christianity.”
    “Ending is better than mending.”
    “The ethics and philosophy of under-consumption …”
    “I love new clothes, I love new clothes, I love …”
    “So essential when there was under-production; but in an age of machines and the
    fixation of nitrogen–positively a crime against society.”
    “Henry Foster gave it me.”
    “All crosses had their tops cut and became T’s. There was also a thing called God.”
    “It’s real morocco-surrogate.”
    “We have the World State now. And Ford’s Day celebrations, and Community Sings,
    and Solidarity Services.”
    “Ford, how I hate them!” Bernard Marx was thinking.
    “There was a thing called Heaven; but all the same they used to drink enormous
    quantities of alcohol.”
    “Like meat, like so much meat.”
    “There was a thing called the soul and a thing called immortality.”
    “Do ask Henry where he got it.”
    “But they used to take morphia and cocaine.”
    “And what makes it worse, she tlainks of herself as meat.”
    “Two thousand pharmacologists and bio-chemists were subsidized in A.P. 178.”
    “He does look glum,” said the Assistant Predestinator, pointing at Bernard Marx.
    “Six years later it was being produced commercially. The perfect drug.”
    “Let’s bait him.”
    “Euphoric, narcotic, pleasantly hallucinant.”
    “Glum, Marx, glum.” The clap on the shoulder made him start, look up. It was that
    brute Henry Foster. “What you need is a gramme of soma.”
    “All the advantages of Christianity and alcohol; none of their defects.”
    “Ford, I should like to kill him!” But all he did was to say, “No, thank you,” and fend
    off the proffered tube of tablets.
    “Take a holiday from reality whenever you like, and come back without so much as
    a headache or a mythology.”
    “Take it,” insisted Henry Foster, “take it.”
    “Stability was practically assured.”
    “One cubic centimetre cures ten gloomy sentiments,” said the Assistant
    Predestinator citing a piece of homely hypnop?dic wisdom.
    “It only remained to conquer old age.”
    “Damn you, damn you!” shouted Bernard Marx.
    “Hoity-toity.”
    “Gonadal hormones, transfusion of young blood, magnesium salts …”
    “And do remember that a gramme is better than a damn.” They went out, laughing.
    “All the physiological stigmata of old age have been abolished. And along with
    them, of course …”
    “Don’t forget to ask him about that Malthusian belt,” said Fanny.
    “Along with them all the old man’s mental peculiarities. Characters remain constant
    throughout a whole lifetime.”
    “… two rounds of Obstacle Golf to get through before dark. I must fly.”
    “Work, play–at sixty our powers and tastes are what they were at seventeen. Old
    men in the bad old days used to renounce, retire, take to religion, spend their time
    reading, thinking–thinking!”
    “Idiots, swine!” Bernard Marx was saying to himself, as he walked down the corridor
    to the lift.
    “Now–such is progress–the old men work, the old men copulate, the old men have
    no time, no leisure from pleasure, not a moment to sit down and think–or if ever by
    some unlucky chance such a crevice of time shoud yawn in the solid substance of
    their distractions, there is always soma, delicious soma, half a gramme for a
    half-holiday, a gramme for a week-end, two grammes for a trip to the gorgeous
    East, three for a dark eternity on the moon; returning whence they find themselves
    on the other side of the crevice, safe on the solid ground of daily labour and
    distraction, scampering from feely to feely, from girl to pneumatic girl, from
    Electromagnetic Golf course to …”
    “Go away, little girl,” shouted the D.H.C. angrily. “Go away, little boy! Can’t you see
    that his fordship’s busy? Go and do your erotic play somewhere else.”
    “Suffer little children,” said the Controller.
    Slowly, majestically, with a faint humming of machinery, the Conveyors moved
    forward, thirty-three centimters an hour. In the red darkness glinted innumerable
    rubies.

    Chapter Four

    THE LIFT was crowded with men from the Alpha Changing Rooms, and Lenina’s entry
    wars greeted by many friendly nods and smiles. She was a popular girl and, at one
    time or another, had spent a night with almost all of them.
    They were dear boys, she thought, as she returned their salutations. Charming
    boys! Still, she did wish that George Edzel’s ears weren’t quite so big (perhaps he’d
    been given just a spot too much parathyroid at Metre 328?). And looking at Benito
    Hoover, she couldn’t help remembering that he was really too hairy when he took his
    clothes off.
    Turning, with eyes a little saddened by the recollection, of Benito’s curly blackness,
    she saw in a corner the small thin body, the melancholy face of Bernard Marx.
    “Bernard!” she stepped up to him. “I was looking for you.” Her voice rang clear
    above the hum of the mounting lift. The others looked round curiously. “I wanted to
    talk to you about our New Mexico plan.” Out of the tail of her eye she could see
    Benito Hoover gaping with astonishment. The gape annoyed her. “Surprised I
    shouldn’t be begging to go with him again!” she said to herself. Then aloud, and
    more warmly than ever, “I’d simply love to come with you for a week in July,” she
    went on. (Anyhow, she was publicly proving her unfaithfulness to Henry. Fanny ought
    to be pleased, even though it was Bernard.) “That is,” Lenina gave him her most
    deliciously significant smile, “if you still want to have me.”
    Bernard’s pale face flushed. “What on earth for?” she wondered, astonished, but at
    the same time touched by this strange tribute to her power.
    “Hadn’t we better talk about it somewhere else?” he stammered, looking horribly
    uncomfortable.
    “As though I’d been saying something shocking,” thought Lenina. “He couldn’t look
    more upset if I’d made a dirty joke–asked him who his mother was, or something
    like that.”
    “I mean, with all these people about …” He was choked with confusion.
    Lenina’s laugh was frank and wholly unmalicious. “How funny you are!” she said;
    and she quite genuinely did think him funny. “You’ll give me at least a week’s
    warning, won’t you,” she went on in another tone. “I suppose we take the Blue
    Pacific Rocket? Does it start from the Charing-T Tower? Or is it from Hampstead?”
    Before Bernard could answer, the lift came to a standstill.
    “Roof!” called a creaking voice.
    The liftman was a small simian creature, dressed in the black tunic of an
    Epsilon-Minus Semi-Moron.
    “Roof!”
    He flung open the gates. The warm glory of afternoon sunlight made him start and
    blink his eyes. “Oh, roof!” he repeated in a voice of rapture. He was as though
    suddenly and joyfully awakened from a dark annihilating stupor. “Roof!”
    He smiled up with a kind of doggily expectant adoration into the faces of his
    passengers. Talking and laughing together, they stepped out into the light. The
    liftman looked after them.
    “Roof?” he said once more, questioningly.
    Then a bell rang, and from the ceiling of the lift a loud speaker began, very softly
    and yet very imperiously, to issue its commands.
    “Go down,” it said, “go down. Floor Eighteen. Go down, go down. Floor Eighteen. Go
    down, go …”
    The liftman slammed the gates, touched a button and instantly dropped back into
    the droning twilight of the well, the twilight of his own habitual stupor.
    It was warm and bright on the roof. The summer afternoon was drowsy with the hum
    of passing helicopters; and the deeper drone of the rocket-planes hastening,
    invisible, through the bright sky five or six miles overhead was like a caress on the
    soft air. Bernard Marx drew a deep breath. He looked up into the sky and round the
    blue horizon and finally down into Lenina’s face.
    “Isn’t it beautiful!” His voice trembled a little.
    She smiled at him with an expression of the most sympathetic understanding.
    “Simply perfect for Obstacle Golf,” she answered rapturously. “And now I must fly,
    Bernard. Henry gets cross if I keep him waiting. Let me know in good time about
    the date.” And waving her hand she ran away across the wide flat roof towards the
    hangars. Bernard stood watching the retreating twinkle of the white stockings, the
    sunburnt knees vivaciously bending and unbending again, again, and the softer
    rolling of those well-fitted corduroy shorts beneath the bottle green jacket. His face
    wore an expression of pain.
    “I should say she was pretty,” said a loud and cheery voice just behind him.
    Bernard started and looked around. The chubby red face of Benito Hoover was
    beaming down at him–beaming with manifest cordiality. Benito was notoriously
    good-natured. People said of him that he could have got through life without ever
    touching soma. The malice and bad tempers from which other people had to take
    holidays never afflicted him. Reality for Benito was always sunny.
    “Pneumatic too. And how!” Then, in another tone: “But, I say,” he went on, “you do
    look glum! What you need is a gramme of soma.” Diving into his right-hand
    trouser-pocket, Benito produced a phial. “One cubic centimetre cures ten gloomy …
    But, I say!”
    Bernard had suddenly turned and rushed away.
    Benito stared after him. “What can be the matter with the fellow?” he wondered,
    and, shaking his head, decided that the story about the alcohol having been put
    into the poor chap’s blood-surrogate must be true. “Touched his brain, I suppose.”
    He put away the soma bottle, and taking out a packet of sex-hormone
    chewing-gum, stuffed a plug into his cheek and walked slowly away towards the
    hangars, ruminating.
    Henry Foster had had his machine wheeled out of its lock-up and, when Lenina
    arrived, was already seated in the cockpit, waiting.
    “Four minutes late,” was all his comment, as she climbed in beside him. He started
    the engines and threw the helicopter screws into gear. The machine shot vertically
    into the air. Henry accelerated; the humming of the propeller shrilled from hornet to
    wasp, from wasp to mosquito; the speedometer showed that they were rising at the
    best part of two kilometres a minute. London diminished beneath them. The huge
    table-topped buildings were no more, in a few seconds, than a bed of geometrical
    mushrooms sprouting from the green of park and garden. In the midst of them,
    thin-stalked, a taller, slenderer fungus, the Charing-T Tower lifted towards the sky a
    disk of shining concrete.
    Like the vague torsos of fabulous athletes, huge fleshy clouds lolled on the blue air
    above their heads. Out of one of them suddenly dropped a small scarlet insect,
    buzzing as it fell.
    “There’s the Red Rocket,” said Henry, “just come in from New York.” Looking at his
    watch. “Seven minutes behind time,” he added, and shook his head. “These Atlantic
    services–they’re really scandalously unpunctual.”
    He took his foot off the accelerator. The humming of the screws overhead dropped
    an octave and a half, back through wasp and hornet to bumble bee, to cockchafer,
    to stag-beetle. The upward rush of the machine slackened off; a moment later they
    were hanging motionless in the air. Henry pushed at a lever; there was a click.
    Slowly at first, then faster and faster, till it was a circular mist before their eyes, the
    propeller in front of them began to revolve. The wind of a horizontal speed whistled
    ever more shrilly in the stays. Henry kept his eye on the revolution-counter; when
    the needle touched the twelve hundred mark, he threw the helicopter screws out of
    gear. The machine had enough forward momentum to be able to fly on its planes.
    Lenina looked down through the window in the floor between her feet. They were
    flying over the six kilometre zone of park-land that separated Central London from
    its first ring of satellite suburbs. The green was maggoty with fore-shortened life.
    Forests of Centrifugal Bumble-puppy towers gleamed between the trees. Near
    Shepherd’s Bush two thousand Beta-Minus mixed doubles were playing
    Riemann-surface tennis. A double row of Escalator Fives Courts lined the main road
    from Notting Hill to Willesden. In the Ealing stadium a Delta gymnastic display and
    community sing was in progress.
    “What a hideous colour khaki is,” remarked Lenina, voicing the hypnop?dic
    prejudices of her caste.
    The buildings of the Hounslow Feely Studio covered seven and a half hectares. Near
    them a black and khaki army of labourers was busy revitrifying the surface of the
    Great West Road. One of the huge travelling crucibles was being tapped as they flew
    over. The molten stone poured out in a stream of dazzling incandescence across
    the road, the asbestos rollers came and went; at the tail of an insulated watering
    cart the steam rose in white clouds.
    At Brentford the Television Corporation’s factory was like a small town.
    “They must be changing the shift,” said Lenina.
    Like aphides and ants, the leaf-green Gamma girls, the black Semi-Morons
    swarmed round the entrances, or stood in queues to take their places in the
    monorail tram-cars. Mulberry-coloured Beta-Minuses came and went among the
    crowd. The roof of the main building was alive with the alighting and departure of
    helicopters.
    “My word,” said Lenina, “I’m glad I’m not a Gamma.”
    Ten minutes later they were at Stoke Poges and had started their first round of Obstacle Golf.
    § 2
    WITH eyes for the most part downcast and, if ever they lighted on a fellow creature,
    at once and furtively averted, Bernard hastened across the roof. He was like a man
    pursued, but pursued by enemies he does not wish to see, lest they should seem
    more hostile even than he had supposed, and he himself be made to feel guiltier
    and even more helplessly alone.
    “That horrible Benito Hoover!” And yet the man had meant well enough. Which only
    made it, in a way, much worse. Those who meant well behaved in the same way as
    those who meant badly. Even Lenina was making him suffer. He remembered those
    weeks of timid indecision, during which he had looked and longed and despaired of
    ever having the courage to ask her. Dared he face the risk of being humiliated by a
    contemptuous refusal? But if she were to say yes, what rapture! Well, now she had
    said it and he was still wretched–wretched that she should have thought it such a
    perfect afternoon for Obstacle Golf, that she should have trotted away to join Henry
    Foster, that she should have found him funny for not wanting to talk of their most
    private affairs in public. Wretched, in a word, because she had behaved as any
    healthy and virtuous English girl ought to behave and not in some other, abnormal,
    extraordinary way.
    He opened the door of his lock-up and called to a lounging couple of Delta-Minus
    attendants to come and push his machine out on to the roof. The hangars were
    staffed by a single Bokanovsky Group, and the men were twins, identically small,
    black and hideous. Bernard gave his orders in the sharp, rather arrogant and even
    offensive tone of one who does not feel himself too secure in his superiority. To
    have dealings with members of the lower castes was always, for Bernard, a most
    distressing experience. For whatever the cause (and the current gossip about the
    alcohol in his blood-surrogate may very likely–for accidents will happen–have been
    true) Bernard’s physique as hardly better than that of the average Gamma. He
    stood eight centimetres short of the standard Alpha height and was slender in
    proportion. Contact with members of he lower castes always reminded him painfully
    of this physical inadequacy. “I am I, and wish I wasn’t”; his self-consciousness was
    acute and stressing. Each time he found himself looking on the level, instead of
    downward, into a Delta’s face, he felt humiliated. Would the creature treat him with
    the respect due to his caste? The question haunted him. Not without reason. For
    Gammas, Deltas and Epsilons had been to some extent conditioned to associate
    corporeal mass with social superiority. Indeed, a faint hypnop?dic prejudice in
    favour of size was universal. Hence the laughter of the women to whom he made
    proposals, the practical joking of his equals among the men. The mockery made
    him feel an outsider; and feeling an outsider he behaved like one, which increased
    the prejudice against him and intensified the contempt and hostility aroused by his
    physical defects. Which in turn increased his sense of being alien and alone. A
    chronic fear of being slighted made him avoid his equals, made him stand, where
    his inferiors were concerned, self-consciously on his dignity. How bitterly he envied
    men like Henry Foster and Benito Hoover! Men who never had to shout at an Epsilon
    to get an order obeyed; men who took their position for granted; men who moved
    through the caste system as a fish through water–so utterly at home as to be
    unaware either of themselves or of the beneficent and comfortable element in which
    they had their being.
    Slackly, it seemed to him, and with reluctance, the twin attendants wheeled his plane out on the roof.
    “Hurry up!” said Bernard irritably. One of them glanced at him. Was that a kind of
    bestial derision that he detected in those blank grey eyes? “Hurry up!” he shouted
    more loudly, and there was an ugly rasp in his voice.
    He climbed into the plane and, a minute later, was flying southwards, towards the
    river.
    The various Bureaux of Propaganda and the College of Emotional Engineering were
    housed in a single sixty-story building in Fleet Street. In the basement and on the
    low floors were the presses and offices of the three great Lodon newspapers–The
    Hourly Radio, an upper-caste sheet, the pale green Gamma Gazette, and, on khaki
    paper and in words exclusively of one syllable, The Delta Mirror. Then came the
    Bureaux of Propaganda by Television, by Feeling Picture, and by Synthetic Voice and
    Music respectively–twenty-two floors of them. Above were the search laboratories
    and the padded rooms in which Sound-Track Writers and Synthetic Composers did
    the delicate work. The top eighteen floors were occupied the College of Emotional
    Engineering.
    Bernard landed on the roof of Propaganda House and stepped out.
    “Ring down to Mr. Helmholtz Watson,” he ordered the Gamma-Plus porter, “and tell
    him that Mr. Bernard Marx is waiting for him on the roof.”
    He sat down and lit a cigarette.
    Helmholtz Watson was writing when the message came down.
    “Tell him I’m coming at once,” he said and hung up the receiver. Then, turning to
    his secretary, “I’ll leave you to put my things away,” he went on in the same official
    and impersonal tone; and, ignoring her lustrous smile, got up and walked briskly to
    the door.
    He was a powerfully built man, deep-chested, broad-shouldered, massive, and yet
    quick in his movements, springy and agile. The round strong pillar of his neck
    supported a beautifully shaped head. His hair was dark and curly, his features
    strongly marked. In a forcible emphatic way, he was handsome and looked, as his
    secretety was never tired of repeating, every centimetre an Alpha Plus. By
    profession he was a lecturer at the College of Emotional Engineering (Department of
    Writing) and the intervals of his educational activities, a working Emotional Engineer.
    He wrote regularly for The Hourly Radio, composed feely scenarios, and had the
    happiest knack for slogans and hypnop?dic rhymes.
    “Able,” was the verdict of his superiors. “Perhaps, (and they would shake their
    heads, would significantly lower their voices) “a little too able.”
    Yes, a little too able; they were right. A mental excess had produced in Helmholtz
    Watson effects very similar to those which, in Bernard Marx, were the result of a
    physical defect. Too little bone and brawn had isolated Bernard from his fellow men,
    and the sense of this apartness, being, by all the current standards, a mental
    excess, became in its turn a cause of wider separation. That which had made
    Helmholtz so uncomfortably aware of being himself and and all alone was too much
    ability. What the two men shared was the knowledge that they were individuals. But
    whereas the physically defective Bernard had suffered all his life from the
    consciousness of being separate, it was only quite recently that, grown aware of his
    mental excess, Helmholtz Watson had also become aware of his difference from the
    people who surrounded him. This Escalator-Squash champion, this indefatigable
    lover (it was said that he had had six hundred and forty different girls in under four
    years), this admirable committee man and best mixer had realized quite suddenly
    that sport, women, communal activities were only, so far as he was concerned,
    second bests. Really, and at the bottom, he was interested in something else. But
    in what? In what? That was the problem which Bernard had come to discuss with
    him–or rather, since it was always Helmholtz who did all the talking, to listen to his
    friend discussing, yet once more.
    Three charming girls from the Bureau of Propaganda by Synthetic Voice waylaid him
    as he stepped out of the lift.
    “Oh, Helmholtz, darling, do come and have a picnic supper with us on Exmoor.”
    They clung round him imploringly.
    He shook his head, he pushed his way through them. “No, no.”
    “We’re not inviting any other man.”
    But Helmholtz remained unshaken even by this delightful promise. “No,” he
    repeated, “I’m busy.” And he held resolutely on his course. The girls trailed after
    him. It was not till he had actually climbed into Bernard’s plane and slammed the
    door that they gave up pursuit. Not without reproaches.
    “These women!” he said, as the machine rose into the air. “These women!” And he
    shook his head, he frowned. “Too awful,” Bernard hypocritically agreed, wishing, as
    he spoke the words, that he could have as many girls as Helmholtz did, and with as
    little trouble. He was seized with a sudden urgent need to boast. “I’m taking Lenina
    Crowne to New Mexico with me,” he said in a tone as casual as he could make it.
    “Are you?” said Helmholtz, with a total absence of interest. Then after a little pause,
    “This last week or two,” he went on, “I’ve been cutting all my committees and all my
    girls. You can’t imagine what a hullabaloo they’ve been making about it at the
    College. Still, it’s been worth it, I think. The effects …” He hesitated. “Well, they’re
    odd, they’re very odd.”
    A physical shortcoming could produce a kind of mental excess. The process, it
    seemed, was reversible. Mental excess could produce, for its own purposes, the
    voluntary blindness and deafness of deliberate solitude, the artificial impotence of
    asceticism.
    The rest of the short flight was accomplished in silence. When they had arrived and
    were comfortably stretched out on the pneumatic sofas in Bernard’s room,
    Helmholtz began again.
    Speaking very slowly, “Did you ever feel,” he asked, “as though you had something
    inside you that was only waiting for you to give it a chance to come out? Some sort
    of extra power that you aren’t using–you know, like all the water that goes down the
    falls instead of through the turbines?” He looked at Bernard questioningly.
    “You mean all the emotions one might be feeling if things were different?”
    Helmholtz shook his head. “Not quite. I’m thinking of a queer feeling I sometimes
    get, a feeling that I’ve got something important to say and the power to say it–only
    I don’t know what it is, and I can’t make any use of the power. If there was some
    different way of writing … Or else something else to write about …” He was silent;
    then, “You see,” he went on at last, “I’m pretty good at inventing phrases–you
    know, the sort of words that suddenly make you jump, almost as though you’d sat
    on a pin, they seem so new and exciting even though they’re about something
    hypnop?dically obvious. But that doesn’t seem enough. It’s not enough for the
    phrases to be good; what you make with them ought to be good too.”
    “But your things are good, Helmholtz.”
    “Oh, as far as they go.” Helmholtz shrugged his shoulders. “But they go such a little
    way. They aren’t important enough, somehow. I feel I could do something much
    more important. Yes, and more intense, more violent. But what? What is there more
    important to say? And how can one be violent about the sort of things one’s
    expected to write about? Words can be like X-rays, if you use them properly–they’ll
    go through anything. You read and you’re pierced. That’s one of the things I try to
    teach my students–how to write piercingly. But what on earth’s the good of being
    pierced by an article about a Community Sing, or the latest improvement in scent
    organs? Besides, can you make words really piercing–you know, like the very
    hardest X-rays–when you’re writing about that sort of thing? Can you say something
    about nothing? That’s what it finally boils down to. I try and I try …”
    “Hush!” said Bernard suddenly, and lifted a warning finger; they listened. “I believe
    there’s somebody at the door,” he whispered.
    Helmholtz got up, tiptoed across the room, and with a sharp quick movement flung
    the door wide open. There was, of course, nobody there.
    “I’m sorry,” said Bernard, feelling and looking uncomfortably foolish. “I suppose
    I’ve got things on my nerves a bit. When people are suspicious with you, you start
    being suspicious with them.”
    He passed his hand across his eyes, he sighed, his voice became plaintive. He was
    justifying himself. “If you knew what I’d had to put up with recently,” he said almost
    tearfully–and the uprush of his self-pity was like a fountain suddenly released. “If
    you only knew!”
    Helmholtz Watson listened with a certain sense of discomfort. “Poor little Bernard!” he said to himself. But at the same time he felt rather ashamed for his friend. He wished Bernard would show a little more pride.

    Chapter Five

    BY EIGHT O’CLOCK the light was failing. The loud speaker in the tower of the Stoke Poges Club House began, in a more than human tenor, to announce the closing of the courses. Lenina and Henry abandoned their game and walked back towards the Club. From the grounds of the Internal and External Secretion Trust came the lowing of those thousands of cattle which provided, with their hormones and their milk, the raw materials for the great factory at Farnham Royal.

    An incessant buzzing of helicopters filled the twilight. Every two and a half minutes a
    bell and the screech of whistles announced the departure of one of the light
    monorail trains which carried the lower caste golfers back from their separate course
    to the metropolis.
    Lenina and Henry climbed into their machine and started off. At eight hundred feet
    Henry slowed down the helicopter screws, and they hung for a minute or two poised
    above the fading landscape. The forest of Burnham Beeches stretched like a great
    pool of darkness towards the bright shore of the western sky. Crimson at the
    horizon, the last of the sunset faded, through orange, upwards into yellow and a
    pale watery green. Northwards, beyond and above the trees, the Internal and
    External Secretions factory glared with a fierce electric brilliance from every window of
    its twenty stories. Beneath them lay the buildings of the Golf Club–the huge Lower
    Caste barracks and, on the other side of a dividing wall, the smaller houses
    reserved for Alpha and Beta members. The approaches to the monorail station were
    black with the ant-like pullulation of lower-caste activity. From under the glass vault
    a lighted train shot out into the open. Following its southeasterly course across the
    dark plain their eyes were drawn to the majestic buildings of the Slough
    Crematorium. For the safety of night-flying planes, its four tall chimneys were
    flood-lighted and tipped with crimson danger signals. It was a landmark.
    “Why do the smoke-stacks have those things like balconies around them?”
    enquired Lenina.
    “Phosphorus recovery,” explained Henry telegraphically. “On their way up the
    chimney the gases go through four separate treatments. P2O5 used to go right out
    of circulation every time they cremated some one. Now they recover over
    ninety-eight per cent of it. More than a kilo and a half per adult corpse. Which
    makes the best part of four hundred tons of phosphorus every year from England
    alone.” Henry spoke with a happy pride, rejoicing whole-heartedly in the
    achievement, as though it had been his own. “Fine to think we can go on being
    socially useful even after we’re dead. Making plants grow.”
    Lenina, meanwhile, had turned her eyes away and was looking perpendicularly
    downwards at the monorail station. “Fine,” she agreed. “But queer that Alphas and
    Betas won’t make any more plants grow than those nasty little Gammas and Deltas
    and Epsilons down there.”
    “All men are physico-chemically equal,” said Henry sententiously. “Besides, even
    Epsilons perform indispensable services.”
    “Even an Epsilon …” Lenina suddenly remembered an occasion when, as a little girl
    at school, she had woken up in the middle of the night and become aware, for the
    first time, of the whispering that had haunted all her sleeps. She saw again the
    beam of moonlight, the row of small white beds; heard once more the soft, soft
    voice that said (the words were there, unforgotten, unforgettable after so many
    night-long repetitions): “Every one works for every one else. We can’t do without
    any one. Even Epsilons are useful. We couldn’t do without Epsilons. Every one works
    for every one else. We can’t do without any one …” Lenina remembered her first
    shock of fear and surprise; her speculations through half a wakeful hour; and then,
    under the influence of those endless repetitions, the gradual soothing of her mind,
    the soothing, the smoothing, the stealthy creeping of sleep. …
    “I suppose Epsilons don’t really mind being Epsilons,” she said aloud.
    “Of course they don’t. How can they? They don’t know what it’s like being anything
    else. We’d mind, of course. But then we’ve been differently conditioned. Besides, we
    start with a different heredity.”
    “I’m glad I’m not an Epsilon,” said Lenina, with conviction.
    “And if you were an Epsilon,” said Henry, “your conditioning would have made you
    no less thankful that you weren’t a Beta or an Alpha.” He put his forward propeller
    into gear and headed the machine towards London. Behind them, in the west, the
    crimson and orange were almost faded; a dark bank of cloud had crept into the
    zenith. As they flew over the crematorium, the plane shot upwards on the column of
    hot air rising from the chimneys, only to fall as suddenly when it passed into the
    descending chill beyond.
    “What a marvellous switchback!” Lenina laughed delightedly.
    But Henry’s tone was almost, for a moment, melancholy. “Do you know what that
    switchback was?” he said. “It was some human being finally and definitely
    disappearing. Going up in a squirt of hot gas. It would be curious to know who it
    was–a man or a woman, an Alpha or an Epsilon. …” He sighed. Then, in a resolutely
    cheerful voice, “Anyhow,” he concluded, “there’s one thing we can be certain of;
    whoever he may have been, he was happy when he was alive. Everybody’s happy
    now.”
    “Yes, everybody’s happy now,” echoed Lenina. They had heard the words repeated
    a hundred and fifty times every night for twelve years.
    Landing on the roof of Henry’s forty-story apartment house in Westminster, they
    went straight down to the dining-hall. There, in a loud and cheerful company, they
    ate an excellent meal. Soma was served with the coffee. Lenina took two
    half-gramme tablets and Henry three. At twenty past nine they walked across the
    street to the newly opened Westminster Abbey Cabaret. It was a night almost
    without clouds, moonless and starry; but of this on the whole depressing fact Lenina
    and Henry were fortunately unaware. The electric sky-signs effectively shut off the
    outer darkness. “CALVIN STOPES AND HIS SIXTEEN SEXOPHONISTS.” From the
    fa?ade of the new Abbey the giant letters invitingly glared. “LONDON’S FINEST SCENT
    AND COLOUR ORGAN. ALL THE LATEST SYNTHETIC MUSIC.”
    They entered. The air seemed hot and somehow breathless with the scent of
    ambergris and sandalwood. On the domed ceiling of the hall, the colour organ had
    momentarily painted a tropical sunset. The Sixteen Sexophonists were playing an
    old favourite: “There ain’t no Bottle in all the world like that dear little Bottle of
    mine.” Four hundred couples were five-stepping round the polished floor. Lenina
    and Henry were soon the four hundred and first. The saxophones wailed like
    melodious cats under the moon, moaned in the alto and tenor registers as though
    the little death were upon them. Rich with a wealth of harmonics, their tremulous
    chorus mounted towards a climax, louder and ever louder–until at last, with a wave
    of his hand, the conductor let loose the final shattering note of ether-music and
    blew the sixteen merely human blowers clean out of existence. Thunder in A flat
    major. And then, in all but silence, in all but darkness, there followed a gradual
    deturgescence, a diminuendo sliding gradually, through quarter tones, down, down to
    a faintly whispered dominant chord that lingered on (while the five-four rhythms still
    pulsed below) charging the darkened seconds with an intense expectancy. And at
    last expectancy was fulfilled. There was a sudden explosive sunrise, and
    simultaneously, the Sixteen burst into song:
    “Bottle of mine, it’s you I’ve always wanted!
    Bottle of mine, why was I ever decanted?
    Skies are blue inside of you,
    The weather’s always fine;
    For
    There ain’t no Bottle in all the world
    Like that dear little Bottle of mine.”
    Five-stepping with the other four hundred round and round Westminster Abbey,
    Lenina and Henry were yet dancing in another world–the warm, the richly coloured,
    the infinitely friendly world of soma-holiday. How kind, how good-looking, how
    delightfully amusing every one was! “Bottle of mine, it’s you I’ve always wanted …”
    But Lenina and Henry had what they wanted … They were inside, here and
    now-safely inside with the fine weather, the perennially blue sky. And when,
    exhausted, the Sixteen had laid by their saxophones and the Synthetic Music
    apparatus was producing the very latest in slow Malthusian Blues, they might have
    been twin embryos gently rocking together on the waves of a bottled ocean of
    blood-surrogate.
    “Good-night, dear friends. Good-night, dear friends.” The loud speakers veiled their
    commands in a genial and musical politeness. “Good-night, dear friends …”
    Obediently, with all the others, Lenina and Henry left the building. The depressing
    stars had travelled quite some way across the heavens. But though the separating
    screen of the sky-signs had now to a great extent dissolved, the two young people
    still retained their happy ignorance of the night.
    Swallowing half an hour before closing time, that second dose of soma had raised a
    quite impenetrable wall between the actual universe and their minds. Bottled, they
    crossed the street; bottled, they took the lift up to Henry’s room on the
    twenty-eighth floor. And yet, bottled as she was, and in spite of that second
    gramme of soma, Lenina did not forget to take all the contraceptive precautions
    prescribed by the regulations. Years of intensive hypnop?dia and, from twelve to
    seventeen, Malthusian drill three times a week had made the taking of these
    precautions almost as automatic and inevitable as blinking.
    “Oh, and that reminds me,” she said, as she came back from the bathroom, “Fanny
    Crowne wants to know where you found that lovely green morocco-surrogate
    cartridge belt you gave me.”
    § 2
    ALTERNATE Thursdays were Bernard’s Solidarity Service days. After an early dinner at
    the Aphroditzeum (to which Helrnholtz had recently been elected under Rule Two) he
    took leave of his friend and, hailing a taxi on the roof told the man to fly to the
    Fordson Community Singery. The machine rose a couple of hundred metres, then
    headed eastwards, and as it turned, there before Bernard’s eyes, gigantically
    beautiful, was the Singery. Flood-lighted, its three hundred and twenty metres of
    white Carrara-surrogate gleamed with a snowy incandescence over Ludgate Hill; at
    each of the four corners of its helicopter platform an immense T shone crimson
    against the night, and from the mouths of twenty-four vast golden trumpets
    rumbled a solemn synthetic music.
    “Damn, I’m late,” Bernard said to himself as he first caught sight of Big Henry, the
    Singery clock. And sure enough, as he was paying off his cab, Big Henry sounded
    the hour. “Ford,” sang out an immense bass voice from all the golden trumpets.
    “Ford, Ford, Ford …” Nine times. Bernard ran for the lift.
    The great auditorium for Ford’s Day celebrations and other massed Community
    Sings was at the bottom of the building. Above it, a hundred to each floor, were the
    seven thousand rooms used by Solidarity Groups for their fortnight services. Bernard
    dropped down to floor thirty-three, hurried along the corridor, stood hesitating for a
    moment outside Room 3210, then, having wound himself up, opened the door and
    walked in.
    Thank Ford! he was not the last. Three chairs of the twelve arranged round the
    circular table were still unoccupied. He slipped into the nearest of them as
    inconspicuously as he could and prepared to frown at the yet later comers whenever
    they should arrive.
    Turning towards him, “What were you playing this afternoon?” the girl on his left
    enquired. “Obstacle, or Electro-magnetic?”
    Bernard looked at her (Ford! it was Morgana Rothschild) and blushingly had to admit
    that he had been playing neither. Morgana stared at him with astonishment. There
    was an awkward silence.
    Then pointedly she turned away and addressed herself to the more sporting man on
    her left.
    “A good beginning for a Solidarity Service,” thought Bernard miserably, and foresaw
    for himself yet another failure to achieve atonement. If only he had given himself
    time to look around instead of scuttling for the nearest chair! He could have sat
    between Fifi Bradlaugh and Joanna Diesel. Instead of which he had gone and blindly
    planted himself next to Morgana. Morgana! Ford! Those black eyebrows of hers–that
    eyebrow, rather–for they met above the nose. Ford! And on his right was Clara
    Deterding. True, Clara’s eyebrows didn’t meet. But she was really too pneumatic.
    Whereas Fifi and Joanna were absolutely right. Plump, blonde, not too large … And
    it was that great lout, Tom Kawaguchi, who now took the seat between them.
    The last arrival was Sarojini Engels.
    “You’re late,” said the President of the Group severely. “Don’t let it happen again.”
    Sarojini apologized and slid into her place between Jim Bokanovsky and Herbert
    Bakunin. The group was now complete, the solidarity circle perfect and without flaw.
    Man, woman, man, in a ring of endless alternation round the table. Twelve of them
    ready to be made one, waiting to come together, to be fused, to lose their twelve
    separate identities in a larger being.
    The President stood up, made the sign of the T and, switching on the synthetic
    music, let loose the soft indefatigable beating of drums and a choir of
    instruments–near-wind and super-string–that plangently repeated and repeated the
    brief and unescapably haunting melody of the first Solidarity Hymn. Again,
    again–and it was not the ear that heard the pulsing rhythm, it was the midriff; the
    wail and clang of those recurring harmonies haunted, not the mind, but the yearning
    bowels of compassion.
    The President made another sign of the T and sat down. The service had begun.
    The dedicated soma tablets were placed in the centre of the table. The loving cup of
    strawberry ice-cream soma was passed from hand to hand and, with the formula, “I
    drink to my annihilation,” twelve times quaffed. Then to the accompaniment of the
    synthetic orchestra the First Solidarity Hymn was sung.
    “Ford, we are twelve; oh, make us one,
    Like drops within the Social River,
    Oh, make us now together run
    As swiftly as thy shining Flivver.”
    Twelve yearning stanzas. And then the loving cup was passed a second time. “I
    drink to the Greater Being” was now the formula. All drank. Tirelessly the music
    played. The drums beat. The crying and clashing of the harmonies were an
    obsession in the melted bowels. The Second Solidarity Hymn was sung.
    “Come, Greater Being, Social Friend,
    Annihilating Twelve-in-One!
    We long to die, for when we end,
    Our larger life has but begun.”
    Again twelve stanzas. By this time the soma had begun to work. Eyes shone, cheeks
    were flushed, the inner light of universal benevolence broke out on every face in
    happy, friendly smiles. Even Bernard felt himself a little melted. When Morgana
    Rothschild turned and beamed at him, he did his best to beam back. But the
    eyebrow, that black two-in-one–alas, it was still there; he couldn’t ignore it, couldn’t,
    however hard he tried. The melting hadn’t gone far enough. Perhaps if he had been
    sitting between Fifi and Joanna … For the third time the loving cup went round; “I
    drink to the imminence of His Coming,” said Morgana Rothschild, whose turn it
    happened to be to initiate the circular rite. Her tone was loud, exultant. She drank
    and passed the cup to Bernard. “I drink to the imminence of His Coming,” he
    repeated, with a sincere attempt to feel that the coming was imminent; but the
    eyebrow continued to haunt him, and the Coming, so far as he was concerned, was
    horribly remote. He drank and handed the cup to Clara Deterding. “It’ll be a failure
    again,” he said to himself. “I know it will.” But he went on doing his best to beam.
    The loving cup had made its circuit. Lifting his hand, the President gave a signal;
    the chorus broke out into the third Solidarity Hymn.
    “Feel how the Greater Being comes!
    Rejoice and, in rejoicings, die!
    Melt in the music of the drums!
    For I am you and you are I.”
    As verse succeeded verse the voices thrilled with an ever intenser excitement. The
    sense of the Coming’s imminence was like an electric tension in the air. The
    President switched off the music and, with the final note of the final stanza, there
    was absolute silence–the silence of stretched expectancy, quivering and creeping
    with a galvanic life. The President reached out his hand; and suddenly a Voice, a
    deep strong Voice, more musical than any merely human voice, richer, warmer,
    more vibrant with love and yearning and compassion, a wonderful, mysterious,
    supernatural Voice spoke from above their heads. Very slowly, “Oh, Ford, Ford,
    Ford,” it said diminishingly and on a descending scale. A sensation of warmth
    radiated thrillingly out from the solar plexus to every extremity of the bodies of
    those who listened; tears came into their eyes; their hearts, their bowels seemed to
    move within them, as though with an independent life. “Ford!” they were melting,
    “Ford!” dissolved, dissolved. Then, in another tone, suddenly, startlingly. “Listen!”
    trumpeted the voice. “Listen!” They listened. After a pause, sunk to a whisper, but a
    whisper, somehow, more penetrating than the loudest cry. “The feet of the Greater
    Being,” it went on, and repeated the words: “The feet of the Greater Being.” The
    whisper almost expired. “The feet of the Greater Being are on the stairs.” And once
    more there was silence; and the expectancy, momentarily relaxed, was stretched
    again, tauter, tauter, almost to the tearing point. The feet of the Greater Being–oh,
    they heard thern, they heard them, coming softlydown the stairs, coming nearer and
    nearer down the invisible stairs. The feet of the Greater Being. And suddenly the
    tearing point was reached. Her eyes staring, her lips parted. Morgana Rothschild
    sprang to her feet.
    “I hear him,” she cried. “I hear him.”
    “He’s coming,” shouted Sarojini Engels.
    “Yes, he’s coming, I hear him.” Fifi Bradlaugh and Tom Kawaguchi rose
    simultaneously to their feet.
    “Oh, oh, oh!” Joanna inarticulately testified.
    “He’s coming!” yelled Jim Bokanovsky.
    The President leaned forward and, with a touch, released a delirium of cymbals and
    blown brass, a fever of tom-tomming.
    “Oh, he’s coming!” screamed Clara Deterding. “Aie!” and it was as though she were
    having her throat cut.
    Feeling that it was time for him to do something, Bernard also jumped up and
    shouted: “I hear him; He’s coming.” But it wasn’t true. He heard nothing and, for
    him, nobody was coming. Nobody–in spite of the music, in spite of the mounting
    excitement. But he waved his arms, he shouted with the best of them; and when
    the others began to jig and stamp and shuffle, he also jigged and shuffled.
    Round they went, a circular procession of dancers, each with hands on the hips of
    the dancer preceding, round and round, shouting in unison, stamping to the rhythm
    of the music with their feet, beating it, beating it out with hands on the buttocks in
    front; twelve pairs of hands beating as one; as one, twelve buttocks slabbily
    resounding. Twelve as one, twelve as one. “I hear Him, I hear Him coming.” The
    music quickened; faster beat the feet, faster, faster fell the rhythmic hands. And all
    at once a great synthetic bass boomed out the words which announced the
    approaching atonement and final consummation of solidarity, the coming of the
    Twelve-in-One, the incarnation of the Greater Being. “Orgy-porgy,” it sang, while the
    tom-toms continued to beat their feverish tattoo:
    “Orgy-porgy, Ford and fun,
    Kiss the girls and make them One.
    Boys at 0ne with girls at peace;
    Orgy-porgy gives release.”
    “Orgy-porgy,” the dancers caught up the liturgical refrain, “Orgy-porgy, Ford and
    fun, kiss the girls …” And as they sang, the lights began slowly to fade–to fade and
    at the same time to grow warmer, richer, redder, until at last they were dancing in
    the crimson twilight of an Embryo Store. “Orgy-porgy …” In their blood-coloured and
    foetal darkness the dancers continued for a while to circulate, to beat and beat out
    the indefatigable rhythm. “Orgy-porgy …” Then the circle wavered, broke, fell in
    partial disintegration on the ring of couches which surrounded–circle enclosing
    circle–the table and its planetary chairs. “Orgy-porgy …” Tenderly the deep Voice
    crooned and cooed; in the red twilight it was as though some enormous negro dove
    were hovering benevolently over the now prone or supine dancers.
    They were standing on the roof; Big Henry had just sung eleven. The night was calm
    and warm.
    “Wasn’t it wonderful?” said Fifi Bradlaugh. “Wasn’t it simply wonderful?” She looked
    at Bernard with an expression of rapture, but of rapture in which there was no trace
    of agitation or excitement–for to be excited is still to be unsatisfied. Hers was the
    calm ecstasy of achieved consummation, the peace, not of mere vacant satiety and
    nothingness, but of balanced life, of energies at rest and in equilibrium. A rich and
    living peace. For the Solidarity Service had given as well as taken, drawn off only to
    replenish. She was full, she was made perfect, she was still more than merely
    herself. “Didn’t you think it was wonderful?” she insisted, looking into Bernard’s face
    with those supernaturally shining eyes.
    “Yes, I thought it was wonderful,” he lied and looked away; the sight of her
    transfigured face was at once an accusation and an ironical reminder of his own
    separateness. He was as miserably isolated now as he had been when the service
    began–more isolated by reason of his unreplenished emptiness, his dead satiety.
    Separate and unatoned, while the others were being fused into the Greater Being;
    alone even in Morgana’s embrace–much more alone, indeed, more hopelessly
    himself than he had ever been in his life before. He had emerged from that crimson
    twilight into the common electric glare with a self-consciousness intensified to the
    pitch of agony. He was utterly miserable, and perhaps (her shining eyes accused
    him), perhaps it was his own fault. “Quite wonderful,” he repeated; but the only
    thing he could think of was Morgana’s eyebrow.

    Chapter Six

    ODD, ODD, odd, was Lenina’s verdict on Bernard Marx. So odd, indeed, that in the
    course of the succeeding weeks she had wondered more than once whether she
    shouldn’t change her mind about the New Mexico holiday, and go instead to the
    North Pole with Benito Hoover. The trouble was that she knew the North Pole, had
    been there with George Edzel only last summer, and what was more, found it pretty
    grim. Nothing to do, and the hotel too hopelessly old-fashioned–no television laid
    on in the bedrooms, no scent organ, only the most putrid synthetic music, and not
    more than twenty-five Escalator-Squash Courts for over two hundred guests. No,
    decidedly she couldn’t face the North Pole again. Added to which, she had only been
    to America once before. And even then, how inadequately! A cheap week-end in New
    York–had it been with Jean-Jacques Habibullah or Bokanovsky Jones? She couldn’t
    remember. Anyhow, it was of absolutely no importance. The prospect of flying West
    again, and for a whole week, was very inviting. Moreover, for at least three days of
    that week they would be in the Savage Reservation. Not more than half a dozen
    people in the whole Centre had ever been inside a Savage Reservation. As an
    Alpha-Plus psychologist, Bernard was one of the few men she knew entitled to a
    permit. For Lenina, the opportunity was unique. And yet, so unique also was
    Bernard’s oddness that she had hesitated to take it, had actually thought of risking
    the Pole again with funny old Benito. At least Benito was normal. Whereas Bernard …
    “Alcohol in his blood-surrogate,” was Fanny’s explanation of every eccentricity. But
    Henry, with whom, one evening when they were in bed together, Lenina had rather
    anxiously discussed her new lover, Henry had compared poor Bernard to a
    rhinoceros.
    “You can’t teach a rhinoceros tricks,” he had explained in his brief and vigorous
    style. “Some men are almost rhinoceroses; they don’t respond properly to
    conditioning. Poor Devils! Bernard’s one of them. Luckily for him, he’s pretty good at
    his job. Otherwise the Director would never have kept him. However,” he added
    consolingly, “I think he’s pretty harmless.”
    Pretty harmless, perhaps; but also pretty disquieting. That mania, to start with, for
    doing things in private. Which meant, in practice, not doing anything at all. For what
    was there that one could do in private. (Apart, of course, from going to bed: but one
    couldn’t do that all the time.) Yes, what was there? Precious little. The first
    afternoon they went out together was particularly fine. Lenina had suggested a swim
    at Toquay Country Club followed by dinner at the Oxford Union. But Bernard thought
    there would be too much of a crowd. Then what about a round of Electro-magnetic
    Golf at St. Andrew’s? But again, no: Bernard considered that Electro-magnetic Golf
    was a waste of time.
    “Then what’s time for?” asked Lenina in some astonishment.
    Apparently, for going walks in the Lake District; for that was what he now proposed.
    Land on the top of Skiddaw and walk for a couple of hours in the heather. “Alone
    with you, Lenina.”
    “But, Bernard, we shall be alone all night.”
    Bernard blushed and looked away. “I meant, alone for talking,” he mumbled.
    “Talking? But what about?” Walking and talking–that seemed a very odd way of
    spending an afternoon.
    In the end she persuaded him, much against his will, to fly over to Amsterdam to
    see the Semi-Demi-Finals of the Women’s Heavyweight Wrestling Championship.
    “In a crowd,” he grumbled. “As usual.” He remained obstinately gloomy the whole
    afternoon; wouldn’t talk to Lenina’s friends (of whom they met dozens in the
    ice-cream soma bar between the wrestling bouts); and in spite of his misery
    absolutely refused to take the half-gramme raspberry sundae which she pressed
    upon him. “I’d rather be myself,” he said. “Myself and nasty. Not somebody else,
    however jolly.”
    “A gramme in time saves nine,” said Lenina, producing a bright treasure of
    sleep-taught wisdom. Bernard pushed away the proffered glass impatiently.
    “Now don’t lose your temper,” she said. “Remember one cubic centimetre cures ten
    gloomy sentiments.”
    “Oh, for Ford’s sake, be quiet!” he shouted.
    Lenina shrugged her shoulders. “A gramme is always better than a damn,” she
    concluded with dignity, and drank the sundae herself.
    On their way back across the Channel, Bernard insisted on stopping his propeller
    and hovering on his helicopter screws within a hundred feet of the waves. The
    weather had taken a change for the worse; a south-westerly wind had sprung up,
    the sky was cloudy.
    “Look,” he commanded.
    “But it’s horrible,” said Lenina, shrtnking back from the window. She was appalled by
    the rushing emptiness of the night, by the black foam-flecked water heaving
    beneath them, by the pale face of the moon, so haggard and distracted among the
    hastening clouds. “Let’s turn on the radio. Quick!” She reached for the dialling knob
    on the dash-board and turned it at random.
    “… skies are blue inside of you,” sang sixteen tremoloing falsettos, “the weather’s
    always …”
    Then a hiccough and silence. Bernard had switched of the current.
    “I want to look at the sea in peace,” he said. “One can’t even look with that beastly
    noise going on.”
    “But it’s lovely. And I don’t want to look.”
    “But I do,” he insisted. “It makes me feel as though …” he hesitated, searching for
    words with which to express himself, “as though I were more me, if you see what I
    mean. More on my own, not so completely a part of something else. Not just a cell
    in the social body. Doesn’t it make you feel like that, Lenina?”
    But Lenina was crying. “It’s horrible, it’s horrible,” she kept repeating. “And how can
    you talk like that about not wanting to be a part of the social body? After all, every
    one works for every one else. We can’t do without any one. Even Epsilons …”
    “Yes, I know,” said Bernard derisively. “‘Even Epsilons are useful’! So am I. And I
    damned well wish I weren’t!”
    Lenina was shocked by his blasphemy. “Bernard!” She protested in a voice of
    amazed distress. “How can you?”
    In a different key, “How can I?” he repeated meditatively. “No, the real problem is:
    How is it that I can’t, or rather–because, after all, I know quite well why I can’t–what
    would it be like if I could, if I were free–not enslaved by my conditioning.”
    “But, Bernard, you’re saying the most awful things.”
    “Don’t you wish you were free, Lenina?”
    “I don’t know what you mean. I am free. Free to have the most wonderful time.
    Everybody’s happy nowadays.”
    He laughed, “Yes, ‘Everybody’s happy nowadays.’ We begin giving the children that
    at five. But wouldn’t you like to be free to be happy in some other way, Lenina? In
    your own way, for example; not in everybody else’s way.”
    “I don’t know what you mean,” she repeated. Then, turning to him, “Oh, do let’s go
    back, Bernard,” she besought; “I do so hate it here.”
    “Don’t you like being with me?”
    “But of course, Bernard. It’s this horrible place.”
    “I thought we’d be more … more together here–with nothing but the sea and moon.
    More together than in that crowd, or even in my rooms. Don’t you understand that?”
    “I don’t understand anything,” she said with decision, determined to preserve her
    incomprehension intact. “Nothing. Least of all,” she continued in another tone “why
    you don’t take soma when you have these dreadful ideas of yours. You’d forget all
    about them. And instead of feeling miserable, you’d be jolly. So jolly,” she repeated
    and smiled, for all the puzzled anxiety in her eyes, with what was meant to be an
    inviting and voluptuous cajolery.
    He looked at her in silence, his face unresponsive and very grave–looked at her
    intently. After a few seconds Lenina’s eyes flinched away; she uttered a nervous
    little laugh, tried to think of something to say and couldn’t. The silence prolonged
    itself.
    When Bernard spoke at last, it was in a small tired voice. “All right then,” he said,
    “we’ll go back.” And stepping hard on the accelerator, he sent the machine rocketing
    up into the sky. At four thousand he started his propeller. They flew in silence for a
    minute or two. Then, suddenly, Bernard began to laugh. Rather oddly, Lenina
    thought, but still, it was laughter.
    “Feeling better?” she ventured to ask.
    For answer, he lifted one hand from the controls and, slipping his arm around her,
    began to fondle her breasts.
    “Thank Ford,” she said to herself, “he’s all right again.”
    Half an hour later they were back in his rooms. Bernard swallowed four tablets of
    soma at a gulp, turned on the radio and television and began to undress.
    “Well,” Lenina enquired, with significant archness when they met next afternoon on
    the roof, “did you think it was fun yesterday?”
    Bernard nodded. They climbed into the plane. A little jolt, and they were off.
    “Every one says I’m awfully pneumatic,” said Lenina reflectively, patting her own legs.
    “Awfully.” But there was an expression of pain in Bernard’s eyes. “Like meat,” he
    was thinking.
    She looked up with a certain anxiety. “But you don’t think I’m too plump, do you?”
    He shook his head. Like so much meat.
    “You think I’m all right.” Another nod. “In every way?”
    “Perfect,” he said aloud. And inwardly. “She thinks of herself that way. She doesn’t
    mind being meat.”
    Lenina smiled triumphantly. But her satisfaction was premature.
    “All the same,” he went on, after a little pause, “I still rather wish it had all ended
    differently.”
    “Differently?” Were there other endings?
    “I didn’t want it to end with our going to bed,” he specified.
    Lenina was astonished.
    “Not at once, not the first day.”
    “But then what …?”
    He began to talk a lot of incomprehensible and dangerous nonsense. Lenina did
    her best to stop the ears of her mind; but every now and then a phrase would insist
    on becoming audible. “… to try the effect of arresting my impulses,” she heard him
    say. The words seemed to touch a spring in her mind.
    “Never put off till to-morrow the fun you can have to-day,” she said gravely.
    “Two hundred repetitions, twice a week from fourteen to sixteen and a half,” was all
    his comment. The mad bad talk rambled on. “I want to know what passion is,” she
    heard him saying. “I want to feel something strongly.”
    “When the individual feels, the community reels,” Lenina pronounced.
    “Well, why shouldn’t it reel a bit?”
    “Bernard!”
    But Bernard remained unabashed.
    “Adults intellectually and during working hours,” he went on. “Infants where feeling
    and desire are concerned.”
    “Our Ford loved infants.”
    Ignoring the interruption. “It suddenly struck me the other day,” continued Bernard,
    “that it might be possible to be an adult all the time.”
    “I don’t understand.” Lenina’s tone was firm.
    “I know you don’t. And that’s why we went to bed together yesterday–like
    infants–instead of being adults and waiting.”
    “But it was fun,” Lenina insisted. “Wasn’t it?”
    “Oh, the greatest fun,” he answered, but in a voice so mournful, with an expression
    so profoundly miserable, that Lenina felt all her triumph suddenly evaporate.
    Perhaps he had found her too plump, after all.
    “I told you so,” was all that Fanny said, when Lenina came and made her
    confidences. “It’s the alcohol they put in his surrogate.”
    “All the same,” Lenina insisted. “I do like him. He has such awfully nice hands. And
    the way he moves his shoulders–that’s very attractive.” She sighed. “But I wish he
    weren’t so odd.”
    § 2
    HALTING for a moment outside the door of the Director’s room, Bernard drew a
    deep breath and squared his shoulders, bracing himself to meet the dislike and
    disapproval which he was certain of finding within. He knocked and entered.
    “A permit for you to initial, Director,” he said as airily as possible, and laid the paper
    on the writing-table.
    The Director glanced at him sourly. But the stamp of the World Controller’s Office
    was at the head of the paper and the signature of Mustapha Mond, bold and black,
    across the bottom. Everything was perfectly in order. The director had no choice. He
    pencilled his initials–two small pale letters abject at the feet of Mustapha Mond–and
    was about to return the paper without a word of comment or genial Ford-speed,
    when his eye was caught by something written in the body of the permit.
    “For the New Mexican Reservation?” he said, and his tone, the face he lifted to
    Bernard, expressed a kind of agitated astonishment.
    Surprised by his surprise, Bernard nodded. There was a silence.
    The Director leaned back in his chair, frowning. “How long ago was it?” he said,
    speaking more to himself than to Bernard. “Twenty years, I suppose. Nearer
    twenty-five. I must have been your age …” He sighed and shook his head.
    Bernard felt extremely uncomfortable. A man so conventional, so scrupulously
    correct as the Director–and to commit so gross a solecism! lt made him want to hide
    his face, to run out of the room. Not that he himself saw anything intrinsically
    objectionable in people talking about the remote past; that was one of those
    hypnop?dic prejudices he had (so he imagined) completely got rid of. What made
    him feel shy was the knowledge that the Director disapproved–disapproved and yet
    had been betrayed into doing the forbidden thing. Under what inward compulsion?
    Through his discomfort Bernard eagerly listened.
    “I had the same idea as you,” the Director was saying. “Wanted to have a look at
    the savages. Got a permit for New Mexico and went there for my summer holiday.
    With the girl I was having at the moment. She was a Beta-Minus, and I think” (he
    shut his eyes), “I think she had yellow hair. Anyhow she was pneumatic, particularly
    pneumatic; I remember that. Well, we went there, and we looked at the savages,
    and we rode about on horses and all that. And then–it was almost the last day of
    my leave–then … well, she got lost. We’d gone riding up one of those revolting
    mountains, and it was horribly hot and oppressive, and after lunch we went to sleep.
    Or at least I did. She must have gone for a walk, alone. At any rate, when I woke
    up, she wasn’t there. And the most frightful thunderstorm I’ve ever seen was just
    bursting on us. And it poured and roared and flashed; and the horses broke loose
    and ran away; and I fell down, trying to catch them, and hurt my knee, so that I
    could hardly walk. Still, I searched and I shouted and I searched. But there was no
    sign of her. Then I thought she must have gone back to the rest-house by herself.
    So I crawled down into the valley by the way we had come. My knee was agonizingly
    painful, and I’d lost my soma. It took me hours. I didn’t get back to the rest-house
    till after midnight. And she wasn’t there; she wasn’t there,” the Director repeated.
    There was a silence. “Well,” he resumed at last, “the next day there was a search.
    But we couldn’t find her. She must have fallen into a gully somewhere; or been
    eaten by a mountain lion. Ford knows. Anyhow it was horrible. It upset me very
    much at the time. More than it ought to have done, I dare say. Because, after all,
    it’s the sort of accident that might have happened to any one; and, of course, the
    social body persists although the component cells may change.” But this
    sleep-taught consolation did not seem to be very effective. Shaking his head, “I
    actually dream about it sometimes,” the Director went on in a low voice. “Dream of
    being woken up by that peal of thunder and finding her gone; dream of searching
    and searching for her under the trees.” He lapsed into the silence of reminiscence.
    “You must have had a terrible shock,” said Bernard, almost enviously.
    At the sound of his voice the Director started into a guilty realization of where he
    was; shot a glance at Bernard, and averting his eyes, blushed darkly; looked at him
    again with sudden suspicion and, angrily on his dignity, “Don’t imagine,” he said,
    “that I’d had any indecorous relation with the girl. Nothing emotional, nothing
    long-drawn. It was all perfectly healthy and normal.” He handed Bernard the permit.
    “I really don’t know why I bored you with this trivial anecdote.” Furious with himself
    for having given away a discreditable secret, he vented his rage on Bernard. The
    look in his eyes was now frankly malignant. “And I should like to take this
    opportunity, Mr. Marx,” he went on, “of saying that I’m not at all pleased with the
    reports I receive of your behaviour outside working hours. You may say that this is
    not my business. But it is. I have the good name of the Centre to think of. My
    workers must be above suspicion, particularly those of the highest castes. Alphas
    are so conditioned that they do not have to be infantile in their emotional behaviour.
    But that is all the more reason for their making a special effort to conform. lt is their
    duty to be infantile, even against their inclination. And so, Mr. Marx, I give you fair
    warning.” The Director’s voice vibrated with an indignation that had now become
    wholly righteous and impersonal–was the expression of the disapproval of Society
    itself. “If ever I hear again of any lapse from a proper standard of infantile
    decorum, I shall ask for your transference to a Sub-Centre–preferably to Iceland.
    Good morning.” And swivelling round in his chair, he picked up his pen and began to
    write.
    “That’ll teach him,” he said to himself. But he was mistaken. For Bernard left the
    room with a swagger, exulting, as he banged the door behind him, in the thought
    that he stood alone, embattled against the order of things; elated by the
    intoxicating consciousness of his individual significance and importance. Even the
    thought of persecution left him undismayed, was rather tonic than depressing. He
    felt strong enough to meet and overcome amiction, strong enough to face even
    Iceland. And this confidence was the greater for his not for a moment really
    believing that he would be called upon to face anything at all. People simply weren’t
    transferred for things like that. Iceland was just a threat. A most stimulating and
    life-giving threat. Walking along the corridor, he actually whistled.
    Heroic was the account he gave that evening of his interview with the D.H.C.
    “Whereupon,” it concluded, “I simply told him to go to the Bottomless Past and
    marched out of the room. And that was that.” He looked at Helmholtz Watson
    expectantly, awaiting his due reward of sympathy, encouragement, admiration. But
    no word came. Helmholtz sat silent, staring at the floor.
    He liked Bernard; he was grateful to him for being the only man of his acquaintance
    with whom he could talk about the subjects he felt to be important. Nevertheless,
    there were things in Bernard which he hated. This boasting, for example. And the
    outbursts of an abject self-pity with which it alternated. And his deplorable habit of
    being bold after the event, and full, in absence, of the most extraordinary presence
    of mind. He hated these things–just because he liked Bernard. The seconds
    passed. Helmholtz continued to stare at the floor. And suddenly Bernard blushed
    and turned away.
    § 3
    THE journey was quite uneventful. The Blue Pacific Rocket was two and a half
    minutes early at New Orleans, lost four minutes in a tornado over Texas, but flew
    into a favourable air current at Longitude 95 West, and was able to land at Santa Fé
    less than forty seconds behind schedule time.
    “Forty seconds on a six and a half hour flight. Not so bad,” Lenina conceded.
    They slept that night at Santa Fé. The hotel was excellent–incomparably better, for
    example, than that horrible Aurora Bora Palace in which Lenina had suffered so
    much the previous summer. Liquid air, television, vibro-vacuum massage, radio,
    boiling caffeine solution, hot contraceptives, and eight different kinds of scent were
    laid on in every bedroom. The synthetic music plant was working as they entered
    the hall and left nothing to be desired. A notice in the lift announced that there were
    sixty Escalator-Squash-Racket Courts in the hotel, and that Obstacle and
    Electro-magnetic Golf could both be played in the park.
    “But it sounds simply too lovely,” cried Lenina. “I almost wish we could stay here.
    Sixty Escalator-Squash Courts …”
    “There won’t be any in the Reservation,” Bernard warned her. “And no scent, no
    television, no hot water even. If you feel you can’t stand it, stay here till I come
    back.”
    Lenina was quite offended. “Of course I can stand it. I only said it was lovely here
    because … well, because progress is lovely, isn’t it?”
    “Five hundred repetitions once a week from thirteen to seventeen,” said Bernard
    wearily, as though to himself.
    “What did you say?”
    “I said that progress was lovely. That’s why you mustn’t come to the Reservation
    unless you really want to.”
    “But I do want to.”
    “Very well, then,” said Bernard; and it was almost a threat.
    Their permit required the signature of the Warden of the Reservation, at whose
    office next morning they duly presented themselves. An Epsilon-Plus negro porter
    took in Bernard’s card, and they were admitted almost imrnediately.
    The Warden was a blond and brachycephalic Alpha-Minus, short, red, moon-faced,
    and broad-shouldered, with a loud booming voice, very well adapted to the
    utterance of hypnop?dic wisdom. He was a mine of irrelevant information and
    unasked-for good advice. Once started, he went on and on–boomingly.
    “… five hundred and sixty thousand square kilometres, divided into four distinct
    Sub-Reservations, each surrounded by a high-tension wire fence.”
    At this moment, and for no apparent reason, Bernard suddenly remembered that he
    had left the Eau de Cologne tap in his bathroom wide open and running.
    “… supplied with current from the Grand Canyon hydro-electric station.”
    “Cost me a fortune by the time I get back.” With his mind’s eye, Bernard saw the
    needle on the scent meter creeping round and round, antlike, indefatigable.
    “Quickly telephone to Helmholtz Watson.”
    “… upwards of five thousand kilometres of fencing at sixty thousand volts.”
    “You don’t say so,” said Lenina politely, not knowing in the least what the Warden
    had said, but taking her cue from his dramatic pause. When the Warden started
    booming, she had inconspicuously swallowed half a gramme of soma, with the result
    that she could now sit, serenely not listening, thinking of nothing at all, but with her
    large blue eyes fixed on the Warden’s face in an expression of rapt attention.
    “To touch the fence is instant death,” pronounced the Warden solemnly. “There is
    no escape from a Savage Reservation.”
    The word “escape” was suggestive. “Perhaps,” said Bernard, half rising, “we ought to
    think of going.” The little black needle was scurrying, an insect, nibbling through
    time, eating into his money.
    “No escape,” repeated the Warden, waving him back into his chair; and as the
    permit was not yet countersigned Bernard had no choice but to obey. “Those who
    are born in the Reservation–and remember, my dear young lady,” he added,
    leering obscenely at Lenina, and speaking in an improper whisper, “remember that,
    in the Reservation, children still are born, yes, actually born, revolting as that may
    seem …” (He hoped that this reference to a shameful subject would make Lenina
    blush; but she only smiled with simulated intelligence and said, “You don’t say so!”
    Disappointed, the Warden began again. ) “Those, I repeat who are born in the
    Reservation are destined to die there.”
    Destined to die … A decilitre of Eau de Cologne every minute. Six litres an hour.
    “Perhaps,” Bernard tried again, “we ought …”
    Leaning forward, the Warden tapped the table with his forefinger. “You ask me how
    many people live in the Reservation. And I reply”–triumphantly–”I reply that we do
    not know. We can only guess.”
    “You don’t say so.”
    “My dear young lady, I do say so.”
    Six times twenty-four–no, it would be nearer six times thirty-six. Bernard was pale
    and trembling with impatience. But inexorably the booming continued.
    “… about sixty thousand Indians and half-breeds … absolute savages … our
    inspectors occasionally visit … otherwise, no communication whatever with the
    civilized world … still preserve their repulsive habits and customs … marriage, if you
    know what that is, my dear young lady; families … no conditioning … monstrous
    superstitions … Christianity and totemism and ancestor worship … extinct languages,
    such as Zu?i and Spanish and Athapascan … pumas, porcupines and other ferocious
    animals … infectious diseases … priests … venomous lizards …”
    “You don’t say so?”
    They got away at last. Bernard dashed to the telephone. Quick, quick; but it took
    him nearly three minutes to get on to Helmholtz Watson. “We might be among the
    savages already,” he complained. “Damned incompetence!”
    “Have a gramme,” suggested Lenina.
    He refused, preferring his anger. And at last, thank Ford, he was through and, yes,
    it was Helmholtz; Helmholtz, to whom he explained what had happened, and who
    promised to go round at once, at once, and turn off the tap, yes, at once, but took
    this opportunity to tell him what the D.H.C. had said, in public, yesterday evening …
    “What? He’s looking out for some one to take my place?” Bernard’s voice was
    agonized. “So it’s actually decided? Did he mention Iceland? You say he did? Ford!
    Iceland …” He hung up the receiver and turned back to Lenina. His face was pale,
    his expression utterly dejected.
    “What’s the matter?” she asked.
    “The matter?” He dropped heavily into a chair. “I’m going to be sent to Iceland.”
    Often in the past he had wondered what it would be like to be subjected (soma-less
    and with nothing but his own inward resources to rely on) to some great trial, some
    pain, some persecution; he had even longed for affliction. As recently as a week
    ago, in the Director’s office, he had imagined himself courageously resisting,
    stoically accepting suffering without a word. The Director’s threats had actually elated
    him, made him feel larger than life. But that, as he now realized, was because he
    had not taken the threats quite seriously, he had not believed that, when it came to
    the point, the D.H.C. would ever do anything. Now that it looked as though the
    threats were really to be fulfilled, Bernard was appalled. Of that imagined stoicism,
    that theoretical courage, not a trace was left.
    He raged against himself–what a fool!–against the Director–how unfair not to give
    him that other chance, that other chance which, he now had no doubt at all, he had
    always intended to take. And Iceland, Iceland …
    Lenina shook her head. “Was and will make me ill,” she qUoted, “I take a gramme
    and only am.”
    In the end she persuaded him to swallow four tablets of soma. Five minutes later
    roots and fruits were abolished; the flower of the present rosily blossomed. A
    message from the porter announced that, at the Warden’s orders, a Reservation
    Guard had come round with a plane and was waiting on the roof of the hotel. They
    went up at once. An octoroon in Gamma-green uniform saluted and proceeded to
    recite the morning’s programme.
    A bird’s-eye view of ten or a dozen of the principal pueblos, then a landing for lunch
    in the valley of Malpais. The rest-house was comfortable there, and up at the
    pueblo the savages would probably be celebrating their summer festival. It would be
    the best place to spend the night.
    They took their seats in the plane and set off. Ten minutes later they were crossing
    the frontier that separated civilization from savagery. Uphill and down, across the
    deserts of salt or sand, through forests, into the violet depth of canyons, over crag
    and peak and table-topped mesa, the fence marched on and on, irresistibly the
    straight line, the geometrical symbol of triumphant human purpose. And at its foot,
    here and there, a mosaic of white bones, a still unrotted carcase dark on the tawny
    ground marked the place where deer or steer, puma or porcupine or coyote, or the
    greedy turkey buzzards drawn down by the whiff of carrion and fulminated as though
    by a poetic justice, had come too close to the destroying wires.
    “They never learn,” said the green-uniformed pilot, pointing down at the skeletons
    on the ground below them. “And they never will learn,” he added and laughed, as
    though he had somehow scored a personal triumph over the electrocuted animals.
    Bernard also laughed; after two grammes of soma the joke seemed, for some
    reason, good. Laughed and then, almost immediately, dropped off to sleep, and
    sleeping was carried over Taos and Tesuque; over Nambe and Picuris and Pojoaque,
    over Sia and Cochiti, over Laguna and Acoma and the Enchanted Mesa, over Zu?i
    and Cibola and Ojo Caliente, and woke at last to find the machine standing on the
    ground, Lenina carrying the suit-cases into a small square house, and the
    Gamma-green octoroon talking incomprehensibly with a young Indian.
    “Malpais,” explained the pilot, as Bernard stepped out. “This is the rest-house. And
    there’s a dance this afternoon at the pueblo. He’ll take you there.” He pointed to
    the sullen young savage. “Funny, I expect.” He grinned. “Everything they do is
    funny.” And with that he climbed into the plane and started up the engines. “Back
    to-morrow. And remember,” he added reassuringly to Lenina, “they’re perfectly
    tame; savages won’t do you any harm. They’ve got enough experience of gas
    bombs to know that they mustn’t play any tricks.” Still laughing, he threw the
    helicopter screws into gear, accelerated, and was gone.

    Chapter Seven


    THE MESA was like a ship becalmed in a strait of lion-coloured dust. The channel
    wound between precipitous banks, and slanting from one wall to the other across
    the valley ran a streak of green-the river and its fields. On the prow of that stone
    ship in the centre of the strait, and seemingly a part of it, a shaped and geometrical
    outcrop of the naked rock, stood the pueblo of Malpais. Block above block, each
    story smaller than the one below, the tall houses rose like stepped and amputated
    pyramids into the blue sky. At their feet lay a straggle of low buildings, a criss-cross
    of walls; and on three sides the precipices fell sheer into the plain. A few columns of
    smoke mounted perpendicularly into the windless air and were lost.
    “Queer,” said Lenina. “Very queer.” It was her ordinary word of condemnation. “I
    don’t like it. And I don’t like that man.” She pointed to the Indian guide who had
    been appointed to take them up to the pueblo. Her feeling was evidently
    reciprocated; the very back of the man, as he walked along before them, was
    hostile, sullenly contemptuous.
    “Besides,” she lowered her voice, “he smells.”
    Bernard did not attempt to deny it. They walked on.
    Suddenly it was as though the whole air had come alive and were pulsing, pulsing
    with the indefatigable movement of blood. Up there, in Malpais, the drums were
    being beaten. Their feet fell in with the rhythm of that mysterious heart; they
    quickened their pace. Their path led them to the foot of the precipice. The sides of
    the great mesa ship towered over them, three hundred feet to the gunwale.
    “I wish we could have brought the plane,” said Lenina, looking up resentfully at the
    blank impending rock-face. “I hate walking. And you feel so small when you’re on
    the ground at the bottom of a hill.”
    They walked along for some way in the shadow of the mesa, rounded a projection,
    and there, in a water-worn ravine, was the way up the companion ladder. They
    climbed. It was a very steep path that zigzagged from side to side of the gully.
    Sometimes the pulsing of the drums was all but inaudible, at others they seemed to
    be beating only just round the corner.
    When they were half-way up, an eagle flew past so close to them that the wind of
    his wings blew chill on their faces. In a crevice of the rock lay a pile of bones. It was
    all oppressively queer, and the Indian smelt stronger and stronger. They emerged
    at last from the ravine into the full sunlight. The top of the mesa was a flat deck of
    stone.
    “Like the Charing-T Tower,” was Lenina’s comment. But she was not allowed to
    enjoy her discovery of this reassuring resemblance for long. A padding of soft feet
    made them turn round. Naked from throat to navel, their dark brown bodies painted
    with white lines (“like asphalt tennis courts,” Lenina was later to explain), their faces
    inhuman with daubings of scarlet, black and ochre, two Indians came running along
    the path. Their black hair was braided with fox fur and red flannel. Cloaks of turkey
    feathers fluttered from their shoulders; huge feather diadems exploded gaudily
    round their heads. With every step they took came the clink and rattle of their silver
    bracelets, their heavy necklaces of bone and turquoise beads. They came on
    without a word, running quietly in their deerskin moccasins. One of them was
    holding a feather brush; the other carried, in either hand, what looked at a distance
    like three or four pieces of thick rope. One of the ropes writhed uneasily, and
    suddenly Lenina saw that they were snakes.
    The men came nearer and nearer; their dark eyes looked at her, but without giving
    any sign of recognition, any smallest sign that they had seen her or were aware of
    her existence. The writhing snake hung limp again with the rest. The men passed.
    “I don’t like it,” said Lenina. “I don’t like it.”
    She liked even less what awaited her at the entrance to the pueblo, where their
    guide had left them while he went inside for instructions. The dirt, to start with, the
    piles of rubbish, the dust, the dogs, the flies. Her face wrinkled up into a grimace of
    disgust. She held her handkerchief to her nose.
    “But how can they live like this?” she broke out in a voice of indignant incredulity. (It
    wasn’t possible.)
    Bernard shrugged his shoulders philosophically. “Anyhow,” he said, “they’ve been
    doing it for the last five or six thousand years. So I suppose they must be used to it
    by now.”
    “But cleanliness is next to fordliness,” she insisted.
    “Yes, and civilization is sterilization,” Bernard went on, concluding on a tone of irony
    the second hypnop?dic lesson in elementary hygiene. “But these people have
    never heard of Our Ford, and they aren’t civilized. So there’s no point in …”
    “Oh!” She gripped his arm. “Look.”
    An almost naked Indian was very slowly climbing down the ladder from the first-floor
    terrace of a neighboring house–rung after rung, with the tremulous caution of
    extreme old age. His face was profoundly wrinkled and black, like a mask of
    obsidian. The toothless mouth had fallen in. At the corners of the lips, and on each
    side of the chin, a few long bristles gleamed almost white against the dark skin.
    The long unbraided hair hung down in grey wisps round his face. His body was bent
    and emaciated to the bone, almost fleshless. Very slowly he came down, pausing at
    each rung before he ventured another step.
    “What’s the matter with him?” whispered Lenina. Her eyes were wide with horror and
    amazement.
    “He’s old, that’s all,” Bernard answered as carelessly as he could. He too was
    startled; but he made an effort to seem unmoved.
    “Old?” she repeated. “But the Director’s old; lots of people are old; they’re not like
    that.”
    “That’s because we don’t allow them to be like that. We preserve them from
    diseases. We keep their internal secretions artificially balanced at a youthful
    equilibrium. We don’t permit their magnesium-calcium ratio to fall below what it was
    at thirty. We give them transfusion of young blood. We keep their metabolism
    permanently stimulated. So, of course, they don’t look like that. Partly,” he added,
    “because most of them die long before they reach this old creature’s age. Youth
    almost unimpaired till sixty, and then, crack! the end.”
    But Lenina was not listening. She was watching the old man. Slowly, slowly he came
    down. His feet touched the ground. He turned. In their deep-sunken orbits his eyes
    were still extraordinarily bright. They looked at her for a long moment
    expressionlessly, without surprise, as though she had not been there at all. Then
    slowly, with bent back the old man hobbled past them and was gone.
    “But it’s terrible,” Lenina whispered. “It’s awful. We ought not to have come here.”
    She felt in her pocket for her soma–only to discover that, by some unprecedented
    oversight, she had left the bottle down at the rest-house. Bernard’s pockets were
    also empty.
    Lenina was left to face the horrors of Malpais unaided. They came crowding in on
    her thick and fast. The spectacle of two young women giving breast to their babies
    made her blush and turn away her face. She had never seen anything so indecent in
    her life. And what made it worse was that, instead of tactfully ignoring it, Bernard
    proceeded to make open comments on this revoltingly viviparous scene. Ashamed,
    now that the effects of the soma had worn off, of the weakness he had displayed
    that morning in the hotel, he went out of his way to show himself strong and
    unorthodox.
    “What a wonderfully intimate relationship,” he said, deliberately outrageous. “And
    what an intensity of feeling it must generate! I often think one may have missed
    something in not having had a mother. And perhaps you’ve missed something in
    not being a mother, Lenina. Imagine yourself sitting there with a little baby of your
    own. …”
    “Bernard! How can you?” The passage of an old woman with ophthalmia and a
    disease of the skin distracted her from her indignation.
    “Let’s go away,” she begged. “I don’t like it.”
    But at this moment their guide came back and, beckoning them to follow, led the
    way down the narrow street between the houses. They rounded a corner. A dead dog
    was lying on a rubbish heap; a woman with a goitre was looking for lice in the hair of
    a small girl. Their guide halted at the foot of a ladder, raised his hand
    perpendicularly, then darted it horizontally forward. They did what he mutely
    commanded–climbed the ladder and walked through the doorway, to which it gave
    access, into a long narrow room, rather dark and smelling of smoke and cooked
    grease and long-worn, long-unwashed clothes. At the further end of the room was
    another doorway, through which came a shaft of surdight and the noise, very loud
    and close, of the drums.
    They stepped across the threshold and found themselves on a wide terrace. Below
    them, shut in by the tall houses, was the village square, crowded with Indians.
    Bright blankets, and feathers in black hair, and the glint of turquoise, and dark
    skins shining with heat. Lenina put her handkerchief to her nose again. In the open
    space at the centre of the square were two circular platforms of masonry and
    trampled clay–the roofs, it was evident, of underground chambers; for in the centre
    of each platform was an open hatchway, with a ladder emerging from the lower
    darkness. A sound of subterranean flute playing came up and was almost lost in the
    steady remorseless persistence of the drums.
    Lenina liked the drums. Shutting her eyes she abandoned herself to their soft
    repeated thunder, allowed it to invade her consciousness more and more
    completely, till at last there was nothing left in the world but that one deep pulse of
    sound. It reminded her reassuringly of the synthetic noises made at Solidarity
    Services and Ford’s Day celebrations. “Orgy-porgy,” she whispered to herself. These
    drums beat out just the same rhythms.
    There was a sudden startling burst of singing–hundreds of male voices crying out
    fiercely in harsh metallic unison. A few long notes and silence, the thunderous
    silence of the drums; then shrill, in a neighing treble, the women’s answer. Then
    again the drums; and once more the men’s deep savage affirmation of their
    manhood.
    Queer–yes. The place was queer, so was the music, so were the clothes and the
    goitres and the skin diseases and the old people. But the performance itself–there
    seemed to be nothing specially queer about that.
    “It reminds me of a lower-caste Community Sing,” she told Bernard.
    But a little later it was reminding her a good deal less of that innocuous function.
    For suddenly there had swarmed up from those round chambers unterground a
    ghastly troop of monsters. Hideously masked or painted out of all semblance of
    humanity, they had tramped out a strange limping dance round the square; round
    and again round, singing as they went, round and round–each time a little faster;
    and the drums had changed and quickened their rhythm, so that it became like the
    pulsing of fever in the ears; and the crowd had begun to sing with the dancers,
    louder and louder; and first one woman had shrieked, and then another and
    another, as though they were being killed; and then suddenly the leader of the
    dancers broke out of the line, ran to a big wooden chest which was standing at one
    end of the square, raised the lid and pulled out a pair of black snakes. A great yell
    went up from the crowd, and all the other dancers ran towards him with out-stretched
    hands. He tossed the snakes to the first-comers, then dipped back into the chest
    for more. More and more, black snakes and brown and mottled-he flung them out.
    And then the dance began again on a different rhythm. Round and round they went
    with their snakes, snakily, with a soft undulating movement at the knees and hips.
    Round and round. Then the leader gave a signal, and one after another, all the
    snakes were flung down in the middle of the square; an old man came up from
    underground and sprinkled them with corn meal, and from the other hatchway came
    a woman and sprinkled them with water from a black jar. Then the old man lifted his
    hand and, startingly, terrifyingly, there was absolute silence. The drums stopped
    beating, life seemed to have come to an end. The old man pointed towards the two
    hatchways that gave entrance to the lower world. And slowly, raised by invisible
    hands from below, there emerged from the one a painted image of an eagle, from
    the other that of a man, naked, and nailed to a cross. They hung there, seemingly
    self-sustained, as though watching. The old man clapped his hands. Naked but for a
    white cotton breech-cloth, a boy of about eighteen stepped out of the crowd and
    stood before him, his hands crossed over his chest, his head bowed. The old man
    made the sign of the cross over him and turned away. Slowly, the boy began to walk
    round the writhing heap of snakes. He had completed the first circuit and was
    half-way through the second when, from among the dancers, a tall man wearing the
    mask of a coyote and holding in his hand a whip of plaited leather, advanced
    towards him. The boy moved on as though unaware of the other’s existence. The
    coyote-man raised his whip, there was a long moment af expectancy, then a swift
    movement, the whistle of the lash and its loud flat-sounding impact on the ftesh.
    The boy’s body quivered; but he made no sound, he walked on at the same slow,
    steady pace. The coyote struck again, again; and at every blow at first a gasp, and
    then a deep groan went up from the crowd. The boy walked. Twice, thrice, four times
    round he went. The blood was streaming. Five times round, six times round.
    Suddenly Lenina covered her face shish her hands and began to sob. “Oh, stop
    them, stop them!” she implored. But the whip fell and fell inexorably. Seven times
    round. Then all at once the boy staggered and, still without a sound, pitched forward
    on to his face. Bending over him, the old man touched his back with a long white
    feather, held it up for a moment, crimson, for the people to see then shook it thrice
    over the snakes. A few drops fell, and suddenly the drums broke out again into a
    panic of hurrying notes; there was a great shout. The dancers rushed forward,
    picked up the snakes and ran out of the square. Men, women, children, all the
    crowd ran after them. A minute later the square was empty, only the boy remained,
    prone where he had fallen, quite still. Three old women came out of one of the
    houses, and with some difficulty lifted him and carried him in. The eagle and the
    man on the cross kept guard for a little while over the empty pueblo; then, as
    though they had seen enough, sank slowly down through their hatchways, out of
    sight, into the nether world.
    Lenina was still sobbing. “Too awful,” she kept repeating, and all Bernard’s
    consolations were in vain. “Too awful! That blood!” She shuddered. “Oh, I wish I had
    my soma.”
    There was the sound of feet in the inner room.
    Lenina did not move, but sat with her face in her hands, unseeing, apart. Only
    Bernard turned round.
    The dress of the young man who now stepped out on to the terrace was Indian; but
    his plaited hair was straw-coloured, his eyes a pale blue, and his skin a white skin,
    bronzed.
    “Hullo. Good-morrow,” said the stranger, in faultless but peculiar English. “You’re
    civilized, aren’t you? You come from the Other Place, outside the Reservation?”
    “Who on earth … ?” Bernard began in astonishment.
    The young man sighed and shook his head. “A most unhappy gentleman.” And,
    pointing to the bloodstains in the centre of the square, “Do you see that damned
    spot?” he asked in a voice that trembled with emotion.
    “A gramme is better than a damn,” said Lenina mechanically from behind her
    hands. “I wish I had my soma!”
    “I ought to have been there,” the young man went on. “Why wouldn’t they let me
    be the sacrifice? I’d have gone round ten times–twelve, fifteen. Palowhtiwa only got
    as far as seven. They could have had twice as much blood from me. The
    multitudinous seas incarnadine.” He flung out his arms in a lavish gesture; then,
    despairingly, let them fall again. “But they wouldn’t let me. They disliked me for my
    complexion. It’s always been like that. Always.” Tears stood in the young man’s
    eyes; he was ashamed and turned away.
    Astonishment made Lenina forget the deprivation of soma. She uncovered her face
    and, for the first time, looked at the stranger. “Do you mean to say that you wanted
    to be hit with that whip?”
    Still averted from her, the young man made a sign of affirmation. “For the sake of
    the pueblo–to make the rain come and the corn grow. And to please Pookong and
    Jesus. And then to show that I can bear pain without crying out. Yes,” and his voice
    suddenly took on a new resonance, he turned with a proud squaring of the
    shoulders, a proud, defiant lifting of the chin “to show that I’m a man … Oh!” He
    gave a gasp and was silent, gaping. He had seen, for the first time in his life, the
    face of a girl whose cheeks were not the colour of chocolate or dogskin, whose hair
    was auburn and permanently waved, and whose expression (amazing novelty!) was
    one of benevolent interest. Lenina was smiling at him; such a nice-looking boy, she
    was thinking, and a really beautiful body. The blood rushed up into the young
    man’s face; he dropped his eyes, raised them again for a moment only to find her
    still smiling at him, and was so much overcome that he had to turn away and
    pretend to be looking very hard at something on the other side of the square.
    Bernard’s questions made a diversion. Who? How? When? From where? Keeping his
    eyes fixed on Bernard’s face (for so passionately did he long to see Lenina smiling
    that he simply dared not look at her), the young man tried to explain himself. Linda
    and he–Linda was his mother (the word made Lenina look uncomfortable)–were
    strangers in the Reservation. Linda had come from the Other Place long ago, before
    he was born, with a man who was his father. (Bernard pricked up his ears.) She had
    gone walking alone in those mountains over there to the North, had fallen down a
    steep place and hurt her head. (“Go on, go on,” said Bernard excitedly.) Some
    hunters from Malpais had found her and brought her to the pueblo. As for the man
    who was his father, Linda had never seen him again. His name was Tomakin. (Yes,
    “Thomas” was the D.H.C.’s first name.) He must have flown away, back to the Other
    Place, away without her–a bad, unkind, unnatural man.
    “And so I was born in Malpais,” he concluded. “In Malpais.” And he shook his head.
    The squalor of that little house on the outskirts of the pueblo!
    A space of dust and rubbish separated it from the village. Two famine-stricken dogs
    were nosing obscenely in the garbage at its door. Inside, when they entered, the
    twilight stank and was loud with flies.
    “Linda!” the young man called.
    From the inner room a rather hoarse female voice said, “Coming.”
    They waited. In bowls on the floor were the remains of a meal, perhaps of several
    meals.
    The door opened. A very stout blonde squaw stepped across the threshold and
    stood looking at the strangers staring incredulously, her mouth open. Lenina
    noticed with disgust that two of the front teeth were missing. And the colour of the
    ones that remained … She shuddered. It was worse than the old man. So fat. And
    all the lines in her face, the flabbiness, the wrinkles. And the sagging cheeks, with
    those purplish blotches. And the red veins on her nose, the bloodshot eyes. And
    that neck–that neck; and the blanket she wore over her head–ragged and filthy.
    And under the brown sack-shaped tunic those enormous breasts, the bulge of the
    stomach, the hips. Oh, much worse than the old man, much worse! And suddenly
    the creature burst out in a torrent of speech, rushed at her with outstretched arms
    and–Ford! Ford! it was too revolting, in another moment she’d be sick–pressed her
    against the bulge, the bosom, and began to kiss her. Ford! to kiss, slobberingly,
    and smelt too horrible, obviously never had a bath, and simply reeked of that
    beastly stuff that was put into Delta and Epsilon bottles (no, it wasn’t true about
    Bernard), positively stank of alcohol. She broke away as quickly as she could.
    A blubbered and distorted face confronted her; the creature was crying.
    “Oh, my dear, my dear.” The torrent of words flowed sobbingly. “If you knew how
    glad–after all these years! A civilized face. Yes, and civilized clothes. Because I
    thought I should never see a piece of real acetate silk again.” She fingered the
    sleeve of Lenina’s shirt. The nails were black. “And those adorable viscose
    velveteen shorts! Do you know, dear, I’ve still got my old clothes, the ones I came
    in, put away in a box. I’ll show them you afterwards. Though, of course, the acetate
    has all gone into holes. But such a lovely white bandolier–though I must say your
    green morocco is even lovelier. Not that it did me much good, that bandolier.” Her
    tears began to flow again. “I suppose John told you. What I had to suffer–and not a
    gramme of soma to be had. Only a drink of mescal every now and then, when Popé
    used to bring it. Popé is a boy I used to know. But it makes you feel so bad
    afterwards. the mescal does, and you’re sick with the peyotl; besides it always made
    that awful feeling of being ashamed much worse the next day. And I was so
    ashamed. Just think of it: me, a Beta–having a baby: put yourself in my place.”
    (The mere suggestion made Lenina shudder.) “Though it wasn’t my fault, I swear;
    because I still don’t know how it happened, seeing that I did all the Malthusian
    Drill–you know, by numbers, One, two, three, four, always, I swear it; but all the
    same it happened, and of course there wasn’t anything like an Abortion Centre
    here. Is it still down in Chelsea, by the way?” she asked. Lenina nodded. “And still
    floodlighted on Tuesdays and Fridays?” Lenina nodded again. “That lovely pink
    glass tower!” Poor Linda lifted her face and with closed eyes ecstatically
    contemplated the bright remembered image. “And the river at night,” she
    whispered. Great tears oozed slowly out from behind her tight-shut eyelids. “And
    flying back in the evening from Stoke Poges. And then a hot bath and vibro-vacuum
    massage … But there.” She drew a deep breath, shook her head, opened her eyes
    again, sniffed once or twice, then blew her nose on her fingers and wiped them on
    the skirt of her tunic. “Oh, I’m so sorry,” she said in response to Lenina’s
    involuntary grimace of disgust. “I oughtn’t to have done that. I’m sorry. But what
    are you to do when there aren’t any handkerchiefs? I remember how it used to
    upset me, all that dirt, and nothing being aseptic. I had an awful cut on my head
    when they first brought me here. You can’t imagine what they used to put on it.
    Filth, just filth. ‘Civilization is Sterilization,’ I used to say t them. And
    ‘Streptocock-Gee to Banbury-T, to see a fine bathroom and W.C.’ as though they
    were children. But of course they didn’t understand. How should they? And in the
    end I suppose I got used to it. And anyhow, how can you keep things clean when
    there isn’t hot water laid on? And look at these clothes. This beastly wool isn’t like
    acetate. It lasts and lasts. And you’re supposed to mend it if it gets torn. But I’m a
    Beta; I worked in the Fertilizing Room; nobody ever taught me to do anything like
    that. It wasn’t my business. Besides, it never used to be right to mend clothes.
    Throw them away when they’ve got holes in them and buy new. ‘The more stiches,
    the less riches.’ Isn’t that right? Mending’s anti-social. But it’s all different here. It’s
    like living with lunatics. Everything they do is mad.” She looked round; saw John and
    Bernard had left them and were walking up and down in the dust and garbage
    outside the house; but, none the less confidentially lowering her voice, and leaning,
    while Lenina stiffened and shrank, so close that the blown reek of embryo-poison
    stirred the hair on her cheek. “For instance,” she hoarsely whispered, “take the way
    they have one another here. Mad, I tell you, absolutely mad. Everybody belongs to
    every one else–don’t they? don’t they?” she insisted, tugging at Lenina’s sleeve.
    Lenina nodded her averted head, let out the breath she had been holding and
    managed to draw another one, relatively untainted. “Well, here,” the other went on,
    “nobody’s supposed to belong to more than one person. And if you have people in
    the ordinary way, the others think you’re wicked and anti-social. They hate and
    despise you. Once a lot of women came and made a scene because their men
    came to see me. Well, why not? And then they rushed at me … No, it was too awful.
    I can’t tell you about it.” Linda covered her face with her hands and shuddered.
    “They’re so hateful, the women here. Mad, mad and cruel. And of course they don’t
    know anything about Malthusian Drill, or bottles, or decanting, or anything of that
    sort. So they’re having children all the time–like dogs. It’s too revolting. And to
    think that I … Oh, Ford, Ford, Ford! And yet John was a great comfort to me. I don’t
    know what I should have done without him. Even though he did get so upset
    whenever a man … Quite as a tiny boy, even. Once (but that was when he was
    bigger) he tried to kill poor Waihusiwa–or was it Popé?–just because I used to have
    them sometimes. Because I never could make him understand that that was what
    civilized people ought to do. Being mad’s infectious I believe. Anyhow, John seems
    to have caught it from the Indians. Because, of course, he was with them a lot. Even
    though they always were so beastly to him and wouldn’t let him do all the things the
    other boys did. Which was a good thing in a way, because it made it easier for me
    to condition him a little. Though you’ve no idea how difficult that is. There’s so much
    one doesn’t know; it wasn’t my business to know. I mean, when a child asks you
    how a helicopter works or who made the world–well, what are you to answer if you’re
    a Beta and have always worked in the Fertilizing Room? What are you to answer?”

    Chapter Eight

    OUTSIDE, in the dust and among the garbage (there were four dogs now), Bernard
    and John were walking slowly up and down.
    “So hard for me to realize,” Bernard was saying, “to reconstruct. As though we were
    living on different planets, in different centuries. A mother, and all this dirt, and
    gods, and old age, and disease …” He shook his head. “It’s almost inconceivable. I
    shall never understand, unless you explain.”
    “Explain what?”
    “This.” He indicated the pueblo. “That.” And it was the little house outside the
    village. “Everything. All your life.”
    “But what is there to say?”
    “From the beginning. As far back as you can remember.”
    “As far back as I can remember.” John frowned. There was a long silence.
    It was very hot. They had eaten a lot of tortillas and sweet corn. Linda said, “Come
    and lie down, Baby.” They lay down together in the big bed. “Sing,” and Linda sang.
    Sang “Streptocock-Gee to Banbury-T” and “Bye Baby Banting, soon you’ll need
    decanting.” Her voice got fainter and fainter …
    There was a loud noise, and he woke with a start. A man was saying something to
    Linda, and Linda was laughing. She had pulled the blanket up to her chin, but the
    man pulled it down again. His hair was like two black ropes, and round his arm was
    a lovely silver bracelet with blue stones in it. He liked the bracelet; but all the same,
    he was frightened; he hid his face against Linda’s body. Linda put her hand on him
    and he felt safer. In those other words he did not understand so well, she said to
    the man, “Not with John here.” The man looked at him, then again at Linda, and
    said a few words in a soft voice. Linda said, “No.” But the man bent over the bed
    towards him and his face was huge, terrible; the black ropes of hair touched the
    blanket. “No,” Linda said again, and he felt her hand squeezing him more tightly.
    “No, no!” But the man took hold of one of his arms, and it hurt. He screamed. The
    man put up his other hand and lifted him up. Linda was still holding him, still
    saying, “No, no.” The man said something short and angry, and suddenly her hands
    were gone. “Linda, Linda.” He kicked and wriggled; but the man carried him across
    to the door, opened it, put him down on the floor in the middle of the other room,
    and went away, shutting the door behind hirn. He got up, he ran to the door.
    Standing on tiptoe he could just reach the big wooden latch. He lifted it and pushed;
    but the door wouldn’t open. “Linda,” he shouted. She didn’t answer.
    He remembered a huge room, rather dark; and there were big wooden things with
    strings fastened to them, and lots of women standing round them–making
    blankets, Linda said. Linda told him to sit in the corner with the other children, while
    she went and helped the women. He played with the little boys for a long time.
    Suddenly people started talking very loud, and there were the women pushing Linda
    away, and Linda was crying. She went to the door and he ran after her. He asked
    her why they were angry. “Because I broke something,” she said. And then she got
    angry too. “How should I know how to do their beastly weaving?” she said. “Beastly
    savages.” He asked her what savages were. When they got back to their house,
    Popé was waiting at the door, and he came in with them. He had a big gourd full of
    stuff that looked like water; only it wasn’t water, but something with a bad smell
    that burnt your mouth and made you cough. Linda drank some and Popé drank
    some, and then Linda laughed a lot and talked very loud; and then she and Popé
    went into the other room. When Popé went away, he went into the room. Linda was
    in bed and so fast asleep that he couldn’t wake her.
    Popé used to come often. He said the stuff in the gourd was called mescal; but
    Linda said it ought to be called soma; only it made you feel ill afterwards. He hated
    Popé. He hated them all–all the men who came to see Linda. One afternoon, when
    he had been playing with the other children–it was cold, he remembered, and there
    was snow on the mountains–he came back to the house and heard angry voices in
    the bedroom. They were women’s voices, and they said words he didn’t understand,
    but he knew they were dreadful words. Then suddenly, crash! something was upset;
    he heard people moving about quickly, and there was another crash and then a
    noise like hitting a mule, only not so bony; then Linda screamed. “Oh, don’t, don’t,
    don’t!” she said. He ran in. There were three women in dark blankets. Linda was on
    the bed. One of the women was holding her wrists. Another was lying across her
    legs, so that she couldn’t kick. The third was hitting her with a whip. Once, twice,
    three times; and each time Linda screamed. Crying, he tugged at the fringe of the
    woman’s blanket. “Please, please.” With her free hand she held him away. The whip
    came down again, and again Linda screamed. He caught hold of the woman’s
    enormous brown hand between his own and bit it with all his might. She cried out,
    wrenched her hand free, and gave him such a push that he fell down. While he was
    lying on the ground she hit him three times with the whip. It hurt more than
    anything he had ever felt–like fire. The whip whistled again, fell. But this time it was
    Linda who screamed.
    “But why did they want to hurt you, Linda?” he asked that night. He was crying,
    because the red marks of the whip on his back still hurt so terribly. But he was also
    crying because people were so beastly and unfair, and because he was only a little
    boy and couldn’t do anything against them. Linda was crying too. She was grown up,
    but she wasn’t big enough to fight against three of them. It wasn’t fair for her
    either. “Why did they want to hurt you, Linda?”
    “I don’t know. How should I know?” It was difficult to hear what she said, because
    she was lying on her stomach and her face was in the pillow. “They say those men
    are their men,” she went on; and she did not seem to be talking to him at all; she
    seemed to be talking with some one inside herself. A long talk which she didn’t
    understand; and in the end she started crying louder than ever.
    “Oh, don’t cry, Linda. Don’t cry.”
    He pressed himself against her. He put his arm round her neck. Linda cried out.
    “Oh, be careful. My shoulder! Oh!” and she pushed him away, hard. His head
    banged against the wall. “Little idiot!” she shouted; and then, suddenly, she began
    to slap him. Slap, slap …
    “Linda,” he cried out. “Oh, mother, don’t!”
    “I’m not your mother. I won’t be your mother.”
    “But, Linda … Oh!” She slapped him on the cheek.
    “Turned into a savage,” she shouted. “Having young ones like an animal … If it
    hadn’t been for you, I might have gone to the Inspector, I might have got away.
    But not with a baby. That would have been too shameful.”
    He saw that she was going to hit him again, and lifted his arm to guard his face.
    “Oh, don’t, Linda, please don’t.”
    “Little beast!” She pulled down his arm; his face was uncovered.
    “Don’t, Linda.” He shut his eyes, expecting the blow.
    But she didn’t hit him. After a little time, he opened his eyes again and saw that
    she was looking at him. He tried to smile at her. Suddenly she put her arms round
    him and kissed him again and again.
    Sometimes, for several days, Linda didn’t get up at all. She lay in bed and was sad.
    Or else she drank the stuff that Popé brought and laughed a great deal and went to
    sleep. Sometimes she was sick. Often she forgot to wash him, and there was
    nothing to eat except cold tortillas. He remembered the first time she found those
    little animals in his hair, how she screamed and screamed.
    The happiest times were when she told him ahout the Other Place. “And you really
    can go flying, whenever you like?”
    “Whenever you like.” And she would tell him about the lovely music that came out
    of a box, and all the nice games you could play, and the delicious things to eat and
    drink, and the light that came when you pressed a little thing in the wall, asd the
    pictures that you could hear and feel and smell, as well as see, and another box for
    making nice smells, and the pink and green and blue and silver houses as high as
    mountains, and everybody happy and no one ever sad or angry, and every one
    belonging to every one else, and the boxes where you could see and hear what was
    happening at the other side of the world, and babies in lovely clean
    bottles–everything so clean, and no nasty smells, no dirt at all–and people never
    lonely, but living together and being so jolly and happy, like the summer dances
    here in Malpais, but much happier, and the happiness being there every day, every
    day. … He listened by the hour. And sometimes, when he and the other children
    were tired with too much playing, one of the old men of the pueblo would talk to
    them, in those other words, of the great Transformer of the World, and of the long
    fight between Right Hand and Left Hand, between Wet and Dry; of Awonawilona, who
    made a great fog by thinking in the night, and then made the whole world out of
    the fog; of Earth Mother and Sky Father; of Ahaiyuta and Marsailema, the twins of
    War and Chance; of Jesus and Pookong; of Mary and Etsanatlehi, the woman who
    makes herself young again; of the Black Stone at Laguna and the Great Eagle and
    Our Lady of Acoma. Strange stories, all the more wonderful to him for being told in
    the other words and so not fully understood. Lying in bed, he would think of Heaven
    and London and Our Lady of Acoma and the rows and rows of babies in clean
    bottles and Jesus flying up and Linda flying up and the great Director of World
    Hatcheries and Awonawilona.
    Lots of men came to see Linda. The boys began to point their fingers at him. In the
    strange other words they said that Linda was bad; they called her names he did not
    understand, but that he knew were bad names. One day they sang a song about
    her, again and again. He threw stones at them. They threw back; a sharp stone cut
    his cheek. The blood woudn’t stop; he was covered with blood.
    Linda taught him to read. With a piece of charcoal she drew pictures on the wall–an
    animal sitting down, a baby inside a bottle; then she wrote letters. THE CAT IS ON
    THE MAT. THE TOT IS IN THE POT. He learned quickly and easily. When he knew
    how to read all the words she wrote on the wall, Linda opened her big wooden box
    and pulled out from under those funny little red trousers she never wore a thin little
    book. He had often seen it before. “When you’re bigger,” she had said, “you can
    read it.” Well, now he was big enough. He was proud. “I’m afraid you won’t find it
    very exciting,” she said. “But it’s the only thing I have.” She sighed. “If only you
    could see the lovely reading machines we used to have in London!” He began
    reading. The Chemical and Bacteriological Conditioning of the Embryo. Practical
    Instructions for Beta Embryo-Store Workers. It took him a quarter of an hour to read
    the title alone. He threw the book on the floor. “Beastly, beastly book!” he said, and
    began to cry.
    The boys still sang their horrible song about Linda. Sometimes, too, they laughed
    at him for being so ragged. When he tore his clothes, Linda did not know how to
    mend them. In the Other Place, she told him, people threw away clothes with holes
    in them and got new ones. “Rags, rags!” the boys used to shout at him. “But I can
    read,” he said to himself, “and they can’t. They don’t even know what reading is.” It
    was fairly easy, if he thought hard enough about the reading, to pretend that he
    didn’t mind when they made fun of him. He asked Linda to give him the book again.
    The more the boys pointed and sang, the harder he read. Soon he could read all
    the words quite well. Even the longest. But what did they mean? He asked Linda;
    but even when she could answer it didn’t seem to make it very clear, And generally
    she couldn’t answer at all.
    “What are chemicals?” he would ask.
    “Oh, stuff like magnesium salts, and alcohol for keeping the Deltas and Epsilons
    small and backward, and calcium carbonate for bones, and all that sort of thing.”
    “But how do you make chemicals, Linda? Where do they come from?”
    “Well, I don’t know. You get them out of bottles. And when the bottles are empty,
    you send up to the Chemical Store for more. It’s the Chemical Store people who
    make them, I suppose. Or else they send to the factory for them. I don’t know. I
    never did any chemistry. My job was always with the embryos. It was the same with
    everything else he asked about. Linda never seemed to know. The old men of the
    pueblo had much more definite answers.
    “The seed of men and all creatures, the seed of the sun and the seed of earth and
    the seed of the sky–Awonawilona made them all out of the Fog of Increase. Now the
    world has four wombs; and he laid the seeds in the lowest of the four wombs. And
    gradually the seeds began to grow …”
    One day (John calculated later that it must have been soon after his twelfth
    birthday) he came home and found a book that he had never seen before Iying on
    the floor in the bedroom. It was a thick book and looked very old. The binding had
    been eaten by mice; some of its pages were loose and crumpled. He picked it up,
    looked at the title-page: the book was called The Complete Works of William
    Shakespeare.
    Linda was lying on the bed, sipping that horrible stinking mescal out of a cup. “Popé
    brought it,” she said. Her voice was thick and hoarse like somebody else’s voice. “It
    was lying in one of the chests of the Antelope Kiva. It’s supposed to have been
    there for hundreds of years. I expect it’s true, because I looked at it, and it seemed
    to be full of nonsense. Uncivilized. Still, it’ll be good enough for you to practice your
    reading on.” She took a last sip, set the cup down on the floor beside the bed,
    turned over on her side, hiccoughed once or twice and went to sleep.
    He opened the book at random.
    Nay, but to live
    In the rank sweat of an enseamed bed,
    Stew’d in corruption, honeying and making love
    Over the nasty sty …
    The strange words rolled through his mind; rumbled, like talking thunder; like the
    drums at the summer dances, if the drums could have spoken; like the men
    singing the Corn Song, beautiful, beautiful, so that you cried; like old Mitsima
    saying magic over his feathers and his carved sticks and his bits of bone and
    stone–kiathla tsilu silokwe silokwe silokwe. Kiai silu silu, tsithl–but better than
    Mitsima’s magic, because it meant more, because it talked to him, talked
    wonderfully and only half-understandably, a terrible beautiful magic, about Linda;
    about Linda lying there snoring, with the empty cup on the floor beside the bed;
    about Linda and Popé, Linda and Popé.
    He hated Popé more and more. A man can smile and smile and be a villain.
    Remorseless, treacherous, lecherous, kindless villain. What did the words exactly
    mean? He only half knew. But their magic was strong and went on rumbling in his
    head, and somehow it was as though he had never really hated Popé before; never
    really hated him because he had never been able to say how much he hated him.
    But now he had these words, these words like drums and singing and magic. These
    words and the strange, strange story out of which they were taken (he couldn’t
    make head or tail of it, but it was wonderful, wonderful all the same)–they gave him
    a reason for hating Popé; and they made his hatred more real; they even made
    Popé himself more real.
    One day, when he came in from playing, the door of the inner room was open, and
    he saw them lying together on the bed, asleep–white Linda and Popé almost black
    beside her, with one arm under her shoulders and the other dark hand on her
    breast, and one of the plaits of his long hair lying across her throat, like a black
    snake trying to strangle her. Popé’s gourd and a cup were standing on the floor
    near the bed. Linda was snoring.
    His heart seemed to have disappeared and left a hole. He was empty. Empty, and
    cold, and rather sick, and giddy. He leaned against the wall to steady himself.
    Remorseless, treacherous, lecherous … Like drums, like the men singing for the
    corn, like magic, the words repeated and repeated themselves in his head. From
    being cold he was suddenly hot. His cheeks burnt with the rush of blood, the room
    swam and darkened before his eyes. He ground his teeth. “I’ll kill him, I’ll kill him,
    I’ll kill him,” he kept saying. And suddenly there were more words.
    When he is drunk asleep, or in his rage
    Or in the incestuous pleasure of his bed …
    The magic was on his side, the magic explained and gave orders. He stepped back
    in the outer room. “When he is drunk asleep …” The knife for the meat was lying on
    the floor near the fireplace. He picked it up and tiptoed to the door again. “When he
    is drunk asleep, drunk asleep …” He ran across the room and stabbed–oh, the
    blood!–stabbed again, as Popé heaved out of his sleep, lifted his hand to stab once
    more, but found his wrist caught, held and–oh, oh!–twisted. He couldn’t move, he
    was trapped, and there were Popé’s small black eyes, very close, staring into his
    own. He looked away. There were two cuts on Popé’s left shoulder. “Oh, look at the
    blood!” Linda was crying. “Look at the blood!” She had never been able to bear the
    sight of blood. Popé lifted his other hand–to strike him, he thought. He stiffened to
    receive the blow. But the hand only took him under the chin and turned his face, so
    that he had to look again into Popé’s eyes. For a long time, for hours and hours.
    And suddenly–he couldn’t help it–he began to cry. Popé burst out laughing. “Go,” he
    said, in the other Indian words. “Go, my brave Ahaiyuta.” He ran out into the other
    room to hide his tears.
    “You are fifteen,” said old Mitsima, in the Indian words. “Now I may teach you to
    work the clay.”
    Squatting by the river, they worked together.
    “First of all,” said Mitsima, taking a lump of the wetted clay between his hands, “we
    make a little moon.” The old man squeezed the lump into a disk, then bent up the
    edges, the moon became a shallow cup.
    Slowly and unskilfully he imitated the old man’s delicate gestures.
    “A moon, a cup, and now a snake.” Mitsima rolled out another piece of clay into a
    long flexible cylinder, trooped it into a circle and pressed it on to the rim of the cup.
    “Then another snake. And another. And another.” Round by round, Mitsima built up
    the sides of the pot; it was narrow, it bulged, it narrowed again towards the neck.
    Mitsima squeezed and patted, stroked and scraped; and there at last it stood, in
    shape the familiar water pot of Malpais, but creamy white instead of black, and still
    soft to the touch. The crooked parody of Mitsima’s, his own stood beside it. Looking
    at the two pots, he had to laugh.
    “But the next one will be better,” he said, and began to moisten another piece of
    clay.
    To fashion, to give form, to feel his fingers gaining in skill and power–this gave him
    an extraordinary pleasure. “A, B, C, Vitamin D,” he sang to himself as he worked.
    “The fat’s in the liver, the cod’s in the sea.” And Mitsima also sang–a song about
    killing a bear. They worked all day, and all day he was filled with an intense,
    absorbing happiness.
    “Next winter,” said old Mitsima, “I will teach you to make the bow.”
    He stood for a long time outside the house, and at last the ceremonies within were
    finished. The door opened; they came out. Kothlu came first, his right hand
    out-stretched and tightly closed, as though over some precious jewel. Her clenched
    hand similarly outstretched, Kiakimé followed. They walked in silence, and in
    silence, behind them, came the brothers and sisters and cousins and all the troop
    of old people.
    They walked out of the pueblo, across the mesa. At the edge of the clid they halted,
    facing the early morning sun. Kothlu opened his hand. A pinch of corn meal lay
    white on the palm; he breathed on it, murmured a few words, then threw it, a
    handful of white dust, towards the sun. Kiakimé did the same. Then Khakimé’s
    father stepped forward, and holding up a feathered prayer stick, made a long
    prayer, then threw the stick after the corn meal.
    “It is finished,” said old Mitsima in a loud voice. “They are married.”
    “Well,” said Linda, as they turned away, “all I can say is, it does seem a lot of fuss
    to make about so little. In civilized countries, when a boy wants to have a girl, he
    just … But where are you going, John?”
    He paid no attention to her calling, but ran on, away, away, anywhere to be by
    himself.
    It is finished Old Mitsima’s words repeated themselves in his mind. Finished,
    finished … In silence and frum a long way off, but violently, desperately, hopelessly,
    he had loved Kiakimé. And now it was finished. He was sixteen.
    At the full moon, in the Antelope Kiva, secrets would be told, secrets would be done
    and borne. They woud go down, boys, into the kiva and come out again, men. The
    boys were all afraid and at the same time impatient. And at last it was the day. The
    sun went down, the moon rose. He went with the others. Men were standing, dark, at
    the entrance to the kiva; the ladder went down into the red lighted depths. Already
    the leading boys had begun to climb down. Suddenly, one of the men stepped
    forward, caught him by the arm, and pulled him out of the ranks. He broke free and
    dodged back into his place among the others. This time the man struck him, pulled
    his hair. “Not for you, white-hair!” “Not for the son of the she-dog,” said one of the
    other men. The boys laughed. “Go!” And as he still hovered on the fringes of the
    group, “Go!” the men shouted again. One of them bent down, took a stone, threw
    it. “Go, go, go!” There was a shower of stones. Bleeding, he ran away into the
    darkness. From the red-lit kiva came the noise of singing. The last of the boys had
    climbed down the ladder. He was all alone.
    All alone, outside the pueblo, on the bare plain of the mesa. The rock was like
    bleached bones in the moonlight. Down in the valley, the coyotes were howling at
    the moon. The bruises hurt him, the cuts were still bleeding; but it was not for pain
    that he sobbed; it was because he was all alone, because he had been driven out,
    alone, into this skeleton world of rocks and moonlight. At the edge of the precipice
    he sat down. The moon was behind him; he looked down into the black shadow of
    the mesa, into the black shadow of death. He had only to take one step, one little
    jump. … He held out his right hand in the moonlight. From the cut on his wrist the
    blood was still oozing. Every few seconds a drop fell, dark, almost colourless in the
    dead light. Drop, drop, drop. To-morrow and to-morrow and to-morrow …
    He had discovered Tirne and Death and God.
    “Alone, always alone,” the young man was saying.
    The words awoke a plaintive echo in Bernard’s mind. Alone, alone … “So am I,” he
    said, on a gush of confidingness. “Terribly alone.”
    “Are you?” John looked surprised. “I thought that in the Other Place … I mean,
    Linda always said that nobody was ever alone there.”
    Bernard blushed uncomfortably. “You see,” he said, mumbling and with averted
    eyes, “I’m rather different from most people, I suppose. If one happens to be
    decanted different …”
    “Yes, that’s just it.” The young man nodded. “If one’s different, one’s bound to be
    lonely. They’re beastly to one. Do you know, they shut me out of absolutely
    everything? When the other boys were sent out to spend the night on the
    mountains–you know, when you have to dream which your sacred animal is–they
    wouldn’t let me go with the others; they wouldn’t tell me any of the secrets. I did it
    by myself, though,” he added. “Didn’t eat anything for five days and then went out
    one night alone into those mountains there.” He pointed.
    Patronizingly, Bernard smiled. “And did you dream of anything?” he asked.
    The other nodded. “But I mustn’t tell you what.” He was silent for a little; then, in a
    low voice, “Once,” he went on, “I did something that none of the others did: I stood
    against a rock in the middle of the day, in summer, with my arms out, like Jesus on
    the Cross.”
    “What on earth for?”
    “I wanted to know what it was like being crucified. Hanging there in the sun …”
    “But why?”
    “Why? Well …” He hesitated. “Because I felt I ought to. If Jesus could stand it. And
    then, if one has done something wrong … Besides, I was unhappy; that was another
    reason.”
    “It seems a funny way of curing your unhappiness,” said Bernard. But on second
    thoughts he decided that there was, after all, some sense in it. Better than taking
    soma …
    “I fainted after a time,” said the young man. “Fell down on my face. Do you see the
    mark where I cut myself?” He lifted the thick yellow hair from his forehead. The scar
    showed, pale and puckered, on his right temple.
    Bernard looked, and then quickly, with a little shudder, averted his eyes. His
    conditioning had made him not so much pitiful as profoundly squeamish. The mere
    suggestion of illness or wounds was to him not only horrifying, but even repulsive
    and rather disgusting. Like dirt, or deformity, or old age. Hastily he changed the
    subject.
    “I wonder if you’d like to come back to London with us?” he asked, making the first
    move in a campaign whose strategy he had been secretly elaborating ever since, in
    the little house, he had reahzed who the “father” of this young savage must be.
    “Would you like that?”
    The young man’s face lit up. “Do you really mean it?”
    “Of course; if I can get permission, that is.”
    “Linda too?”
    “Well …” He hesitated doubtfully. That revolting creature! No, it was impossible.
    Unless, unless … It suddenly occurred to Bernard that her very revoltingness might
    prove an enormous asset. “But of course!” he cried, making up for his first
    hesitations with an excess of noisy cordiality.
    The young man drew a deep breath. “To think it should be coming true–what I’ve
    dreamt of all my life. Do you remember what Miranda says?”
    “Who’s Miranda?”
    But the young man had evidently not heard the question. “O wonder!” he was
    saying; and his eyes shone, his face was brightly flushed. “How many goodly
    creatures are there here! How beauteous mankind is!” The flush suddenly
    deepened; he was thinking of Lenina, of an angel in bottle-green viscose, lustrous
    with youth and skin food, plump, benevolently smiling. His voice faltered. “O brave
    new world,” he began, then-suddenly interrupted himself; the blood had left his
    cheeks; he was as pale as paper.
    “Are you married to her?” he asked.
    “Am I what?”
    “Married. You know–for ever. They say ‘for ever’ in the Indian words; it can’t be
    broken.”
    “Ford, no!” Bernard couldn’t help laughing.
    John also laughed, but for another reason–laughed for pure joy.
    “O brave new world,” he repeated. “O brave new world that has such people in it.
    Let’s start at once.”
    “You have a most peculiar way of talking sometimes,” said Bernard, staring at the
    young man in perplexed astonishment. “And, anyhow, hadn’t you better wait till you
    actually see the new world?”
    Chapter Nine
    LENINA felt herself entitled, after this day of queerness and horror, to a complete
    and absolute holiday. As soon as they got back to the rest-house, she swallowed six
    half-gramme tablets of soma, lay down on her bed, and within ten minutes had
    embarked for lunar eternity. It would be eighteen hours at the least before she was
    in time again.
    Bernard meanwhile lay pensive and wide-eyed in the dark. It was long after
    midnight before he fell asleep. Long after midnight; but his insomnia had not been
    fruitless; he had a plan.
    Punctually, on the following morning, at ten o’clock, the green-uniformed octoroon
    stepped out of his helicopter. Hemard was waiting for him among the agaves.
    “Miss Crowne’s gone on soma-holiday,” he explained. “Can hardly be back before
    five. Which leaves us seven hours.”
    He could fly to Santa Fé, do all the business he had to do, and be in Malpais again
    long before she woke up.
    “She’ll be quite safe here by herself?”
    “Safe as helicoplers,” the octoroon assured him.
    They climbed into the machine and started off at once. At ten thirty-four they
    landed on the roof of the Santa Fé Post Offiee; at ten thirty-seven Bernard had got
    through to the World Controller’s Office in Whitehall; at ten thirty-seven he was
    speaking to his fordship’s fourth personal secretary; at ten forty-four he was
    repeating his story to the first secretary, and at ten forty-seven and a half it was the
    deep, resonant voice of Mustapha Mond himself that sounded in his ears.
    “I ventured to think,” stammered Bernard, “that your fordship might find the matter
    of sufficient scientific interest …”
    “Yes, I do find it of sufficient scientific interest,” said the deep voice. “Bring these
    two individuals back to London with you.”
    “Your fordship is aware that I shall need a special permit …”
    “The necessary orders,” said Mustapha Mond, “are being sent to the Warden of the
    Reservation at this moment. You will proceed at once to the Warden’s Office.
    Good-morning, Mr. Marx.”
    There was silence. Bernard hung up the receiver and hurried up to the roof.
    “Warden’s Office,” he said to the Gamma-green octoroon.
    At ten fifty-four Bernard was shaking hands with the Warden.
    “Delighted, Mr. Marx, delighted.” His boom was deferential. “We have just received
    special orders …”
    “I know,” said Bernard, interrupting him. “I was talking to his fordship on the phone
    a moment ago.” His bored tone implied that he was in the habit of talking to his
    fordship every day of the week. He dropped into a chair. “If you’ll kindly take all the
    necessary steps as soon as possible. As soon as possible,” he emphatically
    repeated. He was thoroughly enjoying himself.
    At eleven three he had all the necessary papers in his pocket.
    “So long,” he said patronizingly to the Warden, who had accompanied him as far as
    the lift gates. “So long.”
    He walked across to the hotel, had a bath, a vibro-vac massage, and an electrolytic
    shave, listened in to the morning’s news, looked in for half an hour on the televisor,
    ate a leisured luncheon, and at half-past two flew back with the octoroon to Malpais.
    The young man stood outside the rest-house.
    “Bernard,” he called. “Bernard!” There was no answer.
    Noiseless on his deerksin moccasins, he ran up the steps and tried the door. The
    door was locked.
    They were gone! Gone! It was the most terrible thing that had ever happened to
    him. She had asked him to come and see them, asd now they were gone. He sat
    down on the steps and cried.
    Half an hour later it occurred to him to look through the window. The first thing he
    saw was a green suit-case, with the initials L.C. painted on the lid. Joy flared up like
    fire within him. He picked up a stone. The smashed glass tinkled on the floor. A
    moment later he was inside the room. He opened the green suit-case; and all at
    once he was breathing Lenina’s perfume, filling his lungs with her essential being.
    His heart beat wildly; for a moment he was almost faint. Then, bending over the
    precious box, he touched, he lifted into the light, he examined. The zippers on
    Lenina’s spare pair of viscose velveteen shorts were at first a puzzle, then solved, a
    delight. Zip, and then zip; zip, and then zip; he was enchanted. Her green slippers
    were the most beautiful things he had ever seen. He unfolded a pair of
    zippicamiknicks, blushed, put them hastily away again; but kissed a perfumed
    acetate handkerchief and wound a scarf round his neck. Opening a box, he spilt a
    cloud of scented powder. His hands were floury with the stuff. He wiped them on his
    chest, on his shoulders, on his bare arms. Delicious perfume! He shut his eyes; he
    rubbed his cheek against his own powdered arm. Touch of smooth skin against his
    face, scent in his nostrils of musky dust–her real presence. “Lenina,” he whispered.
    “Lenina!”
    A noise made him start, made him guiltily turn. He crammed up his thieveries into
    the suit-case and shut the lid; then listened again, looked. Not a sign of life, not a
    sound. And yet he had certainly heard something–something like a sigh, something
    like the creak of a board. He tiptoed to the door and, cautiously opening it, found
    himself looking on to a broad landing. On the opposite side of the landing was
    another door, ajar. He stepped out, pushed, peeped.
    There, on a low bed, the sheet flung back, dressed in a pair of pink one-piece
    zippyjamas, lay Lenina, fast asleep and so beautiful in the midst of her curls, so
    touchingly childish with her pink toes and her grave sleeping face, so trustful in the
    helplessness of her limp hands and melted limbs, that the tears came to his eyes.
    With an infinity of quite unnecessary precautions–for nothing short of a pistol shot
    could have called Lenina back from her soma-holiday before the appointed time–he
    entered the room, he knelt on the floor beside the bed. He gazed, he clasped his
    hands, his lips moved. “Her eyes,” he murmured,
    “Her eyes, her hair, her cheek, her gait, her voice;
    Handlest in thy discourse O! that her hand,
    In whose comparison all whites are ink
    Writing their own reproach; to whose soft seizure
    The cygnet’s down is harsh …”
    A fly buzzed round her; he waved it away. “Flies,” he remembered,
    “On the white wonder of dear Juliet’s hand, may seize
    And steal immortal blessing from her lips,
    Who, even in pure and vestal modesty,
    Still blush, as thinking their own kisses sin.”
    Very slowly, with the hesitating gesture of one who reaches forward to stroke a shy
    and possibly rather dangerous bird, he put out his hand. It hung there trembling,
    within an inch of those limp fingers, on the verge of contact. Did he dare? Dare to
    profane with his unworthiest hand that … No, he didn’t. The bird was too dangerous.
    His hand dropped back. How beautiful she was! How beautiful!
    Then suddenly he found himself reflecting that he had only to take hold of the
    zipper at her neck and give one long, strong pull … He shut his eyes, he shook his
    head with the gesture of a dog shaking its ears as it emerges from the water.
    Detestable thought! He was ashamed of himself. Pure and vestal modesty …
    There was a humming in the air. Another fly trying to steal immortal blessings? A
    wasp? He looked, saw nothing. The humming grew louder and louder, localized itself
    as being outside the shuttered windows. The plane! In a panic, he scrambled to his
    feet and ran into the other room, vaulted through the open window, and hurrying
    along the path between the tall agaves was in time to receive Bernard Marx as he
    climbed out of the helicopter.

    Chapter Ten

    THE HANDS of all the four thousand electric clocks in all the Bloomsbury Centre’s
    four thousand rooms marked twenty-seven minutes past two. “This hive of
    industry,” as the Director was fond of calling it, was in the full buzz of work. Every
    one was busy, everything in ordered motion. Under the microscopes, their long tails
    furiously lashing, spermatozoa were burrowing head first into eggs; and, fertilized,
    the eggs were expanding, dividing, or if bokanovskified, budding and breaking up
    into whole populations of separate embryos. From the Social Predestination Room
    the escalators went rumbling down into the basement, and there, in the crimson
    darkness, stewingly warm on their cushion of peritoneum and gorged with
    blood-surrogate and hormones, the foetuses grew and grew or, poisoned,
    languished into a stunted Epsilonhood. With a faint hum and rattle the moving
    racks crawled imperceptibly through the weeks and the recapitulated aeons to
    where, in the Decanting Room, the newly-unbottled babes uttered their first yell of
    horror and amazement.
    The dynamos purred in the sub-basement, the lifts rushed up and down. On all the
    eleven floors of Nurseries it was feeding time. From eighteen hundred bottles
    eighteen hundred carefully labelled infants were simultaneously sucking down their
    pint of pasteurized external secretion.
    Above them, in ten successive layers of dormitory, the little boys and girls who were
    still young enough to need an afternoon sleep were as busy as every one else,
    though they did not know it, listening unconsciously to hypnop?dic lessons in
    hygiene and sociability, in class-consciousness and the toddler’s love-life. Above
    these again were the playrooms where, the weather having turned to rain, nine
    hundred older children were amusing themselves with bricks and clay modelling,
    hunt-the-zipper, and erotic play.
    Buzz, buzz! the hive was humming, busily, joyfully. Blithe was the singing of the
    young girls over their test-tubes, the Predestinators whistled as they worked, and in
    the Decanting Room what glorious jokes were cracked above the empty bottles! But
    the Director’s face, as he entered the Fertilizing Room with Henry Foster, was grave,
    wooden with severity.
    “A public example,” he was saying. “In this room, because it contains more
    high-caste workers than any other in the Centre. I have told him to meet me here
    at half-past two.”
    “He does his work very well,” put in Henry, with hypocritical generosity.
    “I know. But that’s all the more reason for severity. His intellectual eminence carries
    with it corresponding moral responsibilities. The greater a man’s talents, the greater
    his power to lead astray. It is better that one should suffer than that many should
    be corrupted. Consider the matter dispassionately, Mr. Foster, and you will see that
    no offence is so henious as unorthodoxy of behaviour. Murder kills only the
    individual–and, after all, what is an individual?” With a sweeping gesture he
    indicated the rows of microscopes, the test-tubes, the incubators. “We can make a
    new one with the greatest ease–as many as we like. Unorthodoxy threatens more
    than the life of a mere individual; it strikes at Society itseff. Yes, at Society itself,”
    he repeated. “Ah, but here he comes.”
    Bernard had entered the room and was advancing between the rows of fertilizers
    towards them. A veneer of jaunty self-confidence thinly concealed his nervousness.
    The voice in which he said, “Good-morning, Director,” was absurdly too loud; that in
    which, correcting his rnistake, he said, “You asked me to come and speak to you
    here,” ridiculously soft, a squeak.
    “Yes, Mr. Marx,” said the Director portentously. “I did ask you to come to me here.
    You returned from your holiday last night, I understand.”
    “Yes,” Bernard answered.
    “Yes-s,” repeated the Director, lingering, a serpent, on the “s.” Then, suddenly
    raising his voice, “Ladies and gentlemen,” he trumpeted, “ladies and gentlemen.”
    The singing of the girls over their test-tubes, the preoccupied whistling of the
    Microscopists, suddenly ceased. There was a profound silence; every one looked
    round.
    “Ladies and gentlemen,” the Director repeated once more, “excuse me for thus
    interrupting your labours. A painful duty constrains me. The security and stability of
    Society are in danger. Yes, in danger, ladies and gentlemen. This man,” he pointed
    accusingly at Bernard, “this man who stands before you here, this Alpha-Plus to
    whom so much has been given, and from whom, in consequence, so much must be
    expected, this colleague of yours–or should I anticipate and say this
    ex-colleague?–has grossly betrayed the trust imposed in him. By his heretical views
    on sport and soma, by the scandalous unorthodoxy of his sex-life, by his refusal to
    obey the teachings of Our Ford and behave out of office hours, ‘even as a little
    infant,’” (here the Director made the sign of the T), “he has proved himself an
    enemy of Society, a subverter, ladies and gentlemen, of all Order and Stability, a
    conspirator against Civilization itself. For this reason I propose to dismiss him, to
    dismiss him with ignominy from the post he has held in this Centre; I propose
    forthwith to apply for his transference to a Subcentre of the lowest order and, that
    his punishment may serve the best interest of Society, as far as possible removed
    from any important Centre of population. In Iceland he will have small opportunity
    to lead others astray by his unfordly example.” The Director paused; then, folding
    his arms, he turned impressively to Bernard. “Marx,” he said, “can you show any
    reason why I should not now execute the judgment passed upon you?”
    “Yes, I can,” Bernard answered in a very loud voice.
    Somewhat taken aback, but still majestically, “Then show it,” said the Director.
    “Certainly. But it’s in the passage. One moment.” Bernard hurried to the door and
    threw it open. “Come in,” he commanded, and the reason came in and showed
    itself.
    There was a gasp, a murmur of astonishment and horror; a young girl screamed;
    standing on a chair to get a better view some one upset two test-tubes full of
    spermatozoa. Bloated, sagging, and among those firm youthful bodies, those
    undistorted faces, a strange and terrifying monster of middle-agedness, Linda
    advanced into the room, coquettishly smiling her broken and discoloured smile, and
    rolling as she walked, with what was meant to be a voluptuous undulation, her
    enormous haunches. Bernard walked beside her.
    “There he is,” he said, pointing at the Director.
    “Did you think I didn’t recognize him?” Linda asked indignantly; then, turning to the
    Director, “Of course I knew you; Tomakin, I should have known you anywhere,
    among a thousand. But perhaps you’ve forgotten me. Don’t you remember? Don’t
    you remember, Tomakin? Your Linda.” She stood looking at him, her head on one
    side, still smiling, but with a smile that became progressively, in face of the
    Director’s expression of petrified disgust, less and less self-confident, that wavered
    and finally went out. “Don’t you remember, Tomakin?” she repeated in a voice that
    trembled. Her eyes were anxious, agonized. The blotched and sagging face twisted
    grotesquely into the grimace of extreme grief. “Tomakin!” She held out her arms.
    Some one began to titter.
    “What’s the meaning,” began the Director, “of this monstrous …”
    “Tomakin!” She ran forward, her blanket trailing behind her, threw her arms round
    his neck, hid her face on his chest.
    A howl of laughter went up irrepressibly.
    “… this monstrous practical joke,” the Director shouted.
    Red in the face, he tried to disengage himself from her embrace. Desperately she
    clung. “But I’m Linda, I’m Linda.”‘The laughter drowned her voice. “You made me
    have a baby,” she screamed above the uproar. There was a sudden and appalling
    hush; eyes floated uncomfortably, not knowing where to look. The Director went
    suddenly pale, stopped struggling and stood, his hands on her wrists, staring down
    at her, horrified. “Yes, a baby–and I was its mother.” She flung the obscenity like a
    challenge into the outraged silence; then, suddenly breaking away from him,
    ashamed, ashamed, covered her face with her hands, sobbing. “It wasn’t my fault,
    Tomakin. Because I always did my drill, didn’t I? Didn’t I? Always … I don’t know how
    … If you knew how awful, Tomakin … But he was a comfort to me, all the same.”
    Turning towards the door, “John!” she called. “John!”
    He came in at once, paused for a moment just inside the door, looked round, then
    soft on his moccasined feet strode quickly across the room, fell on his knees in
    front of the Director, and said in a clear voice: “My father!”
    The word (for “father” was not so much obscene as–with its connotation of
    something at one remove from the loathsomeness and moral obliquity of
    child-bearing–merely gross, a scatological rather than a pornographic impropriety);
    the comically smutty word relieved what had become a quite intolerable tension.
    Laughter broke out, enormous, almost hysterical, peal after peal, as though it would
    never stop. My father–and it was the Director! My father! Oh Ford, oh Ford! That was
    really too good. The whooping and the roaring renewed themselves, faces seemed
    on the point of disintegration, tears were streaming. Six more test-tubes of
    spermatozoa were upset. My father!
    Pale, wild-eyed, the Director glared about him in an agony of bewildered humiliation.
    My father! The laughter, which had shown signs of dying away, broke out again more
    loudly than ever. He put his hands over his ears and rushed out of the room.
    Chapter Eleven
    AFTER the scene in the Fertilizing Room, all upper-caste London was wild to see this
    delicious creature who had fallen on his knees before the Director of Hatcheries and
    Conditioning–or rather the ex-Director, for the poor man had resigned immediately
    afterwards and never set foot inside the Centre again–had flopped down and called
    him (the joke was almost too good to be true!) “my father.” Linda, on the contrary,
    cut no ice; nobody had the smallest desire to see Linda. To say one was a
    mother–that was past a joke: it was an obscenity. Moreover, she wasn’t a real
    savage, had been hatched out of a bottle and conditioned like any one else: so
    coudn’t have really quaint ideas. Finally–and this was by far the strongest reason for
    people’s not wanting to see poor Linda–there was her appearance. Fat; having lost
    her youth; with bad teeth, and a blotched complexion, and that figure (Ford!)–you
    simply couldn’t look at her without feeling sick, yes, positively sick. So the best
    people were quite determined not to see Linda. And Linda, for her part, had no
    desire to see them. The return to civilization was for her the return to soma, was the
    possibility of lying in bed and taking holiday after holiday, without ever having to
    come back to a headache or a fit of vomiting, without ever being made to feel as
    you always felt after peyotl, as though you’d done something so shamefully
    anti-social that you could never hold up your head again. Soma played none of
    these unpleasant tricks. The holiday it gave was perfect and, if the morning after
    was disagreeable, it was so, not intrinsically, but only by comparison with the joys of
    the holiday. The remedy was to make the holiday continuous. Greedily she
    clamoured for ever larger, ever more frequent doses. Dr. Shaw at first demurred;
    then let her have what she wanted. She took as much as twenty grammes a day.
    “Which will finish her off in a month or two,” the doctor confided to Bernard. “One
    day the respiratory centre will be paralyzed. No more breathing. Finished. And a
    good thing too. If we could rejuvenate, of course it would be different. But we can’t.”
    Surprisingly, as every one thought (for on soma-holiday Linda was most conveniently
    out of the way), John raised objections.
    “But aren’t you shortening her life by giving her so much?”
    “In one sense, yes,” Dr. Shaw admitted. “But in another we’re actually lengthening
    it.” The young man stared, uncomprehending. “Soma may make you lose a few
    years in time,” the doctor went on. “But think of the enornous, immeasurable
    durations it can give you out of time. Every soma-holiday is a bit of what our
    ancestors used to call eternity.”
    John began to understand. “Eternity was in our lips and eyes,” he murmured.
    “Eh?”
    “Nothing.”
    “Of course,” Dr. Shaw went on, “you can’t allow people to go popping off into eternity if they’ve got any serious work to do. But as she hasn’t got any serious work…”
    “All the same,” John persisted, “I don’t believe it’s right.”
    The doctor shrugged his shoulders. “Well, of course, if you prefer to have her
    screaming mad all the time …”
    In the end John was forced to give in. Linda got her soma. Thenceforward she
    remained in her little room on the thirty-seventh floor of Bernard’s apartment
    house, in bed, with the radio and television always on, and the patchouli tap just
    dripping, and the soma tablets within reach of her hand–there she remained; and
    yet wasn’t there at all, was all the time away, infinitely far away, on holiday; on
    holiday in some other world, where the music of the radio was a labyrinth of
    sonorous colours, a sliding, palpitating labyrinth, that led (by what beautifully
    inevitable windings) to a bright centre of absolute conviction; where the dancing
    images of the television box were the performers in some indescribably delicious
    all-singing feely; where the dripping patchouli was more than scent–was the sun,
    was a million saxophones, was Popé making love, only much more so,
    incomparably more, and without end.
    “No, we can’t rejuvenate. But I’m very glad,” Dr. Shaw had concluded, “to have had
    this opportunity to see an example of senility in a human being. Thank you so
    much for calling me in.” He shook Bernard warmly by the hand.
    It was John, then, they were all after. And as it was only through Bernard, his
    accredited guardian, that John could be seen, Bernard now found himself, for the
    first time in his life, treated not merely normally, but as a person of outstanding
    importance. There was no more talk of the alcohol in his blood-surrogate, no gibes
    at his personal appearance. Henry Foster went out of his way to be friendly; Benito
    Hoover made him a present of six packets of sex-hormone chewing-gum; the
    Assistant Predestinator came out and cadged almost abjectly for an invitation to one
    of Bernard’s evening parties. As for the women, Bernard had only to hint at the
    possibility of an invitation, and he could have whichever of them he liked.
    “Bernard’s asked me to meet the Savage next Wednesday,” Fanny announced
    triumphantly.
    “I’m so glad,” said Lenina. “And now you must admit that you were wrong about
    Bernard. Don’t you think he’s really rather sweet?”
    Fanny nodded. “And I must say,” she said, “I was quite agreeably surprised.”
    The Chief Bottler, the Director of Predestination, three Deputy Assistant
    Fertilizer-Generals, the Professor of Feelies in the College of Emotional Engineering,
    the Dean of the Westminster Community Singery, the Supervisor of
    Bokanovskification–the list of Bernard’s notabilities was interminable.
    “And I had six girls last week,” he confided to Helmholtz Watson. “One on Monday,
    two on Tuesday, two more on Friday, and one on Saturday. And if I’d had the time
    or the inclination, there were at least a dozen more who were only too anxious …”
    Helmholtz listened to his boastings in a silence so gloomily disapproving that
    Bernard was offended.
    “You’re envious,” he said.
    Helmholtz shook his head. “I’m rather sad, that’s all,” he answered.
    Bernard went off in a huff. Never, he told himself, never would he speak to
    Helmholtz again.
    The days passed. Success went fizzily to Bernard’s head, and in the process
    completely reconciled him (as any good intoxicant should do) to a world which, up
    till then, he had found very unsatisfactory. In so far as it recognized him as
    important, the order of things was good. But, reconciled by his success, he yet
    refused to forego the privilege of criticizing this order. For the act of criticizing
    heightened his sense of importance, made him feel larger. Moreover, he did
    genuinely believe that there were things to criticize. (At the same time, he genuinely
    liked being a success and having all the girls he wanted.) Before those who now, for
    the sake of the Savage, paid their court to him, Bernard would parade a carping
    unorthodoxy. He was politely listened to. But behind his back people shook their
    heads. “That young man will come to a bad end,” they said, prophesying the more
    confidently in that they themselves would in due course personally see to it that the
    end was bad. “He won’t find another Savage to help him out a second time,” they
    said. Meanwhile, however, there was the first Savage; they were polite. And because
    they were polite, Bernard felt positively gigantic–gigantic and at the same time light
    with elation, lighter than air.
    “Lighter than air,” said Bernard, pointing upwards.
    Like a pearl in the sky, high, high above them, the Weather Department’s captive
    balloon shone rosily in the sunshine.
    “… the said Savage,” so ran Bernard’s instructions, “to be shown civilized life in all
    its aspects. …”
    He was being shown a bird’s-eye view of it at present, a bird’s-eye view from the
    platform of the Charing-T Tower. The Station Master and the Resident Meteorologist
    were acting as guides. But it was Bernard who did most of the talking. Intoxicated,
    he was behaving as though, at the very least, he were a visiting World Controller.
    Lighter than air.
    The Bombay Green Rocket dropped out of the sky. The passengers alighted. Eight
    identical Dravidian twins in khaki looked out of the eight portholes of the cabin–the
    stewards.
    “Twelve hundred and fifty kilometres an hour,” said the Station Master impressively.
    “What do you think of that, Mr. Savage?”
    John thought it very nice. “Still,” he said, “Ariel could put a girdle round the earth in
    forty minutes.”
    “The Savage,” wrote Bernard in his report to Mustapha Mond, “shows surprisingly
    little astonishment at, or awe of, civilized inventions. This is partly due, no doubt, to
    the fact that he has heard them talked about by the woman Linda, his m–––.”
    (Mustapha Mond frowned. “Does the fool think I’m too squeamish to see the word
    written out at full length?”)
    “Partly on his interest being focussed on what he calls ‘the soul,’ which he persists in
    regarding as an entity independent of the physical environment, whereas, as I tried
    to point out to him …”
    The Controiler skipped the next sentences and was just about to turn the page in
    search of something more interestingly concrete, when his eye was caught by a
    series of quite extraordinary phrases. ” … though I must admit,” he read, “that I
    agree with the Savage in finding civilized infantility too easy or, as he puts it, not
    expensive enough; and I would like to take this opportunity of drawing your
    fordship’s attention to …”
    Mustapha Mond’s anger gave place almost at once to mirth. The idea of this
    creature solemnly lecturing him–him-about the social order was really too grotesque.
    The man must have gone mad. “I ought to give him a lesson,” he said to hiniself;
    then threw back his head and haughed aloud. For the moment, at any rate, the
    lesson would not be given.
    It was a small factory of lighting-sets for helicopters, a branch of the Electrical
    Equipment Corporation. They were met on the roof itself (for that circular letter of
    recommendation from the Controller was magical in its effects) by the Chief
    Technician and the Human Element Manager. They walked downstairs into the
    factory.
    “Each process,” explained the Human Element Manager, “is carried out, so far as
    possible, by a single Bokanovsky Group.”
    And, in effect, eighty-three almost noseless black brachycephalic Deltas were
    cold-pressing. The fifty-six four-spindle chucking and turning machines were being
    manipulated by fifty-six aquiline and ginger Gammas. One hundred and seven
    heat-conditioned Epsilon Senegalese were working in the foundry. Thirty-three Delta
    females, long-headed, sandy, with narrow pelvises, and all within 20 millimetres of
    1 metre 69 centimetres tall, were cutting screws. In the assembling room, the
    dynamos were being put together by two sets of Gamma-Plus dwarfs. The two low
    work-tables faced one another; between them crawled the conveyor with its load of
    separate parts; forty-seven blonde heads were confronted by forty-seven brown
    ones. Forty-seven snubs by forty-seven hooks; forty-seven receding by forty-seven
    prognathous chins. The completed mechanisms were inspected by eighteen identical
    curly auburn girls in Gamma green, packed in crates by thirty-four short-legged,
    left-handed male Delta-Minuses, and loaded into the waiting trucks and lorries by
    sixty-three blue-eyed, flaxen and freckled Epsilon Semi-Morons.
    “O brave new world …” By some malice of his memory the Savage found himself
    repeating Miranda’s words. “O brave new world that has such people in it.”
    “And I assure you,” the Human Element Manager concluded, as they left the factory,
    “we hardly ever have any trouble with our workers. We always find …”
    But the Savage had suddenly broken away from his companions and was violently
    retching, behind a clump of laurels, as though the solid earth had been a helicopter
    in an air pocket.
    “The Savage,” wrote Bernard, “refuses to take soma, and seems much distressed
    because of the woman Linda, his m–––, remains permanently on holiday. It is
    worthy of note that, in spite of his m–––’s senility and the extreme repulsiveness of
    her appearance, the Savage frequently goes to see her and appears to be much
    attached to her–an interesting example of the way in which early conditioning can be
    made to modify and even run counter to natural impulses (in this case, the impulse
    to recoil from an unpleasant object).”
    At Eton they alighted on the roof of Upper School. On the opposite side of School
    Yard, the fifty-two stories of Lupton’s Tower gleamed white in the sunshine. College
    on their left and, on their right, the School Community Singery reared their
    venerable piles of ferro-concrete and vita-glass. In the centre of the quadrangle
    stood the quaint old chrome-steel statue of Our Ford.
    Dr. Gaffney, the Provost, and Miss Keate, the Head Mistress, received them as they
    stepped out of the plane.
    “Do you have many twins here?” the Savage asked rather apprehensively, as they
    set out on their tour of inspection.
    “Oh, no,” the Provost answered. “Eton is reserved exclusively for upper-caste boys
    and girls. One egg, one adult. It makes education more difficult of course. But as
    they’ll be called upon to take responsibilities and deal with unexpected
    emergencies, it can’t be helped.” He sighed.
    Bernard, meanwhile, had taken a strong fancy to Miss Keate. “If you’re free any
    Monday, Wednesday, or Friday evening,” he was saying. Jerking his thumb towards
    the Savage, “He’s curious, you know,” Bernard added. “Quaint.”
    Miss Keate smiled (and her smile was really charming, he thought); said Thank
    you; would be delighted to come to one of his parties. The Provost opened a door.
    Five minutes in that Alpha Double Plus classroom left John a trifle bewildered.
    “What is elementary relativity?” he whispered to Bernard. Bernard tried to explain,
    then thought better of it and suggested that they should go to some other
    classroom.
    From behind a door in the corridor leading to the Beta-Minus geography room, a
    ringing soprano voice called, “One, two, three, four,” and then, with a weary
    impatience, “As you were.”
    “Malthusian Drill,” explained the Head Mistress. “Most of our girls are freemartins,
    of course. I’m a freemartin myself.” She smiled at Bernard. “But we have about
    eight hundred unsterilized ones who need constant drilling.”
    In the Beta-Minus geography room John learnt that “a savage reservation is a place
    which, owing to unfavourable climatic or geological conditions, or poverty of natural
    resources, has not been worth the expense of civilizing.” A click; the room was
    darkened; and suddenly, on the screen above the Master’s head, there were the
    Penitentes of Acoma prostrating themselves before Our Lady, and wailing as John
    had heard them wail, confessing their sins before Jesus on the Cross, before the
    eagle image of Pookong. The young Etonians fairly shouted with laughter. Still
    wailing, the Penitentes rose to their feet, stripped off their upper garments and, with
    knotted whips, began to beat themselves, blow after blow. Redoubled, the laughted
    drowned even the amplified record of their groans.
    “But why do they laugh?” asked the Savage in a pained bewilderment.
    “Why?” The Provost turned towards him a still broadly grinning face. “Why? But
    because it’s so extraordinarily funny.”
    In the cinematographic twilight, Bernard risked a gesture which, in the past, even
    total darkness would hardly have emboldened him to make. Strong in his new
    importance, he put his arm around the Head Mistress’s waist. It yielded, willowily. He
    was just about to snatch a kiss or two and perhaps a gentle pinch, when the shutters
    clicked open again.
    “Perhaps we had better go on,” said Miss Keate, and moved towards the door.
    “And this,” said the Provost a moment later, “is Hypnop?dic Control Room.”
    Hundreds of synthetic music boxes, one for each dormitory, stood ranged in shelves
    round three sides of the room; pigeon-holed on the fourth were the paper
    sound-track rolls on which the various hypnop?dic lessons were printed.
    “You slip the roll in here,” explained Bernard, initerrupting Dr. Gaffney, “press down
    this switch …”
    “No, that one,” corrected the Provost, annoyed.
    “That one, then. The roll unwinds. The selenium cells transform the light impulses
    into sound waves, and …”
    “And there you are,” Dr. Gaffney concluded.
    “Do they read Shakespeare?” asked the Savage as they walked, on their way to the
    Bio-chemical Laboratories, past the School Library.
    “Certainly not,” said the Head Mistress, blushing.
    “Our library,” said Dr. Gaffney, “contains only books of reference. If our young
    people need distraction, they can get it at the feelies. We don’t encourage them to
    indulge in any solitary amusements.”
    Five bus-loads of boys and girls, singing or in a silent embracement, rolled past
    them over the vitrified highway.
    “Just returned,” explained Dr. Gaffney, while Bernard, whispering, made an
    appointment with the Head Mistress for that very evening, “from the Slough
    Crematorium. Death conditioning begins at eighteen months. Every tot spends two
    mornings a week in a Hospital for the Dying. All the best toys are kept there, and
    they get chocolate cream on death days. They learn to take dying as a matter of
    course.”
    “Like any other physiological process,” put in the Head Mistress professionally.
    Eight o’clock at the Savoy. It was all arranged.
    On their way back to London they stopped at the Television Corporation’s factory at Brentford.
    “Do you mind waiting here a moment while I go and telephone?” asked Bernard.
    The Savage waited and watched. The Main Day-Shift was just going off duty. Crowds
    of lower-caste workers were queued up in front of the monorail station-seven or
    eight hundred Gamma, Delta and Epsilon men and women, with not more than a
    dozen faces and statures between them. To each of them, with his or her ticket, the
    booking clerk pushed over a little cardboard pillbox. The long caterpillar of men and
    women moved slowly forward.
    “What’s in those” (remembering The Merchant of Venice) “those caskets?” the Savage
    enquired when Bernard had rejoined him.
    “The day’s soma ration,” Bernard answered rather indistinctly; for he was masticating
    a piece of Benito Hoover’s chewing-gum. “They get it after their work’s over. Four
    half-gramme tablets. Six on Saturdays.”
    He took John’s arm affectionately and they walked back towards the helicopter.
    Lenina came singing into the Changing Room.
    “You seem very pleased with yourself,” said Fanny.
    “I am pleased,” she answered. Zip! “Bernard rang up half an hour ago.” Zip, zip!
    She stepped out of her shorts. “He has an unexpected engagement.” Zip! “Asked
    me if I’d take the Savage to the feelies this evening. I must fly.” She hurried away
    towards the bathroom.
    “She’s a lucky girl,” Fanny said to herself as she watched Lenina go.
    There was no envy in the comment; good-natured Fanny was merely stating a faet.
    Lenina was lucky; lucky in having shared with Bernard a generous portion of the
    Savage’s immense celebrity, lucky in reflecting from her insignificant person the
    moment’s supremely fashionable glory. Had not the Secretary of the Young
    Women’s Fordian Association asked her to give a lecture about her experiences?
    Had she not been invited to the Annual Dinner of the Aphroditeum Club? Had she
    not already appeared in the Feelytone News–visibly, audibly and tactually appeared
    to countless millions all over the planet?
    Hardly less flattering had been the attentions paid her by conspicuous individuals.
    The Resident World Controller’s Second Secretary had asked her to dinner and
    breakfast. She had spent one week-end with the Ford Chief-Justice, and another
    with the Arch-Community-Songster of Canterbury. The President of the Internal and
    External Secretions Corporation was perpetually on the phone, and she had been to
    Deauville with the Deputy-Governor of the Bank of Europe.
    “It’s wonderful, of course. And yet in a way,” she had confessed to Fanny, “I feel as
    though I were getting something on false presences. Because, of course, the first
    thing they all want to know is what it’s like to make love to a Savage. And I have to
    say I don’t know.” She shook her head. “Most of the men don’t believe me, of
    course. But it’s true. I wish it weren’t,” she added sadly and sighed. “He’s terribly
    good-looking; don’t you think so?”
    “But doesn’t he like you?” asked Fanny.
    “Sometimes I think he does and sometimes I think he doesn’t. He always does his
    best to avoid me; goes out of the room when I come in; won’t touch me; won’t even
    look at me. But sometimes if I turn round suddenly, I catch him staring; and
    then–well, you know how men look when they like you.”
    Yes, Fanny knew.
    “I can’t make it out,” said Lenina.
    She couldn’t make it out; and not only was bewildered; was also rather upset.
    “Because, you see, Fanny, I like him.”
    Liked him more and more. Well, now there’d be a real chance, she thought, as she
    scented herself after her bath. Dab, dab, dab–a real chance. Her high spirits
    overflowed in a song.
    ”Hug me till you drug me, honey;
    Kiss me till I’m in a coma;
    Hug me, honey, snuggly bunny;
    Love’s as good as soma.”
    The scent organ was playing a delightfully refreshing Herbal Capriccio–rippling
    arpeggios of thyme and lavender, of rosemary, basil, myrtle, tarragon; a series of
    daring modulations through the spice keys into ambergris; and a slow return
    through sandalwood, camphor, cedar and newmown hay (with occasional subtle
    touches of discord–a whiff of kidney pudding, the faintest suspicion of pig’s dung)
    back to the simple aromatics with which the piece began. The final blast of thyme
    died away; there was a round of applause; the lights went up. In the synthetic music
    machine the sound-track roll began to unwind. It was a trio for hyper-violin,
    super-cello and oboe-surrogate that now filled the air with its agreeable languor.
    Thirty or forty bars–and then, against this instrumental background, a much more
    than human voice began to warble; now throaty, now from the head, now hollow as
    a flute, now charged with yearning harmonics, it effortlessly passed from Gaspard’s
    Forster’s low record on the very frontiers of musical tone to a trilled bat-note high
    above the highest C to which (in 1770, at the Ducal opera of Parma, and to the
    astonishment of Mozart) Lucrezia Ajugari, alone of all the singers in history, once
    piercingly gave utterance.
    Sunk in their pneumatic stalls, Lenina and the Savage sniffed and listened. It was
    now the turn also for eyes and skin.
    The house lights went down; fiery letters stood out solid and as though
    self-supported in the darkness. THREE WEEKS IN A HELICOPTER . AN
    ALL-SUPER-SINGING, SYNTHETIC-TALK1NG, COLOURED, STEREOSCOPIC FEELY.
    WITH SYNCHRONIZED SCENT-ORGAN ACCOMPANIMENT.
    “Take hold of those metal knobs on the arms of your chair,” whispered Lenina.
    “Otherwise you won’t get any of the feely effects.”
    The Savage did as he was told.
    Those fiery letters, meanwhile, had disappeared; there were ten seconds of
    complete darkness; then suddenly, dazzling and incomparably more solid-looking
    than they would have seemed in actual flesh and blood, far more real than reality,
    there stood the stereoscopic images, locked in one another’s arms, of a gigantic
    negro and a golden-haired young brachycephalic Beta-Plus female.
    The Savage started. That sensation on his lips! He liited a hand to his mouth; the
    titillation ceased; let his hand fall back on the metal knob; it began again. The
    scent organ, meanwhile, breathed pure musk. Expiringly, a sound-track super-dove
    cooed “Oo-ooh”; and vibrating only thirty-two times a second, a deeper than African
    bass made answer: “Aa-aah.” “Ooh-ah! Ooh-ah!” the stereoscopic lips came
    together again, and once more the facial erogenous zones of the six thousand
    spectators in the Alhambra tingled with almost intolerable galvanic pleasure. “Ooh …”
    The plot of the film was extremely simple. A few minutes after the first Oohs and
    Aahs (a duet having been sung and a little love made on that famous bearskin,
    every hair of which–the Assistant Predestinator was perfectly right–could be
    separately and distinctly felt), the negro had a helicopter accident, fell on his head.
    Thump! whata twinge through the forehead! A chorus of ow’s and aie’s went up from
    the audience.
    The concussion knocked all the negro’s conditionimg into a cocked hat. He
    developed for the Beta blonde an exclusive and maniacal passion. She protested.
    He persisted. There were struggles, pursuits, an assault on a rival, finally a
    sensational kidnapping. The Beta blond was ravished away into the sky and kept
    there, hovering, for three weeks in a wildly anti-social tête-à-tête with the black
    madman. Finally, after a whole series of adventures and much aerial acrobacy three
    handsome young Alphas succeeded in rescuing her. The negro was packed off to an
    Adult Re-conditioning Centre and the film ended happily and decorously, with the
    Beta blonde becoming the mistress of all her three rescuers. They interrupted
    themselves for a moment to sing a synthetic quartet, with full super-orchestral
    accompaniment and gardenias on the scent organ. Then the bearskin made a final
    appearance and, amid a blare of saxophones, the last stereoscopic kiss faded into
    darkness, the last electric titillation died on the lips like a dying moth that quivers,
    quivers, ever more feebly, ever more faintly, and at last is quiet, quite still.
    But for Lenina the moth did not completely die. Even after the lights had gone up,
    while they were shuffling slowly along with the crowd towards the lifts, its ghost still
    fluttered against her lips, still traced fine shuddering roads of anxiety and pleasure
    across her skin. Her cheeks were flushed. She caught hold of the Savage’s arm and
    pressed it, limp, against her side. He looked down at her for a moment, pale,
    pained, desiring, and ashamed of his desire. He was not worthy, not … Their eyes
    for a moment met. What treasures hers promised! A queen’s ransom of
    temperament. Hastily he looked away, disengaged his imprisoned arm. He was
    obscurely terrified lest she should cease to be something he could feel himself
    unworthy of.
    “I don’t think you ought to see things like that,” he said, making haste to transfer
    from Lenina herself to the surrounding circumstances the blame for any past or
    possible future lapse from perfection.
    “Things like what, John?”
    “Like this horrible film.”
    “Horrible?” Lenina was genuinely astonished. “But I thought it was lovely.”
    “It was base,” he said indignantly, “it was ignoble.”
    She shook her head. “I don’t know what you mean.” Why was he so queer? Why did
    he go out of his way to spoil things?
    In the taxicopter he hardly even looked at her. Bound by strong vows that had
    never been pronounced, obedient to laws that had long since ceased to run, he sat
    averted and in silence. Sometimes, as though a finger had plucked at some taut,
    almost breaking string, his whole body would shake with a sudden nervous start.
    The taxicopter landed on the roof of Lenina’s apartment house. “At last,” she
    thought exultantly as she stepped out of the cab. At last–even though he had been
    so queer just now. Standing under a lamp, she peered into her hand mirror. At last.
    Yes, her nose was a bit shiny. She shook the loose powder from her puff. While he
    was paying off the taxi–there would just be time. She rubbed at the shininess,
    thinking: “He’s terribly good-looking. No need for him to be shy like Bernard. And
    yet … Any other man would have done it long ago. Well, now at last.” That fragment
    of a face in the little round mirror suddenly smiled at her.
    “Good-night,” said a strangled voice behind her. Lenina wheeled round. He was
    standing in the doorway of the cab, his eyes fixed, staring; had evidently been
    staring all this time while she was powdering her nose, waiting–but what for? or
    hesitating, trying to make up his mind, and all the time thinking, thinking–she
    could not imagine what extraordinary thoughts. “Good-night, Lenina,” he repeated,
    and made a strange grimacing attempt to smile.
    “But, John … I thought you were … I mean, aren’t you? …”
    He shut the door and bent forward to say something to the driver. The cab shot up
    into the air.
    Looking down through the window in the fioor, the Savage could see Lenina’s
    upturned face, pale in the bluish light of the lamps. The mouth was open, she was
    calling. Her foreshortened figure rushed away from him; the diminishing square of
    the roof seemed to be falling through the darkness.
    Five minutes later he was back in his room. From its hiding-place he took out his
    mouse-nibbled volume, turned with religious care its stained and crumbled pages,
    and began to read Othello. Othello, he remembered, was like the hero of Three
    Weeks in a Helicopter–a black man.
    Drying her eyes, Lenina walked across the roof to the lift. On her way down to the
    twenty-seventh floor she pulled out her soma bottle. One gramme, she decided,
    would not be enough; hers had been more than a one-gramme affliction. But if she
    took two grammes, she ran the risk of not waking up in time to-morrow morning.
    She compromised and, into her cupped left palm, shook out three half-gramme
    tablets.

    Chapter Twelve

    BERNARD had to shout through the locked door; the Savage would not open.
    “But everybody’s there, waiting for you.”
    “Let them wait,” came back the muffled voice through the door.
    “But you know quite well, John” (how difficult it is to sound persuasive at the top of
    one’s voice!) “I asked them on purpose to meet you.”
    “You ought to have asked me first whether I wanted to meet them.”
    “But you always came before, John.”
    “That’s precisely why I don’t want to come again.”
    “Just to please me,” Bernard bellowingly wheedled. “Won’t you come to please me?”
    “No.”
    “Do you seriously mean it?”
    “Yes.”
    Despairingly, “But what shall I do?” Bernard wailed.
    “Go to hell!” bawled the exasperated voice from within.
    “But the Arch-Community-Songster of Canterbury is there to-night.” Bernard was
    almost in tears.
    “Ai yaa tákwa!” It was only in Zu?i that the Savage could adequately express what he
    felt about the Arch-Community-Songster. “Háni!” he added as an after-thought; and
    then (with what derisive ferocity!): “Sons éso tse-ná.” And he spat on the ground, as
    Popé might have done.
    In the end Bernard had to slink back, diminished, to his rooms and inform the
    impatient assembly that the Savage would not be appearing that evening. The news
    was received with indignation. The men were furious at having been tricked into
    behaving politely to this insignificant fellow with the unsavoury reputation and the
    heretical opinions. The higher their position in the hierarchy, the deeper their
    resentment.
    “To play such a joke on me,” the Arch-Songster kept repeating, “on me!”
    As for the women, they indignantly felt that they had been had on false
    pretences–had by a wretched little man who had had alcohol poured into his bottle
    by mistake–by a creature with a Gamma-Minus physique. It was an outrage, and
    they said so, more and more loudly. The Head Mistress of Eton was particularly
    scathing.
    Lenina alone said nothing. Pale, her blue eyes clouded with an unwonted
    melancholy, she sat in a corner, cut off from those who surrounded her by an
    emotion which they did not share. She had come to the party filled with a strange
    feeling of anxious exultation. “In a few minutes,” she had said to herself, as she
    entered the room, “I shall be seeing him, talking to him, telling him” (for she had
    come with her mind made up) “that I like him–more than anybody I’ve ever known.
    And then perhaps he’ll say …”
    What would he say? The blood had rushed to her cheeks.
    “Why was he so strange the other night, after the feelies? So queer. And yet I’m
    absolutely sure he really does rather like me. I’m sure …”
    It was at this moment that Bernard had made his announcement; the Savage
    wasn’t coming to the party.
    Lenina suddenly felt all the sensations normally experienced at the beginning of a
    Violent Passion Surrogate treatment–a sense of dreadful emptiness, a breathless
    apprehension, a nausea. Her heart seemed to stop beating.
    “Perhaps it’s because he doesn’t like me,” she said to herself. And at once this
    possibility became an established certainty: John had refused to come because he
    didn’t like her. He didn’t like her. …
    “It really is a bit too thick,” the Head Mistress of Eton was saying to the Director of
    Crematoria and Phosphorus Reclamation. “When I think that I actually …”
    “Yes,” came the voice of Fanny Crowne, “it’s absolutely true about the alcohol.
    Some one I know knew some one who was working in the Embryo Store at the time.
    She said to my friend, and my friend said to me …”
    “Too bad, too bad,” said Henry Foster, sympathizing with the
    Arch-Community-Songster. “It may interest you to know that our ex-Director was on
    the point of transferring him to Iceland.”
    Pierced by every word that was spoken, the tight balloon of Bernard’s happy
    self-confidence was leaking from a thousand wounds. Pale, distraught, abject and
    agitated, he moved among his guests, stammering incoherent apologies, assuring
    them that next time the Savage would certainly be there, begging them to sit down
    and take a carotene sandwich, a slice of vitamin A paté, a glass of
    champagne-surrogate. They duly ate, but ignored him; drank and were either rude
    to his face or talked to one another about him, loudly and offensively, as though he
    had not been there.
    “And now, my friends,” said the Arch-Community-Songster of Canterbury, in that
    beautiful ringing voice with which he led the proceedings at Ford’s Day Celebrations,
    “Now, my friends, I think perhaps the time has come …” He rose, put down his
    glass, brushed from his purple viscose waistcoat the crumbs of a considerable
    collation, and walked towards the door.
    Bernard darted forward to intercept him.
    “Must you really, Arch-Songster? … It’s very early still. I’d hoped you would …”
    Yes, what hadn’t he hoped, when Lenina confidentially told him that the
    Arch-Community-Songster would accept an invitation if it were sent. “He’s really
    rather sweet, you know.” And she had shown Bernard the little golden
    zipper-fastening in the form of a T which the Arch-Songster had given her as a
    memento of the week-end she had spent at Lambeth. To meet the
    Arch-Community-Songster of Canterbury and Mr. Savage. Bernard had proclaimed his
    triumph on every invitation card. But the Savage had chosen this evening of all
    evenings to lock himself up in his room, to shout “Háni!” and even (it was lucky that
    Bernard didn’t understand Zu?i) “Sons éso tse-ná!” What should have been the
    crowning moment of Bernard’s whole career had turned out to be the moment of his
    greatest humiliation.
    “I’d so much hoped …” he stammeringly repeated, looking up at the great dignitary
    with pleading and distracted eyes.
    “My young friend,” said the Arch-Community-Songster in a tone of loud and solemn
    severity; there was a general silence. “Let me give you a word of advice.” He
    wagged his finger at Bernard. “Before it’s too late. A word of good advice.” (His voice
    became sepulchral.) “Mend your ways, my young friend, mend your ways.” He made
    the sign of the T over him and turned away. “Lenina, my dear,” he called in another
    tone. “Come with me.”
    Obediently, but unsmiling and (wholly insensible of the honour done to her) without
    elation, Lenina walked after him, out of the room. The other guests followed at a
    respectful interval. The last of them slammed the door. Bernard was all alone.
    Punctured, utterly deflated, he dropped into a chair and, covering his face with his
    hands, began to weep. A few minutes later, however, he thought better of it and
    took four tablets of soma.
    Upstairs in his room the Savage was reading Romeo and Juliet.
    Lenina and the Arch-Community-Songster stepped out on to the roof of Lambeth
    Palace. “Hurry up, my young friend–I mean, Lenina,” called the Arch-Songster
    impatiently from the lift gates. Lenina, who had lingered for a moment to look at
    the moon, dropped her eyes and came hurrying across the roof to rejoin hirn.
    “A New Theory of Biology” was the title of the paper which Mustapha Mond had just
    finished reading. He sat for some time, meditatively frowning, then picked up his
    pen and wrote across the title-page: “The author’s mathematical treatment of the
    conception of purpose is novel and highly ingenious, but heretical and, so far as the
    present social order is concerned, dangerous and potentially subversive. Not to be
    published.” He underlined the words. “The author will be kept under supervision. His
    transference to the Marine Biological Station of St. Helena may become necessary.”
    A pity, he thought, as he signed his name. It was a masterly piece of work. But once
    you began admitting explanations in terms of purpose–well, you didn’t know what
    the result might be. It was the sort of idea that might easily decondition the more
    unsettled minds among the higher castes–make them lose their faith in happiness
    as the Sovereign Good and take to believing, instead, that the goal was somewhere
    beyond, somewhere outside the present human sphere, that the purpose of life was
    not the maintenance of well-being, but some intensification and refining of
    consciousness, some enlargement of knowledge. Which was, the Controller
    reflected, quite possibly true. But not, in the present circumstance, admissible. He
    picked up his pen again, and under the words “Not to be published” drew a second
    line, thicker and blacker than the first; then sighed, “What fun it would be,” he
    thought, “if one didn’t have to think about happiness!”
    With closed eyes, his face shining with rapture, John was softly declaiming to
    vacancy:
    “Oh! she doth teach the torches to burn bright.
    It seems she hangs upon the cheek of night,
    Like a rich jewel in an Ethiop’s ear;
    Beauty too rich for use, for earth too dear …”
    The golden T lay shining on Lenina’s bosom. Sportively, the
    Arch-Community-Songster caught hold of it, sportively he puled, pulled. “I think,”
    said Lenina suddenly, breaking a long silence, “I’d better take a couple of grammes
    of soma.”
    Bernard, by this time, was fast asleep and smiling at the private paradise of his
    dreams. Smiling, smiling. But inexorably, every thirty seconds, the minute hand of
    the electric clock above his bed jumped forward with an almost imperceptible click.
    Click, click, click, click … And it was morning. Bernard was back among the miseries
    of space and time. It was in the lowest spirits that he taxied across to his work at
    the Conditioning Centre. The intoxication of success had evaporated; he was
    soberly his old self; and by contrast with the temporary balloon of these last weeks,
    the old self seemed unprecedentedly heavier than the surrounding atmosphere.
    To this deflated Bernard the Savage showed himself unexpectedly sympathetic.
    “You’re more like what you were at Malpais,” he said, when Bernard had told him his
    plaintive story. “Do you remember when we first talked together? Outside the little
    house. You’re like what you were then.”
    “Because I’m unhappy again; that’s why.”
    “Well, I’d rather be unhappy than have the sort of false, lying happiness you were
    having here.”
    “I like that,” said Bernard bitterly. “When it’s you who were the cause of it all.
    Refusing to come to my party and so turning them all against me!” He knew that
    what he was saying was absurd in its injustice; he admitted inwardly, and at last
    even aloud, the truth of all that the Savage now said about the worthlessness of
    friends who could be turned upon so slight a provocation into persecuting enemies.
    But in spite of this knowledge and these admissions, in spite of the fact that his
    friend’s support and sympathy were now his only comfort, Bernard continued
    perversely to nourish, along with his quite genuine affection, a secret grievance
    against the Savage, to mediate a campaign of small revenges to be wreaked upon
    him. Nourishing a grievance against the Arch-Community-Songster was useless;
    there was no possibility of being revenged on the Chief Bottler or the Assistant
    Predestinator. As a victim, the Savage possessed, for Bernard, this enormous
    superiority over the others: that he was accessible. One of the principal functions of
    a friend is to suffer (in a milder and symbolic form) the punishments that we should
    like, but are unable, to inflict upon our enemies.
    Bernard’s other victim-friend was Helmholtz. When, discomfited, he came and asked
    once more for the friendship which, in his prosperity, he had not thought it worth his
    while to preserve. Helmholtz gave it; and gave it without a reproach, without a
    comment, as though he had forgotten that there had ever been a quarrel. Touched,
    Bernard felt himself at the same time humiliated by this magnanimity–a
    magnanimity the more extraordinary and therefore the more humiliating in that it
    owed nothing to soma and everything to Helmholtz’s character. It was the Helmholtz
    of daily life who forgot and forgave, not the Helmholtz of a half-gramme holiday.
    Bernard was duly grateful (it was an enormous comfort to have his friend again) and
    also duly reseritful (it would be pleasure to take some revenge on Helmholtz for his
    generosity).
    At their first meeing after the estrangement, Bernard poured out the tale of his
    miseries and accepted consolation. It was not till some days later that he learned,
    to his surprise and with a twinge of shame, that he was not the only one who had
    been in trouble. Helmholtz had also come into conflict with Authority.
    “It was over some rhymes,” he explained. “I was giving my usual course of
    Advanced Emotional Engineering for Third Year Students. Twelve lectures, of which
    the seventh is about rhymes. ‘On the Use of Rhymes in Moral Propaganda and
    Advertisement,’ to be precise. I always illustrate my lecture with a lot of technical
    examples. This time I thought I’d give them one I’d just written myself. Pure
    madness, of course; but I couldn’t resist it.” He laughed. “I was curious to see what
    their reactions would be. Besides,” he added more gravely, “I wanted to do a bit of
    propaganda; I was trying to engineer them into feeling as I’d felt when I wrote the
    rhymes. Ford!” He laughed again. “What an outcry there was! The Principal had me
    up and threatened to hand me the immediate sack. l’m a marked man.”
    “But what were your rhymes?” Bernard asked.
    “They were about being alone.”
    Bernard’s eyebrows went up.
    “I’ll recite them to you, if you like.” And Helmholtz began:
    “Yesterday’s committee,
    Sticks, but a broken drum,
    Midnight in the City,
    Flutes in a vacuum,
    Shut lips, sleeping faces,
    Every stopped machine,
    The dumb and littered places
    Where crowds have been: …
    All silences rejoice,
    Weep (loudly or low),
    Speak–but with the voice
    Of whom, I do not know.
    Absence, say, of Susan’s,
    Absenee of Egeria’s
    Arms and respective bosoms,
    Lips and, ah, posteriors,
    Slowly form a presence;
    Whose? and, I ask, of what
    So absurd an essence,
    That something, which is not,
    Nevertheless should populate
    Empty night more solidly
    Than that with which we copulate,
    Why should it seem so squalidly?
    Well, I gave them that as an example, and they reported me to the Principal.”
    “I’m not surprised,” said Bernard. “It’s flatly against all their sleep-teaching.
    Remember, they’ve had at least a quarter of a million warnings against solitude.”
    “I know. But I thought I’d like to see what the effect would be.”
    “Well, you’ve seen now.”
    Helmholtz only laughed. “I feel,” he said, after a silence, as though I were just
    beginning to have something to write about. As though I were beginning to be able
    to use that power I feel I’ve got inside me–that extra, latent power. Something
    seems to be coming to me.” In spite of all his troubles, he seemed, Bernard
    thought, profoundly happy.
    Helmholtz and the Savage took to one another at once. So cordially indeed that
    Bernard felt a sharp pang of jealousy. In all these weeks he had never come to so
    close an intimacy with the Savage as Helmholtz immediately achieved. Watching
    them, listening to their talk, he found himself sometimes resentfully wishing that he
    had never brought them together. He was ashamed of his jealousy and alternately
    made efforts of will and took soma to keep himself from feeling it. But the efforts
    were not very successful; and between the soma-holidays there were, of necessity,
    intervals. The odius sentiment kept on returning.
    At his third meeting with the Savage, Helmholtz recited his rhymes on Solitude.
    “What do you think of them?” he asked when he had done.
    The Savage shook his head. “Listen to this,” was his answer; and unlocking the
    drawer in which he kept his mouse-eaten book, he opened and read:
    “Let the bird of loudest lay
    On the sole Arabian tree,
    Herald sad and trumpet be …”
    Helmholtz listened with a growing excitement. At “sole Arabian tree” he started; at
    “thou shrieking harbinger” he smiled with sudden pleasure; at “every fowl of tyrant
    wing” the blood rushed up into his cheeks; but at “defunctive music” he turned pale
    and trembled with an unprecedented emotion. The Savage read on:
    “Property was thus appall’d,
    That the self was not the same;
    Single nature’s double name
    Neither two nor one was call’d
    Reason in itself confounded
    Saw division grow together …”
    “Orgy-porgy!” said Bernard, interrupting the reading with a loud, unpleasant laugh.
    “It’s just a Solidarity Service hymn.” He was revenging himself on his two friends for
    liking one another more than they liked him.
    In the course of their next two or three meetings he frequently repeated this little
    act of vengeance. It was simple and, since both Helmholtz and the Savage were
    dreadfully pained by the shattering and defilement of a favourite poetic crystal,
    extremely effective. In the end, Helmholtz threatened to kick him out of the room if
    he dared to interrupt again. And yet, strangely enough, the next interruption, the
    most disgraceful of all, came from Helmholtz himself.
    The Savage was reading Romeo and Juliet aloud–reading (for all the time he was
    seeing himself as Romeo and Lenina as Juliet) with an intense and quivering
    passion. Helmholtz had listened to the scene of the lovers’ first meeting with a
    puzzled interest. The scene in the orchard had delighted him with its poetry; but the
    sentiments expressed had made him smile. Getting into such a state about having
    a girl–it seemed rather ridiculous. But, taken detail by verbal detail, what a superb
    piece of emotional engineering! “That old fellow,” he said, “he makes our best
    propaganda technicians look absolutely silly.” The Savage smiled triumphantly and
    resumed his reading. All went tolerably well until, in the last scene of the third act,
    Capulet and Lady Capulet began to bully Juliet to marry Paris. Helmholtz had been
    restless throughout the entire scene; but when, pathetically mimed by the Savage,
    Juliet cried out:
    “Is there no pity sitting in the clouds,
    That sees into the bottom of my grief?
    O sweet my mother, cast me not away:
    Delay this marriage for a month, a week;
    Or, if you do not, make the bridal bed
    In that dim monument where Tybalt lies …”
    when Juliet said this, Helmholtz broke out in an explosion of uncontrollable
    guffawing.
    The mother and father (grotesque obscenity) forcing the daughter to have some
    one she didn’t want! And the idiotic girl not saying that she was having some one
    else whom (for the moment, at any rate) she preferred! In its smutty absurdity the
    situation was irresistibly comical. He had managed, with a heroic effort, to hold down
    the mounting pressure of his hilarity; but “sweet mother” (in the Savage’s
    tremulous tone of anguish) and the reference to Tybalt lying dead, but evidently
    uncremated and wasting his phosphorus on a dim monument, were too much for
    him. He laughed and laughed till the tears streamed down his face–quenchlessly
    laughed while, pale with a sense of outrage, the Savage looked at him over the top
    of his book and then, as the laughter still continued, closed it indignantly, got up
    and, with the gesture of one who removes his pearl from before swine, locked it
    away in its drawer.
    “And yet,” said Helmholtz when, having recovered breath enough to apologize, he
    had mollified the Savage into listening to his explanations, “I know quite well that
    one needs ridiculous, mad situations like that; one can’t write really well about
    anything else. Why was that old fellow such a marvellous propaganda technician?
    Because he had so many insane, excruciating things to get excited about. You’ve
    got to be hurt and upset; otherwise you can’t think of the really good, penetrating,
    X-rayish phrases. But fathers and mothers!” He shook his head. “You can’t expect
    me to keep a straight face about fathers and mothers. And who’s going to get
    excited about a boy having a girl or not having her?” (The Savage winced; but
    Helmholtz, who was staring pensively at the floor, saw nothing.) “No.” he concluded,
    with a sigh, “it won’t do. We need some other kind of madness and violence. But
    what? What? Where can one find it?” He was silent; then, shaking his head, “I don’t
    know,” he said at last, “I don’t know.”

    Chapter Thirteen

    HENRY FOSTER loomed up through the twilight of the Embryo Store.
    “Like to come to a feely this evening?”
    Lenina shook her head without speaking.
    “Going out with some one else?” It interested him to know which of his friends was
    being had by which other. “Is it Benito?” he questioned.
    She shook her head again.
    Henry detected the weariness in those purple eyes, the pallor beneath that glaze of
    lupus, the sadness at the corners of the unsmiling crimson mouth. “You’re not
    feeling ill, are you?” he asked, a trifle anxiously, afraid that she might be suffering
    from one of the few remaining infectious diseases.
    Yet once more Lenina shook her head.
    “Anyhow, you ought to go and see the doctor,” said Henry. “A doctor a day keeps
    the jim-jams away,” he added heartily, driving home his hypnop?dic adage with a
    clap on the shoulder. “Perhaps you need a Pregnancy Substitute,” he suggested.
    “Or else an extra-strong V.P.S. treatment. Sometimes, you know, the standard
    passion surrogate isn’t quite …”
    “Oh, for Ford’s sake,” said Lenina, breaking her stubborn silence, “shut up!” And
    she turned back to her neglected embryos.
    A V.P.S. treatment indeed! She would have laughed, if she hadn’t been on the point
    of crying. As though she hadn’t got enough V. P. of her own! She sighed profoundly
    as she refilled her syringe. “John,” she murmured to herself, “John …” Then “My
    Ford,” she wondered, “have I given this one its sleeping sickness injection, or
    haven’t I?” She simply couldn’t remember. In the end, she decided not to run the
    risk of letting it have a second dose, and moved down the line to the next bottle.
    Twenty-two years, eight months, and four days from that moment, a promising
    young Alpha-Minus administrator at Mwanza-Mwanza was to die of
    trypanosomiasis–the first case for over half a century. Sighing, Lenina went on with
    her work.
    An hour later, in the Changing Room, Fanny was energetically protesting. “But it’s
    absurd to let yourself get into a state like this. Simply absurd,” she repeated. “And
    what about? A man–one man.”
    “But he’s the one I want.”
    “As though there weren’t millions of other men in the world.”
    “But I don’t want them.”
    “How can you know till you’ve tried?”
    “I have tried.”
    “But how many?” asked Fanny, shrugging her shoulders contemptuously. “One, two?”
    “Dozens. But,” shaking her head, “it wasn’t any good,” she added.
    “Well, you must persevere,” said Fanny sententiously. But it was obvious that her
    confidence in her own prescriptions had been shaken. “Nothing can be achieved
    without perseverance.”
    “But meanwhile …”
    “Don’t think of him.”
    “I can’t help it.”
    “Take soma, then.”
    “I do.”
    “Well, go on.”
    “But in the intervals I still like him. I shall always like him.”
    “Well, if that’s the case,” said Fanny, with decision, “why don’t you just go and take
    him. Whether he wants it or no.”
    “But if you knew how terribly queer he was!”
    “All the more reason for taking a firm line.”
    “It’s all very well to say that.”
    “Don’t stand any nonsense. Act.” Fanny’s voice was a trumpet; she might have been
    a Y.W.F.A. lecturer giving an evening talk to adolescent Beta-Minuses. “Yes, act–at
    once. Do it now.”
    “I’d be scared,” said Lenina
    “Well, you’ve only got to take half a gramme of soma first. And now I’m going to
    have my bath.” She marched off, trailing her towel.
    The bell rang, and the Savage, who was impatiently hoping that Helmholtz would
    come that afternoon (for having at last made up his mind to talk to Helmholtz
    about Lenina, he could not bear to postpone his confidences a moment longer),
    jumped up and ran to the door.
    “I had a premonition it was you, Helmholtz,” he shouted as he opened.
    On the threshold, in a white acetate-satin sailor suit,and with a round white cap
    rakishly tilted over her left ear, stood Lenina.
    “Oh!” said the Savage, as though some one had struck him a heavy blow.
    Half a gramme had been enough to make Lenina forget her fears and her
    embarrassments. “Hullo, John,” she said, smiling, and walked past him into the
    room. Automatically he closed the door and followed her. Lenina sat down. There
    was a long silence.
    “You don’t seem very glad to see me, John,” she said at last.
    “Not glad?” The Savage looked at her reproachfully; then suddenly fell on his knees
    before her and, taking Lenina’s hand, reverently kissed it. “Not glad? Oh, if you only
    knew,” he whispered and, venturing to raise his eyes to her face, “Admired Lenina,”
    he went on, “indeed the top of admiration, worth what’s dearest in the world.” She
    smiled at him with a luscious tenderness. “Oh, you so perfect” (she was leaning
    towards him with parted lips), “so perfect and so peerless are created” (nearer and
    nearer) “of every creature’s best.” Still nearer. The Savage suddenly scrambled to
    his feet. “That’s why,” he said speaking with averted face, “I wanted to do
    something first … I mean, to show I was worthy of you. Not that I could ever really
    be that. But at any rate to show I wasn’t absolutely un-worthy. I wanted to do
    something.”
    “Why should you think it necessary …” Lenina began, but left the sentence
    unfinished. There was a note of irritation in her voice. When one has leant forward,
    nearer and nearer, with parted lips–only to find oneself, quite suddenly, as a clumsy
    oaf scrambles to his feet, leaning towards nothing at all–well, there is a reason,
    even with half a gramme of soma circulating in one’s blood-stream, a genuine
    reason for annoyance.
    “At Malpais,” the Savage was incoherently mumbling, “you had to bring her the skin
    of a mountain lion–I mean, when you wanted to marry some one. Or else a wolf.”
    “There aren’t any lions in England,” Lenina almost snapped.
    “And even if there were,” the Savage added, with sudden contemptuous
    resentment, “people would kill them out of helicopters, I suppose, with poison gas
    or something. I wouldn’t do that, Lenina.” He squared his shoulders, he ventured to
    look at her and was met with a stare of annoyed incomprehension. Confused, “I’ll
    do anything,” he went on, more and more incoherently. “Anything you tell me.
    There be some sports are painful–you know. But their labour delight in them sets
    off. That’s what I feel. I mean I’d sweep the floor if you wanted.”
    “But we’ve got vacuum cleaners here,” said Lenina in bewilderment. “It isn’t
    necessary.”
    “No, of course it isn’t necessary. But some kinds of baseness are nobly undergone.
    I’d like to undergo something nobly. Don’t you see?”
    “But if there are vacuum cleaners …”
    “That’s not the point.”
    “And Epsilon Semi-Morons to work them,” she went on, “well, really, why?”
    “Why? But for you, for you. Just to show that I …”
    “And what on earth vacuum cleaners have got to do with lions …”
    “To show how much …”
    “Or lions with being glad to see me …” She was getting more and more exasperated.
    “How much I love you, Lenina,” he brought out almost desperately.
    An emblem of the inner tide of startled elation, the blood rushed up into Lenina’s
    cheeks. “Do you mean it, John?”
    “But I hadn’t meant to say so,” cried the Savage, clasping his hands in a kind of
    agony. “Not until … Listen, Lenina; in Malpais people get married.”
    “Get what?” The irritation had begun to creep back into her voice. What was he
    talking about now?
    “For always. They make a promise to live together for always.”
    “What a horrible idea!” Lenina was genuinely shocked.
    “Outliving beauty’s outward with a mind that cloth renew swifter than blood decays.”
    “What?”
    “It’s like that in Shakespeare too. ‘If thou cost break her virgin knot before all
    sanctimonious ceremonies may with full and holy rite …’”
    “For Ford’s sake, John, talk sense. I can’t understand a word you say. First it’s
    vacuum cleaners; then it’s knots. You’re driving me crazy.” She jumped up and, as
    though afraid that he might run away from her physically, as well as with his mind,
    caught him by the wrist. “Answer me this question: do you really like me, or don’t
    you?”
    There was a moment’s silence; then, in a very low voice, “I love you more than
    anything in the world,” he said.
    “Then why on earth didn’t you say so?” she cried, and so intense was her
    exasperation that she drove her sharp nails into the skin of his wrist. “Instead of
    drivelling away about knots and vacuum cleaners and lions, and making me
    miserable for weeks and weeks.”
    She released his hand and flung it angrily away from her.
    “If I didn’t like you so much,” she said, “I’d be furious with you.”
    And suddenly her arms were round his neck; he felt her lips soft against his own. So
    deliciously soft, so warm and electric that inevitably he found himself thinking of the
    embraces in Three Weeks in a Helicopter. Ooh! ooh! the stereoscopic blonde and anh!
    the more than real black-amoor. Horror, horror, horror … he fired to disengage
    himself; but Lenina tightened her embrace.
    “Why didn’t you say so?” she whispered, drawing back her face to look at him. Her
    eyes were tenderly reproachful.
    “The murkiest den, the most opportune place” (the voice of conscience thundered
    poetically), “the strongest suggestion our worser genius can, shall never melt mine
    honour into lust. Never, never!” he resolved.
    “You silly boy!” she was saying. “I wanted you so much. And if you wanted me too,
    why didn’t you? …”
    “But, Lenina …” he began protesting; and as she immediately untwined her arms,
    as she stepped away from him, he thought, for a moment, that she had taken his
    unspoken hint. But when she unbuckled her white patent cartridge belt and hung it
    carefully over the back of a chair, he began to suspect that he had been mistaken.
    “Lenina!” he repeated apprehensively.
    She put her hand to her neck and gave a long vertical pull; her white sailor’s blouse
    was ripped to the hem; suspicion condensed into a too, too solid certainty. “Lenina,
    what are you doing?”
    Zip, zip! Her answer was wordless. She stepped out of her bell-bottomed trousers.
    Her zippicamiknicks were a pale shell pink. The Arch-Community-Songster’s golden
    T dangled at her breast.
    “For those milk paps that through the window bars bore at men’s eyes….” The
    singing, thundering, magical words made her seem doubly dangerous, doubly
    alluring. Soft, soft, but how piercing! boring and drilling into reason, tunnelling
    through resolution. “The strongest oaths are straw to the fire i’ the blood. Be more
    abstemious, or else …”
    Zip! The rounded pinkness fell apart like a neatly divided apple. A wriggle of the
    arms, a lifting first of the right foot, then the left: the zippicamiknicks were lying
    lifeless and as though deflated on the floor.
    Still wearing her shoes and socks, and her rakishly tilted round white cap, she
    advanced towards him. “Darling. Darling! If only you’d said so before!” She held out
    her arms.
    But instead of also saying “Darling!” and holding out his arms, the Savage retreated
    in terror, flapping his hands at her as though he were trying to scare away some
    intruding and dangerous animal. Four backwards steps, and he was brought to bay
    against the wall.
    “Sweet!” said Lenina and, laying her hands on his shoulders, pressed herself
    against him. “Put your arms round me,” she commanded. “Hug me till you drug
    me, honey.” She too had poetry at her command, knew words that sang and were
    spells and beat drums. “Kiss me”; she closed her eyes, she let her voice sink to a
    sleepy murmur, “Kiss me till I’m in a coma. Hug me, honey, snuggly …”
    The Savage caught her by the wrists, tore her hands from his shoulders, thrust her
    roughly away at arm’s length.
    “Ow, you’re hurting me, you’re … oh!” She was suddenly silent. Terror had made her
    forget the pain. Opening her eyes, she had seen his face–no, not his face, a
    ferocious stranger’s, pale, distorted, twitching with some insane, inexplicable fury.
    Aghast, “But what is it, John?” she whispered. He did not answer, but only stared
    into her face with those mad eyes. The hands that held her wrists were trembling.
    He breathed deeply and irregularly. Faint almost to imperceptibility, but appalling,
    she suddenly heard the gneding of his teeth. “What is it?” she almost screamed.
    And as though awakened by her cry he caught her by the shoulders and shook her.
    “Whore!” he shouted “Whore! Impudent strumpet!”
    “Oh, don’t, do-on’t,” she protested in a voice made grotesquely tremulous by his
    shaking.
    “Whore!”
    “Plea-ease.”
    “Damned whore!”
    “A gra-amme is be-etter …” she began.
    The Savage pushed her away with such force that she staggered and fell. “Go,” he
    shouted, standing over her menacingly, “get out of my sight or I’ll kill you.” He
    clenched his fists.
    Lenina raised her arm to cover her face. “No, please don’t, John …”
    “Hurry up. Quick!”
    One arm still raised, and following his every movement with a terrified eye, she
    scrambled to her feet and still crouching, still covering her head, made a dash for
    the bathroom.
    The noise of that prodigious slap by which her departure was accelerated was like a
    pistol shot.
    “Ow!” Lenina bounded forward.
    Safely locked into the bathroom, she had leisure to take stock of her injuries.
    Standing with her back to the mirror, she twisted her head. Looking over her left
    shoulder she could see the imprint of an open hand standing out distinct and
    crimson on the pearly flesh. Gingerly she rubbed the wounded spot.
    Outside, in the other room, the Savage was striding up and down, marching,
    marching to the drums and music of magical words. “The wren goes to’t and the
    small gilded fly does lecher in my sight.” Maddeningly they rumbled in his ears.
    “The fitchew nor the soiled horse goes to’t with a more riotous appetite. Down from
    the waist they are Centaurs, though women all above. But to the girdle do the gods
    inherit. Beneath is all the fiend’s. There’s hell, there’s darkness, there is the
    sulphurous pit, burning scalding, stench, consumption; fie, fie, fie, pain, pain! Give
    me an ounce of civet, good apothecary, to sweeten my imagination.”
    “John!” ventured a small ingratiating voice from the bathroom. “John!”
    “O thou weed, who are so lovely fair and smell’st so sweet that the sense aches at
    thee. Was this most goodly book made to write ‘whore’ upon? Heaven stops the
    nose at it …”
    But her perfume still hung about him, his jacket was white with the powder that had
    scented her velvety body. “Impudent strumpet, impudent strumpet, impudent
    strumpet.” The inexorable rhythm beat itself out. “Impudent …”
    “John, do you think I might have my clothes?”
    He picked up the bell-bottomed trousers, the blouse, the zippicamiknicks.
    “Open!” he ordered, kicking the door.
    “No, I won’t.” The voice was frightened and defiant.
    “Well, how do you expect me to give them to you?”
    “Push them through the ventilator over the door.”
    He did what she suggested and returned to his uneasy pacing of the room.
    “Impudent strumpet, impudent strumpet. The devil Luxury with his fat rump and
    potato finger …”
    “John.”
    He would not answer. “Fat rump and potato finger.”
    “John.”
    “What is it?” he asked gruffly.
    “I wonder if you’d mind giving me my Malthusian belt.”
    Lenina sat, listening to the footsteps in the other room, wondering, as she listened,
    how long he was likely to go tramping up and down like that; whether she would
    have to wait until he left the flat; or if it would be safe, after allowing his madness a
    reasonable time to subside, to open the bathroom door and make a dash for it.
    She was interrupted in the midst of these uneasy speculations by the sound of the
    telephone bell ringing in the other room. Abruptly the tramping ceased. She heard
    the voice of the Savage parleying with silence.
    “Hullo.”
    . . . . .
    “Yes.”
    . . . . .
    “If I do not usurp myself, I am.”
    . . . . .
    “Yes, didn’t you hear me say so? Mr. Savage speaking.”
    . . . . .
    “What? Who’s ill? Of course it interests me.”
    . . . . .
    “But is it serious? Is she really bad? I’ll go at once …”
    . . . . .
    “Not in her rooms any more? Where has she been taken?”
    . . . . .
    “Oh, my God! What’s the address?”
    . . . . .
    “Three Park Lane–is that it? Three? Thanks.”
    Lenina heard the click of the replaced receiver, then hurrying steps. A door
    slammed. There was silence. Was he really gone?
    With an infinity of precautions she opened the door a quarter of an inch; peeped
    through the crack; was encouraged by the view of emptiness; opened a little further,
    and put her whole head out; finally tiptoed into the room; stood for a few seconds
    with strongly beating heart, listening, listening; then darted to the front door,
    opened, slipped through, slammed, ran. It was not till she was in the lift and
    actually dropping down the well that she began to feel herself secure.

    Chapter Fourteen

    THE Park Lane Hospital for the Dying was a sixty-story tower of primrose tiles. As
    the Savage stepped out of his taxicopter a convoy of gaily-coloured aerial hearses
    rose whirring from the roof and darted away across the Park, westwards, bound for
    the Slough Crematorium. At the lift gates the presiding porter gave him the
    information he required, and he dropped down to Ward 81 (a Galloping Senility
    ward, the porter explained) on the seventeenth floor.
    It was a large room bright with sunshine and yellow paint, and containing twenty
    beds, all occupied. Linda was dying in company–in company and with all the modern
    conveniences. The air was continuously alive with gay synthetic melodies. At the foot
    of every bed, confronting its moribund occupant, was a television box. Television
    was left on, a running tap, from morning till night. Every quarter of an hour the
    prevailing perfume of the room was automatically changed. “We try,” explained the
    nurse, who had taken charge of the Savage at the door, “we try to create a
    thoroughly pleasant atmosphere here–something between a first-class hotel and a
    feely-palace, if you take my meaning.”
    “Where is she?” asked the Savage, ignoring these polite explanations.
    The nurse was offended. “You are in a hurry,” she said.
    “Is there any hope?” he asked.
    “You mean, of her not dying?” (He nodded.) “No, of course there isn’t. When
    somebody’s sent here, there’s no …” Startled by the expression of distress on his
    pale face, she suddenly broke off. “Why, whatever is the matter?” she asked. She
    was not accustomed to this kind of thing in visitors. (Not that there were many
    visitors anyhow: or any reason why there should be many visitors.) “You’re not
    feeling ill, are you?”
    He shook his head. “She’s my mother,” he said in a scarcely audible voice.
    The nurse glanced at him with startled, horrified eyes; then quickly looked away.
    From throat to temple she was all one hot blush.
    “Take me to her,” said the Savage, making an effort to speak in an ordinary tone.
    Still blushing, she led the way down the ward. Faces still fresh and unwithered (for
    senility galloped so hard that it had no time to age the cheeks–only the heart and
    brain) turned as they passed. Their progress was followed by the blank, incurious
    eyes of second infancy. The Savage shuddered as he looked.
    Linda was lying in the last of the long row of beds, next to the wall. Propped up on
    pillows, she was watching the Semi-finals of the South American Riemann-Surface
    Tennis Championship, which were being played in silent and diminished
    reproduction on the screen of the television box at the foot of the bed. Hither and
    thither across their square of illuminted glass the little figures noiselessly darted,
    like fish in an aquarium–the silent but agitated inhabitants of another world.
    Linda looked on, vaguely and uncomprehendingly smiling. Her pale, bloated face
    wore an expression of imbecile happiness. Every now and then her eyelids closed,
    and for a few seconds she seemed to be dozing. Then with a little start she would
    wake up again–wake up to the aquarium antics of the Tennis Champions, to the
    Super-Vox-Wurlitzeriana rendering of “Hug me till you drug me, honey,” to the
    warm draught of verbena that came blowing through the ventilator above her
    head–would wake to these things, or rather to a dream of which these things,
    transformed and embellished by the soma in her blood, were the marvellous
    constituents, and smile once more her broken and discoloured smile of infantile
    contentment.
    “Well, I must go,” said the nurse. “I’ve got my batch of children coming. Besides,
    there’s Number 3.” She pointed up the ward. “Might go off any minute now. Well,
    make yourself comfortable.” She walked briskly away.
    The Savage sat down beside the bed.
    “Linda,” he whispered, taking her hand.
    At the sound of her name, she turned. Her vague eyes brightened with recognition.
    She squeezed his hand, she smiled, her lips moved; then quite suddenly her head
    fell forward. She was asleep. He sat watching her–seeking through the tired flesh,
    seeking and finding that young, bright face which had stooped over his childhood in
    Malpais, remembering (and he closed his eyes) her voice, her movements, all the
    events of their life together. “Streptocock-Gee to Banbury T …” How beautiful her
    singing had been! And those childish rhymes, how magically strange and mysterious!
    A, B, C, vitamin D:
    The fat’s in the liver, the cod’s in the sea.
    He felt the hot tears welling up behind his eyelids as he recalled the words and
    Linda’s voice as she repeated them. And then the reading lessons: The tot is in the
    pot, the cat is on the mat; and the Elementary Instructions for Beta Workers in the
    Embryo Store. And long evenings by the fire or, in summertime, on the roof of the
    little house, when she told him those stories about the Other Place, outside the
    Reservation: that beautiful, beautiful Other Place, whose memory, as of a heaven,
    a paradise of goodness and loveliness, he still kept whole and intact, undefiled by
    contact with the reality of this real London, these actual civilized men and women.
    A sudden noise of shrill voices made him open his eyes and, after hastily brushing
    away the tears, look round. What seemed an interminable stream of identical
    eight-year-old male twins was pouring into the room. Twin after twin, twin after twin,
    they came–a nightmare. Their faces, their repeated face–for there was only one
    between the lot of them–puggishly stared, all nostrils and pale goggling eyes. Their
    uniform was khaki. All their mouths hung open. Squealing and chattering they
    entered. In a moment, it seemed, the ward was maggoty with them. They swarmed
    between the beds, clambered over, crawled under, peeped into the television boxes,
    made faces at the patients.
    Linda astonished and rather alarmed them. A group stood clustered at the foot of
    her bed, staring with the frightened and stupid curiosity of animals suddenly
    confronted by the unknown.
    “Oh, look, look!” They spoke in low, scared voices. “Whatever is the matter with
    her? Why is she so fat?”
    They had never seen a face like hers before–had never seen a face that was not
    youthful and taut-skinned, a body that had ceased to be slim and upright. All these
    moribund sexagenarians had the appearance of childish girls. At forty-four, Linda
    seemed, by contrast, a monster of flaccid and distorted senility.
    “Isn’t she awful?” came the whispered comments. “Look at her teeth!”
    Suddenly from under the bed a pug-faced twin popped up between John’s chair and
    the wall, and began peering into Linda’s sleeping face.
    “I say …” he began; but the sentence ended prematurely in a squeal. The Savage
    had seized him by the collar, lifted him clear over the chair and, with a smart box on
    the ears, sent him howling away.
    His yells brought the Head Nurse hurrying to the rescue.
    “What have you been doing to him?” she demanded fiercely. “I won’t have you
    striking the children.”
    “Well then, keep them away from this bed.” The Savage’s voice was trembling with
    indigation. “What are these filthy little brats doing here at all? It’s disgraceful!”
    “Disgraceful? But what do you mean? They’re being death-conditioned. And I tell
    you,” she warned him truculently, “if I have any more of your interference with their
    conditioning, I’ll send for the porters and have you thrown out.”
    The Savage rose to his feet and took a couple of steps towards her. His movements
    and the expression on his face were so menacing that the nurse fell back in terror.
    With a great effort he checked himself and, without speaking, turned away and sat
    down again by the bed.
    Reassured, but with a dignity that was a trifle shrill and uncertain, “I’ve warned you,”
    said the nurse, “I’ve warned you,” said the nurse, “so mind.” Still, she led the too
    inquisitive twins away and made them join in the game of hunt-the-zipper, which
    had been organized by one of her colleagues at the other end of the room.
    “Run along now and have your cup of caffeine solution, dear,” she said to the other
    nurse. The exercise of authority restored her confidence, made her feel better. “Now
    children!” she called.
    Linda had stirred uneasily, had opened her eyes for a moment, looked vaguely
    around, and then once more dropped off to sleep. Sitting beside her, the Savage
    tried hard to recapture his mood of a few minutes before. “A, B, C, vitamin D,” he
    repeated to himself, as though the words were a spell that would restore the dead
    past to life. But the spell was ineffective. Obstinately the beautiful memories
    refused to rise; there was only a hateful resurrection of jealousies and uglinesses
    and miseries. Popé with the blood trickling down from his cut shoulder; and Linda
    hideously asleep, and the flies buzzing round the spilt mescal on the floor beside
    the bed; and the boys calling those names as she passed. … Ah, no, no! He shut
    his eyes, he shook his head in strenuous denial of these memories. “A, B, C,
    vitamin D …” He tried to think of those times when he sat on her knees and she put
    her arms about him and sang, over and over again, rocking him, rocking him to
    sleep. “A, B, C, vitamin D, vitamin D, vitamin D …”
    The Super-Vox-Wurlitzeriana had risen to a sobbing crescendo; and suddenly the
    verbena gave place, in the scent-circulating system, to an intense patchouli. Linda
    stirred, woke up, stared for a few seconds bewilderly at the Semi-finalists, then,
    lifting her face, sniffed once or twice at the newly perfumed air and suddenly
    smiled–a smile of childish ectasy.
    “Popé!” she murmured, and closed her eyes. “Oh, I do so like it, I do …” She
    sighed and let herself sink back into the pillows.
    “But, Linda!” The Savage spoke imploringly, “Don’t you know me?” He had tried so
    hard, had done his very best; why woudn’t she allow him to forget? He squeezed her
    limp hand almost with violence, as though he would force her to come back from
    this dream of ignoble pleasures, from these base and hateful memories–back into
    the present, back into reality: the appalling present, the awful reality–but sublime,
    but significant, but desperately important precisely because of the immience of that
    which made them so fearful. “Don’t you know me, Linda?”
    He felt the faint answering pressure of her hand. The tears started into his eyes. He
    bent over her and kissed her.
    Her lips moved. “Popé!” she whispered again, and it was as though he had had a
    pailful of ordure thrown in his face.
    Anger suddenly boiled up in him. Balked for the second time, the passion of his
    grief had found another outlet, was transformed into a passion of agonized rage.
    “But I’m John!” he shouted. “I’m John!” And in his furious misery he actually caught her by the shouder and shook her.
    Linda’s eyes fluttered open; she saw him, knew him–”John!”–but situated the real
    face, the real and violent hands, in an imaginary world–among the inward and
    private equivalents of patchouli and the Super-Wurlitzer, among the transfigured
    memories and the strangely transposed sensations that constituted the universe of
    her dream. She knew him for John, her son, but fancied him an intruder into that
    paradisal Malpais where she had been spending her soma-holiday with Popé. He was
    angry because she liked Popé, he was shaking her because Popé was there in the
    bed–as though there were something wrong, as though all civilized people didn’t do
    the same. “Every one belongs to every …” Her voice suddenly died into an almost
    inaudible breathless croaking. Her mouth fell open: she made a desperate effort to
    fill her lungs with air. But it was as though she had forgotten how to breathe. She
    tried to cry out–but no sound came; only the terror of her staring eyes revealed
    what she was suffering. Her hands went to her throat, then clawed at the air–the air
    she coud no longer breathe, the air that, for her, had ceased to exist.
    The Savage was on his feet, bent over her. “What is it, Linda? What is it?” His voice
    was imploring; it was as though he were begging to be reassured.
    The look she gave him was charged with an unspeakable terror–with terror and, it
    seemed to him, reproach.
    She tried to raise herself in bed, but fell back on to the pillows. Her face was horribly
    distorted, her lips blue.
    The Savage turned and ran up the ward.
    “Quick, quick!” he shouted. “Quick!”
    Standing in the centre of a ring of zipper-hunting twins, the Head Nurse looked
    round. The first moment’s astonishment gave place almost instantly to disapproval.
    “Don’t shout! Think of the little ones,” she said, frowning. “You might decondition …
    But what are you doing?” He had broken through the ring. “Be careful!” A child was yelling.
    “Quick, quick!” He caught her by the sleeve, dragged her after him. “Quick!
    Something’s happened. I’ve killed her.”
    By the time they were back at the end of the ward Linda was dead.
    The Savage stood for a moment in frozen silence, then fell on his knees beside the
    bed and, covering his face with his hands, sobbed uncontrollably.
    The nurse stood irresolute, looking now at the kneeling figure by the bed (the
    scandalous exhibition!) and now (poor children!) at the twins who had stopped their
    hunting of the zipper and were staring from the other end of the ward, staring with
    all their eyes and nostrils at the shocking scene that was being enacted round Bed
    20. Should she speak to him? try to bring him back to a sense of decency? remind
    him of where he was? of what fatal mischief he might do to these poor innocents?
    Undoing all their wholesome death-conditioning with this disgusting outcry–as
    though death were something terrible, as though any one mattered as much as all
    that! It might give them the most disastrous ideas about the subject, might upset
    them into reacting in the entirely wrong, the utterly anti-social way.
    She stepped forward, she touched him on the shoulder. “Can’t you behave?” she
    said in a low, angry voice. But, looking around, she saw that half a dozen twins were
    already on their feet and advancing down the ward. The circle was distintegrating. In
    another moment … No, the risk was too great; the whole Group might be put back
    six or seven months in its conditioning. She hurried back towards her menaced
    charges.
    “Now, who wants a chocolate éclair?” she asked in a loud, cheerful tone.
    “Me!” yelled the entire Bokanovsky Group in chorus. Bed 20 was completely
    forgotten.
    “Oh, God, God, God …” the Savage kept repeating to himself. In the chaos of grief
    and remorse that filled his mind it was the one articulate word. “God!” he whispered
    it aloud. “God …”
    “Whatever is he saying?” said a voice, very near, distinct and shrill through the
    warblings of the Super-Wurlitzer.
    The Savage violently started and, uncovering his face, looked round. Five khaki
    twins, each with the stump of a long éclair in his right hand, and their identical faces
    variously smeared with liquid chocolate, were standing in a row, puggily goggling at
    him.
    They met his eyes and simultaneously grinned. One of them pointed with his éclair
    butt.
    “Is she dead?” he asked.
    The Savage stared at them for a moment in silence. Then in silence he rose to his
    feet, in silence slowly walked towards the door.
    “Is she dead?” repeated the inquisitive twin trotting at his side.
    The Savage looked down at him and still without speaking pushed him away. The
    twin fell on the floor and at once began to howl. The Savage did not even look
    round.

    Chapter Fifteen

    THE menial staff of the Park Lane Hospital for the Dying consisted of one hundred
    and sixty-two Deltas divided into two Bokanovsky Groups of eighty-four red headed
    female and seventy-eight dark dolychocephalic male twins, respectively. At six,
    when their working day was over, the two Groups assembled in the vestibule of the
    Hospital and were served by the Deputy Sub-Bursar with their soma ration.
    From the lift the Savage stepped out into the midst of them. But his mind was
    elsewhere–with death, with his grief, and his remorse; mechanicaly, without
    consciousness of what he was doing, he began to shoulder his way through the
    crowd.
    “Who are you pushing? Where do you think you’re going?”
    High, low, from a multitude of separate throats, only two voices squeaked or
    growled. Repeated indefinitely, as though by a train of mirrors, two faces, one a
    hairless and freckled moon haloed in orange, the other a thin, beaked bird-mask,
    stubbly with two days’ beard, turned angrily towards him. Their words and, in his
    ribs, the sharp nudging of elbows, broke through his unawareness. He woke once
    more to external reality, looked round him, knew what he saw–knew it, with a
    sinking sense of horror and disgust, for the recurrent delirium of his days and
    nights, the nightmare of swarming indistinguishable sameness. Twins, twins. … Like
    maggots they had swarmed defilingly over the mystery of Linda’s death. Maggots
    again, but larger, full grown, they now crawled across his grief and his repentance.
    He halted and, with bewildered and horrified eyes, stared round him at the khaki
    mob, in the midst of which, overtopping it by a full head, he stood. “How many
    goodly creatures are there here!” The singing words mocked him derisively. “How
    beauteous mankind is! O brave new world …”
    “Soma distribution!” shouted a loud voice. “In good order, please. Hurry up there.”
    A door had been opened, a table and chair carried into the vestibule. The voice was
    that of a jaunty young Alpha, who had entered carrying a black iron cash-box. A
    murmur of satisfaction went up from the expectant twins. They forgot all about the
    Savage. Their attention was now focused on the black cash-box, which the young
    man had placed on the table, and was now in process of unlocking. The lid was
    lifted.
    “Oo-oh!” said all the hundred and sixty-two simultaneously, as though they were
    looking at fireworks.
    The young man took out a handful of tiny pill-boxes. “Now,” he said peremptorily,
    “step forward, please. One at a time, and no shoving.”
    One at a time, with no shoving, the twins stepped forward. First two males, then a
    female, then another male, then three females, then …
    The Savage stood looking on. “O brave new world, O brave new world …” In his mind
    the singing words seemed to change their tone. They had mocked him through his
    misery and remorse, mocked him with how hideous a note of cynical derision!
    Fiendishly laughing, they had insisted on the low squalor, the nauseous ugliness of
    the nightmare. Now, suddenly, they trumpeted a call to arms. “O brave new world!”
    Miranda was proclaiming the possibility of loveliness, the possibility of transforming
    even the nightmare into something fine and noble. “O brave new world!” It was a
    challenge, a command.
    “No shoving there now!” shouted the Deputy Sub-Bursar in a fury. He slammed down
    he lid of his cash-box. “I shall stop the distribution unless I have good behaviour.”
    The Deltas muttered, jostled one another a little, and then were still. The threat had
    been effective. Deprivation of soma–appalling thought!
    “That’s better,” said the young man, and reopened his cash-box.
    Linda had been a slave, Linda had died; others should live in freedom, and the
    world be made beautiful. A reparation, a duty. And suddenly it was luminously clear
    to the Savage what he must do; it was as though a shutter had been opened, a
    curtain drawn back.
    “Now,” said the Deputy Sub-Bursar.
    Another khaki female stepped forward.
    “Stop!” called the Savage in a loud and ringing voice. “Stop!”
    He pushed his way to the table; the Deltas stared at him with astonishment.
    “Ford!” said the Deputy Sub-Bursar, below his breath. “It’s the Savage.” He felt
    scared.
    “Listen, I beg of you,” cried the Savage earnestly. “Lend me your ears …” He had
    never spoken in public before, and found it very difficult to express what he wanted
    to say. “Don’t take that horrible stuff. It’s poison, it’s poison.”
    “I say, Mr. Savage,” said the Deputy Sub-Bursar, smiling propitiatingly. “Would you
    mind letting me …”
    “Poison to soul as well as body.”
    “Yes, but let me get on with my distribution, won’t you? There’s a good fellow.” With
    the cautious tenderness of one who strokes a notoriously vicious animal, he patted
    the Savage’s arm. “Just let me …”
    “Never!” cried the Savage.
    “But look here, old man …”
    “Throw it all away, that horrible poison.”
    The words “Throw it all away” pierced through the enfolding layers of
    incomprehension to the quick of the Delta’s consciousness. An angry murmur went
    up from the crowd.
    “I come to bring you freedom,” said the Savage, turning back towards the twins. “I
    come …”
    The Deputy Sub-Bursar heard no more; he had slipped out of the vestibule and was
    looking up a number in the telephone book.
    “Not in his own rooms,” Bernard summed up. “Not in mine, not in yours. Not at the
    Aphroditaum; not at the Centre or the College. Where can he have got to?”
    Helmholtz shrugged his shoulders. They had come back from their work expecting
    to find the Savage waiting for them at one or other of the usual meeting-places,
    and there was no sign of the fellow. Which was annoying, as they had meant to nip
    across to Biarritz in Helmholtz’s four-seater sporticopter. They’d be late for dinner if
    he didn’t come soon.
    “We’ll give him five more minutes,” said Helmholtz. “If he doesn’t turn up by then,
    we’ll …”
    The ringing of the telephone bell interrupted him. He picked up the receiver. “Hullo.
    Speaking.” Then, after a long interval of listening, “Ford in Flivver!” he swore. “I’ll
    come at once.”
    “What is it?” Bernard asked.
    “A fellow I know at the Park Lane Hospital,” said Helmholtz. “The Savage is there.
    Seems to have gone mad. Anyhow, it’s urgent. Will you come with me?”
    Together they hurried along the corridor to the lifts.
    “But do you like being slaves?” the Savage was saying as they entered the Hospital.
    His face was flushed, his eyes bright with ardour and indignation. “Do you like being
    babies? Yes, babies. Mewling and puking,” he added, exasperated by their bestial
    stupidity into throwing insults at those he had come to save. The insults bounced off
    their carapace of thick stupidity; they stared at him with a blank expression of dull
    and sullen resentment in their eyes. “Yes, puking!” he fairly shouted. Grief and
    remorse, compassion and duty–all were forgotten now and, as it were, absorbed into
    an intense overpowering hatred of these less than human monsters. “Don’t you
    want to be free and men? Don’t you even understand what manhood and freedom
    are?” Rage was making him fluent; the words came easily, in a rush. “Don’t you?”
    he repeated, but got no answer to his question. “Very well then,” he went on grimly.
    “I’ll teach you; I’ll make you be free whether you want to or not.” And pushing open
    a window that looked on to the inner court of the Hospital, he began to throw the
    little pill-boxes of soma tablets in handfuls out into the area.
    For a moment the khaki mob was silent, petrified, at the spectacle of this wanton
    sacrilege, with amazement and horror.
    “He’s mad,” whispered Bernard, staring with wide open eyes. “They’ll kill him. They’ll
    …” A great shout suddenly went up from the mob; a wave of movement drove it
    menacingly towards the Savage. “Ford help him!” said Bernard, and averted his eyes.
    “Ford helps those who help themselves.” And with a laugh, actually a laugh of
    exultation, Helmholtz Watson pushed his way through the crowd.
    “Free, free!” the Savage shouted, and with one hand continued to throw the soma
    into the area while, with the other, he punched the indistinguishable faces of his
    assailants. “Free!” And suddenly there was Helmholtz at his side–”Good old
    Helmholtz!”–also punching–”Men at last!”–and in the interval also throwing the
    poison out by handfuls through the open window. “Yes, men! men!” and there was
    no more poison left. He picked up the cash-box and showed them its black
    emptiness. “You’re free!”
    Howling, the Deltas charged with a redoubled fury.
    Hesitant on the fringes of the battle. “They’re done for,” said Bernard and, urged by
    a sudden impulse, ran forward to help them; then thought better of it and halted;
    then, ashamed, stepped forward again; then again thought better of it, and was
    standing in an agony of humiliated indecision–thinking that they might be killed if
    he didn’t help them, and that he might be killed if he did–when (Ford be praised!),
    goggle-eyed and swine-snouted in their gas-masks, in ran the police.
    Bernard dashed to meet them. He waved his arms; and it was action, he was doing
    something. He shouted “Help!” several times, more and more loudly so as to give
    himself the illusion of helping. “Help! Help! HELP!”
    The policemen pushed him out of the way and got on with their work. Three men
    with spraying machines buckled to their shoulders pumped thick clouds of soma
    vapour into the air. Two more were busy round the portable Synthetic Music Box.
    Carrying water pistols charged with a powerful an?sthetic, four others had pushed
    their way into the crowd and were methodically laying out, squirt by squirt, the more
    ferocious of the fighters.
    “Quick, quick!” yelled Bernard. “They’ll be killed if you don’t hurry. They’ll … Oh!”
    Annoyed by his chatter, one of the policemen had given him a shot from his water
    pistol. Bernard stood for a second or two wambling unsteadily on legs that seemed
    to have lost their bones, their tendons, their muscles, to have become mere sticks
    of jelly, and at last not even jelly-water: he tumbled in a heap on the floor.
    Suddenly, from out of the Synthetic Music Box a Voice began to speak. The Voice of
    Reason, the Voice of Good Feeling. The sound-track roll was unwinding itself in
    Synthetic Anti-Riot Speech Number Two (Medium Strength). Straight from the depths
    of a non-existent heart, “My friends, my friends!” said the Voice so pathetically, with
    a note of such infinitely tender reproach that, behind their gas masks, even the
    policemen’s eyes were momentarily dimmed with tears, “what is the meaning of
    this? Why aren’t you all being happy and good together? Happy and good,” the
    Voice repeated. “At peace, at peace.” It trembled, sank into a whisper and
    momentarily expired. “Oh, I do want you to be happy,” it began, with a yearning
    earnestness. “I do so want you to be good! Please, please be good and …”
    Two minutes later the Voice and the soma vapour had produced their effect. In
    tears, the Deltas were kissing and hugging one another–half a dozen twins at a
    time in a comprehensive embrace. Even Helmholtz and the Savage were almost
    crying. A fresh supply of pill-boxes was brought in from the Bursary; a new
    distribution was hastily made and, to the sound of the Voice’s ricuy affectionate,
    baritone valedictions, the twins dispersed, blubbering as though their hearts would
    break. “Good-bye, my dearest, dearest friends, Ford keep you! Good-bye, my
    dearest, dearest friends, Ford keep you. Good-bye my dearest, dearest …”
    When the last of the Deltas had gone the policeman switched off the current. The
    angelic Voice fell silent.
    “Will you come quietly?” asked the Sergeant, “or must we an?sthetize?” He pointed
    his water pistol menacingly.
    “Oh, we’ll come quietly,” the Savage answered, dabbing alternately a cut lip, a
    scratched neck, and a bitten left hand.
    Still keeping his handkerchief to his bleeding nose Helmholtz nodded in
    confirmation.
    Awake and having recovered the use of his legs, Bernard had chosen this moment
    to move as inconspicuously as he could towards the door.
    “Hi, you there,” called the Sergeant, and a swine-masked policeman hurried across
    the room and laid a hand on the young man’s shoulder.
    Bernard turned with an expression of indignant innocence. Escaping? He hadn’t
    dreamed of such a thing. “Though what on earth you want me for,” he said to the
    Sergeant, “I really can’t imagine.”
    “You’re a friend of the prisoner’s, aren’t you?”
    “Well …” said Bernard, and hesitated. No, he really couldn’t deny it. “Why shouldn’t I
    be?” he asked.
    “Come on then,” said the Sergeant, and led the way towards the door and the
    waiting police car.

    Chapter Sixteen

    THE ROOM into which the three were ushered was the Controller’s study.
    “His fordship will be down in a moment.” The Gamma butler left them to themselves.
    Helmholtz laughed aloud.
    “It’s more like a caffeine-solution party than a trial,” he said, and let himself fall
    into the most luxurious of the pneumatic arm-chairs. “Cheer up, Bernard,” he
    added, catching sight of his friend’s green unhappy face. But Bernard would not be
    cheered; without answering, without even looking at Helmholtz, he went and sat
    down on the most uncomfortable chair in the room, carefully chosen in the obscure
    hope of somehow deprecating the wrath of the higher powers.
    The Savage meanwhile wandered restlessly round the room, peering with a vague
    superficial inquisitiveness at the books in the shelves, at the sound-track rolls and
    reading machine bobbins in their numbered pigeon-holes. On the table under the
    window lay a massive volume bound in limp black leather-surrogate, and stamped
    with large golden T’s. He picked it up and opened it. MY LIFE AND WORK, BY OUR
    FORD. The book had been published at Detroit by the Society for the Propagation of
    Fordian Knowledge. Idly he turned the pages, read a sentence here, a paragraph
    there, and had just come to the conclusion that the book didn’t interest him, when
    the door opened, and the Resident World Controller for Western Europe walked
    briskly into the room.
    Mustapha Mond shook hands with all three of them; but it was to the Savage that
    he addressed himself. “So you don’t much like civilization, Mr. Savage,” he said.
    The Savage looked at him. He had been prepared to lie, to bluster, to remain
    sullenly unresponsive; but, reassured by the good-humoured intelligence of the
    Controller’s face, he decided to tell the truth, straightforwardly. “No.” He shook his
    head.
    Bernard started and looked horrified. What would the Controller think? To be
    labelled as the friend of a man who said that he didn’t like civilization–said it openly
    and, of all people, to the Controller–it was terrible. “But, John,” he began. A look
    from Mustapha Mond reduced him to an abject silence.
    “Of course,” the Savage went on to admit, “there are some very nice things. All that
    music in the air, for instance …”
    “Sometimes a thousand twangling instruments will hum about my ears and
    sometimes voices.”
    The Savage’s face lit up with a sudden pleasure. “Have you read it too?” he asked.
    “I thought nobody knew about that book here, in England.”
    “Almost nobody. I’m one of the very few. It’s prohibited, you see. But as I make
    the laws here, I can also break them. With impunity, Mr. Marx,” he added, turning
    to Bernard. “Which I’m afraid you can’t do.”
    Bernard sank into a yet more hopeless misery.
    “But why is it prohibited?” asked the Savage. In the excitement of meeting a man
    who had read Shakespeare he had momentarily forgotten everything else.
    The Controller shrugged his shoulders. “Because it’s old; that’s the chief reason. We
    haven’t any use for old things here.”
    “Even when they’re beautiful?”
    “Particularly when they’re beautiful. Beauty’s attractive, and we don’t want people to
    be attracted by old things. We want them to like the new ones.”
    “But the new ones are so stupid and horrible. Those plays, where there’s nothing
    but helicopters flying about and you feel the people kissing.” He made a grimace.
    “Goats and monkeys!” Only in Othello’s word could he find an adequate vehicle for
    his contempt and hatred.
    “Nice tame animals, anyhow,” the Controller murmured parenthetically.
    “Why don’t you let them see Othello instead?”
    “I’ve told you; it’s old. Besides, they couldn’t understand it.”
    Yes, that was true. He remembered how Helmholtz had laughed at Romeo and Juliet.
    “Well then,” he said, after a pause, “something new that’s like Othello, and that
    they could understand.”
    “That’s what we’ve all been wanting to write,” said Helmholtz, breaking a long
    silence.
    “And it’s what you never will write,” said the Controller. “Because, if it were really like
    Othello nobody could understand it, however new it might be. And if were new, it
    couldn’t possibly be like Othello.”
    “Why not?”
    “Yes, why not?” Helmholtz repeated. He too was forgetting the unpleasant realities
    of the situation. Green with anxiety and apprehension, only Bernard remembered
    them; the others ignored him. “Why not?”
    “Because our world is not the same as Othello’s world. You can’t make flivvers
    without steel–and you can’t make tragedies without social instability. The world’s
    stable now. People are happy; they get what they want, and they never want what
    they can’t get. They’re well off; they’re safe; they’re never ill; they’re not afraid of
    death; they’re blissfully ignorant of passion and old age; they’re plagued with no
    mothers or fathers; they’ve got no wives, or children, or lovers to feel strongly
    about; they’re so conditioned that they practically can’t help behaving as they ought
    to behave. And if anything should go wrong, there’s soma. Which you go and chuck
    out of the window in the name of liberty, Mr. Savage. Liberty!” He laughed.
    “Expecting Deltas to know what liberty is! And now expecting them to understand
    Othello! My good boy!”
    The Savage was silent for a little. “All the same,” he insisted obstinately, “Othello’s
    good, Othello’s better than those feelies.”
    “Of course it is,” the Controller agreed. “But that’s the price we have to pay for
    stability. You’ve got to choose between happiness and what people used to call high
    art. We’ve sacrificed the high art. We have the feelies and the scent organ instead.”
    “But they don’t mean anything.”
    “They mean themselves; they mean a lot of agreeable sensations to the audience.”
    “But they’re … they’re told by an idiot.”
    The Controller laughed. “You’re not being very polite to your friend, Mr. Watson.
    One of our most distinguished Emotional Engineers …”
    “But he’s right,” said Helmholtz gloomily. “Because it is idiotic. Writing when there’s
    nothing to say …”
    “Precisely. But that require the most enormous ingenuity. You’re making fiivvers out
    of the absolute minimum of steel–works of art out of practically nothing but pure
    sensation.”
    The Savage shook his head. “It all seems to me quite horrible.”
    “Of course it does. Actual happiness always looks pretty squalid in comparison with
    the over-compensations for misery. And, of course, stability isn’t nearly so
    spectacular as instability. And being contented has none of the glamour of a good
    fight against misfortune, none of the picturesqueness of a struggle with temptation,
    or a fatal overthrow by passion or doubt. Happiness is never grand.”
    “I suppose not,” said the Savage after a silence. “But need it be quite so bad as
    those twins?” He passed his hand over his eyes as though he were trying to wipe
    away the remembered image of those long rows of identical midgets at the
    assembling tables, those queued-up twin-herds at the entrance to the Brentford
    monorail station, those human maggots swarming round Linda’s bed of death, the
    endlessly repeated face of his assailants. He looked at his bandaged left hand and
    shuddered. “Horrible!”
    “But how useful! I see you don’t like our Bokanovsky Groups; but, I assure you,
    they’re the foundation on which everything else is built. They’re the gyroscope that
    stabilizes the rocket plane of state on its unswerving course.” The deep voice
    thrillingly vibrated; the gesticulating hand implied all space and the onrush of the
    irresistible machine. Mustapha Mond’s oratory was almost up to synthetic standards.
    “I was wondering,” said the Savage, “why you had them at all–seeing that you can
    get whatever you want out of those bottles. Why don’t you make everybody an
    Alpha Double Plus while you’re about it?”
    Mustapha Mond laughed. “Because we have no wish to have our throats cut,” he
    answered. “We believe in happiness and stability. A society of Alphas couldn’t fail to
    be unstable and miserable. Imagine a factory staffed by Alphas–that is to say by
    separate and unrelated individuals of good heredity and conditioned so as to be
    capable (within limits) of making a free choice and assuming responsibilities.
    Imagine it!” he repeated.
    The Savage tried to imagine it, not very successfully.
    “It’s an absurdity. An Alpha-decanted, Alpha-conditioned man would go mad if he
    had to do Epsilon Semi-Moron work–go mad, or start smashing things up. Alphas
    can be completely socialized–but only on condition that you make them do Alpha
    work. Only an Epsilon can be expected to make Epsilon sacrifices, for the good
    reason that for him they aren’t sacrifices; they’re the line of least resistance. His
    conditioning has laid down rails along which he’s got to run. He can’t help himself;
    he’s foredoomed. Even after decanting, he’s still inside a bottle–an invisible bottle
    of infantile and embryonic fixations. Each one of us, of course,” the Controller
    meditatively continued, “goes through life inside a bottle. But if we happen to be
    Alphas, our bottles are, relatively speaking, enormous. We should suffer acutely if
    we were confined in a narrower space. You cannot pour upper-caste
    champagne-surrogate into lower-caste bottles. It’s obvious theoretically. But it has
    also been proved in actual practice. The result of the Cyprus experiment was
    convincing.”
    “What was that?” asked the Savage.
    Mustapha Mond smiled. “Well, you can call it an experiment in rebottling if you like.
    It began in A.F. 473. The Controllers had the island of Cyprus cleared of all its
    existing inhabitants and re-colonized with a specially prepared batch of twenty-two
    thousand Alphas. All agricultural and industrial equipment was handed over to them
    and they were left to manage their own affairs. The result exactly fulfilled all the
    theoretical prediotions. The land wasn’t properly worked; there were strikes in all the
    factories; the laws were set at naught, orders disobeyed; all the people detailed for
    a spell of low-grade work were perpetually intriguing for high-grade jobs, and all the
    people with high-grade jobs were counter-intriguing at all costs to stay where they
    were. Within six years they were having a first-class civil war. When nineteen out of
    the twenty-two thousand had been killed, the survivors unanimously petitioned the
    World Controllers to resume the government of the island. Which they did. And that
    was the end of the only society of Alphas that the world has ever seen.”
    The Savage sighed, profoundly.
    “The optimum population,” said Mustapha Mond, “is modelled on the
    iceberg–eight-ninths below the water line, one-ninth above.”
    “And they’re happy below the water line?”
    “Happier than above it. Happier than your friend here, for example.” He pointed.
    “In spite of that awful work?”
    “Awful? They don’t find it so. On the contrary, they like it. It’s light, it’s childishly
    simple. No strain on the mind or the muscles. Seven and a half hours of mild,
    unexhausting labour, and then the soma ration and games and unrestricted
    copulation and the feelies. What more can they ask for? True,” he added, “they
    might ask for shorter hours. And of course we could give them shorter hours.
    Technically, it would be perfectly simple to reduce all lower-caste working hours to
    three or four a day. But would they be any the happier for that? No, they wouldn’t.
    The experiment was tried, more than a century and a half ago. The whole of Ireland
    was put on to the four-hour day. What was the result? Unrest and a large increase in
    the consumption of soma; that was all. Those three and a half hours of extra leisure
    were so far from being a source of happiness, that people felt constrained to take a
    holiday from them. The Inventions Office is stuffed with plans for labour-saving
    processes. Thousands of them.” Mustapha Mond made a lavish gesture. “And why
    don’t we put them into execution? For the sake of the labourers; it would be sheer
    cruelty to afflict them with excessive leisure. It’s the same with agriculture. We could
    synthesize every morsel of food, if we wanted to. But we don’t. We prefer to keep a
    third of the population on the land. For their own sakes–because it takes longer to
    get food out of the land than out of a factory. Besides, we have our stability to think
    of. We don’t want to change. Every change is a menace to stability. That’s another
    reason why we’re so chary of applying new inventions. Every discovery in pure
    science is potentially subversive; even science must sometimes be treated as a
    possible enemy. Yes, even science.”
    Science? The Savage frowned. He knew the word. But what it exactly signified he
    could not say. Shakespeare and the old men of the pueblo had never mentioned
    science, and from Linda he had only gathered the vaguest hints: science was
    something you made helicopters with, some thing that caused you to laugh at the
    Corn Dances, something that prevented you from being wrinkled and losing your
    teeth. He made a desperate effort to take the Controller’s meaning.
    “Yes,” Mustapha Mond was saying, “that’s another item in the cost of stability. It
    isn’t only art that’s incompatible with happiness; it’s also science. Science is
    dangerous; we have to keep it most carefully chained and muzzled.”
    “What?” said Helmholtz, in astonishment. “But we’re always saying that science is
    everything. It’s a hypnop?dic platitude.”
    “Three times a week between thirteen and seventeen,” put in Bemard.
    “And all the science propaganda we do at the College …”
    “Yes; but what sort of science?” asked Mustapha Mond sarcastically. “You’ve had no
    scientific training, so you can’t judge. I was a pretty good physicist in my time. Too
    good–good enough to realize that all our science is just a cookery book, with an
    orthodox theory of cooking that nobody’s allowed to question, and a list of recipes
    that mustn’t be added to except by special permission from the head cook. I’m the
    head cook now. But I was an inquisitive young scullion once. I started doing a bit of
    cooking on my own. Unorthodox cooking, illicit cooking. A bit of real science, in
    fact.” He was silent.
    “What happened?” asked Helmholtz Watson.
    The Controller sighed. “Very nearly what’s going to happen to you young men. I was
    on the point of being sent to an island.”
    The words galvanized Bernard into violent and unseemly activity. “Send me to an
    island?” He jumped up, ran across the room, and stood gesticulating in front of the
    Controller. “You can’t send me. I haven’t done anything. lt was the others. I swear it
    was the others.” He pointed accusingly to Helmholtz and the Savage. “Oh, please
    don’t send me to Iceland. I promise I’ll do what I ought to do. Give me another
    chance. Please give me another chance.” The tears began to flow. “I tell you, it’s
    their fault,” he sobbed. “And not to Iceland. Oh please, your fordship, please …”
    And in a paroxysm of abjection he threw himself on his knees before the Controller.
    Mustapha Mond tried to make him get up; but Bernard persisted in his grovelling;
    the stream of words poured out inexhaustibly. In the end the Controller had to ring
    for his fourth secretary.
    “Bring three men,” he ordered, “and take Mr. Marx into a bedroom. Give him a
    good soma vaporization and then put him to bed and leave him.”
    The fourth secretary went out and returned with three green-uniformed twin
    footmen. Still shouting and sobbing. Bernard was carried out.
    “One would think he was going to have his throat cut,” said the Controller, as the
    door closed. “Whereas, if he had the smallest sense, he’d understand that his
    punishment is really a reward. He’s being sent to an island. That’s to say, he’s
    being sent to a place where he’ll meet the most interesting set of men and women
    to be found anywhere in the world. All the people who, for one reason or another,
    have got too self-consciously individual to fit into community-life. All the people who
    aren’t satisfied with orthodoxy, who’ve got independent ideas of their own. Every
    one, in a word, who’s any one. I almost envy you, Mr. Watson.”
    Helmholtz laughed. “Then why aren’t you on an island yourself?”
    “Because, finally, I preferred this,” the Controller answered. “I was given the choice:
    to be sent to an island, where I could have got on with my pure science, or to be
    taken on to the Controllers’ Council with the prospect of succeeding in due course to
    an actual Controllership. I chose this and let the science go.” After a little silence,
    “Sometimes,” he added, “I rather regret the science. Happiness is a hard
    master–particularly other people’s happiness. A much harder master, if one isn’t
    conditioned to accept it unquestioningly, than truth.” He sighed, fell silent again,
    then continued in a brisker tone, “Well, duty’s duty. One can’t consult one’s own
    preference. I’m interested in truth, I like science. But truth’s a menace, science is a
    public danger. As dangerous as it’s been beneficent. It has given us the stablest
    equilibrium in history. China’s was hopelessly insecure by comparison; even the
    primitive matriarchies weren’t steadier than we are. Thanks, l repeat, to science. But
    we can’t allow science to undo its own good work. That’s why we so carefully limit the
    scope of its researches–that’s why I almost got sent to an island. We don’t allow it
    to deal with any but the most immediate problems of the moment. All other
    enquiries are most sedulously discouraged. It’s curious,” he went on after a little
    pause, “to read what people in the time of Our Ford used to write about scientific
    progress. They seemed to have imagined that it could be allowed to go on
    indefinitely, regardless of everything else. Knowledge was the highest good, truth
    the supreme value; all the rest was secondary and subordinate. True, ideas were
    beginning to change even then. Our Ford himself did a great deal to shift the
    emphasis from truth and beauty to comfort and happiness. Mass production
    demanded the shift. Universal happiness keeps the wheels steadily turning; truth
    and beauty can’t. And, of course, whenever the masses seized political power, then
    it was happiness rather than truth and beauty that mattered. Still, in spite of
    everytung, unrestricted scientific research was still permitted. People still went on
    talking about truth and beauty as though they were the sovereign goods. Right up
    to the time of the Nine Years’ War. That made them change their tune all right.
    What’s the point of truth or beauty or knowledge when the anthrax bombs are
    popping all around you? That was when science first began to be controlled–after
    the Nine Years’ War. People were ready to have even their appetites controlled then.
    Anything for a quiet life. We’ve gone on controlling ever since. It hasn’t been very
    good for truth, of course. But it’s been very good for happiness. One can’t have
    something for nothing. Happiness has got to be paid for. You’re paying for it, Mr.
    Watson–paying because you happen to be too much interested in beauty. I was too
    much interested in truth; I paid too.”
    “But you didn’t go to an island,” said the Savage, breaking a long silence.
    The Controller smiled. “That’s how I paid. By choosing to serve happiness. Other
    people’s–not mine. It’s lucky,” he added, after a pause, “that there are such a lot
    of islands in the world. I don’t know what we should do without them. Put you all in
    the lethal chamber, I suppose. By the way, Mr. Watson, would you like a tropical
    climate? The Marquesas, for example; or Samoa? Or something rather more
    bracing?”
    Helmholtz rose from his pneumatic chair. “I should like a thoroughly bad climate,”
    he answered. “I believe one would write better if the climate were bad. If there were
    a lot of wind and storms, for example …”
    The Controller nodded his approbation. “I like your spirit, Mr. Watson. I like it very
    much indeed. As much as I officially disapprove of it.” He smiled. “What about the
    Falkland Islands?”
    “Yes, I think that will do,” Helmholtz answered. “And now, if you don’t mind, I’ll go
    and see how poor Bernard’s getting on.”

    Chapter Seventeen

    ART, SCIENCE–you seem to have paid a fairly high price for your happiness,” said
    the Savage, when they were alone. “Anything else?”
    “Well, religion, of course,” replied the Controller. “There used to be something
    called God–before the Nine Years’ War. But I was forgetting; you know all about
    God, I suppose.”
    “Well …” The Savage hesitated. He would have liked to say something about
    solitude, about night, about the mesa lying pale under the moon, about the
    precipice, the plunge into shadowy darkness, about death. He would have liked to
    speak; but there were no words. Not even in Shakespeare.
    The Controller, meanwhile, had crossed to the other side of the room and was
    unlocking a large safe set into the wall between the bookshelves. The heavy door
    swung open. Rummaging in the darkness within, “It’s a subject,” he said, “that has
    always had a great interest for me.” He pulled out a thick black volume. “You’ve
    never read this, for example.”
    The Savage took it. “The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testaments,” he read
    aloud from the title-page.
    “Nor this.” It was a small book and had lost its cover.
    “The Imitation of Christ.”
    “Nor this.” He handed out another volume.
    “The Varieties of Religious Experience. By William James.”
    “And I’ve got plenty more,” Mustapha Mond continued, resuming his seat. “A whole
    collection of pornographic old books. God in the safe and Ford on the shelves.” He
    pointed with a laugh to his avowed library–to the shelves of books, the rack full of
    reading-machine bobbins and sound-track rolls.
    “But if you know about God, why don’t you tell them?” asked the Savage
    indignantly. “Why don’t you give them these books about God?”
    “For the same reason as we don’t give them Othello: they’re old; they’re about God
    hundreds of years ago. Not about God now.”
    “But God doesn’t change.”
    “Men do, though.”
    “What difference does that make?”
    “All the difference in the world,” said Mustapha Mond. He got up again and walked
    to the safe. “There was a man called Cardinal Newman,” he said. “A cardinal,” he
    exclaimed parenthetically, “was a kind of Arch-Community-Songster.”
    “‘I Pandulph, of fair Milan, cardinal.’ I’ve read about them in Shakespeare.”
    “Of course you have. Well, as I was saying, there was a man called Cardinal
    Newman. Ah, here’s the book.” He pulled it out. “And while I’m about it I’ll take this
    one too. It’s by a man called Maine de Biran. He was a philosopher, if you know
    what that was.”
    “A man who dreams of fewer things than there are in heaven and earth,” said the
    Savage promptly.
    “Quite so. I’ll read you one of the things he did dream of in a moment. Meanwhile,
    listen to what this old Arch-Community-Songster said.” He opened the book at the
    place marked by a slip of paper and began to read. “‘We are not our own any more
    than what we possess is our own. We did not make ourselves, we cannot be
    supreme over ourselves. We are not our own masters. We are God’s property. Is it
    not our happiness thus to view the matter? Is it any happiness or any comfort, to
    consider that we are our own? It may be thought so by the young and prosperous.
    These may think it a great thing to have everything, as they suppose, their own
    way–to depend on no one–to have to think of nothing out of sight, to be without the
    irksomeness of continual acknowledgment, continual prayer, continual reference of
    what they do to the will of another. But as time goes on, they, as all men, will find
    that independence was not made for man–that it is an unnatural state–will do for a
    while, but will not carry us on safely to the end …’” Mustapha Mond paused, put
    down the first book and, picking up the other, turned over the pages. “Take this, for
    example,” he said, and in his deep voice once more began to read: “‘A man grows
    old; he feels in himself that radical sense of weakness, of listlessness, of
    discomfort, which accompanies the advance of age; and, feeling thus, imagines
    himself merely sick, lulling his fears with the notion that this distressing condition is
    due to some particular cause, from which, as from an illness, he hopes to recover.
    Vain imaginings! That sickness is old age; and a horrible disease it is. They say
    that it is the fear of death and of what comes after death that makes men turn to
    religion as they advance in years. But my own experience has given me the
    conviction that, quite apart from any such terrors or imaginings, the religious
    sentiment tends to develop as we grow older; to develop because, as the passions
    grow calm, as the fancy and sensibilities are less excited and less excitable, our
    reason becomes less troubled in its working, less obscured by the images, desires
    and distractions, in which it used to be absorbed; whereupon God emerges as from
    behind a cloud; our soul feels, sees, turns towards the source of all light; turns
    naturally and inevitably; for now that all that gave to the world of sensations its life
    and charms has begun to leak away from us, now that phenomenal existence is no
    more bolstered up by impressions from within or from without, we feel the need to
    lean on something that abides, something that will never play us false–a reality, an
    absolute and everlasting truth. Yes, we inevitably turn to God; for this religious
    sentiment is of its nature so pure, so delightful to the soul that experiences it, that
    it makes up to us for all our other losses.’” Mustapha Mond shut the book and
    leaned back in his chair. “One of the numerous things in heaven and earth that
    these philosophers didn’t dream about was this” (he waved his hand), “us, the
    modern world. ‘You can only be independent of God while you’ve got youth and
    prosperity; independence won’t take you safely to the end.’ Well, we’ve now got
    youth and prosperity right up to the end. What follows? Evidently, that we can be
    independent of God. ‘The religious sentiment will compensate us for all our losses.’
    But there aren’t any losses for us to compensate; religious sentiment is
    superfluous. And why should we go hunting for a substitute for youthful desires,
    when youthful desires never fail? A substitute for distractions, when we go on
    enjoying all the old fooleries to the very last? What need have we of repose when
    our minds and bodies continue to delight in activity? of consolation, when we have
    soma? of something immovable, when there is the social order?”
    “Then you think there is no God?”
    “No, I think there quite probably is one.”
    “Then why? …”
    Mustapha Mond checked him. “But he manifests himself in different ways to
    different men. In premodern times he manifested himself as the being that’s
    described in these books. Now …”
    “How does he manifest himself now?” asked the Savage.
    “Well, he manifests himself as an absence; as though he weren’t there at all.”
    “That’s your fault.”
    “Call it the fault of civilization. God isn’t compatible with machinery and scientific
    medicine and universal happiness. You must make your choice. Our civilization has
    chosen machinery and medicine and happiness. That’s why I have to keep these
    books locked up in the safe. They’re smut. People would be shocked it …”
    The Savage interrupted him. “But isn’t it natural to feel there’s a God?”
    “You might as well ask if it’s natural to do up one’s trousers with zippers,” said the
    Controller sarcastically. “You remind me of another of those old fellows called
    Bradley. He defined philosophy as the finding of bad reason for what one believes
    by instinct. As if one believed anything by instinct! One believes things because one
    has been conditioned to believe them. Finding bad reasons for what one believes
    for other bad reasons–that’s philosophy. People believe in God because they’ve
    been conditioned to.
    “But all the same,” insisted the Savage, “it is natural to believe in God when you’re
    alone–quite alone, in the night, thinking about death …”
    “But people never are alone now,” said Mustapha Mond. “We make them hate
    solitude; and we arrange their lives so that it’s almost impossible for them ever to
    have it.”
    The Savage nodded gloomily. At Malpais he had suffered because they had shut
    him out from the communal activities of the pueblo, in civilized London he was
    suffering because he could never escape from those communal activities, never be
    quietly alone.
    “Do you remember that bit in King Lear?” said the Savage at last. “‘The gods are
    just and of our pleasant vices make instruments to plague us; the dark and vicious
    place where thee he got cost him his eyes,’ and Edmund answers–you remember,
    he’s wounded, he’s dying–’Thou hast spoken right; ’tis true. The wheel has come
    full circle; I am here.’ What about that now? Doesn’t there seem to be a God
    managing things, punishing, rewarding?”
    “Well, does there?” questioned the Controller in his turn. “You can indulge in any
    number of pleasant vices with a freemartin and run no risks of having your eyes put
    out by your son’s mistress. ‘The wheel has come full circle; I am here.’ But where
    would Edmund be nowadays? Sitting in a pneumatic chair, with his arm round a girl’s
    waist, sucking away at his sex-hormone chewing-gum and looking at the feelies.
    The gods are just. No doubt. But their code of law is dictated, in the last resort, by
    the people who organize society; Providence takes its cue from men.”
    “Are you sure?” asked the Savage. “Are you quite sure that the Edmund in that
    pneumatic chair hasn’t been just as heavily punished as the Edmund who’s wounded
    and bleeding to death? The gods are just. Haven’t they used his pleasant vices as
    an instrument to degrade him?”
    “Degrade him from what position? As a happy, hard-working, goods-consuming
    citizen he’s perfect. Of course, if you choose some other standard than ours, then
    perhaps you might say he was degraded. But you’ve got to stick to one set of
    postulates. You can’t play Electro-magnetic Golf according to the rules of Centrifugal
    Bumble-puppy.”
    “But value dwells not in particular will,” said the Savage. “It holds his estimate and
    dignity as well wherein ’tis precious of itself as in the prizer.”
    “Come, come,” protested Mustapha Mond, “that’s going rather far, isn’t it?”
    “If you allowed yourselves to think of God, you wouldn’t allow yourselves to be
    degraded by pleasant vices. You’d have a reason for bearing things patiently, for
    doing things with courage. I’ve seen it with the Indians.”
    “l’m sure you have,” said Mustapha Mond. “But then we aren’t Indians. There isn’t
    any need for a civilized man to bear anything that’s seriously unpleasant. And as for
    doing things–Ford forbid that he should get the idea into his head. It would upset
    the whole social order if men started doing things on their own.”
    “What about self-denial, then? If you had a God, you’d have a reason for
    self-denial.”
    “But industrial civilization is only possible when there’s no self-denial.
    Self-indulgence up to the very limits imposed by hygiene and economics. Otherwise
    the wheels stop turning.”
    “You’d have a reason for chastity!” said the Savage, blushing a little as he spoke
    the words.
    “But chastity means passion, chastity means neurasthenia. And passion and
    neurasthenia mean instability. And instability means the end of civilization. You
    can’t have a lasting civilization without plenty of pleasant vices.”
    “But God’s the reason for everything noble and fine and heroic. If you had a God …”
    “My dear young friend,” said Mustapha Mond, “civilization has absolutely no need of
    nobility or heroism. These things are symptoms of political inefficiency. In a
    properly organized society like ours, nobody has any opportunities for being noble
    or heroic. Conditions have got to be thoroughly unstable before the occasion can
    arise. Where there are wars, where there are divided allegiances, where there are
    temptations to be resisted, objects of love to be fought for or defended–there,
    obviously, nobility and heroism have some sense. But there aren’t any wars
    nowadays. The greatest care is taken to prevent you from loving any one too much.
    There’s no such thing as a divided allegiance; you’re so conditioned that you can’t
    help doing what you ought to do. And what you ought to do is on the whole so
    pleasant, so many of the natural impulses are allowed free play, that there really
    aren’t any temptations to resist. And if ever, by some unlucky chance, anything
    unpleasant should somehow happen, why, there’s always soma to give you a holiday
    from the facts. And there’s always soma to calm your anger, to reconcile you to your
    enemies, to make you patient and long-suffering. In the past you could only
    accomplish these things by making a great effort and after years of hard moral
    training. Now, you swallow two or three half-gramme tablets, and there you are.
    Anybody can be virtuous now. You can carry at least half your mortality about in a
    bottle. Christianity without tears–that’s what soma is.”
    “But the tears are necessary. Don’t you remember what Othello said? ‘If after every
    tempest came such calms, may the winds blow till they have wakened death.’
    There’s a story one of the old Indians used to tell us, about the Girl of Mátaski. The
    young men who wanted to marry her had to do a morning’s hoeing in her garden. It
    seemed easy; but there were flies and mosquitoes, magic ones. Most of the young
    men simply couldn’t stand the biting and stinging. But the one that could–he got
    the girl.”
    “Charming! But in civilized countries,” said the Controller, “you can have girls without
    hoeing for them, and there aren’t any flies or mosquitoes to sting you. We got rid
    of them all centuries ago.”
    The Savage nodded, frowning. “You got rid of them. Yes, that’s just like you.
    Getting rid of everytfung unpleasant instead of learning to put up with it. Whether
    ’tis better in the mind to suffer the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune, or to
    take arms against a sea of troubles and by opposing end them … But you don’t do
    either. Neither suffer nor oppose. You just abolish the slings and arrows. It’s too
    easy.”
    He was suddenly silent, thinking of his mother. In her room on the thirty-seventh
    floor, Linda had floated in a sea of singing lights and perfumed caresses–floated
    away, out of space, out of time, out of the prison of her memories, her habits, her
    aged and bloated body. And Tomakin, ex-Director of Hatcheries and Conditioning,
    Tomakin was still on holiday–on holiday from humiliation and pain, in a world where
    he could not hear those words, that derisive laughter, could not see that hideous
    face, feel those moist and flabby arms round his neck, in a beautiful world …
    “What you need,” the Savage went on, “is something with tears for a change.
    Nothing costs enough here.”
    (“Twelve and a half million dollars,” Henry Foster had protested when the Savage
    told him that. “Twelve and a half million–that’s what the new Conditioning Centre
    cost. Not a cent less.”)
    “Exposing what is mortal and unsure to all that fortune, death and danger dare, even for an eggshell. Isn’t there something in that?” he asked, looking up at Mustapha Mond. “Quite apart from God–though of course God would be a reason for it. Isn’t there something in living dangerously?”
    “There’s a great deal in it,” the Controller replied. “Men and women must have their adrenals stimulated from time to time.”
    “What?” questioned the Savage, uncomprehending.
    “It’s one of the conditions of perfect health. That’s why we’ve made the V.P.S. treatments compulsory.”
    “V.P.S.?”
    “Violent Passion Surrogate. Regularly once a month. We flood the whole system with
    adrenin. It’s the complete physiological equivalent of fear and rage. All the tonic
    effects of murdering Desdemona and being murdered by Othello, without any of the
    inconveniences.”
    “But I like the inconveniences.”
    “We don’t,” said the Controller. “We prefer to do things comfortably.”
    “But I don’t want comfort. I want God, I want poetry, I want real danger, I want
    freedom, I want goodness. I want sin.”
    “In fact,” said Mustapha Mond, “you’re claiming the right to be unhappy.”
    “All right then,” said the Savage defiantly, “I’m claiming the nght to be unhappy.”
    “Not to mention the right to grow old and ugly and impotent; the right to have
    syphilis and cancer; the right to have too little to eat; the right to be lousy; the right
    to live in constant apprehension of what may happen to-morrow; the right to catch
    typhoid; the right to be tortured by unspeakable pains of every kind.” There was a
    long silence.
    “I claim them all,” said the Savage at last.
    Mustapha Mond shrugged his shoulders. “You’re welcome,” he said.

    Chapter Eighteen

    THE DOOR was ajar; they entered.
    “John!”
    From the bathroom came an unpleasant and characteristic sound.
    “Is there anything the matter?” Helmholtz called.
    There was no answer. The unpleasant sound was repeated, twice; there was silence.
    Then, with a click the bathroom door opened and, very pale, the Savage emerged.
    “I say,” Helmholtz exclaimed solicitously, “you do look ill, John!”
    “Did you eat something that didn’t agree with you?” asked Bernard.
    The Savage nodded. “I ate civilization.”
    “What?”
    “It poisoned me; I was defiled. And then,” he added, in a lower tone, “I ate my own wickedness.”
    “Yes, but what exactly? … I mean, just now you were …”
    “Now I am purified,” said the Savage. “I drank some mustard and warm water.”
    The others stared at him in astonishment. “Do you mean to say that you were doing it on purpose?” asked Bernard.
    “That’s how the Indians always purify themselves.” He sat down and, sighing, passed his hand across his forehead. “I shall rest for a few minutes,” he said. “I’m
    rather tired.”
    “Well, I’m not surprised,” said Helmholtz. After a silence, “We’ve come to say good-bye,” he went on in another tone. “We’re off to-morrow morning.”
    “Yes, we’re off to-morrow,” said Bernard on whose face the Savage remarked a new expression of determined resignation. “And by the way, John,” he continued,
    leaning forward in his chair and laying a hand on the Savage’s knee, “I want to say
    how sorry I am about everything that happened yesterday.” He blushed. “How
    ashamed,” he went on, in spite of the unsteadiness of his voice, “how really …”
    The Savage cut him short and, taking his hand, affectionately pressed it.
    “Helmholtz was wonderful to me,” Bernard resumed, after a little pause. “If it hadn’t
    been for him, I should …”
    “Now, now,” Helmholtz protested.
    There was a silence. In spite of their sadness–because of it, even; for their sadness
    was the symptom of their love for one another–the three young men were happy.
    “I went to see the Controller this morning,” said the Savage at last.
    “What for?”
    “To ask if I mightn’t go to the islands with you.”
    “And what did he say?” asked Helmholtz eagerly.
    The Savage shook his head. “He wouldn’t let me.”
    “Why not?”
    “He said he wanted to go on with the experiment. But I’m damned,” the Savage
    added, with sudden fury, “I’m damned if I’ll go on being experimented with. Not for
    all the Controllers in the world. l shall go away to-morrow too.”
    “But where?” the others asked in unison.
    The Savage shrugged his shoulders. “Anywhere. I don’t care. So long as I can be
    alone.”
    From Guildford the down-line followed the Wey valley to Godalming, then, over
    Milford and Witley, proceeded to Haslemere and on through Petersfield towards
    Portsmouth. Roughly parallel to it, the upline passed over Worplesden, Tongham,
    Puttenham, Elstead and Grayshott. Between the Hog’s Back and Hindhead there
    were points where the two lines were not more than six or seven kilometres apart.
    The distance was too small for careless flyers–particularly at night and when they
    had taken half a gramme too much. There had been accidents. Serious ones. It
    had been decided to deflect the upline a few kilometres to the west. Between
    Grayshott and Tongham four abandoned air-lighthouses marked the course of the
    old Portsmouth-to-London road. The skies above them were silent and deserted. It
    was over Selborne, Bordon and Farnham that the helicopters now ceaselessly
    hummed and roared.
    The Savage had chosen as his hermitage the old light-house which stood on the
    crest of the hill between Puttenham and Elstead. The building was of ferro-concrete
    and in excellent condition–almost too comfortable the Savage had thought when he
    first explored the place, almost too civilizedly luxurious. He pacified his conscience
    by promising himself a compensatingly harder self-discipline, purifications the more
    complete and thorough. His first night in the hermitage was, deliberately, a
    sleepless one. He spent the hours on his knees praying, now to that Heaven from
    which the guilty Claudius had begged forgiveness, now in Zu?i to Awonawilona, now
    to Jesus and Pookong, now to his own guardian animal, the eagle. From time to
    time he stretched out his arms as though he were on the Cross, and held them thus
    through long minutes of an ache that gradually increased till it became a tremulous
    and excruciating agony; held them, in voluntary crucifixion, while he repeated,
    through clenched teeth (the sweat, meanwhile, pouring down his face), “Oh, forgive
    me! Oh, make me pure! Oh, help me to be good!” again and again, till he was on
    the point of fainting from the pain.
    When morning came, he felt he had earned the right to inhabit the lighthouse; yet,
    even though there still was glass in most of the windows, even though the view from
    the platform was so fine. For the very reason why he had chosen the lighthouse had
    become almost instantly a reason for going somewhere else. He had decided to live
    there because the view was so beautiful, because, from his vantage point, he
    seemed to be looking out on to the incarnation of a divine being. But who was he to
    be pampered with the daily and hourly sight of loveliness? Who was he to be living
    in the visible presence of God? All he deserved to live in was some filthy sty, some
    blind hole in the ground. Stiff and still aching after his long night of pain, but for
    that very reason inwardly reassured, he climbed up to the platform of his tower, he
    looked out over the bright sunrise world which he had regained the right to inhabit.
    On the north the view was bounded by the long chalk ridge of the Hog’s Back, from
    behind whose eastern extremity rose the towers of the seven skyscrapers which
    constituted Guildford. Seeing them, the Savage made a grimace; but he was to
    become reconciled to them in course of time; for at night they twinued gaily with
    geometrical constellations, or else, flood-lighted, pointed their luminous fingers
    (with a gesture whose significance nobody in England but the Savage now
    understood) solemnly towards the plumbless mysteries of heaven.
    In the valley which separated the Hog’s Back from the sandy hill on which the
    lighthouse stood, Puttenham was a modest little village nine stories high, with silos,
    a poultry farm, and a small vitamin-D factory. On the other side of the lighthouse,
    towards the South, the ground fell away in long slopes of heather to a chain of
    ponds.
    Beyond them, above the intervening woods, rose the fourteen-story tower of
    Elstead. Dim in the hazy English air, Hindhead and Selborne invited the eye into a
    blue romantic distance. But it was not alone the distance that had attracted the
    Savage to his lighthouse; the near was as seductive as the far. The woods, the
    open stretches of heather and yellow gorse, the clumps of Scotch firs, the shining
    ponds with their overhanging birch trees, their water lilies, their beds of
    rushes–these were beautiful and, to an eye accustomed to the aridities of the
    American desert, astonishing. And then the solitude! Whole days passed during
    which he never saw a human being. The lighthouse was only a quarter of an hour’s
    flight from the Charing-T Tower; but the hills of Malpais were hardly more deserted
    than this Surrey heath. The crowds that daily left London, left it only to play
    Electro-magnetic Golf or Tennis. Puttenham possessed no links; the nearest
    Riemann-surfaces were at Guildford. Flowers and a landscape were the only
    attractions here. And so, as there was no good reason for coming, nobody came.
    During the first days the Savage lived alone and undisturbed.
    Of the money which, on his first arrival, John had received for his personal
    expenses, most had been spent on his equipment. Before leaving London he had
    bought four viscose-woollen blankets, rope and string, nails, glue, a few tools,
    matches (though he intended in due course to make a fire drill), some pots and
    pans, two dozen packets of seeds, and ten kilogrammes of wheat flour. “No, not
    synthetic starch and cotton-waste flour-substitute,” he had insisted. “Even though it
    is more nourishing.” But when it came to pan-glandular biscuits and vitaminized
    beef-surrogate, he had not been able to resist the shopman’s persuasion. Looking
    at the tins now, he bitterly reproached himself for his weakness. Loathesome
    civilized stuff! He had made up his mind that he would never eat it, even if he were
    starving. “That’ll teach them,” he thought vindictively. It would also teach him.
    He counted his money. The little that remained would be enough, he hoped, to tide
    him over the winter. By next spring, his garden would be producing enough to make
    him independent of the outside world. Meanwhile, there would always be game. He
    had seen plenty of rabbits, and there were waterfowl on the ponds. He set to work at
    once to make a bow and arrows.
    There were ash trees near the lighthouse and, for arrow shafts, a whole copse full of
    beautifully straight hazel saplings. He began by felling a young ash, cut out six feet
    of unbranched stem, stripped off the bark and, paring by paring, shaved away the
    white wood, as old Mitsima had taught him, until he had a stave of his own height,
    stiff at the thickened centre, lively and quick at the slender tips. The work gave him
    an intense pleasure. After those weeks of idleness in London, with nothing to do,
    whenever he wanted anything, but to press a switch or turn a handle, it was pure
    delight to be doing something that demanded skill and patience.
    He had almost finished whittling the stave into shape, when he realized with a start
    that he was singing-singing! It was as though, stumbling upon himself from the
    outside, he had suddenly caught himself out, taken himself flagrantly at fault.
    Guiltily he blushed. After all, it was not to sing and enjoy himself that he had come
    here. It was to escape further contamination by the filth of civilized life; it was to be
    purified and made good; it was actively to make amends. He realized to his dismay
    that, absorbed in the whittling of his bow, he had forgotten what he had sworn to
    himself he would constantly remember–poor Linda, and his own murderous
    unkindness to her, and those loathsome twins, swarming like lice across the
    mystery of her death, insulting, with their presence, not merely his own grief and
    repentance, but the very gods themselves. He had sworn to remember, he had
    sworn unceasingly to make amends. And there was he, sitting happily over his
    bow-stave, singing, actually singing. …
    He went indoors, opened the box of mustard, and put some water to boil on the fire.
    Half an hour later, three Delta-Minus landworkers from one of the Puttenham
    Bokanovsky Groups happened to be driving to Elstead and, at the top of the hill,
    were astonished to see a young man standing 0utside the abandoned lighthouse
    stripped to the waist and hitting himself with a whip of knotted cords. His back was
    horizontally streaked with crimson, and from weal to weal ran thin trickles of blood.
    The driver of the lorry pulled up at the side of the road and, with his two
    companions, stared open-mouthed at the extraordinary spectacle. One, two
    three–they counted the strokes. After the eighth, the young man interrupted his
    self-punishment to run to the wood’s edge and there be violently sick. When he had
    finished, he picked up the whip and began hitting himself again. Nine, ten, eleven,
    twelve …
    “Ford!” whispered the driver. And his twins were of the same opinion.
    “Fordey!” they said.
    Three days later, like turkey buzzards setthug on a corpse, the reporters came.
    Dried and hardened over a slow fire of green wood, the bow was ready. The Savage
    was busy on his arrows. Thirty hazel sticks had been whittled and dried, tipped with
    sharp nails, carefully nocked. He had made a raid one night on the Puttenham
    poultry farm, and now had feathers enough to equip a whole armoury. It was at
    work upon the feathering of his shafts that the first of the reporters found him.
    Noiseless on his pneumatic shoes, the man came up behind him.
    “Good-morning, Mr. Savage,” he said. “I am the representative of The Hourly Radio.”
    Startled as though by the bite of a snake, the Savage sprang to his feet, scattering
    arrows, feathers, glue-pot and brush in all directions.
    “I beg your pardon,” said the reporter, with genuine compunction. “I had no
    intention …” He touched his hat–the aluminum stove-pipe hat in which he carried his
    wireless receiver and transmitter. “Excuse my not taking it off,” he said. “It’s a bit
    heavy. Well, as I was saying, I am the representative of The Hourly …”
    “What do you want?” asked the Savage, scowling. The reporter returned his most
    ingratiating smile.
    “Well, of course, our readers would be profoundly interested …” He put his head on
    one side, his smile became almost coquettish. “Just a few words from you, Mr.
    Savage.” And rapidly, with a series of ritual gestures, he uncoiled two wires
    connected to the portable battery buckled round his waist; plugged them
    simultaneously into the sides of his aluminum hat; touched a spring on the
    crown–and antenn? shot up into the air; touched another spring on the peak of the
    brim–and, like a jack-in-the-box, out jumped a microphone and hung there,
    quivering, six inches in front of his nose; pulled down a pair of receivers over his
    ears; pressed a switch on the left side of the hat-and from within came a faint
    waspy buzzing; turned a knob on the right–and the buzzing was interrupted by a
    stethoscopic wheeze and cackle, by hiccoughs and sudden squeaks. “Hullo,” he said
    to the microphone, “hullo, hullo …” A bell suddenly rang inside his hat. “Is that you,
    Edzel? Primo Mellon speaking. Yes, I’ve got hold of him. Mr. Savage will now take
    the microphone and say a few words. Won’t you, Mr. Savage?” He looked up at the
    Savage with another of those winning smiles of his. “Just tell our readers why you
    came here. What made you leave London (hold on, Edzel!) so very suddenly. And,
    of course, that whip.” (The Savage started. How did they know about the whip?)
    “We’re all crazy to know about the whip. And then something about Civilization. You
    know the sort of stuff. ‘What I think of the Civilized Girl.’ Just a few words, a very
    few …”
    The Savage obeyed with a disconcerting literalness. Five words he uttered and no
    more-five words, the same as those he had said to Bernard about the
    Arch-Community-Songster of Canterbury. “Háni! Sons éso tse-ná!” And seizing the
    reporter by the shoulder, he spun him round (the young man revealed himself
    invitingly well-covered), aimed and, with all the force and accuracy of a champion
    foot-and-mouth-baller, delivered a most prodigious kick.
    Eight minutes later, a new edition of The Hourly Radio was on sale in the streets of
    London. “HOURLY RADIO REPORTER HAS COCCYX KICKED BY MYSTERY SAVAGE,”
    ran the headlines on the front page. “SENSATION IN SURREY.”
    “Sensation even in London,” thought the reporter when, on his return, he read the
    words. And a very painful sensation, what was more. He sat down gingerly to his
    luncheon.
    Undeterred by that cautionary bruise on their colleague’s coccyx, four other
    reporters, representing the New York Times, the Frankfurt Four-Dimensional
    Continuum, The Fordian Science Monitor, and The Delta Mirror, called that afternoon at
    the lighthouse and met with receptions of progressively increasing violence.
    From a safe distance and still rubbing his buttocks, “Benighted fool!” shouted the
    man from The Fordian Science Monitor, “why don’t you take soma?”
    “Get away!” The Savage shook his fist.
    The other retreated a few steps then turned round again. “Evil’s an unreality if you
    take a couple of grammes.”
    “Kohakwa iyathtokyai!” The tone was menacingly derisive.
    “Pain’s a delusion.”
    “Oh, is it?” said the Savage and, picking up a thick hazel switch, strode forward.
    The man from The Fordian Science Monitor made a dash for his helicopter.
    After that the Savage was left for a time in peace. A few helicopters came and
    hovered inquisitively round the tower. He shot an arrow into the importunately
    nearest of them. It pierced the aluminum floor of the cabin; there was a shrill yell,
    and the machine went rocketing up into the air with all the acceleration that its
    super-charger could give it. The others, in future, kept their distance respectfully.
    Ignoring their tiresome humming (he likened himself in his imagination to one of
    the suitors of the Maiden of Mátsaki, unmoved and persistent among the winged
    vermin), the Savage dug at what was to be his garden. After a time the vermin
    evidently became bored and flew away; for hours at a stretch the sky above his
    head was empty and, but for the larks, silent.
    The weather was breathlessly hot, there was thunder in the air. He had dug all the
    morning and was resting, stretched out along the floor. And suddenly the thought of
    Lenina was a real presence, naked and tangible, saying “Sweet!” and “Put your
    arms round me!”–in shoes and socks, perfumed. Impudent strumpet! But oh, oh,
    her arms round his neck, the lifting of her breasts, her mouth! Eternity was in our
    lips and eyes. Lenina … No, no, no, no! He sprang to his feet and, half naked as he
    was, ran out of the house. At the edge of the heath stood a clump of hoary juniper
    bushes. He flung himself against them, he embraced, not the smooth body of his
    desires, but an armful of green spikes. Sharp, with a thousand points, they pricked
    him. He tried to think of poor Linda, breathless and dumb, with her clutching hands
    and the unutterable terror in her eyes. Poor Linda whom he had sworn to remember.
    But it was still the presence of Lenina that haunted him. Lenina whom he had
    promised to forget. Even through the stab and stmg of the juniper needles, his
    wincing fiesh was aware of her, unescapably real. “Sweet, sweet … And if you wanted
    me too, why didn’t you …”
    The whip was hanging on a nail by the door, ready to hand against the arrival of
    reporters. In a frenzy the Savage ran back to the house, seized it, whirled it. The
    knotted cords bit into his flesh.
    “Strumpet! Strumpet!” he shouted at every blow as though it were Lenina (and how
    frantically, without knowing it, he wished it were), white, warm, scented, infamous
    Lenina that he was dogging thus. “Strumpet!” And then, in a voice of despair, “Oh,
    Linda, forgive me. Forgive me, God. I’m bad. I’m wicked. I’m … No, no, you
    strumpet, you strumpet!”
    From his carefully constructed hide in the wood three hundred metres away, Darwin
    Bonaparte, the Feely Corporation’s most expert big game photographer had
    watched the whole proceedings. Patience and skill had been rewarded. He had spent
    three days sitting inside the bole of an artificial oak tree, three nights crawling on
    his belly through the heather, hiding microphones in gorse bushes, burying wires in
    the soft grey sand. Seventy-two hours of profound discomfort. But now me great
    moment had come–the greatest, Darwin Bonaparte had time to reflect, as he
    moved among his instruments, the greatest since his taking of the famous
    all-howling stereoscopic feely of the gorillas’ wedding. “Splendid,” he said to
    himself, as the Savage started his astonishing performance. “Splendid!” He kept his
    telescopic cameras carefully aimed–glued to their moving objective; clapped on a
    higher power to get a close-up of the frantic and distorted face (admirable!);
    switched over, for half a minute, to slow motion (an exquisitely comical effect, he
    promised himself); listened in, meanwhile, to the blows, the groans, the wild and
    raving words that were being recorded on the sound-track at the edge of his film,
    tried the effect of a little amplification (yes, that was decidedly better); was
    delighted to hear, in a momentary lull, the shrill singing of a lark; wished the
    Savage would turn round so that he could get a good close-up of the blood on his
    back–and almost instantly (what astonishing luck!) the accommodating fellow did
    turn round, and he was able to take a perfect close-up.
    “Well, that was grand!” he said to himself when it was all over. “Really grand!” He
    mopped his face. When they had put in the feely effects at the studio, it would be a
    wonderful film. Almost as good, thought Darwin Bonaparte, as the Sperm Whale’s
    Love-Life–and that, by Ford, was saying a good deal!
    Twelve days later The Savage of Surrey had been released and could be seen,
    heard and felt in every first-class feely-palace in Western Europe.
    The effect of Darwin Bonaparte’s film was immediate and enormous. On the
    afternoon which followed the evening of its release John’s rustic solitude was
    suddenly broken by the arrival overhead of a great swarm of helicopters.
    He was digging in his garden–digging, too, in his own mind, laboriously turning up
    the substance of his thought. Death–and he drove in his spade once, and again,
    and yet again. And all our yesterdays have lighted fools the way to dusty death. A
    convincing thunder rumbled through the words. He lifted another spadeful of earth.
    Why had Linda died? Why had she been allowed to become gradually less than
    human and at last … He shuddered. A good kissing carrion. He planted his foot on
    his spade and stamped it fiercely into the tough ground. As flies to wanton boys are
    we to the gods; they kill us for their sport. Thunder again; words that proclaimed
    themselves true–truer somehow than truth itself. And yet that same Gloucester had
    called them ever-gentle gods. Besides, thy best of rest is sleep and that thou oft
    provok’st; yet grossly fear’st thy death which is no more. No more than sleep.
    Sleep. Perchance to dream. His spade struck against a stone; he stooped to pick it
    up. For in that sleep of death, what dreams? …
    A humming overhead had become a roar; and suddenly he was in shadow, there
    was something between the sun and him. He looked up, startled, from his digging,
    from his thoughts; looked up in a dazzled bewilderment, his mind still wandering in
    that other world of truer-than-truth, still focused on the immensities of death and
    deity; looked up and saw, close above him, the swarm of hovering machines. Like
    locusts they came, hung poised, descended all around him on the heather. And
    from out of the bellies of these giant grasshoppers stepped men in white
    viscose-flannels, women (for the weather was hot) in acetate-shantung pyjamas or
    velveteen shorts and sleeveless, half-unzippered singlets–one couple from each. In
    a few minutes there were dozens of them, standing in a wide circle round the
    lighthouse, staring, laughing, clicking their cameras, throwing (as to an ape)
    peanuts, packets of sex-hormone chewing-gum, pan-glanduar petite beurres. And
    every moment–for across the Hog’s Back the stream of traffic now flowed
    unceasingly–their numbers increased. As in a nightmare, the dozens became
    scores, the scores hundreds.
    The Savage had retreated towards cover, and now, in the posture of an animal at
    bay, stood with his back to the wall of the lighthouse, staring from face to face in
    speechless horror, like a man out of his senses.
    From this stupor he was aroused to a more immediate sense of reality by the
    impact on his cheek of a well-aimed packet of chewing-gum. A shock of startling
    pain–and he was broad awake, awake and fiercely angry.
    “Go away!” he shouted.
    The ape had spoken; there was a burst of laughter and hand-clapping. “Good old
    Savage! Hurrah, hurrah!” And through the babel he heard cries of: “Whip, whip, the
    whip!”
    Acting on the word’s suggestion, he seized the bunch of knotted cords from its nail
    behind the door and shook it at his tormentors.
    There was a yell of ironical applause.
    Menacingly he advanced towards them. A woman cried out in fear. The line wavered
    at its most immediately threatened point, then stiffened again, stood firm. The
    consciousness of being in overwhelming force had given these sightseers a courage
    which the Savage had not expected of them. Taken aback, he halted and looked
    round.
    “Why don’t you leave me alone?” There was an almost plaintive note in his anger.
    “Have a few magnesium-salted almonds!” said the man who, if the Savage were to
    advance, would be the first to be attacked. He held out a packet. “They’re really
    very good, you know,” he added, with a rather nervous smile of propitation. “And
    the magnesium salts will help to keep you young.”
    The Savage ignored his offer. “What do you want with me?” he asked, turning from
    one grinning face to another. “What do you want with me?”
    “The whip,” answered a hundred voices confusedly. “Do the whipping stunt. Let’s see
    the whipping stunt.”
    Then, in unison and on a slow, heavy rhythm, “We-want-the whip,” shouted a group
    at the end of the line. “We–want–the whip.”
    Others at once took up the cry, and the phrase was repeated, parrot-fashion, again
    and again, with an ever-growing volume of sound, until, by the seventh or eighth
    reiteration, no other word was being spoken. “We–want–the whip.”
    They were all crying together; and, intoxicated by the noise, the unanimity, the
    sense of rhythmical atonement, they might, it seemed, have gone on for
    hours-almost indefinitely. But at about the twenty-fifth repetition the proceedings
    were startlingly interrupted. Yet another helicopter had arrived from across the Hog’s
    Back, hung poised above the crowd, then dropped within a few yards of where the
    Savage was standing, in the open space between the line of sightseers and the
    lighthouse. The roar of the air screws momentarily drowned the shouting; then, as
    the machine touched the ground and the engines were turned off: “We–want–the
    whip; we–want–the whip,” broke out again in the same loud, insistent monotone.
    The door of the helicopter opened, and out stepped, first a fair and ruddy-faced
    young man, then, in green velveteen shorts, white shirt, and jockey cap, a young
    woman.
    At the sight of the young woman, the Savage started, recoiled, turned pale.
    The young woman stood, smiling at him–an uncertain, imploring, almost abject
    smile. The seconds passed. Her lips moved, she was saying something; but the
    sound of her voice was covered by the loud reiterated refrain of the sightseers.
    “We–want–the whip! We–want–the whip!”
    The young woman pressed both hands to her left side, and on that peach-bright,
    doll-beautiful face of hers appeared a strangely incongrous expression of yearning
    distress. Her blue eyes seemed to grow larger, brighter; and suddenly two tears
    rolled down her cheeks. Inaudibly, she spoke again; then, with a quick,
    impassioned gesture stretched out her arms towards the Savage, stepped forward.
    “We–want–the whip! We–want …”
    And all of a sudden they had what they wanted.
    “Strumpet!” The Savage had rushed at her like a madman. “Fitchew!” Like a madman, he was slashing at her with his whip of small cords.
    Terrified, she had turned to flee, had tripped and fallen in the heather. “Henry,
    Henry!” she shouted. But her ruddy-faced companion had bolted out of harm’s way
    behind the helicopter.
    With a whoop of delighted excitement the line broke; there was a convergent
    stampede towards that magnetic centre of attraction. Pain was a fascinating horror.
    “Fry, lechery, fry!” Frenzied, the Savage slashed again.
    Hungrily they gathered round, pushing and scrambling like swine about the trough.
    “Oh, the flesh!” The Savage ground his teeth. This time it was on his shoulders that
    the whip descended. “Kill it, kill it!”
    Drawn by the fascination of the horror of pain and, from within, impelled by that
    habit of cooperation, that desire for unanimity and atonement, which their
    conditioning had so ineradicably implanted in them, they began to mime the frenzy
    of his gestures, striking at one another as the Savage struck at his own rebellious
    flesh, or at that plump incarnation of turpitude writhing in the heather at his feet.
    “Kill it, kill it, kill it …” The Savage went on shouting.
    Then suddenly somebody started singing “Orgy-porgy” and, in a moment, they had
    all caught up the refrain and, singing, had begun to dance. Orgy-porgy, round and
    round and round, beating one another in six-eight time. Orgy-porgy …
    It was after midnight when the last of the helicopters took its flight. Stupefied by soma, and exhausted by a long-drawn frenzy of sensuality, the Savage lay sleeping in the heather. The sun was already high when he awoke. He lay for a moment, blinking in owlish incomprehension at the light; then suddenly remembered–everything.
    “Oh, my God, my God!” He covered his eyes with his hand.
    That evening the swarm of helicopters that came buzzing across the Hog’s Back was a dark cloud ten kilometres long. The description of last night’s orgy of atonement had been in all the papers.
    “Savage!” called the first arrivals, as they alighted from their machine. “Mr. Savage!”
    There was no answer.
    The door of the lighthouse was ajar. They pushed it open and walked into a shuttered twilight. Through an archway on the further side of the room they could see the bottom of the staircase that led up to the higher floors. Just under the crown of the arch dangled a pair of feet.
    “Mr. Savage!”

    Slowly, very slowly, like two unhurried compass needles, the feet turned towards the right; north, north-east, east, south-east, south, south-south-west; then paused, and, after a few seconds, turned as unhurriedly back towards the left.

    South-south-west, south, south-east, east. …

  • Bill Bryson《A Short History of Nearly Everything》23-29

    part v   life itself

    23    THE RICHNESS OF BEING

    here and there in the natural history museum in london, built into recesses along theunderlit corridors or standing between glass cases of minerals and ostrich eggs and a centuryor so of other productive clutter, are secret doors—at least secret in the sense that there isnothing about them to attract the visitor’s notice. occasionally you might see someone withthe distracted manner and interestingly willful hair that mark the scholar emerge from one ofthe doors and hasten down a corridor, probably to disappear through another door a littlefurther on, but this is a relatively rare event. for the most part the doors stay shut, giving nohint that beyond them exists another—a parallel—natural history museum as vast as, and inmany ways more wonderful than, the one the public knows and adores.

    the natural history museum contains some seventy million objects from every realm oflife and every corner of the planet, with another hundred thousand or so added to thecollection each year, but it is really only behind the scenes that you get a sense of what atreasure house this is. in cupboards and cabinets and long rooms full of close-packed shelvesare kept tens of thousands of pickled animals in bottles, millions of insects pinned to squaresof card, drawers of shiny mollusks, bones of dinosaurs, skulls of early humans, endlessfolders of neatly pressed plants. it is a little like wandering through darwin’s brain. the spiritroom alone holds fifteen miles of shelving containing jar upon jar of animals preserved inmethylated spirit.

    back here are specimens collected by joseph banks in australia, alexander von humboldtin amazonia, darwin on the beagle voyage, and much else that is either very rare orhistorically important or both. many people would love to get their hands on these things. afew actually have. in 1954 the museum acquired an outstanding ornithological collection fromthe estate of a devoted collector named richard meinertzhagen, author of birds of arabia,among other scholarly works. meinertzhagen had been a faithful attendee of the museum foryears, coming almost daily to take notes for the production of his books and monographs.

    when the crates arrived, the curators excitedly jimmied them open to see what they had beenleft and were surprised, to put it mildly, to discover that a very large number of specimensbore the museum’s own labels. mr. meinertzhagen, it turned out, had been helping himself totheir collections for years. it also explained his habit of wearing a large overcoat even duringwarm weather.

    a few years later a charming old regular in the mollusks department—“quite a distinguishedgentleman,” i was told—was caught inserting valued seashells into the hollow legs of hiszimmer frame.

    “i don’t suppose there’s anything in here that somebody somewhere doesn’t covet,”

    richard fortey said with a thoughtful air as he gave me a tour of the beguiling world that isthe behind-the-scenes part of the museum. we wandered through a confusion of departmentswhere people sat at large tables doing intent, investigative things with arthropods and palm
    fronds and boxes of yellowed bones. everywhere there was an air of unhurried thoroughness,of people being engaged in a gigantic endeavor that could never be completed and mustn’t berushed. in 1967, i had read, the museum issued its report on the john murray expedition, anindian ocean survey, forty-four years after the expedition had concluded. this is a worldwhere things move at their own pace, including a tiny lift fortey and i shared with a scholarlylooking elderly man with whom fortey chatted genially and familiarly as we proceededupwards at about the rate that sediments are laid down.

    when the man departed, fortey said to me: “that was a very nice chap named normanwho’s spent forty-two years studying one species of plant, st. john’s wort. he retired in 1989,but he still comes in every week.”

    “how do you spend forty-two years on one species of plant?” i asked.

    “it’s remarkable, isn’t it?” fortey agreed. he thought for a moment. “he’s very thoroughapparently.” the lift door opened to reveal a bricked-over opening. fortey lookedconfounded. “that’s very strange,” he said. “that used to be botany back there.” he puncheda button for another floor, and we found our way at length to botany by means of backstaircases and discreet trespass through yet more departments where investigators toiledlovingly over once-living objects. and so it was that i was introduced to len ellis and thequiet world of bryophytes—mosses to the rest of us.

    when emerson poetically noted that mosses favor the north sides of trees (“the moss uponthe forest bark, was pole-star when the night was dark”) he really meant lichens, for in thenineteenth century mosses and lichens weren’t distinguished. true mosses aren’t actuallyfussy about where they grow, so they are no good as natural compasses. in fact, mosses aren’tactually much good for anything. “perhaps no great group of plants has so few uses,commercial or economic, as the mosses,” wrote henry s. conard, perhaps just a touch sadly,in how to know the mosses and liverworts, published in 1956 and still to be found on manylibrary shelves as almost the only attempt to popularize the subject.

    they are, however, prolific. even with lichens removed, bryophytes is a busy realm, withover ten thousand species contained within some seven hundred genera. the plump andstately moss flora of britain and ireland by a. j. e. smith runs to seven hundred pages, andbritain and ireland are by no means outstandingly mossy places. “the tropics are where youfind the variety,” len ellis told me. a quiet, spare man, he has been at the natural historymuseum for twenty-seven years and curator of the department since 1990. “you can go outinto a place like the rain forests of malaysia and find new varieties with relative ease. i didthat myself not long ago. i looked down and there was a species that had never beenrecorded.”

    “so we don’t know how many species are still to be discovered?”

    “oh, no. no idea.”

    you might not think there would be that many people in the world prepared to devotelifetimes to the study of something so inescapably low key, but in fact moss people number inthe hundreds and they feel very strongly about their subject. “oh, yes,” ellis told me, “themeetings can get very lively at times.”

    i asked him for an example of controversy.

    “well, here’s one inflicted on us by one of your countrymen,” he said, smiling lightly, andopened a hefty reference work containing illustrations of mosses whose most notablecharacteristic to the uninstructed eye was their uncanny similarity one to another. “that,” hesaid, tapping a moss, “used to be one genus, drepanocladus. now it’s been reorganized intothree: drepanocladus, wamstorfia, and hamatacoulis.”

    “and did that lead to blows?” i asked perhaps a touch hopefully.

    “well, it made sense. it made perfect sense. but it meant a lot of reordering of collectionsand it put all the books out of date for a time, so there was a bit of, you know, grumbling.”

    mosses offer mysteries as well, he told me. one famous case—famous to moss peopleanyway—involved a retiring type called hyophila stanfordensis, which was discovered on thecampus of stanford university in california and later also found growing beside a path incornwall, on the southwest tip of england, but has never been encountered anywhere inbetween. how it came to exist in two such unconnected locations is anybody’s guess. “it’snow known as hennediella stanfordensis,” ellis said. “another revision.”

    we nodded thoughtfully.

    when a new moss is found it must be compared with all other mosses to make sure that ithasn’t been recorded already. then a formal description must be written and illustrationsprepared and the result published in a respectable journal. the whole process seldom takesless than six months. the twentieth century was not a great age for moss taxonomy. much ofthe century’s work was devoted to untangling the confusions and duplications left behind bythe nineteenth century.

    that was the golden age of moss collecting. (you may recall that charles lyell’s fatherwas a great moss man.) one aptly named englishman, george hunt, hunted british mosses soassiduously that he probably contributed to the extinction of several species. but it is thanksto such efforts that len ellis’s collection is one of the world’s most comprehensive. all780,000 of his specimens are pressed into large folded sheets of heavy paper, some very oldand covered with spidery victorian script. some, for all we knew, might have been in thehand of robert brown, the great victorian botanist, unveiler of brownian motion and thenucleus of cells, who founded and ran the museum’s botany department for its first thirty-oneyears until his death in 1858. all the specimens are kept in lustrous old mahogany cabinets sostrikingly fine that i remarked upon them.

    “oh, those were sir joseph banks’s, from his house in soho square,” ellis said casually, asif identifying a recent purchase from ikea. “he had them built to hold his specimens from theendeavour voyage.” he regarded the cabinets thoughtfully, as if for the first time in a longwhile. “i don’t know howwe ended up with them in bryology,” he added.

    this was an amazing disclosure. joseph banks was england’s greatest botanist, and theendeavour voyage—that is the one on which captain cook charted the 1769 transit of venusand claimed australia for the crown, among rather a lot else—was the greatest botanicalexpedition in history. banks paid £10,000, about $1 million in today’s money, to bringhimself and a party of nine others—a naturalist, a secretary, three artists, and four servants—on the three-year adventure around the world. goodness knows what the bluff captain cook
    made of such a velvety and pampered assemblage, but he seems to have liked banks wellenough and could not but admire his talents in botany—a feeling shared by posterity.

    never before or since has a botanical party enjoyed greater triumphs. partly it was becausethe voyage took in so many new or little-known places—tierra del fuego, tahiti, newzealand, australia, new guinea—but mostly it was because banks was such an astute andinventive collector. even when unable to go ashore at rio de janeiro because of a quarantine,he sifted through a bale of fodder sent for the ship’s livestock and made new discoveries.

    nothing, it seems, escaped his notice. altogether he brought back thirty thousand plantspecimens, including fourteen hundred not seen before—enough to increase by about aquarter the number of known plants in the world.

    but banks’s grand cache was only part of the total haul in what was an almost absurdlyacquisitive age. plant collecting in the eighteenth century became a kind of internationalmania. glory and wealth alike awaited those who could find new species, and botanists andadventurers went to the most incredible lengths to satisfy the world’s craving for horticulturalnovelty. thomas nuttall, the man who named the wisteria after caspar wistar, came toamerica as an uneducated printer but discovered a passion for plants and walked halfwayacross the country and back again, collecting hundreds of growing things never seen before.

    john fraser, for whom is named the fraser fir, spent years in the wilderness collecting onbehalf of catherine the great and emerged at length to find that russia had a new czar whothought he was mad and refused to honor his contract. fraser took everything to chelsea,where he opened a nursery and made a handsome living selling rhododendrons, azaleas,magnolias, virginia creepers, asters, and other colonial exotica to a delighted english gentry.

    huge sums could be made with the right finds. john lyon, an amateur botanist, spent twohard and dangerous years collecting specimens, but cleared almost $200,000 in today’smoney for his efforts. many, however, just did it for the love of botany. nuttall gave most ofwhat he found to the liverpool botanic gardens. eventually he became director of harvard’sbotanic garden and author of the encyclopedicgenera of north american plants (which henot only wrote but also largely typeset).

    and that was just plants. there was also all the fauna of the new worlds—kangaroos, kiwis,raccoons, bobcats, mosquitoes, and other curious forms beyond imagining. the volume of lifeon earth was seemingly infinite, as jonathan swift noted in some famous lines:

    so, naturalists observe, a fleahath smaller fleas that on him prey;and these have smaller still to bite ’em;and so proceed ad infinitum.

    all this new information needed to be filed, ordered, and compared with what was known.

    the world was desperate for a workable system of classification. fortunately there was a manin sweden who stood ready to provide it.

    his name was carl linné (later changed, with permission, to the more aristocraticvonlinné), but he is remembered now by the latinized form carolus linnaeus. he was born in1707 in the village of r?shult in southern sweden, the son of a poor but ambitious lutherancurate, and was such a sluggish student that his exasperated father apprenticed him (or, by
    some accounts, nearly apprenticed him) to a cobbler. appalled at the prospect of spending alifetime banging tacks into leather, young linné begged for another chance, which wasgranted, and he never thereafter wavered from academic distinction. he studied medicine insweden and holland, though his passion became the natural world. in the early 1730s, still inhis twenties, he began to produce catalogues of the world’s plant and animal species, using asystem of his own devising, and gradually his fame grew.

    rarely has a man been more comfortable with his own greatness. he spent much of hisleisure time penning long and flattering portraits of himself, declaring that there had never“been a greater botanist or zoologist,” and that his system of classification was “the greatestachievement in the realm of science.” modestly he suggested that his gravestone should bearthe inscription princeps botanicorum, “prince of botanists.” it was never wise to question hisgenerous self-assessments. those who did so were apt to find they had weeds named afterthem.

    linnaeus’s other striking quality was an abiding—at times, one might say, a feverish—preoccupation with sex. he was particularly struck by the similarity between certain bivalvesand the female pudenda. to the parts of one species of clam he gave the names vulva, labia,pubes, anus, and hymen. he grouped plants by the nature of their reproductive organs andendowed them with an arrestingly anthropomorphic amorousness. his descriptions of flowersand their behavior are full of references to “promiscuous intercourse,” “barren concubines,”

    and “the bridal bed.” in spring, he wrote in one oft-quoted passage:

    love comes even to the plants. males and females . . . hold their nuptials . . .

    showing by their sexual organs which are males, which females. the flowers’

    leaves serve as a bridal bed, which the creator has so gloriously arranged, adornedwith such noble bed curtains, and perfumed with so many soft scents that thebridegroom with his bride might there celebrate their nuptials with so much thegreater solemnity. when the bed has thus been made ready, then is the time for thebridegroom to embrace his beloved bride and surrender himself to her.

    he named one genus of plants clitoria. not surprisingly, many people thought him strange.

    but his system of classification was irresistible. before linnaeus, plants were given namesthat were expansively descriptive. the common ground cherry was called physalis amnoramosissime ramis angulosis glabris foliis dentoserratis. linnaeus lopped it back to physalisangulata, which name it still uses. the plant world was equally disordered by inconsistenciesof naming. a botanist could not be sure ifrosa sylvestris alba cum rubore, folio glabro wasthe same plant that others called rosa sylvestris inodora seu canina. linnaeus solved thepuzzlement by calling it simply rosa canina. to make these excisions useful and agreeable toall required much more than simply being decisive. it required an instinct—a genius, in fact—for spotting the salient qualities of a species.

    the linnaean system is so well established that we can hardly imagine an alternative, butbefore linnaeus, systems of classification were often highly whimsical. animals might becategorized by whether they were wild or domesticated, terrestrial or aquatic, large or small,even whether they were thought handsome and noble or of no consequence. buffon arrangedhis animals by their utility to man. anatomical considerations barely came into it. linnaeus
    made it his life’s work to rectify this deficiency by classifying all that was alive according toits physical attributes. taxonomy—which is to say the science of classification—has neverlooked back.

    it all took time, of course. the first edition of his great systema naturae in 1735 was justfourteen pages long. but it grew and grew until by the twelfth edition—the last that linnaeuswould live to see—it extended to three volumes and 2,300 pages. in the end he named orrecorded some 13,000 species of plant and animal. other works were more comprehensive—john ray’s three-volume historia generalis plantarum in england, completed a generationearlier, covered no fewer than 18,625 species of plants alone—but what linnaeus had that noone else could touch were consistency, order, simplicity, and timeliness. though his workdates from the 1730s, it didn’t become widely known in england until the 1760s, just in timeto make linnaeus a kind of father figure to british naturalists. nowhere was his systemembraced with greater enthusiasm (which is why, for one thing, the linnaean society has itshome in london and not stockholm).

    linnaeus was not flawless. he made room for mythical beasts and “monstrous humans”

    whose descriptions he gullibly accepted from seamen and other imaginative travelers. amongthese were a wild man, homo ferus, who walked on all fours and had not yet mastered the artof speech, and homo caudatus, “man with a tail.” but then it was, as we should not forget, analtogether more credulous age. even the great joseph banks took a keen and believing interestin a series of reported sightings of mermaids off the scottish coast at the end of the eighteenthcentury. for the most part, however, linnaeus’s lapses were offset by sound and oftenbrilliant taxonomy. among other accomplishments, he saw that whales belonged with cows,mice, and other common terrestrial animals in the order quadrupedia (later changed tomammalia), which no one had done before.

    in the beginning, linnaeus intended only to give each plant a genus name and a number—convolvulus 1, convolvulus 2,and so on—but soon realized that that was unsatisfactory andhit on the binomial arrangement that remains at the heart of the system to this day. theintention originally was to use the binomial system for everything—rocks, minerals, diseases,winds, whatever existed in nature. not everyone embraced the system warmly. many weredisturbed by its tendency toward indelicacy, which was slightly ironic as before linnaeus thecommon names of many plants and animals had been heartily vulgar. the dandelion was longpopularly known as the “pissabed” because of its supposed diuretic properties, and othernames in everyday use included mare’s fart, naked ladies, twitch-ballock, hound’s piss, openarse, and bum-towel. one or two of these earthy appellations may unwittingly survive inenglish yet. the “maidenhair” in maidenhair moss, for instance, does not refer to the hair onthe maiden’s head. at all events, it had long been felt that the natural sciences would beappreciably dignified by a dose of classical renaming, so there was a certain dismay indiscovering that the self-appointed prince of botany had sprinkled his texts with suchdesignations asclitoria, fornicata, andvulva.

    over the years many of these were quietly dropped (though not all: the common slipperlimpet still answers on formal occasions to crepidula fornicata) and many other refinementsintroduced as the needs of the natural sciences grew more specialized. in particular the systemwas bolstered by the gradual introduction of additional hierarchies.genus (pluralgenera) andspecies had been employed by naturalists for over a hundred years before linnaeus, andorder, class, and family in their biological senses all came into use in the 1750s and 1760s.

    but phylum wasn’t coined until 1876 (by the german ernst haeckel), and family and order
    were treated as interchangeable until early in the twentieth century. for a time zoologists usedfamily where botanists placed order, to the occasional confusion of nearly everyone.

    1linnaeus had divided the animal world into six categories: mammals, reptiles, birds, fishes,insects, and “vermes,” or worms, for everything that didn’t fit into the first five. from theoutset it was evident that putting lobsters and shrimp into the same category as worms wasunsatisfactory, and various new categories such as mollusca and crustacea were created.

    unfortunately these new classifications were not uniformly applied from nation to nation. inan attempt to reestablish order, the british in 1842 proclaimed a new set of rules called thestricklandian code, but the french saw this as highhanded, and the société zoologiquecountered with its own conflicting code. meanwhile, the american ornithological society, forobscure reasons, decided to use the 1758 edition of systema naturae as the basis for all itsnaming, rather than the 1766 edition used elsewhere, which meant that many american birdsspent the nineteenth century logged in different genera from their avian cousins in europe.

    not until 1902, at an early meeting of the international congress of zoology, did naturalistsbegin at last to show a spirit of compromise and adopt a universal code.

    taxonomy is described sometimes as a science and sometimes as an art, but really it’s abattleground. even today there is more disorder in the system than most people realize. takethe category of the phylum, the division that describes the basic body plans of all organisms.

    a few phyla are generally well known, such as mollusks (the home of clams and snails),arthropods (insects and crustaceans), and chordates (us and all other animals with a backboneor protobackbone), though things then move swiftly in the direction of obscurity. among thelatter we might list gnathostomulida (marine worms), cnidaria (jellyfish, medusae,anemones, and corals), and the delicate priapulida (or little “penis worms”). familiar or not,these are elemental divisions. yet there is surprisingly little agreement on how many phylathere are or ought to be. most biologists fix the total at about thirty, but some opt for a numberin the low twenties, while edward o. wilson in the diversity of life puts the number at asurprisingly robust eighty-nine. it depends on where you decide to make your divisions—whether you are a “lumper” or a “splitter,” as they say in the biological world.

    at the more workaday level of species, the possibilities for disagreements are even greater.

    whether a species of grass should be called aegilops incurva, aegilops incurvata, or aegilopsovata may not be a matter that would stir many nonbotanists to passion, but it can be a sourceof very lively heat in the right quarters. the problem is that there are five thousand species ofgrass and many of them look awfully alike even to people who know grass. in consequence,some species have been found and named at least twenty times, and there are hardly any, itappears, that haven’t been independently identified at least twice. the two-volume manual ofthe grasses of the united states devotes two hundred closely typeset pages to sorting out allthe synonymies, as the biological world refers to its inadvertent but quite commonduplications. and that is just for the grasses of a single country.

    to deal with disagreements on the global stage, a body known as the internationalassociation for plant taxonomy arbitrates on questions of priority and duplication. at1to illustrate, humans are in the domain eucarya, in the kingdom animalia, in the phylum chordata, in thesubphylum vertebrata, in the class mammalia, in the order primates, in the family hominidae, in the genus homo,in the species sapiens. (the convention, im informed, is to italicize genus and species names, but not those ofhigher divisions.) some taxonomists employ further subdivisions: tribe, suborder, infraorder, parvorder, andmore.

    intervals it hands down decrees, declaring that zauschneria californica (a common plant inrock gardens) is to be known henceforth as epilobium canum or that aglaothamniontenuissimum may now be regarded as conspecific with aglaothamnion byssoides, but notwithaglaothamnion pseudobyssoides. normally these are small matters of tidying up thatattract little notice, but when they touch on beloved garden plants, as they sometimes do,shrieks of outrage inevitably follow. in the late 1980s the common chrysanthemum wasbanished (on apparently sound scientific principles) from the genus of the same name andrelegated to the comparatively drab and undesirable world of the genus dendranthema.

    chrysanthemum breeders are a proud and numerous lot, and they protested to the real ifimprobable-sounding committee on spermatophyta. (there are also committees forpteridophyta, bryophyta, and fungi, among others, all reporting to an executive called therapporteur-général; this is truly an institution to cherish.) although the rules of nomenclatureare supposed to be rigidly applied, botanists are not indifferent to sentiment, and in 1995 thedecision was reversed. similar adjudications have saved petunias, euonymus, and a popularspecies of amaryllis from demotion, but not many species of geraniums, which some yearsago were transferred, amid howls, to the genus pelargonium. the disputes are entertaininglysurveyed in charles elliott’s the potting-shed papers.

    disputes and reorderings of much the same type can be found in all the other realms of theliving, so keeping an overall tally is not nearly as straightforward a matter as you mightsuppose. in consequence, the rather amazing fact is that we don’t have the faintest idea—“noteven to the nearest order of magnitude,” in the words of edward o. wilson—of the number ofthings that live on our planet. estimates range from 3 million to 200 million. moreextraordinary still, according to a report in the economist, as much as 97 percent of theworld’s plant and animal species may still await discovery.

    of the organisms that we do know about, more than 99 in 100 are only sketchilydescribed—“a scientific name, a handful of specimens in a museum, and a few scraps ofdescription in scientific journals” is how wilson describes the state of our knowledge. in thediversity of life, he estimated the number of known species of all types—plants, insects,microbes, algae, everything—at 1.4 million, but added that that was just a guess. otherauthorities have put the number of known species slightly higher, at around 1.5 million to 1.8million, but there is no central registry of these things, so nowhere to check numbers. in short,the remarkable position we find ourselves in is that we don’t actually know what we actuallyknow.

    in principle you ought to be able to go to experts in each area of specialization, ask howmany species there are in their fields, then add the totals. many people have in fact done so.

    the problem is that seldom do any two come up with matching figures. some sources put thenumber of known types of fungi at 70,000, others at 100,000—nearly half as many again. youcan find confident assertions that the number of described earthworm species is 4,000 andequally confident assertions that the figure is 12,000. for insects, the numbers run from750,000 to 950,000 species. these are, you understand, supposedly the known number ofspecies. for plants, the commonly accepted numbers range from 248,000 to 265,000. thatmay not seem too vast a discrepancy, but it’s more than twenty times the number of floweringplants in the whole of north america.

    putting things in order is not the easiest of tasks. in the early 1960s, colin groves of theaustralian national university began a systematic survey of the 250-plus known species ofprimate. oftentimes it turned out that the same species had been described more than once—
    sometimes several times—without any of the discoverers realizing that they were dealing withan animal that was already known to science. it took groves four decades to untangleeverything, and that was with a comparatively small group of easily distinguished, generallynoncontroversial creatures. goodness knows what the results would be if anyone attempted asimilar exercise with the planet’s estimated 20,000 types of lichens, 50,000 species ofmollusk, or 400,000-plus beetles.

    what is certain is that there is a great deal of life out there, though the actual quantities arenecessarily estimates based on extrapolations—sometimes exceedingly expansiveextrapolations. in a well-known exercise in the 1980s, terry erwin of the smithsonianinstitution saturated a stand of nineteen rain forest trees in panama with an insecticide fog,then collected everything that fell into his nets from the canopy. among his haul (actuallyhauls, since he repeated the experiment seasonally to make sure he caught migrant species)were 1,200 types of beetle. based on the distribution of beetles elsewhere, the number ofother tree species in the forest, the number of forests in the world, the number of other insecttypes, and so on up a long chain of variables, he estimated a figure of 30 million species ofinsects for the entire planet—a figure he later said was too conservative. others using thesame or similar data have come up with figures of 13 million, 80 million, or 100 millioninsect types, underlining the conclusion that however carefully arrived at, such figuresinevitably owe at least as much to supposition as to science.

    according to the wall street journal, the world has “about 10,000 active taxonomists”—not a great number when you consider how much there is to be recorded. but, the journaladds, because of the cost (about $2,000 per species) and paperwork, only about fifteenthousand new species of all types are logged per year.

    “it’s not a biodiversity crisis, it’s a taxonomist crisis!” barks koen maes, belgian-bornhead of invertebrates at the kenyan national museum in nairobi, whom i met briefly on avisit to the country in the autumn of 2002. there were no specialized taxonomists in thewhole of africa, he told me. “there was one in the ivory coast, but i think he has retired,” hesaid. it takes eight to ten years to train a taxonomist, but none are coming along in africa.

    “they are the real fossils,” maes added. he himself was to be let go at the end of the year, hesaid. after seven years in kenya, his contract was not being renewed. “no funds,” maesexplained.

    writing in the journal nature last year, the british biologist g. h. godfray noted that thereis a chronic “lack of prestige and resources” for taxonomists everywhere. in consequence,“many species are being described poorly in isolated publications, with no attempt to relate anew taxon2to existing species and classifications.” moreover, much of taxonomists’ time istaken up not with describing new species but simply with sorting out old ones. many,according to godfray, “spend most of their career trying to interpret the work of nineteenth-century systematicists: deconstructing their often inadequate published descriptions orscouring the world’s museums for type material that is often in very poor condition.” godfrayparticularly stresses the absence of attention being paid to the systematizing possibilities ofthe internet. the fact is that taxonomy by and large is still quaintly wedded to paper.

    2the formal word for a zoological category, such as phylum or genus. the plural is taxa.

    in an attempt to haul things into the modern age, in 2001 kevin kelly, cofounder of wiredmagazine, launched an enterprise called the all species foundation with the aim of findingevery living organism and recording it on a database. the cost of such an exercise has beenestimated at anywhere from $2 billion to as much as $50 billion. as of the spring of 2002, thefoundation had just $1.2 million in funds and four full-time employees. if, as the numberssuggest, we have perhaps 100 million species of insects yet to find, and if our rates ofdiscovery continue at the present pace, we should have a definitive total for insects in a littleover fifteen thousand years. the rest of the animal kingdom may take a little longer.

    so why do we know as little as we do? there are nearly as many reasons as there areanimals left to count, but here are a few of the principal causes:

    most living things are small and easily overlooked.in practical terms, this is not always abad thing. you might not slumber quite so contentedly if you were aware that your mattress ishome to perhaps two million microscopic mites, which come out in the wee hours to sup onyour sebaceous oils and feast on all those lovely, crunchy flakes of skin that you shed as youdoze and toss. your pillow alone may be home to forty thousand of them. (to them your headis just one large oily bon-bon.) and don’t think a clean pillowcase will make a difference. tosomething on the scale of bed mites, the weave of the tightest human fabric looks like ship’srigging. indeed, if your pillow is six years old—which is apparently about the average age fora pillow—it has been estimated that one-tenth of its weight will be made up of “sloughedskin, living mites, dead mites and mite dung,” to quote the man who did the measuring, dr.

    john maunder of the british medical entomology center. (but at least they areyour mites.

    think of what you snuggle up with each time you climb into a motel bed.)3these mites havebeen with us since time immemorial, but they weren’t discovered until 1965.

    if creatures as intimately associated with us as bed mites escaped our notice until the age ofcolor television, it’s hardly surprising that most of the rest of the small-scale world is barelyknown to us. go out into a woods—any woods at all—bend down and scoop up a handful ofsoil, and you will be holding up to 10 billion bacteria, most of them unknown to science. yoursample will also contain perhaps a million plump yeasts, some 200,000 hairy little fungiknown as molds, perhaps 10,000 protozoans (of which the most familiar is the amoeba), andassorted rotifers, flatworms, roundworms, and other microscopic creatures known collectivelyas cryptozoa. a large portion of these will also be unknown.

    the most comprehensive handbook of microorganisms, bergey’s manual of systematicbacteriology, lists about 4,000 types of bacteria. in the 1980s, a pair of norwegian scientists,jostein goks?yr and vigdis torsvik, collected a gram of random soil from a beech forest neartheir lab in bergen and carefully analyzed its bacterial content. they found that this singlesmall sample contained between 4,000 and 5,000 separate bacterial species, more than in thewhole of bergey’s manual. they then traveled to a coastal location a few miles away,scooped up another gram of earth, and found that it contained 4,000 to 5,000 other species. asedward o. wilson observes: “if over 9,000 microbial types exist in two pinches of substratefrom two localities in norway, how many more await discovery in other, radically differenthabitats?” well, according to one estimate, it could be as high as 400 million.

    3we are actually getting worse at some matters of hygiene. dr. maunder believes that the move toward low-temperature washing machine detergents has encouraged bugs to proliferate. as he puts it: “if you wash lousyclothing at low temperatures, all you get is cleaner lice.”
    we don’t look in the right places. in the diversity of life, wilson describes how onebotanist spent a few days tramping around ten hectares of jungle in borneo and discovered athousand new species of flowering plant—more than are found in the whole of northamerica. the plants weren’t hard to find. it’s just that no one had looked there before. koenmaes of the kenyan national museum told me that he went to one cloud forest, asmountaintop forests are known in kenya, and in a half hour “of not particularly dedicatedlooking” found four new species of millipedes, three representing new genera, and one newspecies of tree. “big tree,” he added, and shaped his arms as if about to dance with a verylarge partner. cloud forests are found on the tops of plateaus and have sometimes beenisolated for millions of years. “they provide the ideal climate for biology and they havehardly been studied,” he said.

    overall, tropical rain forests cover only about 6 percent of earth’s surface, but harbor morethan half of its animal life and about two-thirds of its flowering plants, and most of this liferemains unknown to us because too few researchers spend time in them. not incidentally,much of this could be quite valuable. at least 99 percent of flowering plants have never beentested for their medicinal properties. because they can’t flee from predators, plants have hadto contrive chemical defenses, and so are particularly enriched in intriguing compounds. evennow nearly a quarter of all prescribed medicines are derived from just forty plants, withanother 16 percent coming from animals or microbes, so there is a serious risk with everyhectare of forest felled of losing medically vital possibilities. using a method calledcombinatorial chemistry, chemists can generate forty thousand compounds at a time in labs,but these products are random and not uncommonly useless, whereas any natural moleculewill have already passed what the economist calls “the ultimate screening programme: overthree and a half billion years of evolution.”

    looking for the unknown isn’t simply a matter of traveling to remote or distant places,however. in his book life: an unauthorised biography, richard fortey notes how oneancient bacterium was found on the wall of a country pub “where men had urinated forgenerations”—a discovery that would seem to involve rare amounts of luckand devotion andpossibly some other quality not specified.

    there aren’t enough specialists.the stock of things to be found, examined, and recordedvery much outruns the supply of scientists available to do it. take the hardy and little-knownorganisms known as bdelloid rotifers. these are microscopic animals that can survive almostanything. when conditions are tough, they curl up into a compact shape, switch off theirmetabolism, and wait for better times. in this state, you can drop them into boiling water orfreeze them almost to absolute zero—that is the level where even atoms give up—and, whenthis torment has finished and they are returned to a more pleasing environment, they willuncurl and move on as if nothing has happened. so far, about 500 species have been identified(though other sources say 360), but nobody has any idea, even remotely, how many there maybe altogether. for years almost all that was known about them was thanks to the work of adevoted amateur, a london clerical worker named david bryce who studied them in his sparetime. they can be found all over the world, but you could have all the bdelloid rotifer expertsin the world to dinner and not have to borrow plates from the neighbors.

    even something as important and ubiquitous as fungi—and fungi are both—attractscomparatively little notice. fungi are everywhere and come in many forms—as mushrooms,molds, mildews, yeasts, and puffballs, to name but a sampling—and they exist in volumes
    that most of us little suspect. gather together all the fungi found in a typical acre of meadowand you would have 2,500 pounds of the stuff. these are not marginal organisms. withoutfungi there would be no potato blights, dutch elm disease, jock itch, or athlete’s foot, but alsono yogurts or beers or cheeses. altogether about 70,000 species of fungi have been identified,but it is thought the number could be as high as 1.8 million. a lot of mycologists work inindustry, making cheeses and yogurts and the like, so it is hard to say how many are activelyinvolved in research, but we can safely take it that there are more species of fungi to be foundthan there are people to find them.

    the world is a really big place.we have been gulled by the ease of air travel and otherforms of communication into thinking that the world is not all that big, but at ground level,where researchers must work, it is actually enormous—enormous enough to be full ofsurprises. the okapi, the nearest living relative of the giraffe, is now known to exist insubstantial numbers in the rain forests of zaire—the total population is estimated at perhapsthirty thousand—yet its existence wasn’t even suspected until the twentieth century. the largeflightless new zealand bird called the takahe had been presumed extinct for two hundredyears before being found living in a rugged area of the country’s south island. in 1995 a teamof french and british scientists in tibet, who were lost in a snowstorm in a remote valley,came across a breed of horse, called the riwoche, that had previously been known only fromprehistoric cave drawings. the valley’s inhabitants were astonished to learn that the horse wasconsidered a rarity in the wider world.

    some  people  think  even  greater  surprises may await us. “a leading british ethno-biologist,” wrote the economist in 1995, “thinks a megatherium, a sort of giant ground slothwhich may stand as high as a giraffe . . . may lurk in the fastnesses of the amazon basin.”

    perhaps significantly, the ethnobiologist wasn’t named; perhaps even more significantly,nothing more has been heard of him or his giant sloth. no one, however, can categorically saythat no such thing is there until every jungly glade has been investigated, and we are a longway from achieving that.

    but even if we groomed thousands of fieldworkers and dispatched them to the farthestcorners of the world, it would not be effort enough, for wherever life can be, it is. life’sextraordinary fecundity is amazing, even gratifying, but also problematic. to survey it all, youwould have to turn over every rock, sift through the litter on every forest floor, sieveunimaginable quantities of sand and dirt, climb into every forest canopy, and devise muchmore efficient ways to examine the seas. even then you would overlook whole ecosystems. inthe 1980s, spelunkers entered a deep cave in romania that had been sealed off from theoutside world for a long but unknown period and found thirty-three species of insects andother small creatures—spiders, centipedes, lice—all blind, colorless, and new to science.

    they were living off the microbes in the surface scum of pools, which in turn were feeding onhydrogen sulfide from hot springs.

    our instinct may be to see the impossibility of tracking everything down as frustrating,dispiriting, perhaps even appalling, but it can just as well be viewed as almost unbearablyexciting. we live on a planet that has a more or less infinite capacity to surprise. whatreasoning person could possibly want it any other way?

    what is nearly always most arresting in any ramble through the scattered disciplines ofmodern science is realizing how many people have been willing to devote lifetimes to the
    most sumptuously esoteric lines of inquiry. in one of his essays, stephen jay gould notes howa hero of his named henry edward crampton spent fifty years, from 1906 to his death in1956, quietly studying a genus of land snails in polynesia called partula. over and over, yearafter year, crampton measured to the tiniest degree—to eight decimal places—the whorls andarcs and gentle curves of numberless partula, compiling the results into fastidiously detailedtables. a single line of text in a crampton table could represent weeks of measurement andcalculation.

    only slightly less devoted, and certainly more unexpected, was alfred c. kinsey, whobecame famous for his studies of human sexuality in the 1940s and 1950s. but before hismind became filled with sex, so to speak, kinsey was an entomologist, and a dogged one atthat. in one expedition lasting two years, he hiked 2,500 miles to assemble a collection of300,000 wasps. how many stings he collected along the way is not, alas, recorded.

    something that had been puzzling me was the question of how you assured a chain ofsuccession in these arcane fields. clearly there cannot be many institutions in the world thatrequire or are prepared to support specialists in barnacles or pacific snails. as we parted at thenatural history museum in london, i asked richard fortey how science ensures that whenone person goes there’s someone ready to take his place.

    he chuckled rather heartily at my naiveté. “i’m afraid it’s not as if we have substitutessitting on the bench somewhere waiting to be called in to play. when a specialist retires or,even more unfortunately, dies, that can bring a stop to things in that field, sometimes for avery long while.”

    “and i suppose that’s why you value someone who spends forty-two years studying asingle species of plant, even if it doesn’t produce anything terribly new?”

    “precisely,” he said, “precisely.” and he really seemed to mean it.

    24    CELLS

    it starts with a single cell. the first cell splits to become two and the two become fourand so on. after just forty-seven doublings, you have ten thousand trillion(10,000,000,000,000,000) cells in your body and are ready to spring forth as a human being.

    1and every one of those cells knows exactly what to do to preserve and nurture you from themoment of conception to your last breath.

    you have no secrets from your cells. they know far more about you than you do. each onecarries a copy of the complete genetic code—the instruction manual for your body—so itknows not only how to do its job but every other job in the body. never in your life will youhave to remind a cell to keep an eye on its adenosine triphosphate levels or to find a place forthe extra squirt of folic acid that’s just unexpectedly turned up. it will do that for you, andmillions more things besides.

    every cell in nature is a thing of wonder. even the simplest are far beyond the limits ofhuman ingenuity. to build the most basic yeast cell, for example, you would have tominiaturize about the same number of components as are found in a boeing 777 jetliner andfit them into a sphere just five microns across; then somehow you would have to persuade thatsphere to reproduce.

    but yeast cells are as nothing compared with human cells, which are not just more variedand complicated, but vastly more fascinating because of their complex interactions.

    your cells are a country of ten thousand trillion citizens, each devoted in some intensivelyspecific way to your overall well-being. there isn’t a thing they don’t do for you. they letyou feel pleasure and form thoughts. they enable you to stand and stretch and caper. whenyou eat, they extract the nutrients, distribute the energy, and carry off the wastes—all thosethings you learned about in junior high school biology—but they also remember to make youhungry in the first place and reward you with a feeling of well-being afterward so that youwon’t forget to eat again. they keep your hair growing, your ears waxed, your brain quietlypurring. they manage every corner of your being. they will jump to your defense the instantyou are threatened. they will unhesitatingly die for you—billions of them do so daily. andnot once in all your years have you thanked even one of them. so let us take a moment now toregard them with the wonder and appreciation they deserve.

    we understand a little of how cells do the things they do—how they lay down fat ormanufacture insulin or engage in many of the other acts necessary to maintain a complicatedentity like yourself—but only a little. you have at least 200,000 different types of protein1actually, quite a lot of cells are lost in the process of development, so the number you emerge with is reallyjust a guess. depending on which source you consult the number can vary by several orders of magnitude. thefigure of ten thousand trillion (or quadrillion) is from margulis and sagan, 1986.

    laboring away inside you, and so far we understand what no more than about 2 percent ofthem do. (others put the figure at more like 50 percent; it depends, apparently, on what youmean by “understand.”)surprises at the cellular level turn up all the time. in nature, nitric oxide is a formidabletoxin and a common component of air pollution. so scientists were naturally a little surprisedwhen, in the mid-1980s, they found it being produced in a curiously devoted manner inhuman cells. its purpose was at first a mystery, but then scientists began to find it all over theplace—controlling the flow of blood and the energy levels of cells, attacking cancers andother pathogens, regulating the sense of smell, even assisting in penile erections. it alsoexplained why nitroglycerine, the well-known explosive, soothes the heart pain known asangina. (it is converted into nitric oxide in the bloodstream, relaxing the muscle linings ofvessels, allowing blood to flow more freely.) in barely the space of a decade this one gassysubstance went from extraneous toxin to ubiquitous elixir.

    you  possess  “some  few  hundred”  different  types of cell, according to the belgianbiochemist christian de duve, and they vary enormously in size and shape, from nerve cellswhose filaments can stretch to several feet to tiny, disc-shaped red blood cells to the rod-shaped photocells that help to give us vision. they also come in a sumptuously wide range ofsizes—nowhere more strikingly than at the moment of conception, when a single beatingsperm confronts an egg eighty-five thousand times bigger than it (which rather puts the notionof male conquest into perspective). on average, however, a human cell is about twentymicrons wide—that is about two hundredths of a millimeter—which is too small to be seenbut roomy enough to hold thousands of complicated structures like mitochondria, and millionsupon millions of molecules. in the most literal way, cells also vary in liveliness. your skincells are all dead. it’s a somewhat galling notion to reflect that every inch of your surface isdeceased. if you are an average-sized adult you are lugging around about five pounds of deadskin, of which several billion tiny fragments are sloughed off each day. run a finger along adusty shelf and you are drawing a pattern very largely in old skin.

    most living cells seldom last more than a month or so, but there are some notableexceptions. liver cells can survive for years, though the components within them may berenewed every few days. brain cells last as long as you do. you are issued a hundred billionor so at birth, and that is all you are ever going to get. it has been estimated that you lose fivehundred of them an hour, so if you have any serious thinking to do there really isn’t a momentto waste. the good news is that the individual components of your brain cells are constantlyrenewed so that, as with the liver cells, no part of them is actually likely to be more than abouta month old. indeed, it has been suggested that there isn’t a single bit of any of us—not somuch as a stray molecule—that was part of us nine years ago. it may not feel like it, but at thecellular level we are all youngsters.

    the first person to describe a cell was robert hooke, whom we last encounteredsquabbling with isaac newton over credit for the invention of the inverse square law. hookeachieved many things in his sixty-eight years—he was both an accomplished theoretician anda dab hand at making ingenious and useful instruments—but nothing he did brought himgreater admiration than his popular book microphagia: or some physiological descriptions ofminiature bodies made by magnifying glasses, produced in 1665. it revealed to an enchantedpublic a universe of the very small that was far more diverse, crowded, and finely structuredthan anyone had ever come close to imagining.

    among the microscopic features first identified by hooke were little chambers in plantsthat he called “cells” because they reminded him of monks’ cells. hooke calculated that aone-inch square of cork would contain 1,259,712,000 of these tiny chambers—the firstappearance of such a very large number anywhere in science. microscopes by this time hadbeen around for a generation or so, but what set hooke’s apart were their technicalsupremacy. they achieved magnifications of thirty times, making them the last word inseventeenth-century optical technology.

    so it came as something of a shock when just a decade later hooke and the other membersof london’s royal society began to receive drawings and reports from an unlettered linendraper in holland employing magnifications of up to 275 times. the draper’s name wasantoni van leeuwenhoek. though he had little formal education and no background inscience, he was a perceptive and dedicated observer and a technical genius.

    to this day it is not known how he got such magnificent magnifications from simplehandheld devices, which were little more than modest wooden dowels with a tiny bubble ofglass embedded in them, far more like magnifying glasses than what most of us think of asmicroscopes, but really not much like either. leeuwenhoek made a new instrument for everyexperiment he performed and was extremely secretive about his techniques, though he didsometimes offer tips to the british on how they might improve their resolutions.

    2over a period of fifty years—beginning, remarkably enough, when he was already pastforty—he made almost two hundred reports to the royal society, all written in low dutch,the only tongue of which he was master. leeuwenhoek offered no interpretations, but simplythe facts of what he had found, accompanied by exquisite drawings. he sent reports on almosteverything that could be usefully examined—bread mold, a bee’s stinger, blood cells, teeth,hair, his own saliva, excrement, and semen (these last with fretful apologies for their unsavorynature)—nearly all of which had never been seen microscopically before.

    after he reported finding “animalcules” in a sample of pepper water in 1676, the membersof the royal society spent a year with the best devices english technology could producesearching for the “little animals” before finally getting the magnification right. whatleeuwenhoek had found were protozoa. he calculated that there were 8,280,000 of these tinybeings in a single drop of water—more than the number of people in holland. the worldteemed with life in ways and numbers that no one had previously suspected.

    inspired by leeuwenhoek’s fantastic findings, others began to peer into microscopes withsuch keenness that they sometimes found things that weren’t in fact there. one respecteddutch observer, nicolaus hartsoecker, was convinced he saw “tiny preformed men” in spermcells. he called the little beings “homunculi” and for some time many people believed that allhumans—indeed, all creatures—were simply vastly inflated versions of tiny but completeprecursor beings. leeuwenhoek himself occasionally got carried away with his enthusiasms.

    in one of his least successful experiments he tried to study the explosive properties ofgunpowder by observing a small blast at close range; he nearly blinded himself in the process.

    2leeuwenhoek was close friends with another delft notable, the artist jan vermeer. in the mid-1660s, vermeer,who previously had been a competent but not outstanding artist, suddenly developed the mastery of light andperspective for which he has been celebrated ever since. though it has never been proved, it has long beensuspected that he used a camera obscura, a device for projecting images onto a flat surface through a lens. nosuch device was listed among vermeers personal effects after his death, but it happens that the executor ofvermeers estate was none other than antoni van leeuwenhoek, the most secretive lens-maker of his day.

    in 1683 leeuwenhoek discovered bacteria, but that was about as far as progress could getfor the next century and a half because of the limitations of microscope technology. not until1831 would anyone first see the nucleus of a cell—it was found by the scottish botanistrobert brown, that frequent but always shadowy visitor to the history of science. brown, wholived from 1773 to 1858, called it nucleus from the latin nucula, meaning little nut or kernel.

    not until 1839, however, did anyone realize that all living matter is cellular. it was theodorschwann, a german, who had this insight, and it was not only comparatively late, as scientificinsights go, but not widely embraced at first. it wasn’t until the 1860s, and some landmarkwork by louis pasteur in france, that it was shown conclusively that life cannot arisespontaneously but must come from preexisting cells. the belief became known as the “celltheory,” and it is the basis of all modern biology.

    the cell has been compared to many things, from “a complex chemical refinery” (by thephysicist james trefil) to “a vast, teeming metropolis” (the biochemist guy brown). a cell isboth of those things and neither. it is like a refinery in that it is devoted to chemical activityon a grand scale, and like a metropolis in that it is crowded and busy and filled withinteractions that seem confused and random but clearly have some system to them. but it is amuch more nightmarish place than any city or factory that you have ever seen. to begin withthere is no up or down inside the cell (gravity doesn’t meaningfully apply at the cellularscale), and not an atom’s width of space is unused. there is activity every where and aceaseless thrum of electrical energy. you may not feel terribly electrical, but you are. thefood we eat and the oxygen we breathe are combined in the cells into electricity. the reasonwe don’t give each other massive shocks or scorch the sofa when we sit is that it is allhappening on a tiny scale: a mere 0.1 volts traveling distances measured in nanometers.

    however, scale that up and it would translate as a jolt of twenty million volts per meter, aboutthe same as the charge carried by the main body of a thunderstorm.

    whatever their size or shape, nearly all your cells are built to fundamentally the same plan:

    they have an outer casing or membrane, a nucleus wherein resides the necessary geneticinformation to keep you going, and a busy space between the two called the cytoplasm. themembrane is not, as most of us imagine it, a durable, rubbery casing, something that youwould need a sharp pin to prick. rather, it is made up of a type of fatty material known as alipid, which has the approximate consistency “of a light grade of machine oil,” to quotesherwin b. nuland. if that seems surprisingly insubstantial, bear in mind that at themicroscopic level things behave differently. to anything on a molecular scale water becomesa kind of heavy-duty gel, and a lipid is like iron.

    if you could visit a cell, you wouldn’t like it. blown up to a scale at which atoms wereabout the size of peas, a cell itself would be a sphere roughly half a mile across, and supportedby a complex framework of girders called the cytoskeleton. within it, millions upon millionsof objects—some the size of basketballs, others the size of cars—would whiz about likebullets. there wouldn’t be a place you could stand without being pummeled and rippedthousands of times every second from every direction. even for its full-time occupants theinside of a cell is a hazardous place. each strand of dna is on average attacked or damagedonce every 8.4 seconds—ten thousand times in a day—by chemicals and other agents thatwhack into or carelessly slice through it, and each of these wounds must be swiftly stitched upif the cell is not to perish.

    the proteins are especially lively, spinning, pulsating, and flying into each other up to abillion times a second. enzymes, themselves a type of protein, dash everywhere, performingup to a thousand tasks a second. like greatly speeded up worker ants, they busily build and
    rebuild molecules, hauling a piece off this one, adding a piece to that one. some monitorpassing proteins and mark with a chemical those that are irreparably damaged or flawed. onceso selected, the doomed proteins proceed to a structure called a proteasome, where they arestripped down and their components used to build new proteins. some types of protein existfor less than half an hour; others survive for weeks. but all lead existences that areinconceivably frenzied. as de duve notes, “the molecular world must necessarily remainentirely beyond the powers of our imagination owing to the incredible speed with whichthings happen in it.”

    but slow things down, to a speed at which the interactions can be observed, and thingsdon’t seem quite so unnerving. you can see that a cell is just millions of objects—lysosomes,endosomes, ribosomes, ligands, peroxisomes, proteins of every size and shape—bumping intomillions of other objects and performing mundane tasks: extracting energy from nutrients,assembling structures, getting rid of waste, warding off intruders, sending and receivingmessages, making repairs. typically a cell will contain some 20,000 different types of protein,and of these about 2,000 types will each be represented by at least 50,000 molecules. “thismeans,” says nuland, “that even if we count only those molecules present in amounts of morethan 50,000 each, the total is still a very minimum of 100 million protein molecules in eachcell. such a staggering figure gives some idea of the swarming immensity of biochemicalactivity within us.”

    it is all an immensely demanding process. your heart must pump 75 gallons of blood anhour, 1,800 gallons every day, 657,000 gallons in a year—that’s enough to fill four olympic-sized swimming pools—to keep all those cells freshly oxygenated. (and that’s at rest. duringexercise the rate can increase as much as sixfold.) the oxygen is taken up by themitochondria. these are the cells’ power stations, and there are about a thousand of them in atypical cell, though the number varies considerably depending on what a cell does and howmuch energy it requires.

    you may recall from an earlier chapter that the mitochondria are thought to have originatedas captive bacteria and that they now live essentially as lodgers in our cells, preserving theirown genetic instructions, dividing to their own timetable, speaking their own language. youmay also recall that we are at the mercy of their goodwill. here’s why. virtually all the foodand oxygen you take into your body are delivered, after processing, to the mitochondria,where they are converted into a molecule called adenosine triphosphate, or atp.

    you may not have heard of atp, but it is what keeps you going. atp molecules areessentially little battery packs that move through the cell providing energy for all the cell’sprocesses, and you get through a lot of it. at any given moment, a typical cell in your bodywill have about one billion atp molecules in it, and in two minutes every one of them willhave been drained dry and another billion will have taken their place. every day you produceand use up a volume of atp equivalent to about half your body weight. feel the warmth ofyour skin. that’s your atp at work.

    when cells are no longer needed, they die with what can only be called great dignity. theytake down all the struts and buttresses that hold them together and quietly devour theircomponent parts. the process is known as apoptosis or programmed cell death. every daybillions of your cells die for your benefit and billions of others clean up the mess. cells canalso die violently—for instance, when infected—but mostly they die because they are told to.

    indeed, if not told to live—if not given some kind of active instruction from another cell—cells automatically kill themselves. cells need a lot of reassurance.

    when, as occasionally happens, a cell fails to expire in the prescribed manner, but ratherbegins to divide and proliferate wildly, we call the result cancer. cancer cells are really justconfused cells. cells make this mistake fairly regularly, but the body has elaboratemechanisms for dealing with it. it is only very rarely that the process spirals out of control. onaverage, humans suffer one fatal malignancy for each 100 million billion cell divisions.

    cancer is bad luck in every possible sense of the term.

    the wonder of cells is not that things occasionally go wrong, but that they manageeverything so smoothly for decades at a stretch. they do so by constantly sending andmonitoring streams of messages—a cacophony of messages—from all around the body:

    instructions, queries, corrections, requests for assistance, updates, notices to divide or expire.

    most of these signals arrive by means of couriers called hormones, chemical entities such asinsulin, adrenaline, estrogen, and testosterone that convey information from remote outpostslike the thyroid and endocrine glands. still other messages arrive by telegraph from the brainor from regional centers in a process called paracrine signaling. finally, cells communicatedirectly with their neighbors to make sure their actions are coordinated.

    what is perhaps most remarkable is that it is all just random frantic action, a sequence ofendless encounters directed by nothing more than elemental rules of attraction and repulsion.

    there is clearly no thinking presence behind any of the actions of the cells. it all just happens,smoothly and repeatedly and so reliably that seldom are we even conscious of it, yet somehowall this produces not just order within the cell but a perfect harmony right across the organism.

    in ways that we have barely begun to understand, trillions upon trillions of reflexive chemicalreactions add up to a mobile, thinking, decision-making you—or, come to that, a rather lessreflective but still incredibly organized dung beetle. every living thing, never forget, is awonder of atomic engineering.

    indeed, some organisms that we think of as primitive enjoy a level of cellular organizationthat makes our own look carelessly pedestrian. disassemble the cells of a sponge (by passingthem through a sieve, for instance), then dump them into a solution, and they will find theirway back together and build themselves into a sponge again. you can do this to them overand over, and they will doggedly reassemble because, like you and me and every other livingthing, they have one overwhelming impulse: to continue to be.

    and that’s because of a curious, determined, barely understood molecule that is itself notalive and for the most part doesn’t do anything at all. we call it dna, and to begin tounderstand its supreme importance to science and to us we need to go back 160 years or so tovictorian england and to the moment when the naturalist charles darwin had what has beencalled “the single best idea that anyone has ever had”—and then, for reasons that take a littleexplaining, locked it away in a drawer for the next fifteen years.

    25    DARWIN’S SINGULAR NOTION

    in the late summer or early autumn of 1859, whitwell elwin, editor of the respectedbritish journal the quarterly review, was sent an advance copy of a new book by thenaturalist charles darwin. elwin read the book with interest and agreed that it had merit, butfeared that the subject matter was too narrow to attract a wide audience. he urged darwin towrite a book about pigeons instead. “everyone is interested in pigeons,” he observedhelpfully.

    elwin’s sage advice was ignored, and on the origin of species by means of naturalselection, or the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life was published in latenovember 1859, priced at fifteen shillings. the first edition of 1,250 copies sold out on thefirst day. it has never been out of print, and scarcely out of controversy, in all the time since—not bad going for a man whose principal other interest was earthworms and who, but for asingle impetuous decision to sail around the world, would very probably have passed his lifeas an anonymous country parson known for, well, for an interest in earthworms.

    charles robert darwin was born on february 12, 1809,1in shrewsbury, a sedate markettown in the west midlands of england. his father was a prosperous and well-regardedphysician. his mother, who died when charles was only eight, was the daughter of josiahwedgwood, of pottery fame.

    darwin enjoyed every advantage of upbringing, but continually pained his widowed fatherwith his lackluster academic performance. “you care for nothing but shooting, dogs, and rat-catching, and you will be a disgrace to yourself and all your family,” his father wrote in a linethat nearly always appears just about here in any review of darwin’s early life. although hisinclination was to natural history, for his father’s sake he tried to study medicine at edinburghuniversity but couldn’t bear the blood and suffering. the experience of witnessing anoperation on an understandably distressed child—this was in the days before anesthetics, ofcourse—left him permanently traumatized. he tried law instead, but found that insupportablydull and finally managed, more or less by default, to acquire a degree in divinity fromcambridge.

    a life in a rural vicarage seemed to await him when from out of the blue there came a moretempting offer. darwin was invited to sail on the naval survey ship hms beagle, essentiallyas dinner company for the captain, robert fitzroy, whose rank precluded his socializing withanyone other than a gentleman. fitzroy, who was very odd, chose darwin in part because heliked the shape of darwin’s nose. (it betokened depth of character, he believed.) darwin wasnot fitzroy’s first choice, but got the nod when fitzroy’s preferred companion dropped out.

    from a twenty-first-century perspective the two men’s most striking joint feature was their1an auspicious date in history: on the same day in kentucky, abraham lincoln was born.

    extreme youthfulness. at the time of sailing, fitzroy was only twenty-three, darwin justtwenty-two.

    fitzroy’s formal assignment was to chart coastal waters, but his hobby—passion really—was to seek out evidence for a literal, biblical interpretation of creation. that darwin wastrained for the ministry was central to fitzroy’s decision to have him aboard. that darwinsubsequently proved to be not only liberal of view but less than wholeheartedly devoted tochristian fundamentals became a source of lasting friction between them.

    darwin’s time aboard hms beagle, from 1831 to 1836, was obviously the formativeexperience of his life, but also one of the most trying. he and his captain shared a small cabin,which can’t have been easy as fitzroy was subject to fits of fury followed by spells ofsimmering resentment. he and darwin constantly engaged in quarrels, some “bordering oninsanity,” as darwin later recalled. ocean voyages tended to become melancholyundertakings at the best of times—the previous captain of the beagle had put a bullet throughhis brain during a moment of lonely gloom—and fitzroy came from a family well known fora depressive instinct. his uncle, viscount castlereagh, had slit his throat the previous decadewhile serving as chancellor of the exchequer. (fitzroy would himself commit suicide by thesame method in 1865.) even in his calmer moods, fitzroy proved strangely unknowable.

    darwin was astounded to learn upon the conclusion of their voyage that almost at oncefitzroy married a young woman to whom he had long been betrothed. in five years indarwin’s company, he had not once hinted at an attachment or even mentioned her name.

    in every other respect, however, the beagle voyage was a triumph. darwin experiencedadventure enough to last a lifetime and accumulated a hoard of specimens sufficient to makehis reputation and keep him occupied for years. he found a magnificent trove of giant ancientfossils, including the finest megatherium known to date; survived a lethal earthquake inchile; discovered a new species of dolphin (which he dutifully named delphinus fitzroyi);conducted diligent and useful geological investigations throughout the andes; and developeda new and much-admired theory for the formation of coral atolls, which suggested, notcoincidentally, that atolls could not form in less than a million years—the first hint of hislong-standing attachment to the extreme antiquity of earthly processes. in 1836, aged twenty-seven, he returned home after being away for five years and two days. he never left englandagain.

    one thing darwin didn’t do on the voyage was propound the theory (or even a theory) ofevolution. for a start, evolution as a concept was already decades old by the 1830s. darwin’sown grandfather, erasmus, had paid tribute to evolutionary principles in a poem of inspiredmediocrity called “the temple of nature” years before charles was even born. it wasn’t untilthe younger darwin was back in england and read thomas malthus’s essay on the principleof population (which proposed that increases in food supply could never keep up withpopulation growth for mathematical reasons) that the idea began to percolate through his mindthat life is a perpetual struggle and that natural selection was the means by which somespecies prospered while others failed. specifically what darwin saw was that all organismscompeted for resources, and those that had some innate advantage would prosper and pass onthat advantage to their offspring. by such means would species continuously improve.

    it seems an awfully simple idea—it is an awfully simple idea—but it explained a great deal,and darwin was prepared to devote his life to it. “how stupid of me not to have thought ofit!” t. h. huxley cried upon reading on the origin of species. it is a view that has beenechoed ever since.

    interestingly, darwin didn’t use the phrase “survival of the fittest” in any of his work(though he did express his admiration for it). the expression was coined five years after thepublication of on the origin of species by herbert spencer in principles of biology in 1864.

    nor did he employ the word evolution in print until the sixth edition of origin (by which timeits use had become too widespread to resist), preferring instead “descent with modification.”

    nor, above all, were his conclusions in any way inspired by his noticing, during his time inthe galápagos islands, an interesting diversity in the beaks of finches. the story asconventionally told (or at least as frequently remembered by many of us) is that darwin,while traveling from island to island, noticed that the finches’ beaks on each island weremarvelously adapted for exploiting local resources—that on one island beaks were sturdy andshort and good for cracking nuts, while on the next island beaks were perhaps long and thinand well suited for winkling food out of crevices—and it was this that set him to thinking thatperhaps the birds had not been created this way, but had in a sense created themselves.

    in fact, the birds had created themselves, but it wasn’t darwin who noticed it. at the timeof the beagle voyage, darwin was fresh out of college and not yet an accomplished naturalistand so failed to see that the galápagos birds were all of a type. it was his friend theornithologist john gould who realized that what darwin had found was lots of finches withdifferent talents. unfortunately, in his inexperience darwin had not noted which birds camefrom which islands. (he had made a similar error with tortoises.) it took years to sort themuddles out.

    because of these oversights, and the need to sort through crates and crates of other beaglespecimens, it wasn’t until 1842, six years after his return to england, that darwin finallybegan to sketch out the rudiments of his new theory. these he expanded into a 230-page“sketch” two years later. and then he did an extraordinary thing: he put his notes away andfor the next decade and a half busied himself with other matters. he fathered ten children,devoted nearly eight years to writing an exhaustive opus on barnacles (“i hate a barnacle as noman ever did before,” he sighed, understandably, upon the work’s conclusion), and fell preyto strange disorders that left him chronically listless, faint, and “flurried,” as he put it. thesymptoms nearly always included a terrible nausea and generally also incorporatedpalpitations, migraines, exhaustion, trembling, spots before the eyes, shortness of breath,“swimming of the head,” and, not surprisingly, depression.

    the cause of the illness has never been established, but the most romantic and perhapslikely of the many suggested possibilities is that he suffered from chagas’s disease, alingering tropical malady that he could have acquired from the bite of a benchuga bug insouth america. a more prosaic explanation is that his condition was psychosomatic. in eithercase, the misery was not. often he could work for no more than twenty minutes at a stretch,sometimes not that.

    much of the rest of his time was devoted to a series of increasingly desperate treatments—icy plunge baths, dousings in vinegar, draping himself with “electric chains” that subjectedhim to small jolts of current. he became something of a hermit, seldom leaving his home inkent, down house. one of his first acts upon moving to the house was to erect a mirroroutside his study window so that he could identify, and if necessary avoid, callers.

    darwin kept his theory to himself because he well knew the storm it would cause. in 1844,the year he locked his notes away, a book called vestiges of the natural history of creationroused much of the thinking world to fury by suggesting that humans might have evolvedfrom lesser primates without the assistance of a divine creator. anticipating the outcry, the
    author had taken careful steps to conceal his identity, which he kept a secret from even hisclosest friends for the next forty years. some wondered if darwin himself might be the author.

    others suspected prince albert. in fact, the author was a successful and generally unassumingscottish publisher named robert chambers whose reluctance to reveal himself had a practicaldimension as well as a personal one: his firm was a leading publisher of bibles. vestiges waswarmly blasted from pulpits throughout britain and far beyond, but also attracted a good dealof more scholarly ire. the edinburgh review devoted nearly an entire issue—eighty-fivepages—to pulling it to pieces. even t. h. huxley, a believer in evolution, attacked the bookwith some venom, unaware that the author was a friend.

    2darwin’s manuscript might have remained locked away till his death but for an alarmingblow that arrived from the far east in the early summer of 1858 in the form of a packetcontaining a friendly letter from a young naturalist named alfred russel wallace and the draftof a paper, on the tendency of varieties to depart indefinitely from the original type,outlining a theory of natural selection that was uncannily similar to darwin’s secret jottings.

    even some of the phrasing echoed darwin’s own. “i never saw a more striking coincidence,”

    darwin reflected in dismay. “if wallace had my manuscript sketch written out in 1842, hecould not have made a better short abstract.”

    wallace didn’t drop into darwin’s life quite as unexpectedly as is sometimes suggested.

    the two were already corresponding, and wallace had more than once generously sentdarwin specimens that he thought might be of interest. in the process of these exchangesdarwin had discreetly warned wallace that he regarded the subject of species creation as hisown territory. “this summer will make the 20th year (!) since i opened my first note-book, onthe question of how & in what way do species & varieties differ from each other,” he hadwritten to wallace some time earlier. “i am now preparing my work for publication,” headded, even though he wasn’t really.

    in any case, wallace failed to grasp what darwin was trying to tell him, and of course hecould have no idea that his own theory was so nearly identical to one that darwin had beenevolving, as it were, for two decades.

    darwin was placed in an agonizing quandary. if he rushed into print to preserve his priority,he would be taking advantage of an innocent tip-off from a distant admirer. but if he steppedaside, as gentlemanly conduct arguably required, he would lose credit for a theory that he hadindependently propounded. wallace’s theory was, by wallace’s own admission, the result of aflash of insight; darwin’s was the product of years of careful, plodding, methodical thought. itwas all crushingly unfair.

    to compound his misery, darwin’s youngest son, also named charles, had contracted scarletfever and was critically ill. at the height of the crisis, on june 28, the child died. despite thedistraction of his son’s illness, darwin found time to dash off letters to his friends charleslyell and joseph hooker, offering to step aside but noting that to do so would mean that allhis work, “whatever it may amount to, will be smashed.” lyell and hooker came up with thecompromise solution of presenting a summary of darwin’s and wallace’s ideas together. thevenue they settled on was a meeting of the linnaean society, which at the time was strugglingto find its way back into fashion as a seat of scientific eminence. on july 1, 1858, darwin’s2darwin was one of the few to guess correctly. he happened to be visiting chambers one day when an advancecopy of the sixth edition of vestiges was delivered. the keenness with which chambers checked the revisionswas something of a giveaway, though it appears the two men did not discuss it.

    and wallace’s theory was unveiled to the world. darwin himself was not present. on the dayof the meeting, he and his wife were burying their son.

    the darwin–wallace presentation was one of seven that evening—one of the others was onthe flora of angola—and if the thirty or so people in the audience had any idea that they werewitnessing the scientific highlight of the century, they showed no sign of it. no discussionfollowed. nor did the event attract much notice elsewhere. darwin cheerfully later noted thatonly one person, a professor haughton of dublin, mentioned the two papers in print and hisconclusion was “that all that was new in them was false, and what was true was old.”

    wallace, still in the distant east, learned of these maneuverings long after the event, butwas remarkably equable and seemed pleased to have been included at all. he even referred tothe theory forever after as “darwinism.” much less amenable to darwin’s claim of prioritywas a scottish gardener named patrick matthew who had, rather remarkably, also come upwith the principles of natural selection—in fact, in the very year that darwin had set sail inthebeagle. unfortunately, matthew had published these views in a book called naval timberand arboriculture, which had been missed not just by darwin, but by the entire world.

    matthew kicked up in a lively manner, with a letter to gardener’s chronicle, when he sawdarwin gaining credit everywhere for an idea that really was his. darwin apologized withouthesitation, though he did note for the record: “i think that no one will feel surprised thatneither i, nor apparently any other naturalist, has heard of mr. matthew’s views, consideringhow briefly they are given, and they appeared in the appendix to a work on naval timberand arboriculture.”

    wallace continued for another fifty years as a naturalist and thinker, occasionally a verygood one, but increasingly fell from scientific favor by taking up dubious interests such asspiritualism and the possibility of life existing elsewhere in the universe. so the theorybecame, essentially by default, darwin’s alone.

    darwin never ceased being tormented by his ideas. he referred to himself as “the devil’schaplain” and said that revealing the theory felt “like confessing a murder.” apart from allelse, he knew it deeply pained his beloved and pious wife. even so, he set to work at onceexpanding his manuscript into a book-length work. provisionally he called it an abstract ofan essay on the origin of species and varieties through natural selection —a title so tepidand tentative that his publisher, john murray, decided to issue just five hundred copies. butonce presented with the manuscript, and a slightly more arresting title, murray reconsideredand increased the initial print run to 1,250.

    on the origin of species was an immediate commercial success, but rather less of a criticalone. darwin’s theory presented two intractable difficulties. it needed far more time than lordkelvin was willing to concede, and it was scarcely supported by fossil evidence. where,asked darwin’s more thoughtful critics, were the transitional forms that his theory so clearlycalled for? if new species were continuously evolving, then there ought to be lots ofintermediate forms scattered across the fossil record, but there were not.

    3in fact, the record asit existed then (and for a long time afterward) showed no life at all right up to the moment ofthe famous cambrian explosion.

    3by coincidence, in 1861, at the height of the controversy, just such evidence turned up when workers inbavaria found the bones of an ancient archaeopteryx, a creature halfway between a bird and a dinosaur. (it hadfeathers, but it also had teeth.) it was an impressive and helpful find, and its significance much debated, but asingle discovery could hardly be considered conclusive.

    but now here was darwin, without any evidence, insisting that the earlier seas must havehad abundant life and that we just hadn’t found it yet because, for whatever reason, it hadn’tbeen preserved. it simply could not be otherwise, darwin maintained. “the case at presentmust remain inexplicable; and may be truly urged as a valid argument against the views hereentertained,” he allowed most candidly, but he refused to entertain an alternative possibility.

    by way of explanation he speculated—inventively but incorrectly—that perhaps theprecambrian seas had been too clear to lay down sediments and thus had preserved no fossils.

    even darwin’s closest friends were troubled by the blitheness of some of his assertions.

    adam sedgwick, who had taught darwin at cambridge and taken him on a geological tour ofwales in 1831, said the book gave him “more pain than pleasure.” louis agassiz dismissed itas poor conjecture. even lyell concluded gloomily: “darwin goes too far.”

    1. h. huxley disliked darwin’s insistence on huge amounts of geological time because hewas a saltationist, which is to say a believer in the idea that evolutionary changes happen notgradually but suddenly. saltationists (the word comes from the latin for “leap”) couldn’taccept that complicated organs could ever emerge in slow stages. what good, after all, is one-tenth of a wing or half an eye? such organs, they thought, only made sense if they appeared ina finished state.

    the belief was surprising in as radical a spirit as huxley because it closely recalled a veryconservative religious notion first put forward by the english theologian william paley in1802 and known as argument from design. paley contended that if you found a pocket watchon the ground, even if you had never seen such a thing before, you would instantly perceivethat it had been made by an intelligent entity. so it was, he believed, with nature: itscomplexity was proof of its design. the notion was a powerful one in the nineteenth century,and it gave darwin trouble too. “the eye to this day gives me a cold shudder,” heacknowledged in a letter to a friend. in the origin he conceded that it “seems, i freely confess,absurd in the highest possible degree” that natural selection could produce such an instrumentin gradual steps.

    even so, and to the unending exasperation of his supporters, darwin not only insisted thatall change was gradual, but in nearly every edition of origin he stepped up the amount of timehe supposed necessary to allow evolution to progress, which pushed his ideas increasingly outof favor. “eventually,” according to the scientist and historian jeffrey schwartz, “darwin lostvirtually all the support that still remained among the ranks of fellow natural historians andgeologists.”

    ironically, considering that darwin called his book on the origin of species, the one thinghe couldn’t explain was how species originated. darwin’s theory suggested a mechanism forhow a species might become stronger or better or faster—in a word, fitter—but gave noindication of how it might throw up a new species. a scottish engineer, fleeming jenkin,considered the problem and noted an important flaw in darwin’s argument. darwin believedthat any beneficial trait that arose in one generation would be passed on to subsequentgenerations, thus strengthening the species.

    jenkin pointed out that a favorable trait in one parent wouldn’t become dominant insucceeding generations, but in fact would be diluted through blending. if you pour whiskeyinto a tumbler of water, you don’t make the whiskey stronger, you make it weaker. and if youpour that dilute solution into another glass of water, it becomes weaker still. in the same way,any favorable trait introduced by one parent would be successively watered down by
    subsequent matings until it ceased to be apparent at all. thus darwin’s theory was not a recipefor change, but for constancy. lucky flukes might arise from time to time, but they wouldsoon vanish under the general impulse to bring everything back to a stable mediocrity. ifnatural selection were to work, some alternative, unconsidered mechanism was required.

    unknown to darwin and everyone else, eight hundred miles away in a tranquil corner ofmiddle europe a retiring monk named gregor mendel was coming up with the solution.

    mendel was born in 1822 to a humble farming family in a backwater of the austrianempire in what is now the czech republic. schoolbooks once portrayed him as a simple butobservant provincial monk whose discoveries were largely serendipitous—the result ofnoticing some interesting traits of inheritance while pottering about with pea plants in themonastery’s kitchen garden. in fact, mendel was a trained scientist—he had studied physicsand mathematics at the olmütz philosophical institute and the university of vienna—and hebrought scientific discipline to all he did. moreover, the monastery at brno where he livedfrom 1843 was known as a learned institution. it had a library of twenty thousand books and atradition of careful scientific investigation.

    before embarking on his experiments, mendel spent two years preparing his controlspecimens, seven varieties of pea, to make sure they bred true. then, helped by two full-timeassistants, he repeatedly bred and crossbred hybrids from thirty thousand pea plants. it wasdelicate work, requiring them to take the most exacting pains to avoid accidental cross-fertilization and to note every slight variation in the growth and appearance of seeds, pods,leaves, stems, and flowers. mendel knew what he was doing.

    he never used the word gene —it wasn’t coined until 1913, in an english medicaldictionary—though he did invent the terms dominant and recessive. what he established wasthat every seed contained two “factors” or “elemente,” as he called them—a dominant oneand a recessive one—and these factors, when combined, produced predictable patterns ofinheritance.

    the results he converted into precise mathematical formulae. altogether mendel spenteight years on the experiments, then confirmed his results with similar experiments onflowers, corn, and other plants. if anything, mendel was too scientific in his approach, forwhen he presented his findings at the february and march meetings of the natural historysociety of brno in 1865, the audience of about forty listened politely but was conspicuouslyunmoved, even though the breeding of plants was a matter of great practical interest to manyof the members.

    when mendel’s report was published, he eagerly sent a copy to the great swiss botanistkarl-wilhelm von n?geli, whose support was more or less vital for the theory’s prospects.

    unfortunately, n?geli failed to perceive the importance of what mendel had found. hesuggested that mendel try breeding hawkweed. mendel obediently did as n?geli suggested,but quickly realized that hawkweed had none of the requisite features for studying heritability.

    it was evident to him that n?geli had not read the paper closely, or possibly at all. frustrated,mendel retired from investigating heritability and spent the rest of his life growingoutstanding vegetables and studying bees, mice, and sunspots, among much else. eventuallyhe was made abbot.

    mendel’s findings weren’t quite as widely ignored as is sometimes suggested. his studyreceived a glowing entry in the encyclopaedia britannica —then a more leading record of
    scientific thought than now—and was cited repeatedly in an important paper by the germanwilhelm olbers focke. indeed, it was because mendel’s ideas never entirely sank below thewaterline of scientific thought that they were so easily recovered when the world was readyfor them.

    together, without realizing it, darwin and mendel laid the groundwork for all of lifesciences in the twentieth century. darwin saw that all living things are connected, thatultimately they “trace their ancestry to a single, common source,” while mendel’s workprovided the mechanism to explain how that could happen. the two men could easily havehelped each other. mendel owned a german edition of the origin of species, which he isknown to have read, so he must have realized the applicability of his work to darwin’s, yet heappears to have made no effort to get in touch. and darwin for his part is known to havestudied focke’s influential paper with its repeated references to mendel’s work, but didn’tconnect them to his own studies.

    the one thing everyone thinks featured in darwin’s argument, that humans are descendedfrom apes, didn’t feature at all except as one passing allusion. even so, it took no great leap ofimagination to see the implications for human development in darwin’s theories, and itbecame an immediate talking point.

    the showdown came on saturday, june 30, 1860, at a meeting of the british associationfor the advancement of science in oxford. huxley had been urged to attend by robertchambers, author of vestiges of the natural history of creation, though he was still unawareof chambers’s connection to that contentious tome. darwin, as ever, was absent. the meetingwas held at the oxford zoological museum. more than a thousand people crowded into thechamber; hundreds more were turned away. people knew that something big was going tohappen, though they had first to wait while a slumber-inducing speaker named john williamdraper of new york university bravely slogged his way through two hours of introductoryremarks on “the intellectual development of europe considered with reference to the viewsof mr. darwin.”

    finally, the bishop of oxford, samuel wilberforce, rose to speak. wilberforce had beenbriefed (or so it is generally assumed) by the ardent anti-darwinian richard owen, who hadbeen a guest in his home the night before. as nearly always with events that end in uproar,accounts vary widely on what exactly transpired. in the most popular version, wilberforce,when properly in flow, turned to huxley with a dry smile and demanded of him whether heclaimed attachment to the apes by way of his grandmother or grandfather. the remark wasdoubtless intended as a quip, but it came across as an icy challenge. according to his ownaccount, huxley turned to his neighbor and whispered, “the lord hath delivered him into myhands,” then rose with a certain relish.

    others, however, recalled a huxley trembling with fury and indignation. at all events,huxley declared that he would rather claim kinship to an ape than to someone who used hiseminence to propound uninformed twaddle in what was supposed to be a serious scientificforum. such a riposte was a scandalous impertinence, as well as an insult to wilberforce’soffice, and the proceedings instantly collapsed in tumult. a lady brewster fainted. robertfitzroy, darwin’s companion on the beagle twenty-five years before, wandered through thehall with a bible held aloft, shouting, “the book, the book.” (he was at the conference topresent a paper on storms in his capacity as head of the newly created meteorologicaldepartment.) interestingly, each side afterward claimed to have routed the other.

    darwin did eventually make his belief in our kinship with the apes explicit in the descentof man in 1871. the conclusion was a bold one since nothing in the fossil record supportedsuch a notion. the only known early human remains of that time were the famous neandertalbones from germany and a few uncertain fragments of jawbones, and many respectedauthorities refused to believe even in their antiquity. the descent of man was altogether amore controversial book, but by the time of its appearance the world had grown less excitableand its arguments caused much less of a stir.

    for the most part, however, darwin passed his twilight years with other projects, most ofwhich touched only tangentially on questions of natural selection. he spent amazingly longperiods picking through bird droppings, scrutinizing the contents in an attempt to understandhow seeds spread between continents, and spent years more studying the behavior of worms.

    one of his experiments was to play the piano to them, not to amuse them but to study theeffects on them of sound and vibration. he was the first to realize how vitally importantworms are to soil fertility. “it may be doubted whether there are many other animals whichhave played so important a part in the history of the world,” he wrote in his masterwork on thesubject, the formation of vegetable mould through the action of worms (1881), which wasactually more popular thanon the origin of species had ever been. among his other bookswere on the various contrivances by which british and foreign orchids are fertilised byinsects (1862), expressions of the emotions in man and animals (1872), which sold almost5,300 copies on its first day, the effects of cross and self fertilization in the vegetablekingdom (1876)—a subject that came improbably close to mendel’s own work, withoutattaining anything like the same insights—and his last book, the power of movement inplants. finally, but not least, he devoted much effort to studying the consequences ofinbreeding—a matter of private interest to him. having married his own cousin, darwinglumly suspected that certain physical and mental frailties among his children arose from alack of diversity in his family tree.

    darwin was often honored in his lifetime, but never for on the origin of species ordescentof man. when the royal society bestowed on him the prestigious copley medal it was for hisgeology, zoology, and botany, not evolutionary theories, and the linnaean society wassimilarly pleased to honor darwin without embracing his radical notions. he was neverknighted, though he was buried in westminster abbey—next to newton. he died at down inapril 1882. mendel died two years later.

    darwin’s theory didn’t really gain widespread acceptance until the 1930s and 1940s, withthe advance of a refined theory called, with a certain hauteur, the modern synthesis,combining darwin’s ideas with those of mendel and others. for mendel, appreciation wasalso posthumous, though it came somewhat sooner. in 1900, three scientists workingseparately in europe rediscovered mendel’s work more or less simultaneously. it was onlybecause one of them, a dutchman named hugo de vries, seemed set to claim mendel’sinsights as his own that a rival made it noisily clear that the credit really lay with the forgottenmonk.

    the world was almost ready, but not quite, to begin to understand how we got here—howwe made each other. it is fairly amazing to reflect that at the beginning of the twentiethcentury, and for some years beyond, the best scientific minds in the world couldn’t actuallytell you where babies came from.

    and these, you may recall, were men who thought science was nearly at an end.

    26    THE STUFF OF LIFE

    if your two parents hadn’t bonded just when they did—possibly to the second, possiblyto the nanosecond—you wouldn’t be here. and if their parents hadn’t bonded in a preciselytimely manner, you wouldn’t be here either. and if their parents hadn’t done likewise, andtheir parents before them, and so on, obviously and indefinitely, you wouldn’t be here.

    push backwards through time and these ancestral debts begin to add up. go back just eightgenerations to about the time that charles darwin and abraham lincoln were born, andalready there are over 250 people on whose timely couplings your existence depends.

    continue further, to the time of shakespeare and the mayflower pilgrims, and you have nofewer than 16,384 ancestors earnestly exchanging genetic material in a way that would,eventually and miraculously, result in you.

    at twenty generations ago, the number of people procreating on your behalf has risen to1,048,576. five generations before that, and there are no fewer than 33,554,432 men andwomen on whose devoted couplings your existence depends. by thirty generations ago, yourtotal number of forebears—remember, these aren’t cousins and aunts and other incidentalrelatives, but only parents and parents of parents in a line leading ineluctably to you—is overone billion (1,073,741,824, to be precise). if you go back sixty-four generations, to the time ofthe romans, the number of people on whose cooperative efforts your eventual existencedepends has risen to approximately 1,000,000,000,000,000,000, which is several thousandtimes the total number of people who have ever lived.

    clearly something has gone wrong with our math here. the answer, it may interest you tolearn, is that your line is not pure. you couldn’t be here without a little incest—actually quitea lot of incest—albeit at a genetically discreet remove. with so many millions of ancestors inyour background, there will have been many occasions when a relative from your mother’sside of the family procreated with some distant cousin from your father’s side of the ledger. infact, if you are in a partnership now with someone from your own race and country, thechances are excellent that you are at some level related. indeed, if you look around you on abus or in a park or café or any crowded place, most of the people you see are very probablyrelatives. when someone boasts to you that he is descended from william the conqueror orthe mayflower pilgrims, you should answer at once: “me, too!” in the most literal andfundamental sense we are all family.

    we are also uncannily alike. compare your genes with any other human being’s and onaverage they will be about 99.9 percent the same. that is what makes us a species. the tinydifferences in that remaining 0.1 percent—“roughly one nucleotide base in every thousand,”

    to quote the british geneticist and recent nobel laureate john sulston—are what endow uswith our individuality. much has been made in recent years of the unraveling of the human
    genome. in fact, there is no such thing as “the” human genome. every human genome isdifferent. otherwise we would all be identical. it is the endless recombinations of ourgenomes—each nearly identical, but not quite—that make us what we are, both as individualsand as a species.

    but what exactly is this thing we call the genome? and what, come to that, are genes?

    well, start with a cell again. inside the cell is a nucleus, and inside each nucleus are thechromosomes—forty-six little bundles of complexity, of which twenty-three come from yourmother and twenty-three from your father. with a very few exceptions, every cell in yourbody—99.999 percent of them, say—carries the same complement of chromosomes. (theexceptions are red blood cells, some immune system cells, and egg and sperm cells, which forvarious organizational reasons don’t carry the full genetic package.) chromosomes constitutethe complete set of instructions necessary to make and maintain you and are made of longstrands of the little wonder chemical called deoxyribonucleic acid or dna—“the mostextraordinary molecule on earth,” as it has been called.

    dna exists for just one reason—to create more dna—and you have a lot of it inside you:

    about six feet of it squeezed into almost every cell. each length of dna comprises some 3.2billion letters of coding, enough to provide 103,480,000,000possible combinations, “guaranteed tobe unique against all conceivable odds,” in the words of christian de duve. that’s a lot ofpossibility—a one followed by more than three billion zeroes. “it would take more than fivethousand average-size books just to print that figure,” notes de duve. look at yourself in themirror and reflect upon the fact that you are beholding ten thousand trillion cells, and thatalmost every one of them holds two yards of densely compacted dna, and you begin toappreciate just how much of this stuff you carry around with you. if all your dna werewoven into a single fine strand, there would be enough of it to stretch from the earth to themoon and back not once or twice but again and again. altogether, according to onecalculation, you may have as much as twenty million kilometers of dna bundled up insideyou.

    your body, in short, loves to make dna and without it you couldn’t live. yet dna is notitself alive. no molecule is, but dna is, as it were, especially unalive. it is “among the mostnonreactive, chemically inert molecules in the living world,” in the words of the geneticistrichard lewontin. that is why it can be recovered from patches of long-dried blood or semenin murder investigations and coaxed from the bones of ancient neandertals. it also explainswhy it took scientists so long to work out how a substance so mystifyingly low key—so, in aword, lifeless—could be at the very heart of life itself.

    as a known entity, dna has been around longer than you might think. it was discoveredas far back as 1869 by johann friedrich miescher, a swiss scientist working at the universityof tübingen in germany. while delving microscopically through the pus in surgicalbandages, miescher found a substance he didn’t recognize and called it nuclein (because itresided in the nuclei of cells). at the time, miescher did little more than note its existence, butnuclein clearly remained on his mind, for twenty-three years later in a letter to his uncle heraised the possibility that such molecules could be the agents behind heredity. this was anextraordinary insight, but one so far in advance of the day’s scientific requirements that itattracted no attention at all.

    for most of the next half century the common assumption was that the material—nowcalled deoxyribonucleic acid, or dna—had at most a subsidiary role in matters of heredity. itwas too simple. it had just four basic components, called nucleotides, which was like having
    an alphabet of just four letters. how could you possibly write the story of life with such arudimentary alphabet? (the answer is that you do it in much the way that you create complexmessages with the simple dots and dashes of morse code—by combining them.) dna didn’tdo anything at all, as far as anyone could tell. it just sat there in the nucleus, possibly bindingthe chromosome in some way or adding a splash of acidity on command or fulfilling someother trivial task that no one had yet thought of. the necessary complexity, it was thought,had to exist in proteins in the nucleus.

    there were, however, two problems with dismissing dna. first, there was so much of it:

    two yards in nearly every nucleus, so clearly the cells esteemed it in some important way. ontop of this, it kept turning up, like the suspect in a murder mystery, in experiments. in twostudies in particular, one involving the pneumonococcus bacterium and another involvingbacteriophages (viruses that infect bacteria), dna betrayed an importance that could only beexplained if its role were more central than prevailing thought allowed. the evidencesuggested that dna was somehow involved in the making of proteins, a process vital to life,yet it was also clear that proteins were being made outside the nucleus, well away from thedna that was supposedly directing their assembly.

    no one could understand how dna could possibly be getting messages to the proteins. theanswer, we now know, was rna, or ribonucleic acid, which acts as an interpreter betweenthe two. it is a notable oddity of biology that dna and proteins don’t speak the samelanguage. for almost four billion years they have been the living world’s great double act, andyet they answer to mutually incompatible codes, as if one spoke spanish and the other hindi.

    to communicate they need a mediator in the form of rna. working with a kind of chemicalclerk called a ribosome, rna translates information from a cell’s dna into terms proteinscan understand and act upon.

    however, by the early 1900s, where we resume our story, we were still a very long wayfrom understanding that, or indeed almost anything else to do with the confused business ofheredity.

    clearly there was a need for some inspired and clever experimentation, and happily the ageproduced a young person with the diligence and aptitude to undertake it. his name wasthomas hunt morgan, and in 1904, just four years after the timely rediscovery of mendel’sexperiments with pea plants and still almost a decade before gene would even become a word,he began to do remarkably dedicated things with chromosomes.

    chromosomes had been discovered by chance in 1888 and were so called because theyreadily absorbed dye and thus were easy to see under the microscope. by the turn of thetwentieth century it was strongly suspected that they were involved in the passing on of traits,but no one knew how, or even really whether, they did this.

    morgan chose as his subject of study a tiny, delicate fly formally called drosophilamelanogaster, but more commonly known as the fruit fly (or vinegar fly, banana fly, orgarbage fly). drosophila is familiar to most of us as that frail, colorless insect that seems tohave a compulsive urge to drown in our drinks. as laboratory specimens fruit flies had certainvery attractive advantages: they cost almost nothing to house and feed, could be bred by themillions in milk bottles, went from egg to productive parenthood in ten days or less, and hadjust four chromosomes, which kept things conveniently simple.

    working out of a small lab (which became known inevitably as the fly room) inschermerhorn hall at columbia university in new york, morgan and his team embarked ona program of meticulous breeding and crossbreeding involving millions of flies (onebiographer says billions, though that is probably an exaggeration), each of which had to becaptured with tweezers and examined under a jeweler’s glass for any tiny variations ininheritance. for six years they tried to produce mutations by any means they could think of—zapping the flies with radiation and x-rays, rearing them in bright light and darkness, bakingthem gently in ovens, spinning them crazily in centrifuges—but nothing worked. morgan wason the brink of giving up when there occurred a sudden and repeatable mutation—a fly thathad white eyes rather than the usual red ones. with this breakthrough, morgan and hisassistants were able to generate useful deformities, allowing them to track a trait throughsuccessive generations. by such means they could work out the correlations betweenparticular characteristics and individual chromosomes, eventually proving to more or lesseveryone’s satisfaction that chromosomes were at the heart of inheritance.

    the problem, however, remained the next level of biological intricacy: the enigmatic genesand the dna that composed them. these were much trickier to isolate and understand. aslate as 1933, when morgan was awarded a nobel prize for his work, many researchers stillweren’t convinced that genes even existed. as morgan noted at the time, there was noconsensus “as to what the genes are—whether they are real or purely fictitious.” it may seemsurprising that scientists could struggle to accept the physical reality of something sofundamental to cellular activity, but as wallace, king, and sanders point out in biology: thescience of life (that rarest thing: a readable college text), we are in much the same positiontoday with mental processes such as thought and memory. we know that we have them, ofcourse, but we don’t know what, if any, physical form they take. so it was for the longest timewith genes. the idea that you could pluck one from your body and take it away for study wasas absurd to many of morgan’s peers as the idea that scientists today might capture a straythought and examine it under a microscope.

    what was certainly true was that something associated with chromosomes was directingcell replication. finally, in 1944, after fifteen years of effort, a team at the rockefellerinstitute in manhattan, led by a brilliant but diffident canadian named oswald avery,succeeded with an exceedingly tricky experiment in which an innocuous strain of bacteria wasmade permanently infectious by crossing it with alien dna, proving that dna was far morethan a passive molecule and almost certainly was the active agent in heredity. the austrian-born biochemist erwin chargaff later suggested quite seriously that avery’s discovery wasworth two nobel prizes.

    unfortunately, avery was opposed by one of his own colleagues at the institute, a strong-willed and disagreeable protein enthusiast named alfred mirsky, who did everything in hispower to discredit avery’s work—including, it has been said, lobbying the authorities at thekarolinska institute in stockholm not to give avery a nobel prize. avery by this time wassixty-six years old and tired. unable to deal with the stress and controversy, he resigned hisposition and never went near a lab again. but other experiments elsewhere overwhelminglysupported his conclusions, and soon the race was on to find the structure of dna.

    had you been a betting person in the early 1950s, your money would almost certainly havebeen on linus pauling of caltech, america’s leading chemist, to crack the structure of dna.

    pauling was unrivaled in determining the architecture of molecules and had been a pioneer inthe field of x-ray crystallography, a technique that would prove crucial to peering into theheart of dna. in an exceedingly distinguished career, he would win two nobel prizes (for chemistry in 1954 and peace in 1962), but with dna he became convinced that the structurewas a triple helix, not a double one, and never quite got on the right track. instead, victory fellto an unlikely quartet of scientists in england who didn’t work as a team, often weren’t onspeaking terms, and were for the most part novices in the field.

    of the four, the nearest to a conventional boffin was maurice wilkins, who had spent muchof the second world war helping to design the atomic bomb. two of the others, rosalindfranklin and francis crick, had passed their war years working on mines for the britishgovernment—crick of the type that blow up, franklin of the type that produce coal.

    the most unconventional of the foursome was james watson, an american prodigy whohad distinguished himself as a boy as a member of a highly popular radio program called thequiz kids (and thus could claim to be at least part of the inspiration for some of the membersof the glass family in franny and zooey and other works by j. d. salinger) and who hadentered the university of chicago aged just fifteen. he had earned his ph.d. by the age oftwenty-two and was now attached to the famous cavendish laboratory in cambridge. in1951, he was a gawky twenty-three-year-old with a strikingly lively head of hair that appearsin photographs to be straining to attach itself to some powerful magnet just out of frame.

    crick, twelve years older and still without a doctorate, was less memorably hirsute andslightly more tweedy. in watson’s account he is presented as blustery, nosy, cheerfullyargumentative, impatient with anyone slow to share a notion, and constantly in danger ofbeing asked to go elsewhere. neither was formally trained in biochemistry.

    their assumption was that if you could determine the shape of a dna molecule you wouldbe able to see—correctly, as it turned out—how it did what it did. they hoped to achieve this,it would appear, by doing as little work as possible beyond thinking, and no more of that thanwas absolutely necessary. as watson cheerfully (if a touch disingenuously) remarked in hisautobiographical book the double helix, “it was my hope that the gene might be solvedwithout my learning any chemistry.” they weren’t actually assigned to work on dna, and atone point were ordered to stop it. watson was ostensibly mastering the art of crystallography;crick was supposed to be completing a thesis on the x-ray diffraction of large molecules.

    although crick and watson enjoy nearly all the credit in popular accounts for solving themystery of dna, their breakthrough was crucially dependent on experimental work done bytheir competitors, the results of which were obtained “fortuitously,” in the tactful words of thehistorian lisa jardine. far ahead of them, at least at the beginning, were two academics atking’s college in london, wilkins and franklin.

    the new zealand–born wilkins was a retiring figure, almost to the point of invisibility. a1998 pbs documentary on the discovery of the structure of dna—a feat for which he sharedthe 1962 nobel prize with crick and watson—managed to overlook him entirely.

    the most enigmatic character of all was franklin. in a severely unflattering portrait,watson in the double helix depicted franklin as a woman who was unreasonable, secretive,chronically uncooperative, and—this seemed especially to irritate him—almost willfullyunsexy. he allowed that she “was not unattractive and might have been quite stunning had shetaken even a mild interest in clothes,” but in this she disappointed all expectations. she didn’t
    even use lipstick, he noted in wonder, while her dress sense “showed all the imagination ofenglish blue-stocking adolescents.”

    1however, she did have the best images in existence of the possible structure of dna,achieved by means of x-ray crystallography, the technique perfected by linus pauling.

    crystallography had been used successfully to map atoms in crystals (hence“crystallography”), but dna molecules were a much more finicky proposition. only franklinwas managing to get good results from the process, but to wilkins’s perennial exasperationshe refused to share her findings.

    if franklin was not warmly forthcoming with her findings, she cannot be altogetherblamed. female academics at king’s in the 1950s were treated with a formalized disdain thatdazzles modern sensibilities (actually any sensibilities). however senior or accomplished,they were not allowed into the college’s senior common room but instead had to take theirmeals in a more utilitarian chamber that even watson conceded was “dingily pokey.” on topof this she was being constantly pressed—at times actively harassed—to share her results witha trio of men whose desperation to get a peek at them was seldom matched by more engagingqualities, like respect. “i’m afraid we always used to adopt—let’s say a patronizing attitudetoward her,” crick later recalled. two of these men were from a competing institution and thethird was more or less openly siding with them. it should hardly come as a surprise that shekept her results locked away.

    that wilkins and franklin did not get along was a fact that watson and crick seem to haveexploited to their benefit. although crick and watson were trespassing rather unashamedlyon wilkins’s territory, it was with them that he increasingly sided—not altogether surprisinglysince franklin herself was beginning to act in a decidedly queer way. although her resultsshowed that dna definitely was helical in shape, she insisted to all that it was not. towilkins’s presumed dismay and embarrassment, in the summer of 1952 she posted a mocknotice around the king’s physics department that said: “it is with great regret that we have toannounce the death, on friday 18th july 1952 of d.n.a. helix. . . . it is hoped that dr. m.h.f.

    wilkins will speak in memory of the late helix.”

    the outcome of all this was that in january 1953, wilkins showed watson franklin’simages, “apparently without her knowledge or consent.” it would be an understatement to callit a significant help. years later watson conceded that it “was the key event . . . it mobilizedus.” armed with the knowledge of the dna molecule’s basic shape and some importantelements of its dimensions, watson and crick redoubled their efforts. everything now seemedto go their way. at one point pauling was en route to a conference in england at which hewould in all likelihood have met with wilkins and learned enough to correct themisconceptions that had put him on the wrong line of inquiry, but this was the mccarthy eraand pauling found himself detained at idlewild airport in new york, his passport confiscated,on the grounds that he was too liberal of temperament to be allowed to travel abroad. crickand watson also had the no less convenient good fortune that pauling’s son was working atthe cavendish and innocently kept them abreast of any news of developments and setbacks athome.

    still facing the possibility of being trumped at any moment, watson and crick appliedthemselves feverishly to the problem. it was known that dna had four chemical1in 1968, harvard university press canceled publication of the double helix after crick and wilkinscomplained about its characterizations, which the science historian lisa jardine has described as “gratuitouslyhurtful.” the descriptions quoted above are after watson softened his comments.

    components—called adenine, guanine, cytosine, and thiamine—and that these paired up inparticular ways. by playing with pieces of cardboard cut into the shapes of molecules, watsonand crick were able to work out how the pieces fit together. from this they made a meccano-like model—perhaps the most famous in modern science—consisting of metal plates boltedtogether in a spiral, and invited wilkins, franklin, and the rest of the world to have a look.

    any informed person could see at once that they had solved the problem. it was withoutquestion a brilliant piece of detective work, with or without the boost of franklin’s picture.

    the april 25, 1953, edition of nature carried a 900-word article by watson and crick titled“a structure for deoxyribose nucleic acid.” accompanying it were separate articles bywilkins and franklin. it was an eventful time in the world—edmund hillary was just about toclamber to the top of everest while elizabeth ii was imminently to be crowned queen ofengland—so the discovery of the secret of life was mostly overlooked. it received a smallmention in the news chronicle and was ignored elsewhere.

    rosalind franklin did not share in the nobel prize. she died of ovarian cancer at the age ofjust thirty-seven in 1958, four years before the award was granted. nobel prizes are notawarded posthumously. the cancer almost certainly arose as a result of chronic overexposureto x-rays through her work and needn’t have happened. in her much-praised 2002 biographyof franklin, brenda maddox noted that franklin rarely wore a lead apron and often steppedcarelessly in front of a beam. oswald avery never won a nobel prize either and was alsolargely overlooked by posterity, though he did at least have the satisfaction of living just longenough to see his findings vindicated. he died in 1955.

    watson and crick’s discovery wasn’t actually confirmed until the 1980s. as crick said inone of his books: “it took over twenty-five years for our model of dna to go from being onlyrather plausible, to being very plausible . . . and from there to being virtually certainlycorrect.”

    even so, with the structure of dna understood progress in genetics was swift, and by 1968the journal science could run an article titled “that was the molecular biology that was,”

    suggesting—it hardly seems possible, but it is so—that the work of genetics was nearly at anend.

    in fact, of course, it was only just beginning. even now there is a great deal about dna thatwe scarcely understand, not least why so much of it doesn’t actually seem to do anything.

    ninety-seven percent of your dna consists of nothing but long stretches of meaninglessgarble—“junk,” or “non-coding dna,” as biochemists prefer to put it. only here and therealong each strand do you find sections that control and organize vital functions. these are thecurious and long-elusive genes.

    genes are nothing more (nor less) than instructions to make proteins. this they do with acertain dull fidelity. in this sense, they are rather like the keys of a piano, each playing asingle note and nothing else, which is obviously a trifle monotonous. but combine the genes,as you would combine piano keys, and you can create chords and melodies of infinite variety.

    put all these genes together, and you have (to continue the metaphor) the great symphony ofexistence known as the human genome.

    an alternative and more common way to regard the genome is as a kind of instructionmanual for the body. viewed this way, the chromosomes can be imagined as the book’schapters and the genes as individual instructions for making proteins. the words in which the
    instructions are written are called codons, and the letters are known as bases. the bases—theletters of the genetic alphabet—consist of the four nucleotides mentioned a page or two back:

    adenine, thiamine, guanine, and cytosine. despite the importance of what they do, thesesubstances are not made of anything exotic. guanine, for instance, is the same stuff thatabounds in, and gives its name to, guano.

    the shape of a dna molecule, as everyone knows, is rather like a spiral staircase ortwisted rope ladder: the famous double helix. the uprights of this structure are made of a typeof sugar called deoxyribose, and the whole of the helix is a nucleic acid—hence the name“deoxyribonucleic acid.” the rungs (or steps) are formed by two bases joining across thespace between, and they can combine in only two ways: guanine is always paired withcytosine and thiamine always with adenine. the order in which these letters appear as youmove up or down the ladder constitutes the dna code; logging it has been the job of thehuman genome project.

    now the particular brilliance of dna lies in its manner of replication. when it is time toproduce a new dna molecule, the two strands part down the middle, like the zipper on ajacket, and each half goes off to form a new partnership. because each nucleotide along astrand pairs up with a specific other nucleotide, each strand serves as a template for thecreation of a new matching strand. if you possessed just one strand of your own dna, youcould easily enough reconstruct the matching side by working out the necessary partnerships:

    if the topmost rung on one strand was made of guanine, then you would know that thetopmost rung on the matching strand must be cytosine. work your way down the ladderthrough all the nucleotide pairings, and eventually you would have the code for a newmolecule. that is just what happens in nature, except that nature does it really quickly—inonly a matter of seconds, which is quite a feat.

    most of the time our dna replicates with dutiful accuracy, but just occasionally—aboutone time in a million—a letter gets into the wrong place. this is known as a single nucleotidepolymorphism, or snp, familiarly known to biochemists as a “snip.” generally these snipsare buried in stretches of noncoding dna and have no detectable consequence for the body.

    but occasionally they make a difference. they might leave you predisposed to some disease,but equally they might confer some slight advantage—more protective pigmentation, forinstance, or increased production of red blood cells for someone living at altitude. over time,these slight modifications accumulate in both individuals and in populations, contributing tothe distinctiveness of both.

    the balance between accuracy and errors in replication is a fine one. too many errors andthe organism can’t function, but too few and it sacrifices adaptability. a similar balance mustexist between stability in an organism and innovation. an increase in red blood cells can helpa person or group living at high elevations to move and breathe more easily because more redcells can carry more oxygen. but additional red cells also thicken the blood. add too many,and “it’s like pumping oil,” in the words of temple university anthropologist charles weitz.

    that’s hard on the heart. thus those designed to live at high altitude get increased breathingefficiency, but pay for it with higher-risk hearts. by such means does darwinian naturalselection look after us. it also helps to explain why we are all so similar. evolution simplywon’t let you become too different—not without becoming a new species anyway.

    the 0.1 percent difference between your genes and mine is accounted for by our snips.

    now if you compared your dna with a third person’s, there would also be 99.9 percentcorrespondence, but the snips would, for the most part, be in different places. add more
    people to the comparison and you will get yet more snips in yet more places. for every one ofyour 3.2 billion bases, somewhere on the planet there will be a person, or group of persons,with different coding in that position. so not only is it wrong to refer to “the” human genome,but in a sense we don’t even have “a” human genome. we have six billion of them. we are all99.9 percent the same, but equally, in the words of the biochemist david cox, “you could sayall humans share nothing, and that would be correct, too.”

    but we have still to explain why so little of that dna has any discernible purpose. it startsto get a little unnerving, but it does really seem that the purpose of life is to perpetuate dna.

    the 97 percent of our dna commonly called junk is largely made up of clumps of lettersthat, in ridley’s words, “exist for the pure and simple reason that they are good at gettingthemselves duplicated.”

    2most of your dna, in other words, is not devoted to you but toitself: you are a machine for reproducing it, not it for you. life, you will recall, just wants tobe, and dna is what makes it so.

    even when dna includes instructions for making genes—when it codes for them, asscientists put it—it is not necessarily with the smooth functioning of the organism in mind.

    one of the commonest genes we have is for a protein called reverse transcriptase, which hasno known beneficial function in human beings at all. the one thing itdoes do is make itpossible for retroviruses, such as the aids virus, to slip unnoticed into the human system.

    in other words, our bodies devote considerable energies to producing a protein that doesnothing that is beneficial and sometimes clobbers us. our bodies have no choice but to do sobecause the genes order it. we are vessels for their whims. altogether, almost half of humangenes—the largest proportion yet found in any organism—don’t do anything at all, as far aswe can tell, except reproduce themselves.

    all organisms are in some sense slaves to their genes. that’s why salmon and spiders andother types of creatures more or less beyond counting are prepared to die in the process ofmating. the desire to breed, to disperse one’s genes, is the most powerful impulse in nature.

    as sherwin b. nuland has put it: “empires fall, ids explode, great symphonies are written,and behind all of it is a single instinct that demands satisfaction.” from an evolutionary pointof view, sex is really just a reward mechanism to encourage us to pass on our genetic material.

    scientists had only barely absorbed the surprising news that most of our dna doesn’t doanything when even more unexpected findings began to turn up. first in germany and then inswitzerland researchers performed some rather bizarre experiments that produced curiouslyunbizarre outcomes. in one they took the gene that controlled the development of a mouse’seye and inserted it into the larva of a fruit fly. the thought was that it might producesomething interestingly grotesque. in fact, the mouse-eye gene not only made a viable eye inthe fruit fly, it made a fly’s eye. here were two creatures that hadn’t shared a commonancestor for 500 million years, yet could swap genetic material as if they were sisters.

    the story was the same wherever researchers looked. they found that they could inserthuman dna into certain cells of flies, and the flies would accept it as if it were their own.

    2junk dna does have a use. it is the portion employed in dna fingerprinting. its practicality for this purposewas discovered accidentally by alec jeffreys, a scientist at the university of leicester in england. in 1986jeffreys was studying dna sequences for genetic markers associated with heritable diseases when he wasapproached by the police and asked if he could help connect a suspect to two murders. he realized his techniqueought to work perfectly for solving criminal cases-and so it proved. a young baker with the improbable name ofcolin pitchfork was sentenced to two life terms in prison for the murders.

    over 60 percent of human genes, it turns out, are fundamentally the same as those found infruit flies. at least 90 percent correlate at some level to those found in mice. (we even havethe same genes for making a tail, if only they would switch on.) in field after field,researchers found that whatever organism they were working on—whether nematode wormsor human beings—they were often studying essentially the same genes. life, it appeared, wasdrawn up from a single set of blueprints.

    further probings revealed the existence of a clutch of master control genes, each directingthe development of a section of the body, which were dubbed homeotic (from a greek wordmeaning “similar”) or hox genes. hox genes answered the long-bewildering question of howbillions of embryonic cells, all arising from a single fertilized egg and carrying identicaldna, know where to go and what to do—that this one should become a liver cell, this one astretchy neuron, this one a bubble of blood, this one part of the shimmer on a beating wing. itis the hox genes that instruct them, and they do it for all organisms in much the same way.

    interestingly, the amount of genetic material and how it is organized doesn’t necessarily, oreven generally, reflect the level of sophistication of the creature that contains it. we haveforty-six chromosomes, but some ferns have more than six hundred. the lungfish, one of theleast evolved of all complex animals, has forty times as much dna as we have. even thecommon newt is more genetically splendorous than we are, by a factor of five.

    clearly it is not the number of genes you have, but what you do with them. this is a verygood thing because the number of genes in humans has taken a big hit lately. until recently itwas thought that humans had at least 100,000 genes, possibly a good many more, but thatnumber was drastically reduced by the first results of the human genome project, whichsuggested a figure more like 35,000 or 40,000 genes—about the same number as are found ingrass. that came as both a surprise and a disappointment.

    it won’t have escaped your attention that genes have been commonly implicated in anynumber of human frailties. exultant scientists have at various times declared themselves tohave found the genes responsible for obesity, schizophrenia, homosexuality, criminality,violence, alcoholism, even shoplifting and homelessness. perhaps the apogee (or nadir) of thisfaith in biodeterminism was a study published in the journal science in 1980 contending thatwomen are genetically inferior at mathematics. in fact, we now know, almost nothing aboutyou is so accommodatingly simple.

    this is clearly a pity in one important sense, for if you had individual genes that determinedheight or propensity to diabetes or to baldness or any other distinguishing trait, then it wouldbe easy—comparatively easy anyway—to isolate and tinker with them. unfortunately, thirty-five thousand genes functioning independently is not nearly enough to produce the kind ofphysical complexity that makes a satisfactory human being. genes clearly therefore mustcooperate. a few disorders—hemophilia, parkinson’s disease, huntington’s disease, andcystic fibrosis, for example—are caused by lone dysfunctional genes, but as a rule disruptivegenes are weeded out by natural selection long before they can become permanentlytroublesome to a species or population. for the most part our fate and comfort—and even oureye color—are determined not by individual genes but by complexes of genes working inalliance. that’s why it is so hard to work out how it all fits together and why we won’t beproducing designer babies anytime soon.

    in fact, the more we have learned in recent years the more complicated matters have tendedto become. even thinking, it turns out, affects the ways genes work. how fast a man’s beard
    grows, for instance, is partly a function of how much he thinks about sex (because thinkingabout sex produces a testosterone surge). in the early 1990s, scientists made an even moreprofound discovery when they found they could knock out supposedly vital genes fromembryonic mice, and the mice were not only often born healthy, but sometimes were actuallyfitter than their brothers and sisters who had not been tampered with. when certain importantgenes were destroyed, it turned out, others were stepping in to fill the breach. this wasexcellent news for us as organisms, but not so good for our understanding of how cells worksince it introduced an extra layer of complexity to something that we had barely begun tounderstand anyway.

    it is largely because of these complicating factors that cracking the human genome becameseen almost at once as only a beginning. the genome, as eric lander of mit has put it, is likea parts list for the human body: it tells us what we are made of, but says nothing about howwe work. what’s needed now is the operating manual—instructions for how to make it go.

    we are not close to that point yet.

    so now the quest is to crack the human proteome—a concept so novel that the termproteome didn’t even exist a decade ago. the proteome is the library of information thatcreates proteins. “unfortunately,” observed scientific american in the spring of 2002, “theproteome is much more complicated than the genome.”

    that’s putting it mildly. proteins, you will remember, are the workhorses of all livingsystems; as many as a hundred million of them may be busy in any cell at any moment. that’sa lot of activity to try to figure out. worse, proteins’ behavior and functions are based notsimply on their chemistry, as with genes, but also on their shapes. to function, a protein mustnot only have the necessary chemical components, properly assembled, but then must also befolded into an extremely specific shape. “folding” is the term that’s used, but it’s amisleading one as it suggests a geometrical tidiness that doesn’t in fact apply. proteins loopand coil and crinkle into shapes that are at once extravagant and complex. they are more likefuriously mangled coat hangers than folded towels.

    moreover, proteins are (if i may be permitted to use a handy archaism) the swingers of thebiological world. depending on mood and metabolic circumstance, they will allowthemselves to be phosphorylated, glycosylated, acetylated, ubiquitinated, farneysylated,sulfated, and linked to glycophosphatidylinositol anchors, among rather a lot else. often ittakes relatively little to get them going, it appears. drink a glass of wine, as scientificamerican notes, and you materially alter the number and types of proteins at large in yoursystem. this is a pleasant feature for drinkers, but not nearly so helpful for geneticists who aretrying to understand what is going on.

    it can all begin to seem impossibly complicated, and in some ways itis impossiblycomplicated. but there is an underlying simplicity in all this, too, owing to an equallyelemental underlying unity in the way life works. all the tiny, deft chemical processes thatanimate cells—the cooperative efforts of nucleotides, the transcription of dna into rna—evolved just once and have stayed pretty well fixed ever since across the whole of nature. asthe late french geneticist jacques monod put it, only half in jest: “anything that is true of e. coli must be true of elephants, except more so.”

    every living thing is an elaboration on a single original plan. as humans we are mereincrements—each of us a musty archive of adjustments, adaptations, modifications, andprovidential tinkerings stretching back 3.8 billion years. remarkably, we are even quite closely related to fruit and vegetables. about half the chemical functions that take place in abanana are fundamentally the same as the chemical functions that take place in you.

    it cannot be said too often: all life is one. that is, and i suspect will forever prove to be, themost profound true statement there is.

    part  vi the road to us

    descended from the apes! my dear,let us hope that it is not true, but if it is,let us pray that it will not become generally known.

    -remark attributed to the wife of the bishop of Worcester after Darwin’s theory of evolution was explained to her

    27    ICE TIME

    i had a dream, which was notall a dream.

    the bright sun wasextinguish’d, and the starsdid wander . . . —Byron, “darkness”

    in 1815 on the island of sumbawa in indonesia, a handsome and long-quiescent mountainnamed tambora exploded spectacularly, killing a hundred thousand people with its blast andassociated tsunamis. it was the biggest volcanic explosion in ten thousand years—150 timesthe size of mount st. helens, equivalent to sixty thousand hiroshima-sized atom bombs.

    news didn’t travel terribly fast in those days. in london, the times ran a small story—actually a letter from a merchant—seven months after the event. but by this time tambora’seffects were already being felt. thirty-six cubic miles of smoky ash, dust, and grit haddiffused through the atmosphere, obscuring the sun’s rays and causing the earth to cool.

    sunsets were unusually but blearily colorful, an effect memorably captured by the artist j. m.

    1. turner, who could not have been happier, but mostly the world existed under anoppressive, dusky pall. it was this deathly dimness that inspired the byron lines above.

    spring never came and summer never warmed: 1816 became known as the year withoutsummer. crops everywhere failed to grow. in ireland a famine and associated typhoidepidemic killed sixty-five thousand people. in new england, the year became popularlyknown as eighteen hundred and froze to death. morning frosts continued until june andalmost no planted seed would grow. short of fodder, livestock died or had to be prematurelyslaughtered. in every way it was a dreadful year—almost certainly the worst for farmers inmodern times. yet globally the temperature fell by only about 1.5 degrees fahrenheit. earth’snatural thermostat, as scientists would learn, is an exceedingly delicate instrument.

    the nineteenth century was already a chilly time. for two hundred years europe and northamerica in particular had experienced a little ice age, as it has become known, whichpermitted all kinds of wintry events—frost fairs on the thames, ice-skating races along dutchcanals—that are mostly impossible now. it was a period, in other words, when frigidity wasmuch on people’s minds. so we may perhaps excuse nineteenth-century geologists for beingslow to realize that the world they lived in was in fact balmy compared with former epochs,and that much of the land around them had been shaped by crushing glaciers and cold thatwould wreck even a frost fair.

    they knew there was something odd about the past. the european landscape was litteredwith inexplicable anomalies—the bones of arctic reindeer in the warm south of france, hugerocks stranded in improbable places—and they often came up with inventive but not terribly
    plausible explanations. one french naturalist named de luc, trying to explain how graniteboulders had come to rest high up on the limestone flanks of the jura mountains, suggestedthat perhaps they had been shot there by compressed air in caverns, like corks out of apopgun. the term for a displaced boulder is an erratic, but in the nineteenth century theexpression seemed to apply more often to the theories than to the rocks.

    the great british geologist arthur hallam has suggested that if james hutton, the father ofgeology, had visited switzerland, he would have seen at once the significance of the carvedvalleys, the polished striations, the telltale strand lines where rocks had been dumped, and theother abundant clues that point to passing ice sheets. unfortunately, hutton was not a traveler.

    but even with nothing better at his disposal than secondhand accounts, hutton rejected out ofhand the idea that huge boulders had been carried three thousand feet up mountainsides byfloods—all the water in the world won’t make a boulder float, he pointed out—and becameone of the first to argue for widespread glaciation. unfortunately his ideas escaped notice, andfor another half century most naturalists continued to insist that the gouges on rocks could beattributed to passing carts or even the scrape of hobnailed boots.

    local  peasants,  uncontaminated  by  scientific orthodoxy, knew better, however. thenaturalist jean de charpentier told the story of how in 1834 he was walking along a countrylane with a swiss woodcutter when they got to talking about the rocks along the roadside. thewoodcutter matter-of-factly told him that the boulders had come from the grimsel, a zone ofgranite some distance away. “when i asked him how he thought that these stones had reachedtheir location, he answered without hesitation: ‘the grimsel glacier transported them on bothsides of the valley, because that glacier extended in the past as far as the town of bern.’ ”

    charpentier was delighted. he had come to such a view himself, but when he raised thenotion at scientific gatherings, it was dismissed. one of charpentier’s closest friends wasanother swiss naturalist, louis agassiz, who after some initial skepticism came to embrace,and eventually all but appropriate, the theory.

    agassiz had studied under cuvier in paris and now held the post of professor of naturalhistory at the college of neuchatel in switzerland. another friend of agassiz’s, a botanistnamed karl schimper, was actually the first to coin the term ice age (in german eiszeit ), in1837, and to propose that there was good evidence to show that ice had once lain heavilyacross not just the swiss alps, but over much of europe, asia, and north america. it was aradical notion. he lent agassiz his notes—then came very much to regret it as agassizincreasingly got the credit for what schimper felt, with some legitimacy, was his theory.

    charpentier likewise ended up a bitter enemy of his old friend. alexander von humboldt, yetanother friend, may have had agassiz at least partly in mind when he observed that there arethree stages in scientific discovery: first, people deny that it is true; then they deny that it isimportant; finally they credit the wrong person.

    at all events, agassiz made the field his own. in his quest to understand the dynamics ofglaciation, he went everywhere—deep into dangerous crevasses and up to the summits of thecraggiest alpine peaks, often apparently unaware that he and his team were the first to climbthem. nearly everywhere agassiz encountered an unyielding reluctance to accept his theories.

    humboldt urged him to return to his area of real expertise, fossil fish, and give up this madobsession with ice, but agassiz was a man possessed by an idea.

    agassiz’s theory found even less support in britain, where most naturalists had never seena glacier and often couldn’t grasp the crushing forces that ice in bulk exerts. “could scratches
    and polish just be due to ice ?” asked roderick murchison in a mocking tone at one meeting,evidently imagining the rocks as covered in a kind of light and glassy rime. to his dying day,he expressed the frankest incredulity at those “ice-mad” geologists who believed that glacierscould account for so much. william hopkins, a cambridge professor and leading member ofthe geological society, endorsed this view, arguing that the notion that ice could transportboulders presented “such obvious mechanical absurdities” as to make it unworthy of thesociety’s attention.

    undaunted, agassiz traveled tirelessly to promote his theory. in 1840 he read a paper to ameeting of the british association for the advancement of science in glasgow at which hewas openly criticized by the great charles lyell. the following year the geological society ofedinburgh passed a resolution conceding that there might be some general merit in the theorybut that certainly none of it applied to scotland.

    lyell did eventually come round. his moment of epiphany came when he realized that amoraine, or line of rocks, near his family estate in scotland, which he had passed hundreds oftimes, could only be understood if one accepted that a glacier had dropped them there. buthaving become converted, lyell then lost his nerve and backed off from public support of theice age idea. it was a frustrating time for agassiz. his marriage was breaking up, schimperwas hotly accusing him of the theft of his ideas, charpentier wouldn’t speak to him, and thegreatest living geologist offered support of only the most tepid and vacillating kind.

    in 1846, agassiz traveled to america to give a series of lectures and there at last found theesteem he craved. harvard gave him a professorship and built him a first-rate museum, themuseum of comparative zoology. doubtless it helped that he had settled in new england,where the long winters encouraged a certain sympathy for the idea of interminable periods ofcold. it also helped that six years after his arrival the first scientific expedition to greenlandreported that nearly the whole of that semicontinent was covered in an ice sheet just like theancient one imagined in agassiz’s theory. at long last, his ideas began to find a realfollowing. the one central defect of agassiz’s theory was that his ice ages had no cause. butassistance was about to come from an unlikely quarter.

    in the 1860s, journals and other learned publications in britain began to receive papers onhydrostatics, electricity, and other scientific subjects from a james croll of anderson’suniversity in glasgow. one of the papers, on how variations in earth’s orbit might haveprecipitated ice ages, was published in the philosophical magazine in 1864 and wasrecognized at once as a work of the highest standard. so there was some surprise, and perhapsjust a touch of embarrassment, when it turned out that croll was not an academic at theuniversity, but a janitor.

    born in 1821, croll grew up poor, and his formal education lasted only to the age ofthirteen. he worked at a variety of jobs—as a carpenter, insurance salesman, keeper of atemperance hotel—before taking a position as a janitor at anderson’s (now the university ofstrathclyde) in glasgow. by somehow inducing his brother to do much of his work, he wasable to pass many quiet evenings in the university library teaching himself physics,mechanics, astronomy, hydrostatics, and the other fashionable sciences of the day, andgradually began to produce a string of papers, with a particular emphasis on the motions ofearth and their effect on climate.

    croll was the first to suggest that cyclical changes in the shape of earth’s orbit, fromelliptical (which is to say slightly oval) to nearly circular to elliptical again, might explain the
    onset and retreat of ice ages. no one had ever thought before to consider an astronomicalexplanation for variations in earth’s weather. thanks almost entirely to croll’s persuasivetheory, people in britain began to become more responsive to the notion that at some formertime parts of the earth had been in the grip of ice. when his ingenuity and aptitude wererecognized, croll was given a job at the geological survey of scotland and widely honored:

    he was made a fellow of the royal society in london and of the new york academy ofscience and given an honorary degree from the university of st. andrews, among much else.

    unfortunately, just as agassiz’s theory was at last beginning to find converts in europe, hewas busy taking it into ever more exotic territory in america. he began to find evidence forglaciers practically everywhere he looked, including near the equator. eventually he becameconvinced that ice had once covered the whole earth, extinguishing all life, which god hadthen re-created. none of the evidence agassiz cited supported such a view. nonetheless, inhis adopted country his stature grew and grew until he was regarded as only slightly below adeity. when he died in 1873 harvard felt it necessary to appoint three professors to take hisplace.

    yet, as sometimes happens, his theories fell swiftly out of fashion. less than a decade afterhis death his successor in the chair of geology at harvard wrote that the “so-called glacialepoch . . . so popular a few years ago among glacial geologists may now be rejected withouthesitation.”

    part of the problem was that croll’s computations suggested that the most recent ice ageoccurred eighty thousand years ago, whereas the geological evidence increasingly indicatedthat earth had undergone some sort of dramatic perturbation much more recently than that.

    without a plausible explanation for what might have provoked an ice age, the whole theoryfell into abeyance. there it might have remained for some time except that in the early 1900sa serbian academic named milutin milankovitch, who had no background in celestial motionsat all—he was a mechanical engineer by training—developed an unexpected interest in thematter. milankovitch realized that the problem with croll’s theory was not that it wasincorrect but that it was too simple.

    as earth moves through space, it is subject not just to variations in the length and shape ofits orbit, but also to rhythmic shifts in its angle of orientation to the sun—its tilt and pitch andwobble—all affecting the length and intensity of sunlight falling on any patch of land. inparticular it is subject to three changes in position, known formally as its obliquity,precession, and eccentricity, over long periods of time. milankovitch wondered if there mightbe a relationship between these complex cycles and the comings and goings of ice ages. thedifficulty was that the cycles were of widely different lengths—of approximately 20,000,40,000, and 100,000 years, but varying in each case by up to a few thousand years—whichmeant that determining their points of intersection over long spans of time involved a nearlyendless amount of devoted computation. essentially milankovitch had to work out the angleand duration of incoming solar radiation at every latitude on earth, in every season, for amillion years, adjusted for three ever-changing variables.

    happily  this  was  precisely  the  sort  of repetitive toil that suited milankovitch’stemperament. for the next twenty years, even while on vacation, he worked ceaselessly withpencil and slide rule computing the tables of his cycles—work that now could be completed ina day or two with a computer. the calculations all had to be made in his spare time, but in1914 milankovitch suddenly got a great deal of that when world war i broke out and he wasarrested owing to his position as a reservist in the serbian army. he spent most of the next
    four years under loose house arrest in budapest, required only to report to the police once aweek. the rest of his time was spent working in the library of the hungarian academy ofsciences. he was possibly the happiest prisoner of war in history.

    the  eventual  outcome  of  his diligent scribblings was the 1930 book mathematicalclimatology and the astronomical theory of climatic changes. milankovitch was right thatthere was a relationship between ice ages and planetary wobble, though like most people heassumed that it was a gradual increase in harsh winters that led to these long spells ofcoldness. it was a russian-german meteorologist, wladimir k?ppen—father-in-law of ourtectonic friend alfred wegener—who saw that the process was more subtle, and rather moreunnerving, than that.

    the cause of ice ages, k?ppen decided, is to be found in cool summers, not brutal winters.

    if summers are too cool to melt all the snow that falls on a given area, more incoming sunlightis bounced back by the reflective surface, exacerbating the cooling effect and encouraging yetmore snow to fall. the consequence would tend to be self-perpetuating. as snow accumulatedinto an ice sheet, the region would grow cooler, prompting more ice to accumulate. as theglaciologist gwen schultz has noted: “it is not necessarily the amount of snow that causes icesheets but the fact that snow, however little, lasts.” it is thought that an ice age could startfrom a single unseasonal summer. the leftover snow reflects heat and exacerbates the chillingeffect. “the process is self-enlarging, unstoppable, and once the ice is really growing itmoves,” says mcphee. you have advancing glaciers and an ice age.

    in the 1950s, because of imperfect dating technology, scientists were unable to correlatemilankovitch’s carefully worked-out cycles with the supposed dates of ice ages as thenperceived, and so milankovitch and his calculations increasingly fell out of favor. he died in1958, unable to prove that his cycles were correct. by this time, write john and mary gribbin,“you would have been hard pressed to find a geologist or meteorologist who regarded themodel as being anything more than an historical curiosity.” not until the 1970s and therefinement of a potassium-argon method for dating ancient seafloor sediments were histheories finally vindicated.

    the milankovitch cycles alone are not enough to explain cycles of ice ages. many otherfactors are involved—not least the disposition of the continents, in particular the presence oflandmasses over the poles—but the specifics of these are imperfectly understood. it has beensuggested, however, that if you hauled north america, eurasia, and greenland just threehundred miles north we would have permanent and inescapable ice ages. we are very lucky, itappears, to get any good weather at all. even less well understood are the cycles ofcomparative balminess within ice ages, known as interglacials. it is mildly unnerving toreflect that the whole of meaningful human history—the development of farming, the creationof towns, the rise of mathematics and writing and science and all the rest—has taken placewithin an atypical patch of fair weather. previous interglacials have lasted as little as eightthousand years. our own has already passed its ten thousandth anniversary.

    the fact is, we are still very much in an ice age; it’s just a somewhat shrunken one—thoughless shrunken than many people realize. at the height of the last period of glaciation, aroundtwenty thousand years ago, about 30 percent of the earth’s land surface was under ice. tenpercent still is—and a further 14 percent is in a state of permafrost. three-quarters of all thefresh water on earth is locked up in ice even now, and we have ice caps at both poles—asituation that may be unique in earth’s history. that there are snowy winters through much of
    the world and permanent glaciers even in temperate places such as new zealand may seemquite natural, but in fact it is a most unusual situation for the planet.

    for most of its history until fairly recent times the general pattern for earth was to be hotwith no permanent ice anywhere. the current ice age—ice epoch really—started about fortymillion years ago, and has ranged from murderously bad to not bad at all. ice ages tend towipe out evidence of earlier ice ages, so the further back you go the more sketchy the picturegrows, but it appears that we have had at least seventeen severe glacial episodes in the last 2.5million years or so—the period that coincides with the rise of homo erectus in africafollowed by modern humans. two commonly cited culprits for the present epoch are the riseof the himalayas and the formation of the isthmus of panama, the first disrupting air flows,the second ocean currents. india, once an island, has pushed two thousand kilometers into theasian landmass over the last forty-five million years, raising not only the himalayas, but alsothe vast tibetan plateau behind them. the hypothesis is that the higher landscape was notonly cooler, but diverted winds in a way that made them flow north and toward northamerica, making it more susceptible to long-term chills. then, beginning about five millionyears ago, panama rose from the sea, closing the gap between north and south america,disrupting the flows of warming currents between the pacific and atlantic, and changingpatterns of precipitation across at least half the world. one consequence was a drying out ofafrica, which caused apes to climb down out of trees and go looking for a new way of livingon the emerging savannas.

    at all events, with the oceans and continents arranged as they are now, it appears that icewill be a long-term part of our future. according to john mcphee, about fifty more glacialepisodes can be expected, each lasting a hundred thousand years or so, before we can hope fora really long thaw.

    before fifty million years ago, earth had no regular ice ages, but when we did have themthey tended to be colossal. a massive freezing occurred about 2.2 billion years ago, followedby a billion years or so of warmth. then there was another ice age even larger than the first—so large that some scientists are now referring to the age in which it occurred as thecryogenian, or super ice age. the condition is more popularly known as snowball earth.

    “snowball,” however, barely captures the murderousness of conditions. the theory is thatbecause of a fall in solar radiation of about 6 percent and a dropoff in the production (orretention) of greenhouse gases, earth essentially lost its ability to hold on to its heat. itbecame a kind of all-over antarctica. temperatures plunged by as much as 80 degreesfahrenheit. the entire surface of the planet may have frozen solid, with ocean ice up to half amile thick at higher latitudes and tens of yards thick even in the tropics.

    there is a serious problem in all this in that the geological evidence indicates iceeverywhere, including around the equator, while the biological evidence suggests just asfirmly that there must have been open water somewhere. for one thing, cyanobacteriasurvived the experience, and they photosynthesize. for that they needed sunlight, but as youwill know if you have ever tried to peer through it, ice quickly becomes opaque and after onlya few yards would pass on no light at all. two possibilities have been suggested. one is that alittle ocean water did remain exposed (perhaps because of some kind of localized warming ata hot spot); the other is that maybe the ice formed in such a way that it remained translucent—a condition that does sometimes happen in nature.

    if earth did freeze over, then there is the very difficult question of how it ever got warmagain. an icy planet should reflect so much heat that it would stay frozen forever. it appearsthat rescue may have come from our molten interior. once again, we may be indebted totectonics for allowing us to be here. the idea is that we were saved by volcanoes, whichpushed through the buried surface, pumping out lots of heat and gases that melted the snowsand re-formed the atmosphere. interestingly, the end of this hyper-frigid episode is marked bythe cambrian outburst—the springtime event of life’s history. in fact, it may not have been astranquil as all that. as earth warmed, it probably had the wildest weather it has everexperienced, with hurricanes powerful enough to raise waves to the heights of skyscrapersand rainfalls of indescribable intensity.

    throughout all this the tubeworms and clams and other life forms adhering to deep oceanvents undoubtedly went on as if nothing were amiss, but all other life on earth probably cameas close as it ever has to checking out entirely. it was all a long time ago and at this stage wejust don’t know.

    compared with a cryogenian outburst, the ice ages of more recent times seem pretty smallscale, but of course they were immensely grand by the standards of anything to be found onearth today. the wisconsian ice sheet, which covered much of europe and north america,was two miles thick in places and marched forward at a rate of about four hundred feet a year.

    what a thing it must have been to behold. even at their leading edge, the ice sheets could benearly half a mile thick. imagine standing at the base of a wall of ice two thousand feet high.

    behind this edge, over an area measuring in the millions of square miles, would be nothingbut more ice, with only a few of the tallest mountain summits poking through. wholecontinents sagged under the weight of so much ice and even now, twelve thousand years afterthe glaciers’ withdrawal, are still rising back into place. the ice sheets didn’t just dribble outboulders and long lines of gravelly moraines, but dumped entire landmasses—long islandand cape cod and nantucket, among others—as they slowly swept along. it’s little wonderthat geologists before agassiz had trouble grasping their monumental capacity to reworklandscapes.

    if ice sheets advanced again, we have nothing in our armory that could deflect them. in1964, at prince william sound in alaska, one of the largest glacial fields in north americawas hit by the strongest earthquake ever recorded on the continent. it measured 9.2 on therichter scale. along the fault line, the land rose by as much as twenty feet. the quake was soviolent, in fact, that it made water slosh out of pools in texas. and what effect did thisunparalleled outburst have on the glaciers of prince william sound? none at all. they justsoaked it up and kept on moving.

    for a long time it was thought that we moved into and out of ice ages gradually, overhundreds of thousands of years, but we now know that that has not been the case. thanks toice cores from greenland we have a detailed record of climate for something over a hundredthousand years, and what is found there is not comforting. it shows that for most of its recenthistory earth has been nothing like the stable and tranquil place that civilization has known,but rather has lurched violently between periods of warmth and brutal chill.

    toward the end of the last big glaciation, some twelve thousand years ago, earth began towarm, and quite rapidly, but then abruptly plunged back into bitter cold for a thousand yearsor so in an event known to science as the younger dryas. (the name comes from the arcticplant the dryas, which is one of the first to recolonize land after an ice sheet withdraws. therewas also an older dryas period, but it wasn’t so sharp.) at the end of this thousand-year
    onslaught average temperatures leapt again, by as much as seven degrees in twenty years,which doesn’t sound terribly dramatic but is equivalent to exchanging the climate ofscandinavia for that of the mediterranean in just two decades. locally, changes have beeneven more dramatic. greenland ice cores show the temperatures there changing by as much asfifteen degrees in ten years, drastically altering rainfall patterns and growing conditions. thismust have been unsettling enough on a thinly populated planet. today the consequenceswould be pretty well unimaginable.

    what is most alarming is that we have no idea—none—what natural phenomena could soswiftly rattle earth’s thermometer. as elizabeth kolbert, writing in the new yorker, hasobserved: “no known external force, or even any that has been hypothesized, seems capableof yanking the temperature back and forth as violently, and as often, as these cores haveshown to be the case.” there seems to be, she adds, “some vast and terrible feedback loop,”

    probably involving the oceans and disruptions of the normal patterns of ocean circulation, butall this is a long way from being understood.

    one theory is that the heavy inflow of meltwater to the seas at the beginning of theyounger dryas reduced the saltiness (and thus density) of northern oceans, causing the gulfstream to swerve to the south, like a driver trying to avoid a collision. deprived of the gulfstream’s warmth, the northern latitudes returned to chilly conditions. but this doesn’t begin toexplain why a thousand years later when the earth warmed once again the gulf stream didn’tveer as before. instead, we were given the period of unusual tranquility known as theholocene, the time in which we live now.

    there is no reason to suppose that this stretch of climatic stability should last much longer.

    in fact, some authorities believe that we are in for even worse than what went before. it isnatural to suppose that global warming would act as a useful counterweight to the earth’stendency to plunge back into glacial conditions. however, as kolbert has pointed out, whenyou are confronted with a fluctuating and unpredictable climate “the last thing you’d want todo is conduct a vast unsupervised experiment on it.” it has even been suggested, with moreplausibility than would at first seem evident, that an ice age might actually be induced by arise in temperatures. the idea is that a slight warming would enhance evaporation rates andincrease cloud cover, leading in the higher latitudes to more persistent accumulations of snow.

    in fact, global warming could plausibly, if paradoxically, lead to powerful localized cooling innorth america and northern europe.

    climate is the product of so many variables—rising and falling carbon dioxide levels, theshifts of continents, solar activity, the stately wobbles of the milankovitch cycles—that it is asdifficult to comprehend the events of the past as it is to predict those of the future. much issimply beyond us. take antarctica. for at least twenty million years after it settled over thesouth pole antarctica remained covered in plants and free of ice. that simply shouldn’t havebeen possible.

    no less intriguing are the known ranges of some late dinosaurs. the british geologiststephen drury notes that forests within 10 degrees latitude of the north pole were home togreat beasts, including tyrannosaurus rex. “that is bizarre,” he writes, “for such a highlatitude is continually dark for three months of the year.” moreover, there is now evidencethat these high latitudes suffered severe winters. oxygen isotope studies suggest that theclimate around fairbanks, alaska, was about the same in the late cretaceous period as it isnow. so what was tyrannosaurus doing there? either it migrated seasonally over enormousdistances or it spent much of the year in snowdrifts in the dark. in australia—which at that
    time was more polar in its orientation—a retreat to warmer climes wasn’t possible. howdinosaurs managed to survive in such conditions can only be guessed.

    one thought to bear in mind is that if the ice sheets did start to form again for whateverreason, there is a lot more water for them to draw on this time. the great lakes, hudson bay,the countless lakes of canada—these weren’t there to fuel the last ice age. they were createdby it.

    on the other hand, the next phase of our history could see us melting a lot of ice rather thanmaking it. if all the ice sheets melted, sea levels would rise by two hundred feet—the heightof a twenty-story building—and every coastal city in the world would be inundated. morelikely, at least in the short term, is the collapse of the west antarctic ice sheet. in the past fiftyyears the waters around it have warmed by 2.5 degrees centigrade, and collapses haveincreased dramatically. because of the underlying geology of the area, a large-scale collapseis all the more possible. if so, sea levels globally would rise—and pretty quickly—by betweenfifteen and twenty feet on average.

    the extraordinary fact is that we don’t know which is more likely, a future offering us eonsof perishing frigidity or one giving us equal expanses of steamy heat. only one thing iscertain: we live on a knife edge.

    in the long run, incidentally, ice ages are by no means bad news for the planet. they grindup rocks and leave behind new soils of sumptuous richness, and gouge out fresh water lakesthat provide abundant nutritive possibilities for hundreds of species of being. they act as aspur to migration and keep the planet dynamic. as tim flannery has remarked: “there is onlyone question you need ask of a continent in order to determine the fate of its people: ‘did youhave a good ice age?’ ” and with that in mind, it’s time to look at a species of ape that trulydid.

    28    THE MYSTERIOUS BIPED

    just before christmas 1887, a young dutch doctor with an un-dutch name, marieeugène fran?ois thomas dubois, arrived in sumatra, in the dutch east indies, with theintention of finding the earliest human remains on earth.

    1 several things were extraordinary about this. to begin with, no one had ever gone lookingfor ancient human bones before. everything that had been found to this point had been foundaccidentally, and nothing in dubois’s background suggested that he was the ideal candidate tomake the process intentional. he was an anatomist by training with no background inpaleontology. nor was there any special reason to suppose that the east indies would holdearly human remains. logic dictated that if ancient people were to be found at all, it would beon a large and long-populated landmass, not in the comparative fastness of an archipelago.

    dubois was driven to the east indies on nothing stronger than a hunch, the availability ofemployment, and the knowledge that sumatra was full of caves, the environment in whichmost of the important hominid fossils had so far been found. what is most extraordinary in allthis—nearly miraculous, really—is that he found what he was looking for.

    at the time dubois conceived his plan to search for a missing link, the human fossil recordconsisted of very little: five incomplete neandertal skeletons, one partial jawbone of uncertainprovenance, and a half-dozen ice-age humans recently found by railway workers in a cave at acliff called cro-magnon near les eyzies, france. of the neandertal specimens, the bestpreserved was sitting unremarked on a shelf in london. it had been found by workers blastingrock from a quarry in gibraltar in 1848, so its preservation was a wonder, but unfortunatelyno one yet appreciated what it was. after being briefly described at a meeting of the gibraltarscientific society, it had been sent to the hunterian museum in london, where it remainedundisturbed but for an occasional light dusting for over half a century. the first formaldescription of it wasn’t written until 1907, and then by a geologist named william sollas“with only a passing competency in anatomy.”

    so instead the name and credit for the discovery of the first early humans went to theneander valley in germany—not unfittingly, as it happens, for by uncanny coincidenceneander in greek means “new man.” there in 1856 workmen at another quarry, in a cliff faceoverlooking the düssel river, found some curious-looking bones, which they passed to alocal schoolteacher, knowing he had an interest in all things natural. to his great credit theteacher, johann karl fuhlrott, saw that he had some new type of human, though quite what itwas, and how special, would be matters of dispute for some time.

    many people refused to accept that the neandertal bones were ancient at all. august mayer,a professor at the university of bonn and a man of influence, insisted that the bones were1though dutch, dubois was from eijsden, a town bordering the french-speaking part of belgium.

    merely those of a mongolian cossack soldier who had been wounded while fighting ingermany in 1814 and had crawled into the cave to die. hearing of this, t. h. huxley inengland drily observed how remarkable it was that the soldier, though mortally wounded, hadclimbed sixty feet up a cliff, divested himself of his clothing and personal effects, sealed thecave opening, and buried himself under two feet of soil. another anthropologist, puzzlingover the neandertal’s heavy brow ridge, suggested that it was the result of long-term frowningarising from a poorly healed forearm fracture. (in their eagerness to reject the idea of earlierhumans, authorities were often willing to embrace the most singular possibilities. at about thetime that dubois was setting out for sumatra, a skeleton found in périgueux was confidentlydeclared to be that of an eskimo. quite what an ancient eskimo was doing in southwestfrance was never comfortably explained. it was actually an early cro-magnon.)it was against this background that dubois began his search for ancient human bones. hedid no digging himself, but instead used fifty convicts lent by the dutch authorities. for a yearthey worked on sumatra, then transferred to java. and there in 1891, dubois—or rather histeam, for dubois himself seldom visited the sites—found a section of ancient human craniumnow known as the trinil skullcap. though only part of a skull, it showed that the owner hadhad distinctly nonhuman features but a much larger brain than any ape. dubois called itanthropithecus erectus (later changed for technical reasons to pithecanthropus erectus) anddeclared it the missing link between apes and humans. it quickly became popularized as “javaman.” today we know it as homo erectus.

    the next year dubois’s workers found a virtually complete thighbone that lookedsurprisingly modern. in fact, many anthropologists think itis modern, and has nothing to dowith java man. if it is an erectus bone, it is unlike any other found since. nonetheless duboisused the thighbone to deduce—correctly, as it turned out—that pithecanthropus walkedupright. he also produced, with nothing but a scrap of cranium and one tooth, a model of thecomplete skull, which also proved uncannily accurate.

    in 1895, dubois returned to europe, expecting a triumphal reception. in fact, he met nearlythe opposite reaction. most scientists disliked both his conclusions and the arrogant manner inwhich he presented them. the skullcap, they said, was that of an ape, probably a gibbon, andnot of any early human. hoping to bolster his case, in 1897 dubois allowed a respectedanatomist from the university of strasbourg, gustav schwalbe, to make a cast of the skullcap.

    to dubois’s dismay, schwalbe thereupon produced a monograph that received far moresympathetic attention than anything dubois had written and followed with a lecture tour inwhich he was celebrated nearly as warmly as if he had dug up the skull himself. appalled andembittered, dubois withdrew into an undistinguished position as a professor of geology at theuniversity of amsterdam and for the next two decades refused to let anyone examine hisprecious fossils again. he died in 1940 an unhappy man.

    meanwhile, and half a world away, in late 1924 raymond dart, the australian-born head ofanatomy at the university of the witwatersrand in johannesburg, was sent a small butremarkably complete skull of a child, with an intact face, a lower jaw, and what is known asan endocast—a natural cast of the brain—from a limestone quarry on the edge of the kalaharidesert at a dusty spot called taung. dart could see at once that the taung skull was not of ahomo erectus like dubois’s java man, but from an earlier, more apelike creature. he placedits age at two million years and dubbed it australopithecus africanus, or “southern ape man ofafrica.” in a report to nature, dart called the taung remains “amazingly human” and
    suggested the need for an entirely new family, homo simiadae (“the man-apes”), toaccommodate the find.

    the authorities were even less favorably disposed to dart than they had been to dubois.

    nearly everything about his theory—indeed, nearly everything about dart, it appears—annoyed them. first he had proved himself lamentably presumptuous by conducting theanalysis himself rather than calling on the help of more worldly experts in europe. even hischosen name, australopithecus, showed a lack of scholarly application, combining as it didgreek and latin roots. above all, his conclusions flew in the face of accepted wisdom.

    humans and apes, it was agreed, had split apart at least fifteen million years ago in asia. ifhumans had arisen in africa, why, that would make us negroid, for goodness sake. it wasrather as if someone working today were to announce that he had found the ancestral bones ofhumans in, say, missouri. it just didn’t fit with what was known.

    dart’s sole supporter of note was robert broom, a scottish-born physician andpaleontologist of considerable intellect and cherishably eccentric nature. it was broom’shabit, for instance, to do his fieldwork naked when the weather was warm, which was often.

    he was also known for conducting dubious anatomical experiments on his poorer and moretractable patients. when the patients died, which was also often, he would sometimes burytheir bodies in his back garden to dig up for study later.

    broom was an accomplished paleontologist, and since he was also resident in south africahe was able to examine the taung skull at first hand. he could see at once that it was asimportant as dart supposed and spoke out vigorously on dart’s behalf, but to no effect. forthe next fifty years the received wisdom was that the taung child was an ape and nothingmore. most textbooks didn’t even mention it. dart spent five years working up a monograph,but could find no one to publish it. eventually he gave up the quest to publish altogether(though he did continue hunting for fossils). for years, the skull—today recognized as one ofthe supreme treasures of anthropology—sat as a paperweight on a colleague’s desk.

    at the time dart made his announcement in 1924, only four categories of ancient hominidwere known—homo heidelbergensis, homo rhodesiensis, neandertals, and dubois’s javaman—but all that was about to change in a very big way.

    first, in china, a gifted canadian amateur named davidson black began to poke around ata place, dragon bone hill, that was locally famous as a hunting ground for old bones.

    unfortunately, rather than preserving the bones for study, the chinese ground them up tomake medicines. we can only guess how many priceless homo erectus bones ended up as asort of chinese equivalent of bicarbonate of soda. the site had been much denuded by thetime black arrived, but he found a single fossilized molar and on the basis of that alone quitebrilliantly announced the discovery of sinanthropus pekinensis, which quickly became knownas peking man.

    at black’s urging, more determined excavations were undertaken and many other bonesfound. unfortunately all were lost the day after the japanese attack on pearl harbor in 1941when a contingent of u.s. marines, trying to spirit the bones (and themselves) out of thecountry, was intercepted by the japanese and imprisoned. seeing that their crates held nothingbut bones, the japanese soldiers left them at the roadside. it was the last that was ever seen ofthem.

    in the meantime, back on dubois’s old turf of java, a team led by ralph von koenigswaldhad found another group of early humans, which became known as the solo people from thesite of their discovery on the solo river at ngandong. koenigswald’s discoveries might havebeen more impressive still but for a tactical error that was realized too late. he had offeredlocals ten cents for every piece of hominid bone they could come up with, then discovered tohis horror that they had been enthusiastically smashing large pieces into small ones tomaximize their income.

    in the following years as more bones were found and identified there came a flood of newnames—homo aurignacensis, australopithecus transvaalensis, paranthropus crassidens,zinjanthropus boisei,and scores of others, nearly all involving a new genus type as well as anew species. by the 1950s, the number of named hominid types had risen to comfortably overa hundred. to add to the confusion, individual forms often went by a succession of differentnames as paleoanthropologists refined, reworked, and squabbled over classifications. solopeople were known variously as homo soloensis, homo primigenius asiaticus, homoneanderthalensis soloensis, homo sapiens soloensis, homo erectus erectus, and, finally, plainhomo erectus .

    in an attempt to introduce some order, in 1960 f. clark howell of the university ofchicago, following the suggestions of ernst mayr and others the previous decade, proposedcutting the number of genera to just two—australopithecus and homo —and rationalizingmany of the species. the java and peking men both became homo erectus. for a time orderprevailed in the world of the hominids.

    2 it didn’t last.

    after about a decade of comparative calm, paleoanthropology embarked on another periodof swift and prolific discovery, which hasn’t abated yet. the 1960s produced homo habilis,thought by some to be the missing link between apes and humans, but thought by others not tobe a separate species at all. then came (among many others) homo ergaster, homolouisleakeyi, homo rudolfensis, homo microcranus, and homo antecessor, as well as a raft ofaustralopithecines: a.afarensis, a. praegens, a. ramidus, a. walkeri, a. anamensis, and stillothers. altogether, some twenty types of hominid are recognized in the literature today.

    unfortunately, almost no two experts recognize the same twenty.

    some continue to observe the two hominid genera suggested by howell in 1960, but othersplace some of the australopithecines in a separate genus called paranthropus , and still othersadd an earlier group called ardipithecus. some put praegens into australopithecus and someinto a new classification, homo antiquus, but most don’t recognize praegens as a separatespecies at all. there is no central authority that rules on these things. the only way a namebecomes accepted is by consensus, and there is often very little of that.

    a big part of the problem, paradoxically, is a shortage of evidence. since the dawn of time,several billion human (or humanlike) beings have lived, each contributing a little geneticvariability to the total human stock. out of this vast number, the whole of our understandingof human prehistory is based on the remains, often exceedingly fragmentary, of perhaps fivethousand individuals. “you could fit it all into the back of a pickup truck if you didn’t mind2humans are put in the lamely homimdae. its members, traditionally called hominids, include any creatures(including extinct ones) that are more closely related to us than to any surviving chimpanzees. the apes,meanwhile, are lumped together in a family called pongidae. many authorities believe that chimps, gorillas, andorangutans should also be included in this family, with humans and chimps in a subfamily called homininae.

    the upshot is that the creatures traditionally called hominids become, under this arrangement, hominins. (leakeyand others insist on that designation.) hominoidea is the name of the aue sunerfamily which includes us.

    how much you jumbled everything up,” ian tattersall, the bearded and friendly curator ofanthropology at the american museum of natural history in new york, replied when i askedhim the size of the total world archive of hominid and early human bones.

    the shortage wouldn’t be so bad if the bones were distributed evenly through time andspace, but of course they are not. they appear randomly, often in the most tantalizing fashion.

    homo erectus walked the earth for well over a million years and inhabited territory from theatlantic edge of europe to the pacific side of china, yet if you brought back to life everyhomo erectus individual whose existence we can vouch for, they wouldn’t fill a school bus.

    homo habilis consists of even less: just two partial skeletons and a number of isolated limbbones. something as short-lived as our own civilization would almost certainly not be knownfrom the fossil record at all.

    “in europe,” tattersall offers by way of illustration, “you’ve got hominid skulls in georgiadated to about 1.7 million years ago, but then you have a gap of almost a million years beforethe next remains turn up in spain, right on the other side of the continent, and then you’ve gotanother 300,000-year gap before you get a homo heidelbergensis in germany—and none ofthem looks terribly much like any of the others.” he smiled. “it’s from these kinds offragmentary pieces that you’re trying to work out the histories of entire species. it’s quite atall order. we really have very little idea of the relationships between many ancient species—which led to us and which were evolutionary dead ends. some probably don’t deserve to beregarded as separate species at all.”

    it is the patchiness of the record that makes each new find look so sudden and distinct fromall the others. if we had tens of thousands of skeletons distributed at regular intervals throughthe historical record, there would be appreciably more degrees of shading. whole new speciesdon’t emerge instantaneously, as the fossil record implies, but gradually out of other, existingspecies. the closer you go back to a point of divergence, the closer the similarities are, so thatit becomes exceedingly difficult, and sometimes impossible, to distinguish a late homoerectus from an early homo sapiens, since it is likely to be both and neither. similardisagreements can often arise over questions of identification from fragmentary remains—deciding, for instance, whether a particular bone represents a female australopithecus boiseior a male homo habilis.

    with so little to be certain about, scientists often have to make assumptions based on otherobjects found nearby, and these may be little more than valiant guesses. as alan walker andpat shipman have drily observed, if you correlate tool discovery with the species of creaturemost often found nearby, you would have to conclude that early hand tools were mostly madeby antelopes.

    perhaps nothing better typifies the confusion than the fragmentary bundle of contradictionsthat was homo habilis. simply put, habilis bones make no sense. when arranged in sequence,they show males and females evolving at different rates and in different directions—the malesbecoming less apelike and more human with time, while females from the same period appearto be moving away from humanness toward greater apeness. some authorities don’t believehabilis is a valid category at all. tattersall and his colleague jeffrey schwartz dismiss it as amere “wastebasket species”—one into which unrelated fossils “could be conveniently swept.”

    even those who see habilis as an independent species don’t agree on whether it is of the samegenus as us or is from a side branch that never came to anything.

    finally, but perhaps above all, human nature is a factor in all this. scientists have a naturaltendency to interpret finds in the way that most flatters their stature. it is a rare paleontologistindeed who announces that he has found a cache of bones but that they are nothing to getexcited about. or as john reader understatedly observes in the book missing links, “it isremarkable how often the first interpretations of new evidence have confirmed thepreconceptions of its discoverer.”

    all this leaves ample room for arguments, of course, and nobody likes to argue more thanpaleoanthropologists. “and of all the disciplines in science, paleoanthropology boasts perhapsthe largest share of egos,” say the authors of the recent java man —a book, it may be noted,that itself devotes long, wonderfully unselfconscious passages to attacks on the inadequaciesof others, in particular the authors’ former close colleague donald johanson. here is a smallsampling:

    in our years of collaboration at the institute he [johanson] developed a well-deserved, if unfortunate, reputation for unpredictable and high-decibel personalverbal assaults, sometimes accompanied by the tossing around of books orwhatever else came conveniently to hand.

    so, bearing in mind that there is little you can say about human prehistory that won’t bedisputed by someone somewhere, other than that we most certainly had one, what we thinkwe know about who we are and where we come from is roughly this:

    for the first 99.99999 percent of our history as organisms, we were in the same ancestralline as chimpanzees. virtually nothing is known about the prehistory of chimpanzees, butwhatever they were, we were. then about seven million years ago something major happened.

    a group of new beings emerged from the tropical forests of africa and began to move abouton the open savanna.

    these were the australopithecines, and for the next five million years they would be theworld’s dominant hominid species. (austral is from the latin for “southern” and has noconnection in this context to australia.) australopithecines came in several varieties, someslender and gracile, like raymond dart’s taung child, others more sturdy and robust, but allwere capable of walking upright. some of these species existed for well over a million years,others for a more modest few hundred thousand, but it is worth bearing in mind that even theleast successful had histories many times longer than we have yet achieved.

    the most famous hominid remains in the world are those of a 3.18-million-year-oldaustralopithecine found at hadar in ethiopia in 1974 by a team led by donald johanson.

    formally known as a.l. (for “afar locality”) 288–1, the skeleton became more familiarlyknown as lucy, after the beatles song “lucy in the sky with diamonds.” johanson has neverdoubted her importance. “she is our earliest ancestor, the missing link between ape andhuman,” he has said.

    lucy was tiny—just three and a half feet tall. she could walk, though how well is a matterof some dispute. she was evidently a good climber, too. much else is unknown. her skull wasalmost entirely missing, so little could be said with confidence about her brain size, thoughskull fragments suggested it was small. most books describe lucy’s skeleton as being 40percent complete, though some put it closer to half, and one produced by the americanmuseum of natural history describes lucy as two-thirds complete. the bbc television series
    ape man actually called it “a complete skeleton,” even while showing that it was anythingbut.

    a human body has 206 bones, but many of these are repeated. if you have the left femurfrom a specimen, you don’t need the right to know its dimensions. strip out all the redundantbones, and the total you are left with is 120—what is called a half skeleton. even by this fairlyaccommodating standard, and even counting the slightest fragment as a full bone, lucyconstituted only 28 percent of a half skeleton (and only about 20 percent of a full one).

    in the wisdom of the bones, alan walker recounts how he once asked johanson how hehad come up with a figure of 40 percent. johanson breezily replied that he had discounted the106 bones of the hands and feet—more than half the body’s total, and a fairly important half,too, one would have thought, since lucy’s principal defining attribute was the use of thosehands and feet to deal with a changing world. at all events, rather less is known about lucythan is generally supposed. it isn’t even actually known that she was a female. her sex ismerely presumed from her diminutive size.

    two years after lucy’s discovery, at laetoli in tanzania mary leakey found footprints leftby two individuals from—it is thought—the same family of hominids. the prints had beenmade when two australopithecines had walked through muddy ash following a volcaniceruption. the ash had later hardened, preserving the impressions of their feet for a distance ofover twenty-three meters.

    the american museum of natural history in new york has an absorbing diorama thatrecords the moment of their passing. it depicts life-sized re-creations of a male and a femalewalking side by side across the ancient african plain. they are hairy and chimplike indimensions, but have a bearing and gait that suggest humanness. the most striking feature ofthe display is that the male holds his left arm protectively around the female’s shoulder. it is atender and affecting gesture, suggestive of close bonding.

    the tableau is done with such conviction that it is easy to overlook the consideration thatvirtually everything above the footprints is imaginary. almost every external aspect of thetwo figures—degree of hairiness, facial appendages (whether they had human noses or chimpnoses), expressions, skin color, size and shape of the female’s breasts—is necessarilysuppositional. we can’t even say that they were a couple. the female figure may in fact havebeen a child. nor can we be certain that they were australopithecines. they are assumed to beaustralopithecines because there are no other known candidates.

    i had been told that they were posed like that because during the building of the dioramathe female figure kept toppling over, but ian tattersall insists with a laugh that the story isuntrue. “obviously we don’t know whether the male had his arm around the female or not,but we do know from the stride measurements that they were walking side by side and closetogether—close enough to be touching. it was quite an exposed area, so they were probablyfeeling vulnerable. that’s why we tried to give them slightly worried expressions.”

    i asked him if he was troubled about the amount of license that was taken in reconstructingthe figures. “it’s always a problem in making re-creations,” he agreed readily enough. “youwouldn’t believe how much discussion can go into deciding details like whether neandertalshad eyebrows or not. it was just the same for the laetoli figures. we simply can’t know thedetails of what they looked like, but we can convey their size and posture and make somereasonable assumptions about their probable appearance. if i had it to do again, i think i might
    have made them just slightly more apelike and less human. these creatures weren’t humans.

    they were bipedal apes.”

    until very recently it was assumed that we were descended from lucy and the laetolicreatures, but now many authorities aren’t so sure. although certain physical features (theteeth, for instance) suggest a possible link between us, other parts of the australopithecineanatomy are more troubling. in their book extinct humans, tattersall and schwartz point outthat the upper portion of the human femur is very like that of the apes but not of theaustralopithecines; so if lucy is in a direct line between apes and modern humans, it meanswe must have adopted an australopithecine femur for a million years or so, then gone back toan ape femur when we moved on to the next phase of our development. they believe, in fact,that not only was lucy not our ancestor, she wasn’t even much of a walker.

    “lucy and her kind did not locomote in anything like the modern human fashion,” insiststattersall. “only when these hominids had to travel between arboreal habitats would they findthemselves walking bipedally, ‘forced’ to do so by their own anatomies.” johanson doesn’taccept this. “lucy’s hips and the muscular arrangement of her pelvis,” he has written, “wouldhave made it as hard for her to climb trees as it is for modern humans.”

    matters grew murkier still in 2001 and 2002 when four exceptional new specimens werefound. one, discovered by meave leakey of the famous fossil-hunting family at laketurkana in kenya and called kenyanthropus platyops (“kenyan flat-face”), is from about thesame time as lucy and raises the possibility that it was our ancestor and lucy was anunsuccessful side branch. also found in 2001 were ardipithecus ramidus kadabba, dated atbetween 5.2 million and 5.8 million years old, and orrorin tugenensis, thought to be 6 millionyears old, making it the oldest hominid yet found—but only for a brief while. in the summerof 2002 a french team working in the djurab desert of chad (an area that had never beforeyielded ancient bones) found a hominid almost 7 million years old, which they labeledsahelanthropus tchadensis. (some critics believe that it was not human, but an early ape andtherefore should be called sahelpithecus.) all these were early creatures and quite primitivebut they walked upright, and they were doing so far earlier than previously thought.

    bipedalism is a demanding and risky strategy. it means refashioning the pelvis into a fullload-bearing instrument. to preserve the required strength, the birth canal must becomparatively narrow. this has two very significant immediate consequences and one longer-term one. first, it means a lot of pain for any birthing mother and a greatly increased dangerof fatality to mother and baby both. moreover to get the baby’s head through such a tightspace it must be born while its brain is still small—and while the baby, therefore, is stillhelpless. this means long-term infant care, which in turn implies solid male–female bonding.

    all this is problematic enough when you are the intellectual master of the planet, but whenyou are a small, vulnerable australopithecine, with a brain about the size of an orange,3therisk must have been enormous.

    3absolute brain size does not tell you everything-or possibly sometimes even much. elephants and whales bothhave brains larger than ours, but you wouldnt have much trouble outwitting them in contract negotiations. it isrelative size that matters, a point that is often overlooked. as gould notes, a. africanus had a brain of only 450cubic centimeters, smaller than that of a gorilla. but a typical africanus male weighed less than a hundredpounds, and a female much less still, whereas gorillas can easily top out at 600 pounds (gould pp. 181-83).

    so why did lucy and her kind come down from the trees and out of the forests? probablythey had no choice. the slow rise of the isthmus of panama had cut the flow of waters fromthe pacific into the atlantic, diverting warming currents away from the arctic and leading tothe onset of an exceedingly sharp ice age in northern latitudes. in africa, this would haveproduced seasonal drying and cooling, gradually turning jungle into savanna. “it was not somuch that lucy and her like left the forests,” john gribbin has written, “but that the forestsleft them.”

    but stepping out onto the open savanna also clearly left the early hominids much moreexposed. an upright hominid could see better, but could also be seen better. even now as aspecies, we are almost preposterously vulnerable in the wild. nearly every large animal youcan care to name is stronger, faster, and toothier than us. faced with attack, modern humanshave only two advantages. we have a good brain, with which we can devise strategies, andwe have hands with which we can fling or brandish hurtful objects. we are the only creaturethat can harm at a distance. we can thus afford to be physically vulnerable.

    all the elements would appear to have been in place for the rapid evolution of a potentbrain, and yet that seems not to have happened. for over three million years, lucy and herfellow australopithecines scarcely changed at all. their brain didn’t grow and there is no signthat they used even the simplest tools. what is stranger still is that we now know that forabout a million years they lived alongside other early hominids who did use tools, yet theaustralopithecines never took advantage of this useful technology that was all around them.

    at one point between three and two million years ago, it appears there may have been asmany as six hominid types coexisting in africa. only one, however, was fated to last: homo,which emerged from the mists beginning about two million years ago. no one knows quitewhat the relationship was between australopithecines and homo, but what is known is thatthey coexisted for something over a million years before all the australopithecines, robust andgracile alike, vanished mysteriously, and possibly abruptly, over a million years ago. no oneknows why they disappeared. “perhaps,” suggests matt ridley, “we ate them.”

    conventionally, the homo line begins with homo habilis, a creature about whom we knowalmost nothing, and concludes with us, homo sapiens (literally “man the thinker”). inbetween, and depending on which opinions you value, there have been half a dozen otherhomo species: homo ergaster, homo neanderthalensis, homo rudolfensis, homoheidelbergensis, homo erectus, and homo antecessor.

    homo habilis (“handy man”) was named by louis leakey and colleagues in 1964 and wasso called because it was the first hominid to use tools, albeit very simple ones. it was a fairlyprimitive creature, much more chimpanzee than human, but its brain was about 50 percentlarger than that of lucy in gross terms and not much less large proportionally, so it was theeinstein of its day. no persuasive reason has ever been adduced for why hominid brainssuddenly began to grow two million years ago. for a long time it was assumed that big brainsand upright walking were directly related—that the movement out of the forests necessitatedcunning new strategies that fed off of or promoted braininess—so it was something of asurprise, after the repeated discoveries of so many bipedal dullards, to realize that there wasno apparent connection between them at all.

    “there is simply no compelling reason we know of to explain why human brains gotlarge,” says tattersall. huge brains are demanding organs: they make up only 2 percent of thebody’s mass, but devour 20 percent of its energy. they are also comparatively picky in what
    they use as fuel. if you never ate another morsel of fat, your brain would not complainbecause it won’t touch the stuff. it wants glucose instead, and lots of it, even if it means short-changing other organs. as guy brown notes: “the body is in constant danger of beingdepleted by a greedy brain, but cannot afford to let the brain go hungry as that would rapidlylead to death.” a big brain needs more food and more food means increased risk.

    tattersall thinks the rise of a big brain may simply have been an evolutionary accident. hebelieves with stephen jay gould that if you replayed the tape of life—even if you ran it backonly a relatively short way to the dawn of hominids—the chances are “quite unlikely” thatmodern humans or anything like them would be here now.

    “one of the hardest ideas for humans to accept,” he says, “is that we are not theculmination of anything. there is nothing inevitable about our being here. it is part of ourvanity as humans that we tend to think of evolution as a process that, in effect, wasprogrammed to produce us. even anthropologists tended to think this way right up until the1970s.” indeed, as recently as 1991, in the popular textbook the stages of evolution, c.

    loring brace stuck doggedly to the linear concept, acknowledging just one evolutionary deadend, the robust australopithecines. everything else represented a straightforwardprogression—each species of hominid carrying the baton of development so far, then handingit on to a younger, fresher runner. now, however, it seems certain that many of these earlyforms followed side trails that didn’t come to anything.

    luckily for us, one did—a group of tool users, which seemed to arise from out of nowhereand overlapped with the shadowy and much disputed homo habilis. this is homo erectus, thespecies discovered by eugène dubois in java in 1891. depending on which sources youconsult, it existed from about 1.8 million years ago to possibly as recently as twenty thousandor so years ago.

    according to the java man authors, homo erectus is the dividing line: everything thatcame before him was apelike in character; everything that came after was humanlike. homoerectus was the first to hunt, the first to use fire, the first to fashion complex tools, the first toleave evidence of campsites, the first to look after the weak and frail. compared with all thathad gone before, homo erectus was extremely human in form as well as behavior, itsmembers long-limbed and lean, very strong (much stronger than modern humans), and withthe drive and intelligence to spread successfully over huge areas. to other hominids, homoerectus must have seemed terrifyingly powerful, fleet, and gifted.

    erectus was “the velociraptor of its day,” according to alan walker of penn stateuniversity and one of the world’s leading authorities. if you were to look one in the eyes, itmight appear superficially to be human, but “you wouldn’t connect. you’d be prey.”

    according to walker, it had the body of an adult human but the brain of a baby.

    although erectus had been known about for almost a century it was known only fromscattered fragments—not enough to come even close to making one full skeleton. so it wasn’tuntil an extraordinary discovery in africa in the 1980s that its importance—or, at the veryleast, possible importance—as a precursor species for modern humans was fully appreciated.

    the remote valley of lake turkana (formerly lake rudolf) in kenya is now one of theworld’s most productive sites for early human remains, but for a very long time no one hadthought to look there. it was only because richard leakey was on a flight that was divertedover the valley that he realized it might be more promising than had been thought. a teamwas dispatched to investigate, but at first found nothing. then late one afternoon kamoya
    kimeu, leakey’s most renowned fossil hunter, found a small piece of hominid brow on a hillwell away from the lake. such a site was unlikely to yield much, but they dug anyway out ofrespect for kimeu’s instincts and to their astonishment found a nearly complete homo erectusskeleton. it was from a boy aged between about nine and twelve who had died 1.54 millionyears ago. the skeleton had “an entirely modern body structure,” says tattersall, in a way thatwas without precedent. the turkana boy was “very emphatically one of us.”

    also found at lake turkana by kimeu was knm-er 1808, a female 1.7 million years old,which gave scientists their first clue that homo erectus was more interesting and complexthan previously thought. the woman’s bones were deformed and covered in coarse growths,the result of an agonizing condition called hypervitaminosis a, which can come only fromeating the liver of a carnivore. this told us first of all that homo erectus was eating meat.

    even more surprising was that the amount of growth showed that she had lived weeks or evenmonths with the disease. someone had looked after her. it was the first sign of tenderness inhominid evolution.

    it was also discovered that homo erectus skulls contained (or, in the view of some, possiblycontained) a broca’s area, a region of the frontal lobe of the brain associated with speech.

    chimps don’t have such a feature. alan walker thinks the spinal canal didn’t have the sizeand complexity to enable speech, that they probably would have communicated about as wellas modern chimps. others, notably richard leakey, are convinced they could speak.

    for a time, it appears, homo erectus was the only hominid species on earth. it was hugelyadventurous and spread across the globe with what seems to have been breathtaking rapidity.

    the fossil evidence, if taken literally, suggests that some members of the species reached javaat about the same time as, or even slightly before, they left africa. this has led some hopefulscientists to suggest that perhaps modern people arose not in africa at all, but in asia—whichwould be remarkable, not to say miraculous, as no possible precursor species have ever beenfound anywhere outside africa. the asian hominids would have had to appear, as it were,spontaneously. and anyway an asian beginning would merely reverse the problem of theirspread; you would still have to explain how the java people then got to africa so quickly.

    there are several more plausible alternative explanations for how homo erectus managedto turn up in asia so soon after its first appearance in africa. first, a lot of plus-or-minusinggoes into the dating of early human remains. if the actual age of the african bones is at thehigher end of the range of estimates or the javan ones at the lower end, or both, then there isplenty of time for african erects to find their way to asia. it is also entirely possible that oldererectus bones await discovery in africa. in addition, the javan dates could be wrongaltogether.

    now for the doubts. some authorities don’t believe that the turkana finds are homoerectus at all. the snag, ironically, was that although the turkana skeletons were admirablyextensive, all othererectus fossils are inconclusively fragmentary. as tattersall and jeffreyschwartz note in extinct humans, most of the turkana skeleton “couldn’t be compared withanything else closely related to it because the comparable parts weren’t known!” the turkanaskeletons, they say, look nothing like any asian homo erectus and would never have beenconsidered the same species except that they were contemporaries. some authorities insist oncalling the turkana specimens (and any others from the same period) homo ergaster.

    tattersall and schwartz don’t believe that goes nearly far enough. they believe it wasergaster“or a reasonably close relative” that spread to asia from africa, evolved intohomo erectus,and then died out.

    what is certain is that sometime well over a million years ago, some new, comparativelymodern, upright beings left africa and boldly spread out across much of the globe. theypossibly did so quite rapidly, increasing their range by as much as twenty-five miles a year onaverage, all while dealing with mountain ranges, rivers, deserts, and other impediments andadapting to differences in climate and food sources. a particular mystery is how they passedalong the west side of the red sea, an area of famously punishing aridity now, but even drierin the past. it is a curious irony that the conditions that prompted them to leave africa wouldhave made it much more difficult to do so. yet somehow they managed to find their wayaround every barrier and to thrive in the lands beyond.

    and that, i’m afraid, is where all agreement ends. what happened next in the history ofhuman development is a matter of long and rancorous debate, as we shall see in the nextchapter.

    but it is worth remembering, before we move on, that all of these evolutionary jostlingsover five million years, from distant, puzzled australopithecine to fully modern human,produced a creature that is still 98.4 percent genetically indistinguishable from the modernchimpanzee. there is more difference between a zebra and a horse, or between a dolphin anda porpoise, than there is between you and the furry creatures your distant ancestors left behindwhen they set out to take over the world.

    29    THE RESTLESS APESOME

    time about a million and a half years ago, some forgotten genius of the hominidworld did an unexpected thing. he (or very possibly she) took one stone and carefully used itto shape another. the result was a simple teardrop-shaped hand axe, but it was the world’sfirst piece of advanced technology.

    it was so superior to existing tools that soon others were following the inventor’s lead andmaking hand axes of their own. eventually whole societies existed that seemed to do littleelse. “they made them in the thousands,” says ian tattersall. “there are some places inafrica where you literally can’t move without stepping on them. it’s strange because they arequite intensive objects to make. it was as if they made them for the sheer pleasure of it.”

    from a shelf in his sunny workroom tattersall took down an enormous cast, perhaps a footand a half long and eight inches wide at its widest point, and handed it to me. it was shapedlike a spearhead, but one the size of a stepping-stone. as a fiberglass cast it weighed only afew ounces, but the original, which was found in tanzania, weighed twenty-five pounds. “itwas completely useless as a tool,” tattersall said. “it would have taken two people to lift itadequately, and even then it would have been exhausting to try to pound anything with it.”

    “what was it used for then?”

    tattersall gave a genial shrug, pleased at the mystery of it. “no idea. it must have had somesymbolic importance, but we can only guess what.”

    the axes became known as acheulean tools, after st. acheul, a suburb of amiens innorthern france, where the first examples were found in the nineteenth century, and contrastwith the older, simpler tools known as oldowan, originally found at olduvai gorge intanzania. in older textbooks, oldowan tools are usually shown as blunt, rounded, hand-sizedstones. in fact, paleoanthropologists now tend to believe that the tool part of oldowan rockswere the pieces flaked off these larger stones, which could then be used for cutting.

    now here’s the mystery. when early modern humans—the ones who would eventuallybecome us—started to move out of africa something over a hundred thousand years ago,acheulean tools were the technology of choice. these early homo sapiens loved theiracheulean tools, too. they carried them vast distances. sometimes they even took unshapedrocks with them to make into tools later on. they were, in a word, devoted to the technology.

    but although acheulean tools have been found throughout africa, europe, and western andcentral asia, they have almost never been found in the far east. this is deeply puzzling.

    in the 1940s a harvard paleontologist named hallum movius drew something called themovius line, dividing the side with acheulean tools from the one without. the line runs in asoutheasterly direction across europe and the middle east to the vicinity of modern-daycalcutta and bangladesh. beyond the movius line, across the whole of southeast asia andinto china, only the older, simpler oldowan tools have been found. we know that homosapiens went far beyond this point, so why would they carry an advanced and treasured stonetechnology to the edge of the far east and then just abandon it?

    “that troubled me for a long time,” recalls alan thorne of the australian nationaluniversity in canberra. “the whole of modern anthropology was built round the idea thathumans came out of africa in two waves—a first wave of homo erectus, which became javaman and peking man and the like, and a later, more advanced wave of homo sapiens, whichdisplaced the first lot. yet to accept that you must believe thathomo sapiens got so far withtheir more modern technology and then, for whatever reason, gave it up. it was all verypuzzling, to say the least.”

    as it turned out, there would be a great deal else to be puzzled about, and one of the mostpuzzling findings of all would come from thorne’s own part of the world, in the outback ofaustralia. in 1968, a geologist named jim bowler was poking around on a long-dried lakebedcalled mungo in a parched and lonely corner of western new south wales when somethingvery unexpected caught his eye. sticking out of a crescent-shaped sand ridge of a type knownas a lunette were some human bones. at the time, it was believed that humans had been inaustralia for no more than 8,000 years, but mungo had been dry for 12,000 years. so whatwas anyone doing in such an inhospitable place?

    the answer, provided by carbon dating, was that the bones’ owner had lived there whenlake mungo was a much more agreeable habitat, a dozen miles long, full of water and fish,fringed by pleasant groves of casuarina trees. to everyone’s astonishment, the bones turnedout to be 23,000 years old. other bones found nearby were dated to as much as 60,000 years.

    this was unexpected to the point of seeming practically impossible. at no time sincehominids first arose on earth has australia not been an island. any human beings who arrivedthere must have come by sea, in large enough numbers to start a breeding population, aftercrossing sixty miles or more of open water without having any way of knowing that aconvenient landfall awaited them. having landed, the mungo people had then found their waymore than two thousand miles inland from australia’s north coast—the presumed point ofentry—which suggests, according to a report in the proceedings of the national academy ofsciences, “that people may have first arrived substantially earlier than 60,000 years ago.”

    how they got there and why they came are questions that can’t be answered. according tomost anthropology texts, there’s no evidence that people could even speak 60,000 years ago,much less engage in the sorts of cooperative efforts necessary to build ocean-worthy craft andcolonize island continents.

    “there’s just a whole lot we don’t know about the movements of people before recordedhistory,” alan thorne told me when i met him in canberra. “do you know that whennineteenth-century anthropologists first got to papua new guinea, they found people in thehighlands of the interior, in some of the most inaccessible terrain on earth, growing sweetpotatoes. sweet potatoes are native to south america. so how did they get to papua newguinea? we don’t know. don’t have the faintest idea. but what is certain is that people havebeen moving around with considerable assuredness for longer than traditionally thought, andalmost certainly sharing genes as well as information.”

    the problem, as ever, is the fossil record. “very few parts of the world are even vaguelyamenable to the long-term preservation of human remains,” says thorne, a sharp-eyed manwith a white goatee and an intent but friendly manner. “if it weren’t for a few productiveareas like hadar and olduvai in east africa we’d know frighteningly little. and when youlook elsewhere, often wedo know frighteningly little. the whole of india has yielded just oneancient human fossil, from about 300,000 years ago. between iraq and vietnam—that’s adistance of some 5,000 kilometers—there have been just two: the one in india and aneandertal in uzbekistan.” he grinned. “that’s not a whole hell of a lot to work with. you’releft with the position that you’ve got a few productive areas for human fossils, like the greatrift valley in africa and mungo here in australia, and very little in between. it’s notsurprising that paleontologists have trouble connecting the dots.”

    the traditional theory to explain human movements—and the one still accepted by themajority of people in the field—is that humans dispersed across eurasia in two waves. thefirst wave consisted of homo erectus, who left africa remarkably quickly—almost as soon asthey emerged as a species—beginning nearly two million years ago. over time, as they settledin different regions, these early erects further evolved into distinctive types—into java manand peking man in asia, and homo heidelbergensis and finally homo neanderthalensis ineurope.

    then, something over a hundred thousand years ago, a smarter, lither species of creature—the ancestors of every one of us alive today—arose on the african plains and began radiatingoutward in a second wave. wherever they went, according to this theory, these new homosapiens displaced their duller, less adept predecessors. quite how they did this has alwaysbeen a matter of disputation. no signs of slaughter have ever been found, so most authoritiesbelieve the newer hominids simply outcompeted the older ones, though other factors may alsohave contributed. “perhaps we gave them smallpox,” suggests tattersall. “there’s no real wayof telling. the one certainty is that we are here now and they aren’t.”

    these first modern humans are surprisingly shadowy. we know less about ourselves,curiously enough, than about almost any other line of hominids. it is odd indeed, as tattersallnotes, “that the most recent major event in human evolution—the emergence of our ownspecies—is perhaps the most obscure of all.” nobody can even quite agree where trulymodern humans first appear in the fossil record. many books place their debut at about120,000 years ago in the form of remains found at the klasies river mouth in south africa,but not everyone accepts that these were fully modern people. tattersall and schwartzmaintain that “whether any or all of them actually represent our species still awaits definitiveclarification.”

    the first undisputed appearance of homo sapiens is in the eastern mediterranean, aroundmodern-day israel, where they begin to show up about 100,000 years ago—but even therethey are described (by trinkaus and shipman) as “odd, difficult-to-classify and poorlyknown.” neandertals were already well established in the region and had a type of tool kitknown as mousterian, which the modern humans evidently found worthy enough to borrow.

    no neandertal remains have ever been found in north africa, but their tool kits turn up allover the place. somebody must have taken them there: modern humans are the onlycandidate. it is also known that neandertals and modern humans coexisted in some fashionfor tens of thousands of years in the middle east. “we don’t know if they time-shared thesame space or actually lived side by side,” tattersall says, but the moderns continued happilyto use neandertal tools—hardly convincing evidence of overwhelming superiority. no lesscuriously, acheulean tools are found in the middle east well over a million years ago, but
    scarcely exist in europe until just 300,000 years ago. again, why people who had thetechnology didn’t take the tools with them is a mystery.

    for a long time, it was believed that the cro-magnons, as modern humans in europebecame known, drove the neandertals before them as they advanced across the continent,eventually forcing them to its western margins, where essentially they had no choice but tofall in the sea or go extinct. in fact, it is now known that cro-magnons were in the far west ofeurope at about the same time they were also coming in from the east. “europe was a prettyempty place in those days,” tattersall says. “they may not have encountered each other allthat often, even with all their comings and goings.” one curiosity of the cro-magnons’ arrivalis that it came at a time known to paleoclimatology as the boutellier interval, when europewas plunging from a period of relative mildness into yet another long spell of punishing cold.

    whatever it was that drew them to europe, it wasn’t the glorious weather.

    in any case, the idea that neandertals crumpled in the face of competition from newlyarrived cro-magnons strains against the evidence at least a little. neandertals were nothing ifnot tough. for tens of thousands of years they lived through conditions that no modern humanoutside a few polar scientists and explorers has experienced. during the worst of the ice ages,blizzards with hurricane-force winds were common. temperatures routinely fell to 50 degreesbelow zero fahrenheit. polar bears padded across the snowy vales of southern england.

    neandertals naturally retreated from the worst of it, but even so they will have experiencedweather that was at least as bad as a modern siberian winter. they suffered, to be sure—aneandertal who lived much past thirty was lucky indeed—but as a species they weremagnificently resilient and practically indestructible. they survived for at least a hundredthousand years, and perhaps twice that, over an area stretching from gibraltar to uzbekistan,which is a pretty successful run for any species of being.

    quite who they were and what they were like remain matters of disagreement anduncertainty. right up until the middle of the twentieth century the accepted anthropologicalview of the neandertal was that he was dim, stooped, shuffling, and simian—thequintessential caveman. it was only a painful accident that prodded scientists to reconsiderthis view. in 1947, while doing fieldwork in the sahara, a franco-algerian paleontologistnamed camille arambourg took refuge from the midday sun under the wing of his lightairplane. as he sat there, a tire burst from the heat, and the plane tipped suddenly, striking hima painful blow on the upper body. later in paris he went for an x-ray of his neck, and noticedthat his own vertebrae were aligned exactly like those of the stooped and hulking neandertal.

    either he was physiologically primitive or neandertal’s posture had been misdescribed. infact, it was the latter. neandertal vertebrae were not simian at all. it changed utterly how weviewed neandertals—but only some of the time, it appears.

    it is still commonly held that neandertals lacked the intelligence or fiber to compete onequal terms with the continent’s slender and more cerebrally nimble newcomers, homosapiens. here is a typical comment from a recent book: “modern humans neutralized thisadvantage [the neandertal’s considerably heartier physique] with better clothing, better firesand better shelter; meanwhile the neandertals were stuck with an oversize body that requiredmore food to sustain.” in other words, the very factors that had allowed them to survivesuccessfully for a hundred thousand years suddenly became an insuperable handicap.

    above all the issue that is almost never addressed is that neandertals had brains that weresignificantly larger than those of modern people—1.8 liters for neandertals versus 1.4 formodern people, according to one calculation. this is more than the difference between
    modern homo sapiens and late homo erectus , a species we are happy to regard as barelyhuman. the argument put forward is that although our brains were smaller, they weresomehow more efficient. i believe i speak the truth when i observe that nowhere else inhuman evolution is such an argument made.

    so why then, you may well ask, if the neandertals were so stout and adaptable andcerebrally well endowed, are they no longer with us? one possible (but much disputed)answer is that perhaps they are. alan thorne is one of the leading proponents of an alternativetheory, known as the multiregional hypothesis, which holds that human evolution has beencontinuous—that just as australopithecines evolved into homo habilis and homoheidelbergensis became over time homo neanderthalensis, so modernhomo sapiens simplyemerged from more ancient homo forms.homo erectus is, on this view, not a separate speciesbut just a transitional phase. thus modern chinese are descended from ancient homo erectusforebears in china, modern europeans from ancient european homo erectus, and so on.

    “except that for me there are no homo erectus,” says thorne. “i think it’s a term which hasoutlived its usefulness. for me, homo erectus is simply an earlier part of us. i believe onlyone species of humans has ever left africa, and that species ishomo sapiens.”

    opponents of the multiregional theory reject it, in the first instance, on the grounds that itrequires an improbable amount of parallel evolution by hominids throughout the old world—in africa, china, europe, the most distant islands of indonesia, wherever they appeared. somealso believe that multiregionalism encourages a racist view that anthropology took a very longtime to rid itself of. in the early 1960s, a famous anthropologist named carleton coon of theuniversity of pennsylvania suggested that some modern races have different sources oforigin, implying that some of us come from more superior stock than others. this hearkenedback uncomfortably to earlier beliefs that some modern races such as the african “bushmen”

    (properly the kalahari san) and australian aborigines were more primitive than others.

    whatever coon may personally have felt, the implication for many people was that someraces are inherently more advanced, and that some humans could essentially constitutedifferent species. the view, so instinctively offensive now, was widely popularized in manyrespectable places until fairly recent times. i have before me a popular book published bytime-life publications in 1961 called the epic of man based on a series of articles in lifemagazine. in it you can find such comments as “rhodesian man . . . lived as recently as25,000 years ago and may have been an ancestor of the african negroes. his brain size wasclose to that of homo sapiens.” in other words black africans were recently descended fromcreatures that were only “close” to homo sapiens.

    thorne emphatically (and i believe sincerely) dismisses the idea that his theory is in anymeasure racist and accounts for the uniformity of human evolution by suggesting that therewas a lot of movement back and forth between cultures and regions. “there’s no reason tosuppose that people only went in one direction,” he says. “people were moving all over theplace, and where they met they almost certainly shared genetic material throughinterbreeding. new arrivals didn’t replace the indigenous populations, they joined them. theybecame them.” he likens the situation to when explorers like cook or magellan encounteredremote peoples for the first time. “they weren’t meetings of different species, but of the samespecies with some physical differences.”

    what you actually see in the fossil record, thorne insists, is a smooth, continuoustransition. “there’s a famous skull from petralona in greece, dating from about 300,000 yearsago, that has been a matter of contention among traditionalists because it seems in some ways
    homo erectus but in other ways homo sapiens. well, what we say is that this is just what youwould expect to find in species that were evolving rather than being displaced.”

    one thing that would help to resolve matters would be evidence of interbreeding, but that isnot at all easy to prove, or disprove, from fossils. in 1999, archeologists in portugal found theskeleton of a child about four years old that died 24,500 years ago. the skeleton was modernoverall, but with certain archaic, possibly neandertal, characteristics: unusually sturdy legbones, teeth bearing a distinctive “shoveling” pattern, and (though not everyone agrees on it)an indentation at the back of the skull called a suprainiac fossa, a feature exclusive toneandertals. erik trinkaus of washington university in st. louis, the leading authority onneandertals, announced the child to be a hybrid: proof that modern humans and neandertalsinterbred. others, however, were troubled that the neandertal and modern features weren’tmore blended. as one critic put it: “if you look at a mule, you don’t have the front endlooking like a donkey and the back end looking like a horse.”

    ian tattersall declared it to be nothing more than “a chunky modern child.” he accepts thatthere may well have been some “hanky-panky” between neandertals and moderns, butdoesn’t believe it could have resulted in reproductively successful offspring.

    1“i don’t knowof any two organisms from any realm of biology that are that different and still in the samespecies,” he says.

    with the fossil record so unhelpful, scientists have turned increasingly to genetic studies,in particular the part known as mitochondrial dna. mitochondrial dna was only discoveredin 1964, but by the 1980s some ingenious souls at the university of california at berkeley hadrealized that it has two features that lend it a particular convenience as a kind of molecularclock: it is passed on only through the female line, so it doesn’t become scrambled withpaternal dna with each new generation, and it mutates about twenty times faster than normalnuclear dna, making it easier to detect and follow genetic patterns over time. by tracking therates of mutation they could work out the genetic history and relationships of whole groups ofpeople.

    in 1987, the berkeley team, led by the late allan wilson, did an analysis of mitochondrialdna from 147 individuals and declared that the rise of anatomically modern humansoccurred in africa within the last 140,000 years and that “all present-day humans aredescended from that population.” it was a serious blow to the multiregionalists. but thenpeople began to look a little more closely at the data. one of the most extraordinary points—almost too extraordinary to credit really—was that the “africans” used in the study wereactually african-americans, whose genes had obviously been subjected to considerablemediation in the past few hundred years. doubts also soon emerged about the assumed ratesof mutations.

    by 1992, the study was largely discredited. but the techniques of genetic analysiscontinued to be refined, and in 1997 scientists from the university of munich managed toextract and analyze some dna from the arm bone of the original neandertal man, and thistime the evidence stood up. the munich study found that the neandertal dna was unlike anydna found on earth now, strongly indicating that there was no genetic connection betweenneandertals and modern humans. now this really was a blow to multiregionalism.

    1one possibility is that neandertals and cro-magnons had different numbers of chromosomes, a complicationthat commonly arises when species that are close but not quite identical conjoin. in the equine world, forexample, horses have 64 chromosomes and donkeys 62. mate the two and you get an offspring with areproductively useless number of chromosomes, 63. you have, in short, a sterile mule.

    then in late 2000 nature and other publications reported on a swedish study of themitochondrial dna of fifty-three people, which suggested that all modern humans emergedfrom africa within the past 100,000 years and came from a breeding stock of no more than10,000 individuals. soon afterward, eric lander, director of the whiteheadinstitute/massachusetts institute of technology center for genome research, announced thatmodern europeans, and perhaps people farther afield, are descended from “no more than afew hundred africans who left their homeland as recently as 25,000 years ago.”

    as we have noted elsewhere in the book, modern human beings show remarkably littlegenetic variability—“there’s more diversity in one social group of fifty-five chimps than inthe entire human population,” as one authority has put it—and this would explain why.

    because we are recently descended from a small founding population, there hasn’t been timeenough or people enough to provide a source of great variability. it seemed a pretty severeblow to multiregionalism. “after this,” a penn state academic told the washington post,“people won’t be too concerned about the multiregional theory, which has very littleevidence.”

    but all of this overlooked the more or less infinite capacity for surprise offered by theancient mungo people of western new south wales. in early 2001, thorne and his colleaguesat the australian national university reported that they had recovered dna from the oldest ofthe mungo specimens—now dated at 62,000 years—and that this dna proved to be“genetically distinct.”

    the mungo man, according to these findings, was anatomically modern—just like you andme—but carried an extinct genetic lineage. his mitochondrial dna is no longer found inliving humans, as it should be if, like all other modern people, he was descended from peoplewho left africa in the recent past.

    “it turned everything upside down again,” says thorne with undisguised delight.

    then other even more curious anomalies began to turn up. rosalind harding, a populationgeneticist at the institute of biological anthropology in oxford, while studying betaglobingenes in modern people, found two variants that are common among asians and theindigenous people of australia, but hardly exist in africa. the variant genes, she is certain,arose more than 200,000 years ago not in africa, but in east asia—long before modern homosapiens reached the region. the only way to account for them is to say that ancestors ofpeople now living in asia included archaic hominids—java man and the like. interestingly,this same variant gene—the java man gene, so to speak—turns up in modern populations inoxfordshire.

    confused, i went to see harding at the institute, which inhabits an old brick villa onbanbury road in oxford, in more or less the neighborhood where bill clinton spent hisstudent days. harding is a small and chirpy australian, from brisbane originally, with the rareknack for being amused and earnest at the same time.

    “don’t know,” she said at once, grinning, when i asked her how people in oxfordshireharbored sequences of betaglobin that shouldn’t be there. “on the whole,” she went on moresomberly, “the genetic record supports the out-of-africa hypothesis. but then you find theseanomalous clusters, which most geneticists prefer not to talk about. there’s huge amounts ofinformation that would be available to us if only we could understand it, but we don’t yet.

    we’ve barely begun.” she refused to be drawn out on what the existence of asian-origin
    genes in oxfordshire tells us other than that the situation is clearly complicated. “all we cansay at this stage is that it is very untidy and we don’t really know why.”

    at the time of our meeting, in early 2002, another oxford scientist named bryan sykes hadjust produced a popular book called the seven daughters of eve in which, using studies ofmitochondrial dna, he had claimed to be able to trace nearly all living europeans back to afounding population of just seven women—the daughters of eve of the title—who livedbetween 10,000 and 45,000 years ago in the time known to science as the paleolithic. to eachof these women sykes had given a name—ursula, xenia, jasmine, and so on—and even adetailed personal history. (“ursula was her mother’s second child. the first had been taken bya leopard when he was only two. . . .”)when i asked harding about the book, she smiled broadly but carefully, as if not quitecertain where to go with her answer. “well, i suppose you must give him some credit forhelping to popularize a difficult subject,” she said and paused thoughtfully. “and thereremains the remote possibility that he’s right.” she laughed, then went on more intently:

    “data from any single gene cannot really tell you anything so definitive. if you follow themitochondrial dna backwards, it will take you to a certain place—to an ursula or tara orwhatever. but if you take any other bit of dna, any gene at all, and traceit back, it will takeyou someplace else altogether.”

    it was a little, i gathered, like following a road randomly out of london and finding thateventually it ends at john o’groats, and concluding from this that anyone in london musttherefore have come from the north of scotland. they might have come from there, of course,but equally they could have arrived from any of hundreds of other places. in this sense,according to harding, every gene is a different highway, and we have only barely begun tomap the routes. “no single gene is ever going to tell you the whole story,” she said.

    so genetic studies aren’t to be trusted?

    “oh you can trust the studies well enough, generally speaking. what you can’t trust are thesweeping conclusions that people often attach to them.”

    she thinks out-of-africa is “probably 95 percent correct,” but adds: “i think both sides havedone a bit of a disservice to science by insisting that it must be one thing or the other. thingsare likely to turn out to be not so straightforward as either camp would have you believe. theevidence is clearly starting to suggest that there were multiple migrations and dispersals indifferent parts of the world going in all kinds of directions and generally mixing up the genepool. that’s never going to be easy to sort out.”

    just at this time, there were also a number of reports questioning the reliability of claimsconcerning the recovery of very ancient dna. an academic writing in nature had noted howa paleontologist, asked by a colleague whether he thought an old skull was varnished or not,had licked its top and announced that it was. “in the process,” noted the nature article, “largeamounts of modern human dna would have been transferred to the skull,” rendering ituseless for future study. i asked harding about this. “oh, it would almost certainly have beencontaminated already,” she said. “just handling a bone will contaminate it. breathing on itwill contaminate it. most of the water in our labs will contaminate it. we are all swimming inforeign dna. in order to get a reliably clean specimen you have to excavate it in sterileconditions and do the tests on it at the site. it is the trickiest thing in the world not tocontaminate a specimen.”

    so should such claims be treated dubiously? i asked.

    harding nodded solemnly. “very,” she said.

    if you wish to understand at once why we know as little as we do about human origins, ihave the place for you. it is to be found a little beyond the edge of the blue ngong hills inkenya, to the south and west of nairobi. drive out of the city on the main highway touganda, and there comes a moment of startling glory when the ground falls away and you arepresented with a hang glider’s view of boundless, pale green african plain.

    this is the great rift valley, which arcs across three thousand miles of east africa,marking the tectonic rupture that is setting africa adrift from asia. here, perhaps forty milesout of nairobi, along the baking valley floor, is an ancient site called olorgesailie, which oncestood beside a large and pleasant lake. in 1919, long after the lake had vanished, a geologistnamed j. w. gregory was scouting the area for mineral prospects when he came across astretch of open ground littered with anomalous dark stones that had clearly been shaped byhuman hand. he had found one of the great sites of acheulean tool manufacture that iantattersall had told me about.

    unexpectedly in the autumn of 2002 i found myself a visitor to this extraordinary site. iwas in kenya for another purpose altogether, visiting some projects run by the charity careinternational, but my hosts, knowing of my interest in humans for the present volume, hadinserted a visit to olorgesailie into the schedule.

    after its discovery by gregory, olorgesailie lay undisturbed for over two decades beforethe famed husband-and-wife team of louis and mary leakey began an excavation that isn’tcompleted yet. what the leakeys found was a site stretching to ten acres or so, where toolswere made in incalculable numbers for roughly a million years, from about 1.2 million yearsago to 200,000 years ago. today the tool beds are sheltered from the worst of the elementsbeneath large tin lean-tos and fenced off with chicken wire to discourage opportunisticscavenging by visitors, but otherwise the tools are left just where their creators dropped themand where the leakeys found them.

    jillani ngalli, a keen young man from the kenyan national museum who had beendispatched to act as guide, told me that the quartz and obsidian rocks from which the axeswere made were never found on the valley floor. “they had to carry the stones from there,” hesaid, nodding at a pair of mountains in the hazy middle distance, in opposite directions fromthe site: olorgesailie and ol esakut. each was about ten kilometers, or six miles, away—along way to carry an armload of stone.

    why the early olorgesailie people went to such trouble we can only guess, of course. notonly did they lug hefty stones considerable distances to the lakeside, but, perhaps even moreremarkably, they then organized the site. the leakeys’ excavations revealed that there wereareas where axes were fashioned and others where blunt axes were brought to be resharpened.

    olorgesailie was, in short, a kind of factory; one that stayed in business for a million years.

    various replications have shown that the axes were tricky and labor-intensive objects tomake—even with practice, an axe would take hours to fashion—and yet, curiously, they werenot particularly good for cutting or chopping or scraping or any of the other tasks to whichthey were presumably put. so we are left with the position that for a million years—far, farlonger than our own species has even been in existence, much less engaged in continuous
    cooperative efforts—early people came in considerable numbers to this particular site to makeextravagantly large numbers of tools that appear to have been rather curiously pointless.

    and who were these people? we have no idea actually. we assume they were homoerectus because there are no other known candidates, which means that at their peak—theirpeak —the olorgesailie workers would have had the brains of a modern infant. but there is nophysical evidence on which to base a conclusion. despite over sixty years of searching, nohuman bone has ever been found in or around the vicinity of olorgesailie. however muchtime they spent there shaping rocks, it appears they went elsewhere to die.

    “it’s all a mystery,” jillani ngalli told me, beaming happily.

    the olorgesailie people disappeared from the scene about 200,000 years ago when the lakedried up and the rift valley started to become the hot and challenging place it is today. butby this time their days as a species were already numbered. the world was about to get itsfirst real master race, homo sapiens . things would never be the same again.

    Goodbye

    in the early 1680s, at just about the time that edmond halley and his friends christopherwren and robert hooke were settling down in a london coffeehouse and embarking on thecasual wager that would result eventually in isaac newton’s principia , henry cavendish’sweighing of the earth, and many of the other inspired and commendable undertakings thathave occupied us for much of the past four hundred pages, a rather less desirable milestonewas being passed on the island of mauritius, far out in the indian ocean some eight hundredmiles off the east coast of madagascar.

    there, some forgotten sailor or sailor’s pet was harrying to death the last of the dodos, thefamously flightless bird whose dim but trusting nature and lack of leggy zip made it a ratherirresistible target for bored young tars on shore leave. millions of years of peaceful isolationhad not prepared it for the erratic and deeply unnerving behavior of human beings.

    we don’t know precisely the circumstances, or even year, attending the last moments of thelast dodo, so we don’t know which arrived first, a world that contained a principia or one thathad no dodos, but we do know that they happened at more or less the same time. you wouldbe hard pressed, i would submit, to find a better pairing of occurrences to illustrate the divineand felonious nature of the human being—a species of organism that is capable of unpickingthe deepest secrets of the heavens while at the same time pounding into extinction, for nopurpose at all, a creature that never did us any harm and wasn’t even remotely capable ofunderstanding what we were doing to it as we did it. indeed, dodos were so spectacularlyshort on insight, it is reported, that if you wished to find all the dodos in a vicinity you hadonly to catch one and set it to squawking, and all the others would waddle along to see whatwas up.

    the indignities to the poor dodo didn’t end quite there. in 1755, some seventy years afterthe last dodo’s death, the director of the ashmolean museum in oxford decided that theinstitution’s stuffed dodo was becoming unpleasantly musty and ordered it tossed on abonfire. this was a surprising decision as it was by this time the only dodo in existence,stuffed or otherwise. a passing employee, aghast, tried to rescue the bird but could save onlyits head and part of one limb.

    as a result of this and other departures from common sense, we are not now entirely surewhat a living dodo was like. we possess much less information than most people suppose—ahandful of crude descriptions by “unscientific voyagers, three or four oil paintings, and a fewscattered osseous fragments,” in the somewhat aggrieved words of the nineteenth-centurynaturalist h. e. strickland. as strickland wistfully observed, we have more physical evidenceof some ancient sea monsters and lumbering saurapods than we do of a bird that lived intomodern times and required nothing of us to survive except our absence.

    so what is known of the dodo is this: it lived on mauritius, was plump but not tasty, andwas the biggest-ever member of the pigeon family, though by quite what margin is unknownas its weight was never accurately recorded. extrapolations from strickland’s “osseous fragments” and the ashmolean’s modest remains show that it was a little over two and a halffeet tall and about the same distance from beak tip to backside. being flightless, it nested onthe ground, leaving its eggs and chicks tragically easy prey for pigs, dogs, and monkeysbrought to the island by outsiders. it was probably extinct by 1683 and was most certainlygone by 1693. beyond that we know almost nothing except of course that we will not see itslike again. we know nothing of its reproductive habits and diet, where it ranged, what soundsit made in tranquility or alarm. we don’t possess a single dodo egg.

    from beginning to end our acquaintance with animate dodos lasted just seventy years. thatis a breathtakingly scanty period—though it must be said that by this point in our history wedid have thousands of years of practice behind us in the matter of irreversible eliminations.

    nobody knows quite how destructive human beings are, but it is a fact that over the last fiftythousand years or so wherever we have gone animals have tended to vanish, in oftenastonishingly large numbers.

    in  America,  thirty  genera  of  large  animals—some very large indeed—disappearedpractically at a stroke after the arrival of modern humans on the continent between ten andtwenty thousand years ago. altogether north and south america between them lost aboutthree quarters of their big animals once man the hunter arrived with his flint-headed spearsand keen organizational capabilities. europe and asia, where the animals had had longer toevolve a useful wariness of humans, lost between a third and a half of their big creatures.

    Australia, for exactly the opposite reasons, lost no less than 95 percent.

    because the early hunter populations were comparatively small and the animal populationstruly monumental—as many as ten million mammoth carcasses are thought to lie frozen in thetundra of northern siberia alone—some authorities think there must be other explanations,possibly involving climate change or some kind of pandemic. as ross macphee of theamerican museum of natural history put it: “there’s no material benefit to huntingdangerous animals more often than you need to—there are only so many mammoth steaksyou can eat.” others believe it may have been almost criminally easy to catch and clobberprey. “in australia and the americas,” says tim flannery, “the animals probably didn’t knowenough to run away.”

    some of the creatures that were lost were singularly spectacular and would take a littlemanaging if they were still around. imagine ground sloths that could look into an upstairswindow, tortoises nearly the size of a small fiat, monitor lizards twenty feet long baskingbeside desert highways in western australia. alas, they are gone and we live on a muchdiminished planet. today, across the whole world, only four types of really hefty (a metric tonor more) land animals survive: elephants, rhinos, hippos, and giraffes. not for tens of millionsof years has life on earth been so diminutive and tame.

    the question that arises is whether the disappearances of the stone age and disappearancesof more recent times are in effect part of a single extinction event—whether, in short, humansare inherently bad news for other living things. the sad likelihood is that we may well be.

    according to the university of chicago paleontologist david raup, the background rate ofextinction on earth throughout biological history has been one species lost every four yearson average. according to one recent calculation, human-caused extinction now may berunning as much as 120,000 times that level.

    in the mid-1990s, the australian naturalist tim flannery, now head of the south australianmuseum in adelaide, became struck by how little we seemed to know about many
    extinctions, including relatively recent ones. “wherever you looked, there seemed to be gapsin the records—pieces missing, as with the dodo, or not recorded at all,” he told me when imet him in melbourne a year or so ago.

    flannery recruited his friend peter schouten, an artist and fellow australian, and togetherthey embarked on a slightly obsessive quest to scour the world’s major collections to find outwhat was lost, what was left, and what had never been known at all. they spent four yearspicking through old skins, musty specimens, old drawings, and written descriptions—whatever was available. schouten made life-sized paintings of every animal they couldreasonably re-create, and flannery wrote the words. the result was an extraordinary bookcalled a gap in nature, constituting the most complete—and, it must be said, moving—catalog of animal extinctions from the last three hundred years.

    for some animals, records were good, but nobody had done anything much with them,sometimes for years, sometimes forever. steller’s sea cow, a walrus-like creature related tothe dugong, was one of the last really big animals to go extinct. it was truly enormous—anadult could reach lengths of nearly thirty feet and weigh ten tons—but we are acquainted withit only because in 1741 a russian expedition happened to be shipwrecked on the only placewhere the creatures still survived in any numbers, the remote and foggy commander islandsin the bering sea.

    happily, the expedition had a naturalist, georg steller, who was fascinated by the animal.

    “he took the most copious notes,” says flannery. “he even measured the diameter of itswhiskers. the only thing he wouldn’t describe was the male genitals—though, for somereason, he was happy enough to do the female’s. he even saved a piece of skin, so we had agood idea of its texture. we weren’t always so lucky.”

    the one thing steller couldn’t do was save the sea cow itself. already hunted to the brinkof extinction, it would be gone altogether within twenty-seven years of steller’s discovery ofit. many other animals, however, couldn’t be included because too little is known about them.

    the darling downs hopping mouse, chatham islands swan, ascension island flightless crake,at least five types of large turtle, and many others are forever lost to us except as names.

    a great deal of extinction, flannery and schouten discovered, hasn’t been cruel or wanton,but just kind of majestically foolish. in 1894, when a lighthouse was built on a lonely rockcalled stephens island, in the tempestuous strait between the north and south islands of newzealand, the lighthouse keeper’s cat kept bringing him strange little birds that it had caught.

    the keeper dutifully sent some specimens to the museum in wellington. there a curator grewvery excited because the bird was a relic species of flightless wrens—the only example of aflightless perching bird ever found anywhere. he set off at once for the island, but by the timehe got there the cat had killed them all. twelve stuffed museum species of the stephens islandflightless wren are all that now exist.

    at least we have those. all too often, it turns out, we are not much better at looking afterspecies after they have gone than we were before they went. take the case of the lovelycarolina parakeet. emerald green, with a golden head, it was arguably the most striking andbeautiful bird ever to live in north america—parrots don’t usually venture so far north, asyou may have noticed—and at its peak it existed in vast numbers, exceeded only by thepassenger pigeon. but the carolina parakeet was also considered a pest by farmers and easilyhunted because it flocked tightly and had a peculiar habit of flying up at the sound of gunfire(as you would expect), but then returning almost at once to check on fallen comrades.

    in his classic american omithology, written in the early nineteenth century, charleswillson peale describes an occasion in which he repeatedly empties a shotgun into a tree inwhich they roost:

    at each successive discharge, though showers of them fell, yet the affection of thesurvivors seemed rather to increase; for, after a few circuits around the place, they againalighted near me, looking down on their slaughtered companions with such manifestsymptoms of sympathy and concern, as entirely disarmed me.

    by the second decade of the twentieth century, the birds had been so relentlessly huntedthat only a few remained alive in captivity. the last one, named inca, died in the cincinnatizoo in 1918 (not quite four years after the last passenger pigeon died in the same zoo) andwas reverently stuffed. and where would you go to see poor inca now? nobody knows. thezoo lost it.

    what is both most intriguing and puzzling about the story above is that peale was a lover ofbirds, and yet did not hesitate to kill them in large numbers for no better reason than that itinterested him to do so. it is a truly astounding fact that for the longest time the people whowere most intensely interested in the world’s living things were the ones most likely toextinguish them.

    no one represented this position on a larger scale (in every sense) than lionel walterrothschild, the second baron rothschild. scion of the great banking family, rothschild was astrange and reclusive fellow. he lived his entire life in the nursery wing of his home at tring,in buckinghamshire, using the furniture of his childhood—even sleeping in his childhoodbed, though eventually he weighed three hundred pounds.

    his passion was natural history and he became a devoted accumulator of objects. he senthordes of trained men—as many as four hundred at a time—to every quarter of the globe toclamber over mountains and hack their way through jungles in the pursuit of newspecimens—particularly things that flew. these were crated or boxed up and sent back torothschild’s estate at tring, where he and a battalion of assistants exhaustively logged andanalyzed everything that came before them, producing a constant stream of books, papers, andmonographs—some twelve hundred in all. altogether, rothschild’s natural history factoryprocessed well over two million specimens and added five thousand species of creature to thescientific archive.

    remarkably, rothschild’s collecting efforts were neither the most extensive nor the mostgenerously funded of the nineteenth century. that title almost certainly belongs to a slightlyearlier but also very wealthy british collector named hugh cuming, who became sopreoccupied with accumulating objects that he built a large oceangoing ship and employed acrew to sail the world full-time, picking up whatever they could find—birds, plants, animalsof all types, and especially shells. it was his unrivaled collection of barnacles that passed todarwin and served as the basis for his seminal study.

    however, rothschild was easily the most scientific collector of his age, though also themost regrettably lethal, for in the 1890s he became interested in hawaii, perhaps the mosttemptingly vulnerable environment earth has yet produced. millions of years of isolation hadallowed hawaii to evolve 8,800 unique species of animals and plants. of particular interest torothschild were the islands’ colorful and distinctive birds, often consisting of very smallpopulations inhabiting extremely specific ranges.

    the tragedy for many hawaiian birds was that they were not only distinctive, desirable, andrare—a dangerous combination in the best of circumstances—but also often heartbreakinglyeasy to take. the greater koa finch, an innocuous member of the honeycreeper family, lurkedshyly in the canopies of koa trees, but if someone imitated its song it would abandon its coverat once and fly down in a show of welcome. the last of the species vanished in 1896, killedby rothschild’s ace collector harry palmer, five years after the disappearance of its cousin thelesser koa finch, a bird so sublimely rare that only one has ever been seen: the one shot forrothschild’s collection. altogether during the decade or so of rothschild’s most intensivecollecting, at least nine species of hawaiian birds vanished, but it may have been more.

    Rothschild was by no means alone in his zeal to capture birds at more or less any cost.

    others in fact were more ruthless. in 1907 when a well-known collector named alansonbryan realized that he had shot the last three specimens of black mamos, a species of forestbird that had only been discovered the previous decade, he noted that the news filled him with“joy.”

    it was, in short, a difficult age to fathom—a time when almost any animal was persecuted ifit was deemed the least bit intrusive. in 1890, new york state paid out over one hundredbounties for eastern mountain lions even though it was clear that the much-harassed creatureswere on the brink of extinction. right up until the 1940s many states continued to paybounties for almost any kind of predatory creature. west virginia gave out an annual collegescholarship to whoever brought in the most dead pests—and “pests” was liberally interpretedto mean almost anything that wasn’t grown on farms or kept as pets.

    perhaps nothing speaks more vividly for the strangeness of the times than the fate of thelovely little bachman’s warbler. a native of the southern united states, the warbler wasfamous for its unusually thrilling song, but its population numbers, never robust, graduallydwindled until by the 1930s the warbler vanished altogether and went unseen for many years.

    then in 1939, by happy coincidence two separate birding enthusiasts, in widely separatedlocations, came across lone survivors just two days apart. they both shot the birds, and thatwas the last that was ever seen of bachman’s warblers.

    the impulse to exterminate was by no means exclusively american. in australia, bountieswere paid on the tasmanian tiger (properly the thylacine), a doglike creature with distinctive“tiger” stripes across its back, until shortly before the last one died, forlorn and nameless, in aprivate hobart zoo in 1936. go to the tasmanian museum today and ask to see the last of thisspecies—the only large carnivorous marsupial to live into modern times—and all they canshow you are photographs. the last surviving thylacine was thrown out with the weekly trash.

    i mention all this to make the point that if you were designing an organism to look after lifein our lonely cosmos, to monitor where it is going and keep a record of where it has been, you wouldn’t choose human beings for the job.

    but here’s an extremely salient point: we have been chosen, by fate or providence orwhatever you wish to call it. as far as we can tell, we are the best there is. we may be allthere is. it’s an unnerving thought that we may be the living universe’s supreme achievementand its worst nightmare simultaneously.

    because we are so remarkably careless about looking after things, both when alive andwhen not, we have no idea—really none at all—about how many things have died offpermanently, or may soon, or may never, and what role we have played in any part of theprocess. in 1979, in the book the sinking ark, the author norman myers suggested thathuman activities were causing about two extinctions a week on the planet. by the early 1990she had raised the figure to some six hundred per week. (that’s extinctions of all types—plants, insects, and so on as well as animals.) others have put the figure even higher—to wellover a thousand a week. a united nations report of 1995, on the other hand, put the totalnumber of known extinctions in the last four hundred years at slightly under 500 for animalsand slightly over 650 for plants—while allowing that this was “almost certainly anunderestimate,” particularly with regard to tropical species. a few interpreters think mostextinction figures are grossly inflated.

    the fact is, we don’t know. don’t have any idea. we don’t know when we started doingmany of the things we’ve done. we don’t know what we are doing right now or how ourpresent actions will affect the future. what we do know is that there is only one planet to do iton, and only one species of being capable of making a considered difference. Edward o.Wilson expressed it with unimprovable brevity in the diversity of life: “one planet, on eexperiment.”

    if this book has a lesson, it is that we are awfully lucky to be here—and by “we” i meanevery living thing. to attain any kind of life in this universe of ours appears to be quite anachievement. as humans we are doubly lucky, of course: we enjoy not only the privilege ofexistence but also the singular ability to appreciate it and even, in a multitude of ways, tomake it better. it is a talent we have only barely begun to grasp.

    we have arrived at this position of eminence in a stunningly short time. behaviorallymodern human beings—that is, people who can speak and make art and organize complexactivities—have existed for only about 0.0001 percent of earth’s history. but surviving foreven that little while has required a nearly endless string of good fortune.

    we really are at the beginning of it all. the trick, of course, is to make sure we never findthe end. and that, almost certainly, will require a good deal more than lucky breaks.

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

    as i sit here, in early 2003, i have before me several pages of manuscript bearing majestically encouraging and tactful notes from ian tattersal of the american museum of natural history pointing out, inter alia, that perigueux is not a wine producing region, that it is inventive but atouch unorthodox of me to italicize taxonomic divisions above the level of genus and species,that i have persistently misspelled olorgesaille, a place that i recently visited, and so on in similar vein through two chapters of text covering his area of expertise, early humans.

    goodness knows how many other inky embarrassments may lurk in these pages yet, but itis thanks to dr. tattersall and all of those whom i am about to mention that there arent manyhundreds more. i cannot begin to thank adequately those who helped me in the preparation ofthis book. i am especially indebted to the following, who were uniformly generous and kindlyand showed the most heroic reserves of patience in answering one simple, endlessly repeatedquestion: “im sorry, but can you explain that again?”in the united states: ian tattersall of the american museum of natural history in newyork; john thorstensen, mary k. hudson, and david blanchflower of dartmouth college inhanover, new hampshire; dr. william abdu and dr. bryan marsh of dartmouth-hitchcockmedical center in lebanon, new hampshire; ray anderson and brian witzke of the iowadepartment of natural resources, iowa city; mike voorhies of the university of nebraskaand ashfall fossil beds state park near orchard, nebraska; chuck offenburger of buenavista university, storm lake, iowa; ken rancourt, director of research, mount washingtonobservatory, gorham, new hampshire; paul doss, geologist of yellowstone national park,and his wife, heidi, also of the national park; frank asara of the university of california atberkeley; oliver payne and lynn addison of the national geographic society; james o.

    farlow, indianapurdue university; roger l. larson, professor of marine geophysics,university of rhode island; jeff guinn of the fort worth star-telegram newspaper; jerry kasten of dallas, texas; and the staff of the iowa historical society in desmoines.

    in england: david caplin of imperial college, london; richard fortey, les ellis, and kathyway of the natural history museum; martin raff of university college, london; rosalindharding of the institute of biological anthropology in oxford; dr. laurence smaje, formerlyof the wellcome institute; and keith blackmore of  the times.

    in australia: the reverend robert evans of hazelbrook, new south wales; alan thorneand victoria bennett of the australian national university in canberra; louise burke andjohn hawley of canberra; anne milne of the sydney morning herald; ian nowak, formerlyof the geological society of western australia; thomas h. rich of museum victoria; timflannery, director of the south australian museum in adelaide; and the very helpful staff ofthe state library of new south wales in sydney.

    and elsewhere: sue superville, information center manager at the museum of new zealandin wellington, and dr. emma mbua, dr. koen maes, and jillani ngalla of the kenya nationalmuseum in nairobi.

    i am also deeply and variously indebted to patrick janson-smith, gerald howard, mariannevelmans, alison tulett, larry finlay, steve rubin, jed mattes, carol heaton, charles elliott, david bryson, felicity bryson, dan mclean, nick southern, patrick gallagher, larryashmead, and the staff of the peerless and ever-cheery howe library in hanover, newhampshire.

    above all, and as always, my profoundest thanks to my dear wife, Cynthia.

  • Bill Bryson《A Short History of Nearly Everything》16-22

    part v   life itself

    The more i examine the universe and study the details of its architecture,the more evidence i find that the universe in some sense must have known we were coming. -Freeman Dyson

    16    LONELY PLANET

    it isn’t easy being an organism. in the whole universe, as far as we yet know, there is only one place, an inconspicuous outpost of the milky way called earth, that will sustain you,and even it can be pretty grudging.

    from the bottom of the deepest ocean trench to the top of the highest mountain, the zone that covers nearly the whole of known life, is only something over a dozen miles—not much when set against the roominess of the cosmos at large.

    for humans it is even worse because we happen to belong to the portion of living things that took the rash but venturesome decision 400 million years ago to crawl out of the seas and become land based and oxygen breathing. in consequence, no less than 99.5 percent of the world’s habitable space by volume, according to one estimate, is fundamentally—in practical terms completely—off-limits to us.

    it isn’t simply that we can’t breathe in water, but that we couldn’t bear the pressures.

    because water is about 1,300 times heavier than air, pressures rise swiftly as you descend—by the equivalent of one atmosphere for every ten meters (thirty-three feet) of depth. on land,if you rose to the top of a five-hundred-foot eminence—cologne cathedral or the Washington monument, say—the change in pressure would be so slight as to be indiscernible. at the same depth underwater, however, your veins would collapse and your lungs would compress to the approximate dimensions of a coke can. amazingly, people do voluntarily dive to such depths,without breathing apparatus, for the fun of it in a sport known as free diving. apparently the experience of having your internal organs rudely deformed is thought exhilarating (though not presumably as exhilarating as having them return to their former dimensions upon resurfacing). to reach such depths, however, divers must be dragged down, and quite briskly,by weights. without assistance, the deepest anyone has gone and lived to talk about it afterward was an Italian named umberto pelizzari, who in 1992 dove to a depth of 236 feet,lingered for a nanosecond, and then shot back to the surface. in terrestrial terms, 236 feet is just slightly over the length of one New York city block. so even in our most exuberant stunts we can hardly claim to be masters of the abyss.

    other organisms do of course manage to deal with the pressures at depth, though quite how some of them do so is a mystery. the deepest point in the ocean is the mariana trench in the pacific. there, some seven miles down, the pressures rise to over sixteen thousand pounds persquare inch. we have managed once, briefly, to send humans to that depth in a sturdy diving vessel, yet it is home to colonies of amphipods, a type of crustacean similar to shrimp but transparent, which survive without any protection at all. most oceans are of course much shallower, but even at the average ocean depth of two and a half miles the pressure is equivalent to being squashed beneath a stack of fourteen loaded cement trucks.

    nearly everyone, including the authors of some popular books on oceanography, assumes that the human body would crumple under the immense pressures of the deep ocean. in fact,this appears not to be the case. because we are made largely of water ourselves, and water is“virtually incompressible,” in the words of frances ashcroft of oxford university, “the bodyremains at the same pressure as the surrounding water, and is not crushed at depth.” it is the gases inside your body, particularly in the lungs, that cause the trouble. these do compress,though at what point the compression becomes fatal is not known. until quite recently it was thought that anyone diving to one hundred meters or so would die painfully as his or her lungs imploded or chest wall collapsed, but the free divers have repeatedly proved otherwise. itappears, according to ashcroft, that “humans may be more like whales and dolphins than had been expected.”

    plenty else can go wrong, however. in the days of diving suits—the sort that wereconnected to the surface by long hoses—divers sometimes experienced a dreadedphenomenon known as “the squeeze.” this occurred when the surface pumps failed, leadingto a catastrophic loss of pressure in the suit. the air would leave the suit with such violencethat the hapless diver would be, all too literally, sucked up into the helmet and hosepipe.

    when hauled to the surface, “all that is left in the suit are his bones and some rags of flesh,”

    the biologist j. b. s. haldane wrote in 1947, adding for the benefit of doubters, “this hashappened.”

    (incidentally, the original diving helmet, designed in 1823 by an englishman namedcharles deane, was intended not for diving but for fire-fighting. it was called a “smokehelmet,” but being made of metal it was hot and cumbersome and, as deane soon discovered,firefighters had no particular eagerness to enter burning structures in any form of attire, butmost especially not in something that heated up like a kettle and made them clumsy into thebargain. in an attempt to save his investment, deane tried it underwater and found it was idealfor salvage work.)the real terror of the deep, however, is the bends—not so much because they areunpleasant, though of course they are, as because they are so much more likely. the air webreathe is 80 percent nitrogen. put the human body under pressure, and that nitrogen istransformed into tiny bubbles that migrate into the blood and tissues. if the pressure ischanged too rapidly—as with a too-quick ascent by a diver—the bubbles trapped within thebody will begin to fizz in exactly the manner of a freshly opened bottle of champagne,clogging tiny blood vessels, depriving cells of oxygen, and causing pain so excruciating thatsufferers are prone to bend double in agony—hence “the bends.”

    the bends have been an occupational hazard for sponge and pearl divers since timeimmemorial but didn’t attract much attention in the western world until the nineteenthcentury, and then it was among people who didn’t get wet at all (or at least not very wet andnot generally much above the ankles). they were caisson workers. caissons were encloseddry chambers built on riverbeds to facilitate the construction of bridge piers. they were filledwith compressed air, and often when the workers emerged after an extended period ofworking under this artificial pressure they experienced mild symptoms like tingling or itchyskin. but an unpredictable few felt more insistent pain in the joints and occasionally collapsedin agony, sometimes never to get up again.

    it was all most puzzling. sometimes workers would go to bed feeling fine, but wake upparalyzed. sometimes they wouldn’t wake up at all. ashcroft relates a story concerning thedirectors of a new tunnel under the thames who held a celebratory banquet as the tunnelneared completion. to their consternation their champagne failed to fizz when uncorked inthe compressed air of the tunnel. however, when at length they emerged into the fresh air of alondon evening, the bubbles sprang instantly to fizziness, memorably enlivening thedigestive process.

    apart from avoiding high-pressure environments altogether, only two strategies are reliablysuccessful against the bends. the first is to suffer only a very short exposure to the changes inpressure. that is why the free divers i mentioned earlier can descend to depths of five hundredfeet without ill effect. they don’t stay under long enough for the nitrogen in their system todissolve into their tissues. the other solution is to ascend by careful stages. this allows thelittle bubbles of nitrogen to dissipate harmlessly.

    a great deal of what we know about surviving at extremes is owed to the extraordinaryfather-and-son team of john scott and j. b. s. haldane. even by the demanding standards ofbritish intellectuals, the haldanes were outstandingly eccentric. the senior haldane was bornin 1860 to an aristocratic scottish family (his brother was viscount haldane) but spent mostof his career in comparative modesty as a professor of physiology at oxford. he wasfamously absent-minded. once after his wife had sent him upstairs to change for a dinnerparty he failed to return and was discovered asleep in bed in his pajamas. when roused,haldane explained that he had found himself disrobing and assumed it was bedtime. his ideaof a vacation was to travel to cornwall to study hookworm in miners. aldous huxley, thenovelist grandson of t. h. huxley, who lived with the haldanes for a time, parodied him, atouch mercilessly, as the scientist edward tantamount in the novel point counter point .

    haldane’s gift to diving was to work out the rest intervals necessary to manage an ascentfrom the depths without getting the bends, but his interests ranged across the whole ofphysiology, from studying altitude sickness in climbers to the problems of heatstroke in desertregions. he had a particular interest in the effects of toxic gases on the human body. tounderstand more exactly how carbon monoxide leaks killed miners, he methodically poisonedhimself, carefully taking and measuring his own blood samples the while. he quit only whenhe was on the verge of losing all muscle control and his blood saturation level had reached 56percent—a level, as trevor norton notes in his entertaining history of diving, stars beneaththe sea, only fractionally removed from nearly certain lethality.

    haldane’s son jack, known to posterity as j.b.s., was a remarkable prodigy who took aninterest in his father’s work almost from infancy. at the age of three he was overhearddemanding peevishly of his father, “but is it oxyhaemoglobin or carboxyhaemoglobin?”

    throughout his youth, the young haldane helped his father with experiments. by the time hewas a teenager, the two often tested gases and gas masks together, taking turns to see howlong it took them to pass out.

    though j. b. s. haldane never took a degree in science (he studied classics at oxford), hebecame a brilliant scientist in his own right, mostly in cambridge. the biologist petermedawar, who spent his life around mental olympians, called him “the cleverest man i everknew.” huxley likewise parodied the younger haldane in his novel antic hay, but also usedhis ideas on genetic manipulation of humans as the basis for the plot of brave new world.

    among many other achievements, haldane played a central role in marrying darwinian
    principles of evolution to the genetic work of gregor mendel to produce what is known togeneticists as the modern synthesis.

    perhaps uniquely among human beings, the younger haldane found world war i “a veryenjoyable experience” and freely admitted that he “enjoyed the opportunity of killing people.”

    he was himself wounded twice. after the war he became a successful popularizer of scienceand wrote twenty-three books (as well as over four hundred scientific papers). his books arestill thoroughly readable and instructive, though not always easy to find. he also became anenthusiastic marxist. it has been suggested, not altogether cynically, that this was out of apurely contrarian instinct, and that if he had been born in the soviet union he would havebeen a passionate monarchist. at all events, most of his articles first appeared in thecommunist daily worker.

    whereas his father’s principal interests concerned miners and poisoning, the youngerhaldane became obsessed with saving submariners and divers from the unpleasantconsequences of their work. with admiralty funding he acquired a decompression chamberthat he called the “pressure pot.” this was a metal cylinder into which three people at a timecould be sealed and subjected to tests of various types, all painful and nearly all dangerous.

    volunteers might be required to sit in ice water while breathing “aberrant atmosphere” orsubjected to rapid changes of pressurization. in one experiment, haldane simulated adangerously hasty ascent to see what would happen. what happened was that the dentalfillings in his teeth exploded. “almost every experiment,” norton writes, “ended withsomeone having a seizure, bleeding, or vomiting.” the chamber was virtually soundproof, sothe only way for occupants to signal unhappiness or distress was to tap insistently on thechamber wall or to hold up notes to a small window.

    on another occasion, while poisoning himself with elevated levels of oxygen, haldane hada fit so severe that he crushed several vertebrae. collapsed lungs were a routine hazard.

    perforated eardrums were quite common, but, as haldane reassuringly noted in one of hisessays, “the drum generally heals up; and if a hole remains in it, although one is somewhatdeaf, one can blow tobacco smoke out of the ear in question, which is a socialaccomplishment.”

    what was extraordinary about this was not that haldane was willing to subject himself tosuch risk and discomfort in the pursuit of science, but that he had no trouble talkingcolleagues and loved ones into climbing into the chamber, too. sent on a simulated descent,his wife once had a fit that lasted thirteen minutes. when at last she stopped bouncing acrossthe floor, she was helped to her feet and sent home to cook dinner. haldane happily employedwhoever happened to be around, including on one memorable occasion a former primeminister of spain, juan negrín. dr. negrín complained afterward of minor tingling and “acurious velvety sensation on the lips” but otherwise seems to have escaped unharmed. he mayhave considered himself very lucky. a similar experiment with oxygen deprivation lefthaldane without feeling in his buttocks and lower spine for six years.

    among haldane’s many specific preoccupations was nitrogen intoxication. for reasons thatare still poorly understood, beneath depths of about a hundred feet nitrogen becomes apowerful intoxicant. under its influence divers had been known to offer their air hoses topassing fish or decide to try to have a smoke break. it also produced wild mood swings. inone test, haldane noted, the subject “alternated between depression and elation, at onemoment begging to be decompressed because he felt ‘bloody awful’ and the next minutelaughing and attempting to interfere with his colleague’s dexterity test.” in order to measure
    the rate of deterioration in the subject, a scientist had to go into the chamber with thevolunteer to conduct simple mathematical tests. but after a few minutes, as haldane laterrecalled, “the tester was usually as intoxicated as the testee, and often forgot to press thespindle of his stopwatch, or to take proper notes.” the cause of the inebriation is even now amystery. it is thought that it may be the same thing that causes alcohol intoxication, but as noone knows for certain what causes that we are none the wiser. at all events, without thegreatest care, it is easy to get in trouble once you leave the surface world.

    which brings us back (well, nearly) to our earlier observation that earth is not the easiestplace to be an organism, even if it is the only place. of the small portion of the planet’ssurface that is dry enough to stand on, a surprisingly large amount is too hot or cold or dry orsteep or lofty to be of much use to us. partly, it must be conceded, this is our fault. in terms ofadaptability, humans are pretty amazingly useless. like most animals, we don’t much likereally hot places, but because we sweat so freely and easily stroke, we are especiallyvulnerable. in the worst circumstances—on foot without water in a hot desert—most peoplewill grow delirious and keel over, possibly never to rise again, in no more than six or sevenhours. we are no less helpless in the face of cold. like all mammals, humans are good atgenerating heat but—because we are so nearly hairless—not good at keeping it. even in quitemild weather half the calories you burn go to keep your body warm. of course, we cancounter these frailties to a large extent by employing clothing and shelter, but even so theportions of earth on which we are prepared or able to live are modest indeed: just 12 percentof the total land area, and only 4 percent of the whole surface if you include the seas.

    yet when you consider conditions elsewhere in the known universe, the wonder is not thatwe use so little of our planet but that we have managed to find a planet that we can use even abit of. you have only to look at our own solar system—or, come to that, earth at certainperiods in its own history—to appreciate that most places are much harsher and much lessamenable to life than our mild, blue watery globe.

    so far space scientists have discovered about seventy planets outside the solar system, outof the ten billion trillion or so that are thought to be out there, so humans can hardly claim tospeak with authority on the matter, but it appears that if you wish to have a planet suitable forlife, you have to be just awfully lucky, and the more advanced the life, the luckier you have tobe. various observers have identified about two dozen particularly helpful breaks we havehad on earth, but this is a flying survey so we’ll distill them down to the principal four. theyare:

    excellent location.we are, to an almost uncanny degree, the right distance from the right sortof star, one that is big enough to radiate lots of energy, but not so big as to burn itself outswiftly. it is a curiosity of physics that the larger a star the more rapidly it burns. had our sunbeen ten times as massive, it would have exhausted itself after ten million years instead of tenbillion and we wouldn’t be here now. we are also fortunate to orbit where we do. too muchnearer and everything on earth would have boiled away. much farther away and everythingwould have frozen.

    in 1978, an astrophysicist named michael hart made some calculations and concluded thatearth would have been uninhabitable had it been just 1 percent farther from or 5 percent
    closer to the sun. that’s not much, and in fact it wasn’t enough. the figures have since beenrefined and made a little more generous—5 percent nearer and 15 percent farther are thoughtto be more accurate assessments for our zone of habitability—but that is still a narrow belt.

    1to appreciate just how narrow, you have only to look at venus. venus is only twenty-fivemillion miles closer to the sun than we are. the sun’s warmth reaches it just two minutesbefore it touches us. in size and composition, venus is very like earth, but the smalldifference in orbital distance made all the difference to how it turned out. it appears thatduring the early years of the solar system venus was only slightly warmer than earth andprobably had oceans. but those few degrees of extra warmth meant that venus could not holdon to its surface water, with disastrous consequences for its climate. as its water evaporated,the hydrogen atoms escaped into space, and the oxygen atoms combined with carbon to forma dense atmosphere of the greenhouse gas co2. venus became stifling. although people ofmy age will recall a time when astronomers hoped that venus might harbor life beneath itspadded clouds, possibly even a kind of tropical verdure, we now know that it is much toofierce an environment for any kind of life that we can reasonably conceive of. its surfacetemperature is a roasting 470 degrees centigrade (roughly 900 degrees fahrenheit), which ishot enough to melt lead, and the atmospheric pressure at the surface is ninety times that ofearth, or more than any human body could withstand. we lack the technology to make suitsor even spaceships that would allow us to visit. our knowledge of venus’s surface is based ondistant radar imagery and some startled squawks from an unmanned soviet probe that wasdropped hopefully into the clouds in 1972 and functioned for barely an hour beforepermanently shutting down.

    so that’s what happens when you move two light minutes closer to the sun. travel fartherout and the problem becomes not heat but cold, as mars frigidly attests. it, too, was once amuch more congenial place, but couldn’t retain a usable atmosphere and turned into a frozenwaste.

    but just being the right distance from the sun cannot be the whole story, for otherwise themoon would be forested and fair, which patently it is not. for that you need to have:

    the right kind of planet.i don’t imagine even many geophysicists, when asked to counttheir blessings, would include living on a planet with a molten interior, but it’s a pretty nearcertainty that without all that magma swirling around beneath us we wouldn’t be here now.

    apart from much else, our lively interior created the outgassing that helped to build anatmosphere and provided us with the magnetic field that shields us from cosmic radiation. italso gave us plate tectonics, which continually renews and rumples the surface. if earth wereperfectly smooth, it would be covered everywhere with water to a depth of four kilometers.

    there might be life in that lonesome ocean, but there certainly wouldn’t be baseball.

    in addition to having a beneficial interior, we also have the right elements in the correctproportions. in the most literal way, we are made of the right stuff. this is so crucial to ourwell-being that we are going to discuss it more fully in a minute, but first we need to considerthe two remaining factors, beginning with another one that is often overlooked:

    1the discovery of extremophiles in the boiling mudpots of yellowstone and similar organisms found elsewheremade scientists realize that actually life of a type could range much farther than that-even, perhaps, beneath theicy skin of pluto. what we are talking about here are the conditions that would produce reasonably complexsurface creatures.

    we’re a twin planet.not many of us normally think of the moon as a companion planet,but that is in effect what it is. most moons are tiny in relation to their master planet. themartian satellites of phobos and deimos, for instance, are only about ten kilometers indiameter. our moon, however, is more than a quarter the diameter of the earth, which makesours the only planet in the solar system with a sizeable moon in comparison to itself (exceptpluto, which doesn’t really count because pluto is itself so small), and what a difference thatmakes to us.

    without the moon’s steadying influence, the earth would wobble like a dying top, withgoodness knows what consequences for climate and weather. the moon’s steady gravitationalinfluence keeps the earth spinning at the right speed and angle to provide the sort of stabilitynecessary for the long and successful development of life. this won’t go on forever. themoon is slipping from our grasp at a rate of about 1.5 inches a year. in another two billionyears it will have receded so far that it won’t keep us steady and we will have to come up withsome other solution, but in the meantime you should think of it as much more than just apleasant feature in the night sky.

    for a long time, astronomers assumed that the moon and earth either formed together orthat the earth captured the moon as it drifted by. we now believe, as you will recall from anearlier chapter, that about 4.5 billion years ago a mars-sized object slammed into earth,blowing out enough material to create the moon from the debris. this was obviously a verygood thing for us—but especially so as it happened such a long time ago. if it had happened in1896 or last wednesday clearly we wouldn’t be nearly so pleased about it. which brings us toour fourth and in many ways most crucial consideration:

    timing.the universe is an amazingly fickle and eventful place, and our existence within itis a wonder. if a long and unimaginably complex sequence of events stretching back 4.6billion years or so hadn’t played out in a particular manner at particular times—if, to take justone obvious instance, the dinosaurs hadn’t been wiped out by a meteor when they were—youmight well be six inches long, with whiskers and a tail, and reading this in a burrow.

    we don’t really know for sure because we have nothing else to compare our own existenceto, but it seems evident that if you wish to end up as a moderately advanced, thinking society,you need to be at the right end of a very long chain of outcomes involving reasonable periodsof stability interspersed with just the right amount of stress and challenge (ice ages appear tobe especially helpful in this regard) and marked by a total absence of real cataclysm. as weshall see in the pages that remain to us, we are very lucky to find ourselves in that position.

    and on that note, let us now turn briefly to the elements that made us.

    there are ninety-two naturally occurring elements on earth, plus a further twenty or so thathave been created in labs, but some of these we can immediately put to one side—as, in fact,chemists themselves tend to do. not a few of our earthly chemicals are surprisingly littleknown. astatine, for instance, is practically unstudied. it has a name and a place on theperiodic table (next door to marie curie’s polonium), but almost nothing else. the problem
    isn’t scientific indifference, but rarity. there just isn’t much astatine out there. the mostelusive element of all, however, appears to be francium, which is so rare that it is thought thatour entire planet may contain, at any given moment, fewer than twenty francium atoms.

    altogether only about thirty of the naturally occurring elements are widespread on earth, andbarely half a dozen are of central importance to life.

    as you might expect, oxygen is our most abundant element, accounting for just under 50percent of the earth’s crust, but after that the relative abundances are often surprising. whowould guess, for instance, that silicon is the second most common element on earth or thattitanium is tenth? abundance has little to do with their familiarity or utility to us. many of themore obscure elements are actually more common than the better-known ones. there is morecerium on earth than copper, more neodymium and lanthanum than cobalt or nitrogen. tinbarely makes it into the top fifty, eclipsed by such relative obscurities as praseodymium,samarium, gadolinium, and dysprosium.

    abundance also has little to do with ease of detection. aluminum is the fourth mostcommon element on earth, accounting for nearly a tenth of everything that’s underneath yourfeet, but its existence wasn’t even suspected until it was discovered in the nineteenth centuryby humphry davy, and for a long time after that it was treated as rare and precious. congressnearly put a shiny lining of aluminum foil atop the washington monument to show what aclassy and prosperous nation we had become, and the french imperial family in the sameperiod discarded the state silver dinner service and replaced it with an aluminum one. thefashion was cutting edge even if the knives weren’t.

    nor does abundance necessarily relate to importance. carbon is only the fifteenth mostcommon element, accounting for a very modest 0.048 percent of earth’s crust, but we wouldbe lost without it. what sets the carbon atom apart is that it is shamelessly promiscuous. it isthe party animal of the atomic world, latching on to many other atoms (including itself) andholding tight, forming molecular conga lines of hearty robustness—the very trick of naturenecessary to build proteins and dna. as paul davies has written: “if it wasn’t for carbon, lifeas we know it would be impossible. probably any sort of life would be impossible.” yetcarbon is not all that plentiful even in humans, who so vitally depend on it. of every 200atoms in your body, 126 are hydrogen, 51 are oxygen, and just 19 are carbon.

    2other elements are critical not for creating life but for sustaining it. we need iron tomanufacture hemoglobin, and without it we would die. cobalt is necessary for the creation ofvitamin b12. potassium and a very little sodium are literally good for your nerves.

    molybdenum, manganese, and vanadium help to keep your enzymes purring. zinc—bless it—oxidizes alcohol.

    we have evolved to utilize or tolerate these things—we could hardly be here otherwise—but even then we live within narrow ranges of acceptance. selenium is vital to all of us, buttake in just a little too much and it will be the last thing you ever do. the degree to whichorganisms require or tolerate certain elements is a relic of their evolution. sheep and cattlenow graze side by side, but actually have very different mineral requirements. modern cattleneed quite a lot of copper because they evolved in parts of europe and africa where copperwas abundant. sheep, on the other hand, evolved in copper-poor areas of asia minor. as arule, and not surprisingly, our tolerance for elements is directly proportionate to their2of the remaining four, three are nitrogen and the remaining atom is divided among all the other elements.

    abundance in the earth’s crust. we have evolved to expect, and in some cases actually need,the tiny amounts of rare elements that accumulate in the flesh or fiber that we eat. but step upthe doses, in some cases by only a tiny amount, and we can soon cross a threshold. much ofthis is only imperfectly understood. no one knows, for example, whether a tiny amount ofarsenic is necessary for our well-being or not. some authorities say it is; some not. all that iscertain is that too much of it will kill you.

    the properties of the elements can become more curious still when they are combined.

    oxygen and hydrogen, for instance, are two of the most combustion-friendly elements around,but put them together and they make incombustible water.

    3odder still in combination aresodium, one of the most unstable of all elements, and chlorine, one of the most toxic. drop asmall lump of pure sodium into ordinary water and it will explode with enough force to kill.

    chlorine is even more notoriously hazardous. though useful in small concentrations forkilling microorganisms (it’s chlorine you smell in bleach), in larger volumes it is lethal.

    chlorine was the element of choice for many of the poison gases of the first world war. and,as many a sore-eyed swimmer will attest, even in exceedingly dilute form the human bodydoesn’t appreciate it. yet put these two nasty elements together and what do you get? sodiumchloride—common table salt.

    by and large, if an element doesn’t naturally find its way into our systems—if it isn’tsoluble in water, say—we tend to be intolerant of it. lead poisons us because we were neverexposed to it until we began to fashion it into food vessels and pipes for plumbing. (notincidentally, lead’s symbol is pb, for the latin plumbum, the source word for our modernplumbing.) the romans also flavored their wine with lead, which may be part of the reasonthey are not the force they used to be. as we have seen elsewhere, our own performance withlead (not to mention mercury, cadmium, and all the other industrial pollutants with which weroutinely dose ourselves) does not leave us a great deal of room for smirking. when elementsdon’t occur naturally on earth, we have evolved no tolerance for them, and so they tend to beextremely toxic to us, as with plutonium. our tolerance for plutonium is zero: there is no levelat which it is not going to make you want to lie down.

    i have brought you a long way to make a small point: a big part of the reason that earthseems so miraculously accommodating is that we evolved to suit its conditions. what wemarvel at is not that it is suitable to life but that it is suitable to our life—and hardlysurprising, really. it may be that many of the things that make it so splendid to us—well-proportioned sun, doting moon, sociable carbon, more magma than you can shake a stick at,and all the rest—seem splendid simply because they are what we were born to count on. noone can altogether say.

    other worlds may harbor beings thankful for their silvery lakes of mercury and driftingclouds of ammonia. they may be delighted that their planet doesn’t shake them silly with itsgrinding plates or spew messy gobs of lava over the landscape, but rather exists in apermanent nontectonic tranquility. any visitors to earth from afar would almost certainly, atthe very least, be bemused to find us living in an atmosphere composed of nitrogen, a gassulkily disinclined to react with anything, and oxygen, which is so partial to combustion thatwe must place fire stations throughout our cities to protect ourselves from its livelier effects.

    but even if our visitors were oxygen-breathing bipeds with shopping malls and a fondness for3oxygen itself is not combustible; it merely facilitates the combus tion of other things. this is just as well, for ifoxygen were corn bustible, each time you lit a match all the air around you would bur into flame. hydrogen gas,on the other hand, is extremely corn bustible, as the dirigible hindenburg demonstrated on may 6, 193 inlakehurst, new jersey, when its hydrogen fuel burst explosive) into flame, killing thirty-six people.

    action movies, it is unlikely that they would find earth ideal. we couldn’t even give themlunch because all our foods contain traces of manganese, selenium, zinc, and other elementalparticles at least some of which would be poisonous to them. to them earth might not seem awondrously congenial place at all.

    the physicist richard feynman used to make a joke about a posteriori conclusions, as theyare called. “you know, the most amazing thing happened to me tonight,” he would say. “isaw a car with the license plate arw 357. can you imagine? of all the millions of licenseplates in the state, what was the chance that i would see that particular one tonight?

    amazing!” his point, of course, was that it is easy to make any banal situation seemextraordinary if you treat it as fateful.

    so it is possible that the events and conditions that led to the rise of life on earth are notquite as extraordinary as we like to think. still, they were extraordinary enough, and one thingis certain: they will have to do until we find some better.

    17   INTO THE TROPOSPHERE

    thank goodness for the atmosphere. it keeps us warm. without it, earth would be alifeless ball of ice with an average temperature of minus 60 degrees fahrenheit. in addition,the atmosphere absorbs or deflects incoming swarms of cosmic rays, charged particles,ultraviolet rays, and the like. altogether, the gaseous padding of the atmosphere is equivalentto a fifteen-foot thickness of protective concrete, and without it these invisible visitors fromspace would slice through us like tiny daggers. even raindrops would pound us senseless if itweren’t for the atmosphere’s slowing drag.

    the most striking thing about our atmosphere is that there isn’t very much of it. it extendsupward for about 120 miles, which might seem reasonably bounteous when viewed fromground level, but if you shrank the earth to the size of a standard desktop globe it would onlybe about the thickness of a couple of coats of varnish.

    for scientific convenience, the atmosphere is divided into four unequal layers: troposphere,stratosphere, mesosphere, and ionosphere (now often called the thermosphere). thetroposphere is the part that’s dear to us. it alone contains enough warmth and oxygen to allowus to function, though even it swiftly becomes uncongenial to life as you climb up through it.

    from ground level to its highest point, the troposphere (or “turning sphere”) is about ten milesthick at the equator and no more than six or seven miles high in the temperate latitudes wheremost of us live. eighty percent of the atmosphere’s mass, virtually all the water, and thusvirtually all the weather are contained within this thin and wispy layer. there really isn’tmuch between you and oblivion.

    beyond the troposphere is the stratosphere. when you see the top of a storm cloudflattening out into the classic anvil shape, you are looking at the boundary between thetroposphere and stratosphere. this invisible ceiling is known as the tropopause and wasdiscovered in 1902 by a frenchman in a balloon, léon-philippe teisserenc de bort. pause inthis sense doesn’t mean to stop momentarily but to cease altogether; it’s from the same greekroot as menopause. even at its greatest extent, the tropopause is not very distant. a fastelevator of the sort used in modern skyscrapers could get you there in about twenty minutes,though you would be well advised not to make the trip. such a rapid ascent withoutpressurization would, at the very least, result in severe cerebral and pulmonary edemas, adangerous excess of fluids in the body’s tissues. when the doors opened at the viewingplatform, anyone inside would almost certainly be dead or dying. even a more measuredascent would be accompanied by a great deal of discomfort. the temperature six miles up canbe -70 degrees fahrenheit, and you would need, or at least very much appreciate,supplementary oxygen.

    after you have left the troposphere the temperature soon warms up again, to about 40degrees fahrenheit, thanks to the absorptive effects of ozone (something else de bortdiscovered on his daring 1902 ascent). it then plunges to as low as -130 degrees fahrenheit inthe mesosphere before skyrocketing to 2,700 degrees fahrenheit or more in the aptly namedbut very erratic thermosphere, where temperatures can vary by a thousand degrees from day
    to night—though it must be said that “temperature” at such a height becomes a somewhatnotional concept. temperature is really just a measure of the activity of molecules. at sealevel, air molecules are so thick that one molecule can move only the tiniest distance—aboutthree-millionths of an inch, to be precise—before banging into another. because trillions ofmolecules are constantly colliding, a lot of heat gets exchanged. but at the height of thethermosphere, at fifty miles or more, the air is so thin that any two molecules will be milesapart and hardly ever come in contact. so although each molecule is very warm, there are fewinteractions between them and thus little heat transference. this is good news for satellitesand spaceships because if the exchange of heat were more efficient any man-made objectorbiting at that level would burst into flame.

    even so, spaceships have to take care in the outer atmosphere, particularly on return trips toearth, as the space shuttle columbia demonstrated all too tragically in february 2003.

    although the atmosphere is very thin, if a craft comes in at too steep an angle—more thanabout 6 degrees—or too swiftly it can strike enough molecules to generate drag of anexceedingly combustible nature. conversely, if an incoming vehicle hit the thermosphere attoo shallow an angle, it could well bounce back into space, like a pebble skipped across water.

    but you needn’t venture to the edge of the atmosphere to be reminded of what hopelesslyground-hugging beings we are. as anyone who has spent time in a lofty city will know, youdon’t have to rise too many thousands of feet from sea level before your body begins toprotest. even experienced mountaineers, with the benefits of fitness, training, and bottledoxygen, quickly become vulnerable at height to confusion, nausea, exhaustion, frostbite,hypothermia, migraine, loss of appetite, and a great many other stumbling dysfunctions. in ahundred emphatic ways the human body reminds its owner that it wasn’t designed to operateso far above sea level.

    “even under the most favorable circumstances,” the climber peter habeler has written ofconditions atop everest, “every step at that altitude demands a colossal effort of will. youmust force yourself to make every movement, reach for every handhold. you are perpetuallythreatened by a leaden, deadly fatigue.” in the other side of everest, the british mountaineerand filmmaker matt dickinson records how howard somervell, on a 1924 british expeditionup everest, “found himself choking to death after a piece of infected flesh came loose andblocked his windpipe.” with a supreme effort somervell managed to cough up theobstruction. it turned out to be “the entire mucus lining of his larynx.”

    bodily distress is notorious above 25,000 feet—the area known to climbers as the deathzone—but many people become severely debilitated, even dangerously ill, at heights of nomore than 15,000 feet or so. susceptibility has little to do with fitness. grannies sometimescaper about in lofty situations while their fitter offspring are reduced to helpless, groaningheaps until conveyed to lower altitudes.

    the absolute limit of human tolerance for continuous living appears to be about 5,500meters, or 18,000 feet, but even people conditioned to living at altitude could not tolerate suchheights for long. frances ashcroft, in life at the extremes, notes that there are andean sulfurmines at 5,800 meters, but that the miners prefer to descend 460 meters each evening andclimb back up the following day, rather than live continuously at that elevation. people whohabitually live at altitude have often spent thousands of years developing disproportionatelylarge chests and lungs, increasing their density of oxygen-bearing red blood cells by almost athird, though there are limits to how much thickening with red cells the blood supply can
    stand. moreover, above 5,500 meters even the most well-adapted women cannot provide agrowing fetus with enough oxygen to bring it to its full term.

    in the 1780s when people began to make experimental balloon ascents in europe,something that surprised them was how chilly it got as they rose. the temperature drops about3 degrees fahrenheit with every thousand feet you climb. logic would seem to indicate thatthe closer you get to a source of heat, the warmer you would feel. part of the explanation isthat you are not really getting nearer the sun in any meaningful sense. the sun is ninety-threemillion miles away. to move a couple of thousand feet closer to it is like taking one stepcloser to a bushfire in australia when you are standing in ohio, and expecting to smell smoke.

    the answer again takes us back to the question of the density of molecules in the atmosphere.

    sunlight energizes atoms. it increases the rate at which they jiggle and jounce, and in theirenlivened state they crash into one another, releasing heat. when you feel the sun warm onyour back on a summer’s day, it’s really excited atoms you feel. the higher you climb, thefewer molecules there are, and so the fewer collisions between them.

    air is deceptive stuff. even at sea level, we tend to think of the air as being ethereal and allbut weightless. in fact, it has plenty of bulk, and that bulk often exerts itself. as a marinescientist named wyville thomson wrote more than a century ago: “we sometimes find whenwe get up in the morning, by a rise of an inch in the barometer, that nearly half a ton has beenquietly piled upon us during the night, but we experience no inconvenience, rather a feeling ofexhilaration and buoyancy, since it requires a little less exertion to move our bodies in thedenser medium.” the reason you don’t feel crushed under that extra half ton of pressure is thesame reason your body would not be crushed deep beneath the sea: it is made mostly ofincompressible fluids, which push back, equalizing the pressures within and without.

    but get air in motion, as with a hurricane or even a stiff breeze, and you will quickly bereminded that it has very considerable mass. altogether there are about 5,200 million milliontons of air around us—25 million tons for every square mile of the planet—a notinconsequential volume. when you get millions of tons of atmosphere rushing past at thirty orforty miles an hour, it’s hardly a surprise that limbs snap and roof tiles go flying. as anthonysmith notes, a typical weather front may consist of 750 million tons of cold air pinnedbeneath a billion tons of warmer air. hardly a wonder that the result is at timesmeteorologically exciting.

    certainly there is no shortage of energy in the world above our heads. one thunderstorm, ithas been calculated, can contain an amount of energy equivalent to four days’ use ofelectricity for the whole united states. in the right conditions, storm clouds can rise to heightsof six to ten miles and contain updrafts and downdrafts of one hundred miles an hour. theseare often side by side, which is why pilots don’t want to fly through them. in all, the internalturmoil particles within the cloud pick up electrical charges. for reasons not entirelyunderstood the lighter particles tend to become positively charged and to be wafted by aircurrents to the top of the cloud. the heavier particles linger at the base, accumulating negativecharges. these negatively charged particles have a powerful urge to rush to the positivelycharged earth, and good luck to anything that gets in their way. a bolt of lightning travels at270,000 miles an hour and can heat the air around it to a decidedly crisp 50,000 degreesfahrenheit, several times hotter than the surface of the sun. at any one moment 1,800thunderstorms are in progress around the globe—some 40,000 a day. day and night across theplanet every second about a hundred lightning bolts hit the ground. the sky is a lively place.

    much of our knowledge of what goes on up there is surprisingly recent. jet streams, usuallylocated about 30,000 to 35,000 feet up, can bowl along at up to 180 miles an hour and vastlyinfluence weather systems over whole continents, yet their existence wasn’t suspected untilpilots began to fly into them during the second world war. even now a great deal ofatmospheric phenomena is barely understood. a form of wave motion popularly known asclear-air turbulence occasionally enlivens airplane flights. about twenty such incidents a yearare serious enough to need reporting. they are not associated with cloud structures oranything else that can be detected visually or by radar. they are just pockets of startlingturbulence in the middle of tranquil skies. in a typical incident, a plane en route fromsingapore to sydney was flying over central australia in calm conditions when it suddenlyfell three hundred feet—enough to fling unsecured people against the ceiling. twelve peoplewere injured, one seriously. no one knows what causes such disruptive cells of air.

    the process that moves air around in the atmosphere is the same process that drives theinternal engine of the planet, namely convection. moist, warm air from the equatorial regionsrises until it hits the barrier of the tropopause and spreads out. as it travels away from theequator and cools, it sinks. when it hits bottom, some of the sinking air looks for an area oflow pressure to fill and heads back for the equator, completing the circuit.

    at the equator the convection process is generally stable and the weather predictably fair,but in temperate zones the patterns are far more seasonal, localized, and random, whichresults in an endless battle between systems of high-pressure air and low. low-pressuresystems are created by rising air, which conveys water molecules into the sky, forming cloudsand eventually rain. warm air can hold more moisture than cool air, which is why tropical andsummer storms tend to be the heaviest. thus low areas tend to be associated with clouds andrain, and highs generally spell sunshine and fair weather. when two such systems meet, itoften becomes manifest in the clouds. for instance, stratus clouds—those unlovable,featureless sprawls that give us our overcast skies—happen when moisture-bearing updraftslack the oomph to break through a level of more stable air above, and instead spread out, likesmoke hitting a ceiling. indeed, if you watch a smoker sometime, you can get a very goodidea of how things work by watching how smoke rises from a cigarette in a still room. atfirst, it goes straight up (this is called a laminar flow, if you need to impress anyone), and thenit spreads out in a diffused, wavy layer. the greatest supercomputer in the world, takingmeasurements in the most carefully controlled environment, cannot tell you what forms theseripplings will take, so you can imagine the difficulties that confront meteorologists when theytry to predict such motions in a spinning, windy, large-scale world.

    what we do know is that because heat from the sun is unevenly distributed, differences inair pressure arise on the planet. air can’t abide this, so it rushes around trying to equalizethings everywhere. wind is simply the air’s way of trying to keep things in balance. airalways flows from areas of high pressure to areas of low pressure (as you would expect; thinkof anything with air under pressure—a balloon or an air tank—and think how insistently thatpressured air wants to get someplace else), and the greater the discrepancy in pressures thefaster the wind blows.

    incidentally, wind speeds, like most things that accumulate, grow exponentially, so a windblowing at two hundred miles an hour is not simply ten times stronger than a wind blowing attwenty miles an hour, but a hundred times stronger—and hence that much more destructive.

    introduce several million tons of air to this accelerator effect and the result can be exceedingly
    energetic. a tropical hurricane can release in twenty-four hours as much energy as a rich,medium-sized nation like britain or france uses in a year.

    the impulse of the atmosphere to seek equilibrium was first suspected by edmondhalley—the man who was everywhere—and elaborated upon in the eighteenth century by hisfellow briton george hadley, who saw that rising and falling columns of air tended toproduce “cells” (known ever since as “hadley cells”). though a lawyer by profession, hadleyhad a keen interest in the weather (he was, after all, english) and also suggested a linkbetween his cells, the earth’s spin, and the apparent deflections of air that give us our tradewinds. however, it was an engineering professor at the école polytechnique in paris,gustave-gaspard de coriolis, who worked out the details of these interactions in 1835, andthus we call it the coriolis effect. (coriolis’s other distinction at the school was to introducewatercoolers, which are still known there as corios, apparently.) the earth revolves at a brisk1,041 miles an hour at the equator, though as you move toward the poles the rate slopes offconsiderably, to about 600 miles an hour in london or paris, for instance. the reason for thisis self-evident when you think about it. if you are on the equator the spinning earth has tocarry you quite a distance—about 40,000 kilometers—to get you back to the same spot. if youstand beside the north pole, however, you may need travel only a few feet to complete arevolution, yet in both cases it takes twenty-four hours to get you back to where you began.

    therefore, it follows that the closer you get to the equator the faster you must be spinning.

    the coriolis effect explains why anything moving through the air in a straight line laterallyto the earth’s spin will, given enough distance, seem to curve to the right in the northernhemisphere and to the left in the southern as the earth revolves beneath it. the standard wayto envision this is to imagine yourself at the center of a large carousel and tossing a ball tosomeone positioned on the edge. by the time the ball gets to the perimeter, the target personhas moved on and the ball passes behind him. from his perspective, it looks as if it has curvedaway from him. that is the coriolis effect, and it is what gives weather systems their curl andsends hurricanes spinning off like tops. the coriolis effect is also why naval guns firingartillery shells have to adjust to left or right; a shell fired fifteen miles would otherwisedeviate by about a hundred yards and plop harmlessly into the sea.

    considering the practical and psychological importance of the weather to nearly everyone,it’s surprising that meteorology didn’t really get going as a science until shortly before theturn of the nineteenth century (though the term meteorology itself had been around since1626, when it was coined by a t. granger in a book of logic).

    part of the problem was that successful meteorology requires the precise measurement oftemperatures, and thermometers for a long time proved more difficult to make than you mightexpect. an accurate reading was dependent on getting a very even bore in a glass tube, andthat wasn’t easy to do. the first person to crack the problem was daniel gabriel fahrenheit, adutch maker of instruments, who produced an accurate thermometer in 1717. however, forreasons unknown he calibrated the instrument in a way that put freezing at 32 degrees andboiling at 212 degrees. from the outset this numeric eccentricity bothered some people, and in1742 anders celsius, a swedish astronomer, came up with a competing scale. in proof of theproposition that inventors seldom get matters entirely right, celsius made boiling point zeroand freezing point 100 on his scale, but that was soon reversed.

    the person most frequently identified as the father of modern meteorology was an englishpharmacist named luke howard, who came to prominence at the beginning of the nineteenthcentury. howard is chiefly remembered now for giving cloud types their names in 1803.

    although he was an active and respected member of the linnaean society and employedlinnaean principles in his new scheme, howard chose the rather more obscure askesiansociety as the forum to announce his new system of classification. (the askesian society,you may just recall from an earlier chapter, was the body whose members were unusuallydevoted to the pleasures of nitrous oxide, so we can only hope they treated howard’spresentation with the sober attention it deserved. it is a point on which howard scholars arecuriously silent.)howard divided clouds into three groups: stratus for the layered clouds, cumulus for thefluffy ones (the word means “heaped” in latin), and cirrus (meaning “curled”) for the high,thin feathery formations that generally presage colder weather. to these he subsequentlyadded a fourth term, nimbus (from the latin for “cloud”), for a rain cloud. the beauty ofhoward’s system was that the basic components could be freely recombined to describe everyshape and size of passing cloud—stratocumulus, cirrostratus, cumulocongestus, and so on. itwas an immediate hit, and not just in england. the poet johann von goethe in germany wasso taken with the system that he dedicated four poems to howard.

    howard’s system has been much added to over the years, so much so that the encyclopedicif little read international cloud atlas runs to two volumes, but interestingly virtually all thepost-howard cloud types—mammatus, pileus, nebulosis, spissatus, floccus, and mediocris area sampling—have never caught on with anyone outside meteorology and not terribly muchthere, i’m told. incidentally, the first, much thinner edition of that atlas, produced in 1896,divided clouds into ten basic types, of which the plumpest and most cushiony-looking wasnumber nine, cumulonimbus.

    1that seems to have been the source of the expression “to be oncloud nine.”

    for all the heft and fury of the occasional anvil-headed storm cloud, the average cloud isactually a benign and surprisingly insubstantial thing. a fluffy summer cumulus severalhundred yards to a side may contain no more than twenty-five or thirty gallons of water—“about enough to fill a bathtub,” as james trefil has noted. you can get some sense of theimmaterial quality of clouds by strolling through fog—which is, after all, nothing more than acloud that lacks the will to fly. to quote trefil again: “if you walk 100 yards through a typicalfog, you will come into contact with only about half a cubic inch of water—not enough togive you a decent drink.” in consequence, clouds are not great reservoirs of water. only about0.035 percent of the earth’s fresh water is floating around above us at any moment.

    depending on where it falls, the prognosis for a water molecule varies widely. if it lands infertile soil it will be soaked up by plants or reevaporated directly within hours or days. if itfinds its way down to the groundwater, however, it may not see sunlight again for manyyears—thousands if it gets really deep. when you look at a lake, you are looking at acollection of molecules that have been there on average for about a decade. in the ocean theresidence time is thought to be more like a hundred years. altogether about 60 percent of1if you have ever been struck by how beautifully crisp and well defined the edges of cumulus clouds tend to be,while other clouds are more blurry, the explanation is that in a cumulus cloud there is a pronounced boundarybetween the moist interior of the cloud and the dry air beyond it. any water molecule that strays beyond the edgeof the cloud is immediately zapped by the dry air beyond, allowing the cloud to keep its fine edge. much highercirrus clouds are composed of ice, and the zone between the edge of the cloud and the air beyond is not soclearly delineated, which is why they tend to be blurry at the edges.

    water molecules in a rainfall are returned to the atmosphere within a day or two. onceevaporated, they spend no more than a week or so—drury says twelve days—in the skybefore falling again as rain.

    evaporation is a swift process, as you can easily gauge by the fate of a puddle on asummer’s day. even something as large as the mediterranean would dry out in a thousandyears if it were not continually replenished. such an event occurred a little under six millionyears ago and provoked what is known to science as the messinian salinity crisis. whathappened was that continental movement closed the strait of gibraltar. as the mediterraneandried, its evaporated contents fell as freshwater rain into other seas, mildly diluting theirsaltiness—indeed, making them just dilute enough to freeze over larger areas than normal.

    the enlarged area of ice bounced back more of the sun’s heat and pushed earth into an iceage. so at least the theory goes.

    what is certainly true, as far as we can tell, is that a little change in the earth’s dynamicscan have repercussions beyond our imagining. such an event, as we shall see a little furtheron, may even have created us.

    oceans are the real powerhouse of the planet’s surface behavior. indeed, meteorologistsincreasingly treat oceans and atmosphere as a single system, which is why we must give thema little of our attention here. water is marvelous at holding and transporting heat. every day,the gulf stream carries an amount of heat to europe equivalent to the world’s output of coalfor ten years, which is why britain and ireland have such mild winters compared with canadaand russia.

    but water also warms slowly, which is why lakes and swimming pools are cold even on thehottest days. for that reason there tends to be a lag in the official, astronomical start of aseason and the actual feeling that that season has started. so spring may officially start in thenorthern hemisphere in march, but it doesn’t feel like it in most places until april at the veryearliest.

    the oceans are not one uniform mass of water. their differences in temperature, salinity,depth, density, and so on have huge effects on how they move heat around, which in turnaffects climate. the atlantic, for instance, is saltier than the pacific, and a good thing too. thesaltier water is the denser it is, and dense water sinks. without its extra burden of salt, theatlantic currents would proceed up to the arctic, warming the north pole but deprivingeurope of all that kindly warmth. the main agent of heat transfer on earth is what is knownas thermohaline circulation, which originates in slow, deep currents far below the surface—aprocess first detected by the scientist-adventurer count von rumford in 1797.

    2what happensis that surface waters, as they get to the vicinity of europe, grow dense and sink to greatdepths and begin a slow trip back to the southern hemisphere. when they reach antarctica,they are caught up in the antarctic circumpolar current, where they are driven onward intothe pacific. the process is very slow—it can take 1,500 years for water to travel from the2the term means a number of things to different people, it appears. in november 2002, carl wunsch of mitpublished a report in science, “what is the thermohaline circulation?,” in which he noted that the expressionhas been used in leading journals to signify at least seven different phenomena (circulation at the abyssal level,circulation driven by differences in density or buoyancy, “meridional overturning circulation of mass,” and soon)-though all have to do with ocean circulations and the transfer of heat, the cautiously vague and embracingsense in which i have employed it here.

    north atlantic to the mid-pacific—but the volumes of heat and water they move are veryconsiderable, and the influence on the climate is enormous.

    (as for the question of how anyone could possibly figure out how long it takes a drop ofwater to get from one ocean to another, the answer is that scientists can measure compoundsin the water like chlorofluorocarbons and work out how long it has been since they were lastin the air. by comparing a lot of measurements from different depths and locations they canreasonably chart the water’s movement.)thermohaline circulation not only moves heat around, but also helps to stir up nutrients asthe currents rise and fall, making greater volumes of the ocean habitable for fish and othermarine creatures. unfortunately, it appears the circulation may also be very sensitive tochange. according to computer simulations, even a modest dilution of the ocean’s saltcontent—from increased melting of the greenland ice sheet, for instance—could disrupt thecycle disastrously.

    the seas do one other great favor for us. they soak up tremendous volumes of carbon andprovide a means for it to be safely locked away. one of the oddities of our solar system is thatthe sun burns about 25 percent more brightly now than when the solar system was young.

    this should have resulted in a much warmer earth. indeed, as the english geologist aubreymanning has put it, “this colossal change should have had an absolutely catastrophic effecton the earth and yet it appears that our world has hardly been affected.”

    so what keeps the world stable and cool?

    life does. trillions upon trillions of tiny marine organisms that most of us have neverheard of—foraminiferans and coccoliths and calcareous algae—capture atmospheric carbon,in the form of carbon dioxide, when it falls as rain and use it (in combination with otherthings) to make their tiny shells. by locking the carbon up in their shells, they keep it frombeing reevaporated into the atmosphere, where it would build up dangerously as a greenhousegas. eventually all the tiny foraminiferans and coccoliths and so on die and fall to the bottomof the sea, where they are compressed into limestone. it is remarkable, when you behold anextraordinary natural feature like the white cliffs of dover in england, to reflect that it ismade up of nothing but tiny deceased marine organisms, but even more remarkable when yourealize how much carbon they cumulatively sequester. a six-inch cube of dover chalk willcontain well over a thousand liters of compressed carbon dioxide that would otherwise bedoing us no good at all. altogether there is about twenty thousand times as much carbonlocked away in the earth’s rocks as in the atmosphere. eventually much of that limestone willend up feeding volcanoes, and the carbon will return to the atmosphere and fall to the earth inrain, which is why the whole is called the long-term carbon cycle. the process takes a verylong time—about half a million years for a typical carbon atom—but in the absence of anyother disturbance it works remarkably well at keeping the climate stable.

    unfortunately, human beings have a careless predilection for disrupting this cycle byputting lots of extra carbon into the atmosphere whether the foraminiferans are ready for it ornot. since 1850, it has been estimated, we have lofted about a hundred billion tons of extracarbon into the air, a total that increases by about seven billion tons each year. overall, that’snot actually all that much. nature—mostly through the belchings of volcanoes and the decayof plants—sends about 200 billion tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere each year,nearly thirty times as much as we do with our cars and factories. but you have only to look atthe haze that hangs over our cities to see what a difference our contribution makes.

    we know from samples of very old ice that the “natural” level of carbon dioxide in theatmosphere—that is, before we started inflating it with industrial activity—is about 280 partsper million. by 1958, when people in lab coats started to pay attention to it, it had risen to 315parts per million. today it is over 360 parts per million and rising by roughly one-quarter of 1percent a year. by the end of the twenty-first century it is forecast to rise to about 560 partsper million.

    so far, the earth’s oceans and forests (which also pack away a lot of carbon) have managedto save us from ourselves, but as peter cox of the british meteorological office puts it:

    “there is a critical threshold where the natural biosphere stops buffering us from the effects ofour emissions and actually starts to amplify them.” the fear is that there would be a runawayincrease in the earth’s warming. unable to adapt, many trees and other plants would die,releasing their stores of carbon and adding to the problem. such cycles have occasionallyhappened in the distant past even without a human contribution. the good news is that evenhere nature is quite wonderful. it is almost certain that eventually the carbon cycle wouldreassert itself and return the earth to a situation of stability and happiness. the last time thishappened, it took a mere sixty thousand years.

    18    THE BOUNDING MAIN

    imagine trying to live in a world dominated by dihydrogen oxide, a compound that hasno taste or smell and is so variable in its properties that it is generally benign but at othertimes swiftly lethal. depending on its state, it can scald you or freeze you. in the presence ofcertain organic molecules it can form carbonic acids so nasty that they can strip the leavesfrom trees and eat the faces off statuary. in bulk, when agitated, it can strike with a fury thatno human edifice could withstand. even for those who have learned to live with it, it is anoften murderous substance. we call it water.

    water is everywhere. a potato is 80 percent water, a cow 74 percent, a bacterium 75percent. a tomato, at 95 percent, is little but water. even humans are 65 percent water,making us more liquid than solid by a margin of almost two to one. water is strange stuff. it isformless and transparent, and yet we long to be beside it. it has no taste and yet we love thetaste of it. we will travel great distances and pay small fortunes to see it in sunshine. andeven though we know it is dangerous and drowns tens of thousands of people every year, wecan’t wait to frolic in it.

    because water is so ubiquitous we tend to overlook what an extraordinary substance it is.

    almost nothing about it can be used to make reliable predictions about the properties of otherliquids and vice versa. if you knew nothing of water and based your assumptions on thebehavior of compounds most chemically akin to it—hydrogen selenide or hydrogen sulphidenotably—you would expect it to boil at minus 135 degrees fahrenheit and to be a gas at roomtemperature.

    most liquids when chilled contract by about 10 percent. water does too, but only down to apoint. once it is within whispering distance of freezing, it begins—perversely, beguilingly,extremely improbably—to expand. by the time it is solid, it is almost a tenth morevoluminous than it was before. because it expands, ice floats on water—“an utterly bizarreproperty,” according to john gribbin. if it lacked this splendid waywardness, ice would sink,and lakes and oceans would freeze from the bottom up. without surface ice to hold heat in,the water’s warmth would radiate away, leaving it even chillier and creating yet more ice.

    soon even the oceans would freeze and almost certainly stay that way for a very long time,probably forever—hardly the conditions to nurture life. thankfully for us, water seemsunaware of the rules of chemistry or laws of physics.

    everyone knows that water’s chemical formula is h2o, which means that it consists of onelargish oxygen atom with two smaller hydrogen atoms attached to it. the hydrogen atomscling fiercely to their oxygen host, but also make casual bonds with other water molecules.

    the nature of a water molecule means that it engages in a kind of dance with other watermolecules, briefly pairing and then moving on, like the ever-changing partners in a quadrille,to use robert kunzig’s nice phrase. a glass of water may not appear terribly lively, but everymolecule in it is changing partners billions of times a second. that’s why water moleculesstick together to form bodies like puddles and lakes, but not so tightly that they can’t be easily
    separated as when, for instance, you dive into a pool of them. at any given moment only 15percent of them are actually touching.

    in one sense the bond is very strong—it is why water molecules can flow uphill whensiphoned and why water droplets on a car hood show such a singular determination to beadwith their partners. it is also why water has surface tension. the molecules at the surface areattracted more powerfully to the like molecules beneath and beside them than to the airmolecules above. this creates a sort of membrane strong enough to support insects andskipping stones. it is what gives the sting to a belly flop.

    i hardly need point out that we would be lost without it. deprived of water, the human bodyrapidly falls apart. within days, the lips vanish “as if amputated, the gums blacken, the nosewithers to half its length, and the skin so contracts around the eyes as to prevent blinking.”

    water is so vital to us that it is easy to overlook that all but the smallest fraction of the wateron earth is poisonous to us—deadly poisonous—because of the salts within it.

    we need salt to live, but only in very small amounts, and seawater contains way more—about seventy times more—salt than we can safely metabolize. a typical liter of seawater willcontain only about 2.5 teaspoons of common salt—the kind we sprinkle on food—but muchlarger amounts of other elements, compounds, and other dissolved solids, which arecollectively known as salts. the proportions of these salts and minerals in our tissues isuncannily similar to seawater—we sweat and cry seawater, as margulis and sagan have putit—but curiously we cannot tolerate them as an input. take a lot of salt into your body andyour metabolism very quickly goes into crisis. from every cell, water molecules rush off likeso many volunteer firemen to try to dilute and carry off the sudden intake of salt. this leavesthe cells dangerously short of the water they need to carry out their normal functions. theybecome, in a word, dehydrated. in extreme situations, dehydration will lead to seizures,unconsciousness, and brain damage. meanwhile, the overworked blood cells carry the salt tothe kidneys, which eventually become overwhelmed and shut down. without functioningkidneys you die. that is why we don’t drink seawater.

    there are 320 million cubic miles of water on earth and that is all we’re ever going to get.

    the system is closed: practically speaking, nothing can be added or subtracted. the water youdrink has been around doing its job since the earth was young. by 3.8 billion years ago, theoceans had (at least more or less) achieved their present volumes.

    the water realm is known as the hydrosphere and it is overwhelmingly oceanic. ninety-seven percent of all the water on earth is in the seas, the greater part of it in the pacific, whichcovers half the planet and is bigger than all the landmasses put together. altogether thepacific holds just over half of all the ocean water (51.6 percent to be precise); the atlantic has23.6 percent and the indian ocean 21.2 percent, leaving just 3.6 percent to be accounted forby all the other seas. the average depth of the ocean is 2.4 miles, with the pacific on averageabout a thousand feet deeper than the atlantic and indian oceans. altogether 60 percent ofthe planet’s surface is ocean more than a mile deep. as philip ball notes, we would better callour planet not earth but water.

    of the 3 percent of earth’s water that is fresh, most exists as ice sheets. only the tiniestamount—0.036 percent—is found in lakes, rivers, and reservoirs, and an even smaller part—just 0.001 percent—exists in clouds or as vapor. nearly 90 percent of the planet’s ice is inantarctica, and most of the rest is in greenland. go to the south pole and you will bestanding on nearly two miles of ice, at the north pole just fifteen feet of it. antarctica alone
    has six million cubic miles of ice—enough to raise the oceans by a height of two hundred feetif it all melted. but if all the water in the atmosphere fell as rain, evenly everywhere, theoceans would deepen by only an inch.

    sea level, incidentally, is an almost entirely notional concept. seas are not level at all.

    tides, winds, the coriolis force, and other effects alter water levels considerably from oneocean to another and within oceans as well. the pacific is about a foot and a half higher alongits western edge—a consequence of the centrifugal force created by the earth’s spin. just aswhen you pull on a tub of water the water tends to flow toward the other end, as if reluctant tocome with you, so the eastward spin of earth piles water up against the ocean’s westernmargins.

    considering the age-old importance of the seas to us, it is striking how long it took theworld to take a scientific interest in them. until well into the nineteenth century most of whatwas known about the oceans was based on what washed ashore or came up in fishing nets,and nearly all that was written was based more on anecdote and supposition than on physicalevidence. in the 1830s, the british naturalist edward forbes surveyed ocean beds throughoutthe atlantic and mediterranean and declared that there was no life at all in the seas below2,000 feet. it seemed a reasonable assumption. there was no light at that depth, so no plantlife, and the pressures of water at such depths were known to be extreme. so it came assomething of a surprise when, in 1860, one of the first transatlantic telegraph cables washauled up for repairs from more than two miles down, and it was found to be thicklyencrusted with corals, clams, and other living detritus.

    the first really organized investigation of the seas didn’t come until 1872, when a jointexpedition between the british museum, the royal society, and the british government setforth from portsmouth on a former warship called hms challenger. for three and a halfyears they sailed the world, sampling waters, netting fish, and hauling a dredge throughsediments. it was evidently dreary work. out of a complement of 240 scientists and crew, onein four jumped ship and eight more died or went mad—“driven to distraction by the mind-numbing routine of years of dredging” in the words of the historian samantha weinberg. butthey sailed across almost 70,000 nautical miles of sea, collected over 4,700 new species ofmarine organisms, gathered enough information to create a fifty-volume report (which tooknineteen years to put together), and gave the world the name of a new scientific discipline:

    oceanography. they also discovered, by means of depth measurements, that there appeared tobe submerged mountains in the mid-atlantic, prompting some excited observers to speculatethat they had found the lost continent of atlantis.

    because the institutional world mostly ignored the seas, it fell to devoted—and veryoccasional—amateurs to tell us what was down there. modern deep-water exploration beginswith charles william beebe and otis barton in 1930. although they were equal partners, themore colorful beebe has always received far more written attention. born in 1877 into a well-to-do family in new york city, beebe studied zoology at columbia university, then took ajob as a birdkeeper at the new york zoological society. tiring of that, he decided to adoptthe life of an adventurer and for the next quarter century traveled extensively through asiaand south america with a succession of attractive female assistants whose jobs wereinventively described as “historian and technicist” or “assistant in fish problems.” hesupported these endeavors with a succession of popular books with titles like edge of thejungle and jungle days, though he also produced some respectable books on wildlife andornithology.

    in the mid-1920s, on a trip to the galápagos islands, he discovered “the delights ofdangling,” as he described deep-sea diving. soon afterward he teamed up with barton, whocame from an even wealthier family, had also attended columbia, and also longed foradventure. although beebe nearly always gets the credit, it was in fact barton who designedthe first bathysphere (from the greek word for “deep”) and funded the $12,000 cost of itsconstruction. it was a tiny and necessarily robust chamber, made of cast iron 1.5 inches thickand with two small portholes containing quartz blocks three inches thick. it held two men, butonly if they were prepared to become extremely well acquainted. even by the standards of theage, the technology was unsophisticated. the sphere had no maneuverability—it simply hungon the end of a long cable—and only the most primitive breathing system: to neutralize theirown carbon dioxide they set out open cans of soda lime, and to absorb moisture they opened asmall tub of calcium chloride, over which they sometimes waved palm fronds to encouragechemical reactions.

    but the nameless little bathysphere did the job it was intended to do. on the first dive, injune 1930 in the bahamas, barton and beebe set a world record by descending to 600 feet. by1934, they had pushed the record to 3,028 feet, where it would stay until after the war. bartonwas confident the device was safe to a depth of 4,500 feet, though the strain on every bolt andrivet was audibly evident with each fathom they descended. at any depth, it was brave andrisky work. at 3,000 feet, their little porthole was subjected to nineteen tons of pressure persquare inch. death at such a depth would have been instantaneous, as beebe never failed toobserve in his many books, articles, and radio broadcasts. their main concern, however, wasthat the shipboard winch, straining to hold on to a metal ball and two tons of steel cable,would snap and send the two men plunging to the seafloor. in such an event, nothing couldhave saved them.

    the one thing their descents didn’t produce was a great deal of worthwhile science.

    although they encountered many creatures that had not been seen before, the limits ofvisibility and the fact that neither of the intrepid aquanauts was a trained oceanographer meantthey often weren’t able to describe their findings in the kind of detail that real scientistscraved. the sphere didn’t carry an external light, merely a 250-watt bulb they could hold upto the window, but the water below five hundred feet was practically impenetrable anyway,and they were peering into it through three inches of quartz, so anything they hoped to viewwould have to be nearly as interested in them as they were in it. about all they could report, inconsequence, was that there were a lot of strange things down there. on one dive in 1934,beebe was startled to spy a giant serpent “more than twenty feet long and very wide.” itpassed too swiftly to be more than a shadow. whatever it was, nothing like it has been seenby anyone since. because of such vagueness their reports were generally ignored byacademics.

    after their record-breaking descent of 1934, beebe lost interest in diving and moved on toother adventures, but barton persevered. to his credit, beebe always told anyone who askedthat barton was the real brains behind the enterprise, but barton seemed unable to step fromthe shadows. he, too, wrote thrilling accounts of their underwater adventures and even starredin a hollywood movie called titans of the deep, featuring a bathysphere and many excitingand largely fictionalized encounters with aggressive giant squid and the like. he evenadvertised camel cigarettes (“they don’t give me jittery nerves”). in 1948 he increased thedepth record by 50 percent, with a dive to 4,500 feet in the pacific ocean near california, butthe world seemed determined to overlook him. one newspaper reviewer of titans of the deepactually thought the star of the film was beebe. nowadays, barton is lucky to get a mention.

    at all events, he was about to be comprehensively eclipsed by a father-and-son team fromswitzerland, auguste and jacques piccard, who were designing a new type of probe called abathyscaphe (meaning “deep boat”). christened trieste, after the italian city in which it wasbuilt, the new device maneuvered independently, though it did little more than just go up anddown. on one of its first dives, in early 1954, it descended to below 13,287 feet, nearly threetimes barton’s record-breaking dive of six years earlier. but deep-sea dives required a greatdeal of costly support, and the piccards were gradually going broke.

    in 1958, they did a deal with the u.s. navy, which gave the navy ownership but left themin control. now flush with funds, the piccards rebuilt the vessel, giving it walls five inchesthick and shrinking the windows to just two inches in diameter—little more than peepholes.

    but it was now strong enough to withstand truly enormous pressures, and in january 1960jacques piccard and lieutenant don walsh of the u.s. navy sank slowly to the bottom of theocean’s deepest canyon, the mariana trench, some 250 miles off guam in the western pacific(and discovered, not incidentally, by harry hess with his fathometer). it took just under fourhours to fall 35,820 feet, or almost seven miles. although the pressure at that depth wasnearly 17,000 pounds per square inch, they noticed with surprise that they disturbed a bottom-dwelling flatfish just as they touched down. they had no facilities for taking photographs, sothere is no visual record of the event.

    after just twenty minutes at the world’s deepest point, they returned to the surface. it wasthe only occasion on which human beings have gone so deep.

    forty years later, the question that naturally occurs is: why has no one gone back since? tobegin with, further dives were vigorously opposed by vice admiral hyman g. rickover, aman who had a lively temperament, forceful views, and, most pertinently, control of thedepartmental checkbook. he thought underwater exploration a waste of resources and pointedout that the navy was not a research institute. the nation, moreover, was about to becomefully preoccupied with space travel and the quest to send a man to the moon, which madedeep sea investigations seem unimportant and rather old-fashioned. but the decisiveconsideration was that the trieste descent didn’t actually achieve much. as a navy officialexplained years later: “we didn’t learn a hell of a lot from it, other than that we could do it.

    why do it again?” it was, in short, a long way to go to find a flatfish, and expensive too.

    repeating the exercise today, it has been estimated, would cost at least $100 million.

    when underwater researchers realized that the navy had no intention of pursuing apromised exploration program, there was a pained outcry. partly to placate its critics, thenavy provided funding for a more advanced submersible, to be operated by the woods holeoceanographic institution of massachusetts. called alvin, in somewhat contracted honor ofthe oceanographer allyn c. vine, it would be a fully maneuverable minisubmarine, though itwouldn’t go anywhere near as deep as the trieste. there was just one problem: the designerscouldn’t find anyone willing to build it. according to william j. broad in the universebelow: “no big company like general dynamics, which made submarines for the navy,wanted to take on a project disparaged by both the bureau of ships and admiral rickover, thegods of naval patronage.” eventually, not to say improbably, alvin was constructed bygeneral mills, the food company, at a factory where it made the machines to producebreakfast cereals.

    as for what else was down there, people really had very little idea. well into the 1950s, thebest maps available to oceanographers were overwhelmingly based on a little detail fromscattered surveys going back to 1929 grafted onto, essentially an ocean of guesswork. the
    navy had excellent charts with which to guide submarines through canyons and aroundguyots, but it didn’t wish such information to fall into soviet hands, so it kept its knowledgeclassified. academics therefore had to make do with sketchy and antiquated surveys or relyon hopeful surmise. even today our knowledge of the ocean floors remains remarkably lowresolution. if you look at the moon with a standard backyard telescope you will seesubstantial craters—fracastorious, blancanus, zach, planck, and many others familiar to anylunar scientist—that would be unknown if they were on our own ocean floors. we have bettermaps of mars than we do of our own seabeds.

    at the surface level, investigative techniques have also been a trifle ad hoc. in 1994, thirty-four thousand ice hockey gloves were swept overboard from a korean cargo ship during astorm in the pacific. the gloves washed up all over, from vancouver to vietnam, helpingoceanographers to trace currents more accurately than they ever had before.

    today alvin is nearly forty years old, but it still remains america’s premier research vessel.

    there are still no submersibles that can go anywhere near the depth of the mariana trenchand only five, including alvin, that can reach the depths of the “abyssal plain”—the deepocean floor—that covers more than half the planet’s surface. a typical submersible costsabout $25,000 a day to operate, so they are hardly dropped into the water on a whim, still lessput to sea in the hope that they will randomly stumble on something of interest. it’s rather asif our firsthand experience of the surface world were based on the work of five guys exploringon garden tractors after dark. according to robert kunzig, humans may have scrutinized“perhaps a millionth or a billionth of the sea’s darkness. maybe less. maybe much less.”

    but oceanographers are nothing if not industrious, and they have made several importantdiscoveries with their limited resources—including, in 1977, one of the most important andstartling biological discoveries of the twentieth century. in that year alvin found teemingcolonies of large organisms living on and around deep-sea vents off the galápagos islands—tube worms over ten feet long, clams a foot wide, shrimps and mussels in profusion,wriggling spaghetti worms. they all owed their existence to vast colonies of bacteria thatwere deriving their energy and sustenance from hydrogen sulfides—compounds profoundlytoxic to surface creatures—that were pouring steadily from the vents. it was a worldindependent of sunlight, oxygen, or anything else normally associated with life. this was aliving system based not on photosynthesis but on chemosynthesis, an arrangement thatbiologists would have dismissed as preposterous had anyone been imaginative enough tosuggest it.

    huge amounts of heat and energy flow from these vents. two dozen of them together willproduce as much energy as a large power station, and the range of temperatures around themis enormous. the temperature at the point of outflow can be as much as 760 degreesfahrenheit, while a few feet away the water may be only two or three degrees above freezing.

    a type of worm called an alvinellid was found living right on the margins, with the watertemperature 140 degrees warmer at its head than at its tail. before this it had been thought thatno complex organisms could survive in water warmer than about 130 degrees, and here wasone that was surviving warmer temperatures than that and extreme cold to boot. thediscovery transformed our understanding of the requirements for life.

    it also answered one of the great puzzles of oceanography—something that many of usdidn’t realize was a puzzle—namely, why the oceans don’t grow saltier with time. at the riskof stating the obvious, there is a lot of salt in the sea—enough to bury every bit of land on theplanet to a depth of about five hundred feet. millions of gallons of fresh water evaporate from
    the ocean daily, leaving all their salts behind, so logically the seas ought to grow more saltywith the passing years, but they don’t. something takes an amount of salt out of the waterequivalent to the amount being put in. for the longest time, no one could figure out whatcould be responsible for this.

    alvin’s discovery of the deep-sea vents provided the answer. geophysicists realized that thevents were acting much like the filters in a fish tank. as water is taken down into the crust,salts are stripped from it, and eventually clean water is blown out again through the chimneystacks. the process is not swift—it can take up to ten million years to clean an ocean—but itis marvelously efficient as long as you are not in a hurry.

    perhaps nothing speaks more clearly of our psychological remoteness from the oceandepths than that the main expressed goal for oceanographers during international geophysicalyear of 1957–58 was to study “the use of ocean depths for the dumping of radioactivewastes.” this wasn’t a secret assignment, you understand, but a proud public boast. in fact,though it wasn’t much publicized, by 1957–58 the dumping of radioactive wastes had alreadybeen going on, with a certain appalling vigor, for over a decade. since 1946, the united stateshad been ferrying fifty-five-gallon drums of radioactive gunk out to the farallon islands,some thirty miles off the california coast near san francisco, where it simply threw themoverboard.

    it was all quite extraordinarily sloppy. most of the drums were exactly the sort you seerusting behind gas stations or standing outside factories, with no protective linings of anytype. when they failed to sink, which was usually, navy gunners riddled them with bullets tolet water in (and, of course, plutonium, uranium, and strontium out). before it was halted inthe 1990s, the united states had dumped many hundreds of thousands of drums into aboutfifty ocean sites—almost fifty thousand of them in the farallons alone. but the u.s. was by nomeans alone. among the other enthusiastic dumpers were russia, china, japan, new zealand,and nearly all the nations of europe.

    and what effect might all this have had on life beneath the seas? well, little, we hope, butwe actually have no idea. we are astoundingly, sumptuously, radiantly ignorant of lifebeneath the seas. even the most substantial ocean creatures are often remarkably little knownto us—including the most mighty of them all, the great blue whale, a creature of suchleviathan proportions that (to quote david attenborough) its “tongue weighs as much as anelephant, its heart is the size of a car and some of its blood vessels are so wide that you couldswim down them.” it is the most gargantuan beast that earth has yet produced, bigger eventhan the most cumbrous dinosaurs. yet the lives of blue whales are largely a mystery to us.

    much of the time we have no idea where they are—where they go to breed, for instance, orwhat routes they follow to get there. what little we know of them comes almost entirely fromeavesdropping on their songs, but even these are a mystery. blue whales will sometimes breakoff a song, then pick it up again at the same spot six months later. sometimes they strike upwith a new song, which no member can have heard before but which each already knows.

    how they do this is not remotely understood. and these are animals that must routinely cometo the surface to breathe.

    for animals that need never surface, obscurity can be even more tantalizing. consider thefabled giant squid. though nothing on the scale of the blue whale, it is a decidedly substantialanimal, with eyes the size of soccer balls and trailing tentacles that can reach lengths of sixty
    feet. it weighs nearly a ton and is earth’s largest invertebrate. if you dumped one in a normalhousehold swimming pool, there wouldn’t be much room for anything else. yet no scientist—no person as far as we know—has ever seen a giant squid alive. zoologists have devotedcareers to trying to capture, or just glimpse, living giant squid and have always failed. theyare known mostly from being washed up on beaches—particularly, for unknown reasons, thebeaches of the south island of new zealand. they must exist in large numbers because theyform a central part of the sperm whale’s diet, and sperm whales take a lot of feeding.

    1according to one estimate, there could be as many as thirty million species of animalsliving in the sea, most still undiscovered. the first hint of how abundant life is in the deepseas didn’t come until as recently as the 1960s with the invention of the epibenthic sled, adredging device that captures organisms not just on and near the seafloor but also buried inthe sediments beneath. in a single one-hour trawl along the continental shelf, at a depth of justunder a mile, woods hole oceanographers howard sandler and robert hessler netted over25,000 creatures—worms, starfish, sea cucumbers, and the like—representing 365 species.

    even at a depth of three miles, they found some 3,700 creatures representing almost 200species of organism. but the dredge could only capture things that were too slow or stupid toget out of the way. in the late 1960s a marine biologist named john isaacs got the idea tolower a camera with bait attached to it, and found still more, in particular dense swarms ofwrithing hagfish, a primitive eel-like creature, as well as darting shoals of grenadier fish.

    where a good food source is suddenly available—for instance, when a whale dies and sinks tothe bottom—as many as 390 species of marine creature have been found dining off it.

    interestingly, many of these creatures were found to have come from vents up to a thousandmiles distant. these included such types as mussels and clams, which are hardly known asgreat travelers. it is now thought that the larvae of certain organisms may drift through thewater until, by some unknown chemical means, they detect that they have arrived at a foodopportunity and fall onto it.

    so why, if the seas are so vast, do we so easily overtax them? well, to begin with, theworld’s seas are not uniformly bounteous. altogether less than a tenth of the ocean isconsidered naturally productive. most aquatic species like to be in shallow waters where thereis warmth and light and an abundance of organic matter to prime the food chain. coral reefs,for instance, constitute well under 1 percent of the ocean’s space but are home to about 25percent of its fish.

    elsewhere, the oceans aren’t nearly so rich. take australia. with over 20,000 miles ofcoastline and almost nine million square miles of territorial waters, it has more sea lapping itsshores than any other country, yet, as tim flannery notes, it doesn’t even make it into the topfifty among fishing nations. indeed, australia is a large net importer of seafood. this isbecause much of australia’s waters are, like much of australia itself, essentially desert. (anotable exception is the great barrier reef off queensland, which is sumptuously fecund.)because the soil is poor, it produces little in the way of nutrient-rich runoff.

    even where life thrives, it is often extremely sensitive to disturbance. in the 1970s, fishermenfrom australia and, to a lesser extent, new zealand discovered shoals of a little-known fishliving at a depth of about half a mile on their continental shelves. they were known as orange1the indigestible parts of giant squid, in particular their beaks, accumulate in sperm whales stomachs into thesubstance known as ambergris, which is used as a fixative in perfumes. the next time you spray on chanel no. 5(assuming you do), you may wish to reflect that you are dousing yourself in distillate of unseen sea monster.

    roughy, they were delicious, and they existed in huge numbers. in no time at all, fishing fleetswere hauling in forty thousand metric tons of roughy a year. then marine biologists madesome alarming discoveries. roughy are extremely long lived and slow maturing. some maybe 150 years old; any roughy you have eaten may well have been born when victoria wasqueen. roughy have adopted this exceedingly unhurried lifestyle because the waters they livein are so resource-poor. in such waters, some fish spawn just once in a lifetime. clearly theseare populations that cannot stand a great deal of disturbance. unfortunately, by the time thiswas realized the stocks had been severely depleted. even with careful management it will bedecades before the populations recover, if they ever do.

    elsewhere, however, the misuse of the oceans has been more wanton than inadvertent.

    many fishermen “fin” sharks—that is, slice their fins off, then dump them back into the waterto die. in 1998, shark fins sold in the far east for over $250 a pound. a bowl of shark finsoup retailed in tokyo for $100. the world wildlife fund estimated in 1994 that the numberof sharks killed each year was between 40 million and 70 million.

    as of 1995, some 37,000 industrial-sized fishing ships, plus about a million smaller boats,were between them taking twice as many fish from the sea as they had just twenty-five yearsearlier. trawlers are sometimes now as big as cruise ships and haul behind them nets bigenough to hold a dozen jumbo jets. some even use spotter planes to locate shoals of fish fromthe air.

    it is estimated that about a quarter of every fishing net hauled up contains “by-catch”—fishthat can’t be landed because they are too small or of the wrong type or caught in the wrongseason. as one observer told the economist: “we’re still in the dark ages. we just drop a netdown and see what comes up.” perhaps as much as twenty-two million metric tons of suchunwanted fish are dumped back in the sea each year, mostly in the form of corpses. for everypound of shrimp harvested, about four pounds of fish and other marine creatures aredestroyed.

    large areas of the north sea floor are dragged clean by beam trawlers as many as seventimes a year, a degree of disturbance that no ecosystem can withstand. at least two-thirds ofspecies in the north sea, by many estimates, are being overfished. across the atlantic thingsare no better. halibut once abounded in such numbers off new england that individual boatscould land twenty thousand pounds of it in a day. now halibut is all but extinct off thenortheast coast of north america.

    nothing, however, compares with the fate of cod. in the late fifteenth century, the explorerjohn cabot found cod in incredible numbers on the eastern banks of north america—shallowareas of water popular with bottom-feeding fish like cod. some of these banks were vast.

    georges banks off massachusetts is bigger than the state it abuts. the grand banks offnewfoundland is bigger still and for centuries was always dense with cod. they were thoughtto be inexhaustible. of course they were anything but.

    by 1960, the number of spawning cod in the north atlantic had fallen to an estimated 1.6million metric tons. by 1990 this had sunk to 22,000 metric tons. in commercial terms, thecod were extinct. “fishermen,” wrote mark kurlansky in his fascinating history, cod, “hadcaught them all.” the cod may have lost the western atlantic forever. in 1992, cod fishingwas stopped altogether on the grand banks, but as of last autumn, according to a report innature, stocks had not staged a comeback. kurlansky notes that the fish of fish fillets and fish
    sticks was originally cod, but then was replaced by haddock, then by redfish, and lately bypacific pollock. these days, he notes drily, “fish” is “whatever is left.”

    much the same can be said of many other seafoods. in the new england fisheries offrhode island, it was once routine to haul in lobsters weighing twenty pounds. sometimes theyreached thirty pounds. left unmolested, lobsters can live for decades—as much as seventyyears, it is thought—and they never stop growing. nowadays few lobsters weigh more thantwo pounds on capture. “biologists,” according to the new york times, “estimate that 90percent of lobsters are caught within a year after they reach the legal minimum size at aboutage six.” despite declining catches, new england fishermen continue to receive state andfederal tax incentives that encourage them—in some cases all but compel them—to acquirebigger boats and to harvest the seas more intensively. today fishermen of massachusetts arereduced to fishing the hideous hagfish, for which there is a slight market in the far east, buteven their numbers are now falling.

    we are remarkably ignorant of the dynamics that rule life in the sea. while marine life ispoorer than it ought to be in areas that have been overfished, in some naturally impoverishedwaters there is far more life than there ought to be. the southern oceans around antarcticaproduce only about 3 percent of the world’s phytoplankton—far too little, it would seem, tosupport a complex ecosystem, and yet it does. crab-eater seals are not a species of animal thatmost of us have heard of, but they may actually be the second most numerous large species ofanimal on earth, after humans. as many as fifteen million of them may live on the pack icearound antarctica. there are also perhaps two million weddel seals, at least half a millionemperor penguins, and maybe as many as four million adélie penguins. the food chain isthus hopelessly top heavy, but somehow it works. remarkably no one knows how.

    all this is a very roundabout way of making the point that we know very little about earth’sbiggest system. but then, as we shall see in the pages remaining to us, once you start talkingabout life, there is a great deal we don’t know, not least how it got going in the first place.

    19    THE RISE OF LIFE

    in 1953, stanley miller, a graduate student at the university of chicago, took twoflasks—one containing a little water to represent a primeval ocean, the other holding amixture of methane, ammonia, and hydrogen sulphide gases to represent earth’s earlyatmosphere—connected them with rubber tubes, and introduced some electrical sparks as astand-in for lightning. after a few days, the water in the flasks had turned green and yellow ina hearty broth of amino acids, fatty acids, sugars, and other organic compounds. “if goddidn’t do it this way,” observed miller’s delighted supervisor, the nobel laureate haroldurey, “he missed a good bet.”

    press reports of the time made it sound as if about all that was needed now was forsomebody to give the whole a good shake and life would crawl out. as time has shown, itwasn’t nearly so simple. despite half a century of further study, we are no nearer tosynthesizing life today than we were in 1953 and much further away from thinking we can.

    scientists are now pretty certain that the early atmosphere was nothing like as primed fordevelopment as miller and urey’s gaseous stew, but rather was a much less reactive blend ofnitrogen and carbon dioxide. repeating miller’s experiments with these more challenginginputs has so far produced only one fairly primitive amino acid. at all events, creating aminoacids is not really the problem. the problem is proteins.

    proteins are what you get when you string amino acids together, and we need a lot of them.

    no one really knows, but there may be as many as a million types of protein in the humanbody, and each one is a little miracle. by all the laws of probability proteins shouldn’t exist.

    to make a protein you need to assemble amino acids (which i am obliged by long tradition torefer to here as “the building blocks of life”) in a particular order, in much the same way thatyou assemble letters in a particular order to spell a word. the problem is that words in theamino acid alphabet are often exceedingly long. to spell collagen, the name of a commontype of protein, you need to arrange eight letters in the right order. but to make collagen, youneed to arrange 1,055 amino acids in precisely the right sequence. but—and here’s anobvious but crucial point—you don’t make it. it makes itself, spontaneously, withoutdirection, and this is where the unlikelihoods come in.

    the chances of a 1,055-sequence molecule like collagen spontaneously self-assembling are,frankly, nil. it just isn’t going to happen. to grasp what a long shot its existence is, visualize astandard las vegas slot machine but broadened greatly—to about ninety feet, to be precise—to accommodate 1,055 spinning wheels instead of the usual three or four, and with twentysymbols on each wheel (one for each common amino acid).

    1how long would you have topull the handle before all 1,055 symbols came up in the right order? effectively forever. evenif you reduced the number of spinning wheels to two hundred, which is actually a moretypical number of amino acids for a protein, the odds against all two hundred coming up in a1there are actually twenty-two naturally occurring amino acids known on earth, and more may await discovery,but only twenty of them are necessary to produce us and most other living things. the twenty-second, calledpyrrolysine, was discovered in 2002 by researchers at ohio state university and is found only in a single type ofarchaean (a basic form of life that we will discuss a little further on in the story) called methanosarcina barkeri.

    prescribed sequence are 1 in 10260(that is a 1 followed by 260 zeroes). that in itself is a largernumber than all the atoms in the universe.

    proteins, in short, are complex entities. hemoglobin is only 146 amino acids long, a runt byprotein standards, yet even it offers 10190possible amino acid combinations, which is why ittook the cambridge university chemist max perutz twenty-three years—a career, more orless—to unravel it. for random events to produce even a single protein would seem astunning improbability—like a whirlwind spinning through a junkyard and leaving behind afully assembled jumbo jet, in the colorful simile of the astronomer fred hoyle.

    yet we are talking about several hundred thousand types of protein, perhaps a million, eachunique and each, as far as we know, vital to the maintenance of a sound and happy you. andit goes on from there. a protein to be of use must not only assemble amino acids in the rightsequence, but then must engage in a kind of chemical origami and fold itself into a veryspecific shape. even having achieved this structural complexity, a protein is no good to you ifit can’t reproduce itself, and proteins can’t. for this you need dna. dna is a whiz atreplicating—it can make a copy of itself in seconds—but can do virtually nothing else. so wehave a paradoxical situation. proteins can’t exist without dna, and dna has no purposewithout proteins. are we to assume then that they arose simultaneously with the purpose ofsupporting each other? if so: wow.

    and there is more still. dna, proteins, and the other components of life couldn’t prosperwithout some sort of membrane to contain them. no atom or molecule has ever achieved lifeindependently. pluck any atom from your body, and it is no more alive than is a grain of sand.

    it is only when they come together within the nurturing refuge of a cell that these diversematerials can take part in the amazing dance that we call life. without the cell, they arenothing more than interesting chemicals. but without the chemicals, the cell has no purpose.

    as the physicist paul davies puts it, “if everything needs everything else, how did thecommunity of molecules ever arise in the first place?” it is rather as if all the ingredients inyour kitchen somehow got together and baked themselves into a cake—but a cake that couldmoreover divide when necessary to produce more cakes. it is little wonder that we call it themiracle of life. it is also little wonder that we have barely begun to understand it.

    so what accounts for all this wondrous complexity? well, one possibility is that perhaps itisn’t quite—not quite—so wondrous as at first it seems. take those amazingly improbableproteins. the wonder we see in their assembly comes in assuming that they arrived on thescene fully formed. but what if the protein chains didn’t assemble all at once? what if, in thegreat slot machine of creation, some of the wheels could be held, as a gambler might hold anumber of promising cherries? what if, in other words, proteins didn’t suddenly burst intobeing, but evolved .

    imagine if you took all the components that make up a human being—carbon, hydrogen,oxygen, and so on—and put them in a container with some water, gave it a vigorous stir, andout stepped a completed person. that would be amazing. well, that’s essentially what hoyleand others (including many ardent creationists) argue when they suggest that proteinsspontaneously formed all at once. they didn’t—they can’t have. as richard dawkins arguesin the blind watchmaker, there must have been some kind of cumulative selection processthat allowed amino acids to assemble in chunks. perhaps two or three amino acids linked up
    for some simple purpose and then after a time bumped into some other similar small clusterand in so doing “discovered” some additional improvement.

    chemical  reactions  of  the  sort  associated with life are actually something of acommonplace. it may be beyond us to cook them up in a lab, à la stanley miller and haroldurey, but the universe does it readily enough. lots of molecules in nature get together to formlong chains called polymers. sugars constantly assemble to form starches. crystals can do anumber of lifelike things—replicate, respond to environmental stimuli, take on a patternedcomplexity. they’ve never achieved life itself, of course, but they demonstrate repeatedly thatcomplexity is a natural, spontaneous, entirely commonplace event. there may or may not be agreat deal of life in the universe at large, but there is no shortage of ordered self-assembly, ineverything from the transfixing symmetry of snowflakes to the comely rings of saturn.

    so powerful is this natural impulse to assemble that many scientists now believe that lifemay be more inevitable than we think—that it is, in the words of the belgian biochemist andnobel laureate christian de duve, “an obligatory manifestation of matter, bound to arisewherever conditions are appropriate.” de duve thought it likely that such conditions would beencountered perhaps a million times in every galaxy.

    certainly there is nothing terribly exotic in the chemicals that animate us. if you wished tocreate another living object, whether a goldfish or a head of lettuce or a human being, youwould need really only four principal elements, carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, and nitrogen, plussmall amounts of a few others, principally sulfur, phosphorus, calcium, and iron. put thesetogether in three dozen or so combinations to form some sugars, acids, and other basiccompounds and you can build anything that lives. as dawkins notes: “there is nothingspecial about the substances from which living things are made. living things are collectionsof molecules, like everything else.”

    the bottom line is that life is amazing and gratifying, perhaps even miraculous, but hardlyimpossible—as we repeatedly attest with our own modest existences. to be sure, many of thedetails of life’s beginnings remain pretty imponderable. every scenario you have ever readconcerning the conditions necessary for life involves water—from the “warm little pond”

    where darwin supposed life began to the bubbling sea vents that are now the most popularcandidates for life’s beginnings—but all this overlooks the fact that to turn monomers intopolymers (which is to say, to begin to create proteins) involves what is known to biology as“dehydration linkages.” as one leading biology text puts it, with perhaps just a tiny hint ofdiscomfort, “researchers agree that such reactions would not have been energeticallyfavorable in the primitive sea, or indeed in any aqueous medium, because of the mass actionlaw.” it is a little like putting sugar in a glass of water and having it become a cube. itshouldn’t happen, but somehow in nature it does. the actual chemistry of all this is a littlearcane for our purposes here, but it is enough to know that if you make monomers wet theydon’t turn into polymers—except when creating life on earth. how and why it happens thenand not otherwise is one of biology’s great unanswered questions.

    one of the biggest surprises in the earth sciences in recent decades was the discovery ofjust how early in earth’s history life arose. well into the 1950s, it was thought that life wasless than 600 million years old. by the 1970s, a few adventurous souls felt that maybe it wentback 2.5 billion years. but the present date of 3.85 billion years is stunningly early. earth’ssurface didn’t become solid until about 3.9 billion years ago.

    “we can only infer from this rapidity that it is not ‘difficult’ for life of bacterial grade toevolve on planets with appropriate conditions,” stephen jay gould observed in the new yorktimes in 1996. or as he put it elsewhere, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that “life, arising assoon as it could, was chemically destined to be.”

    life emerged so swiftly, in fact, that some authorities think it must have had help—perhapsa good deal of help. the idea that earthly life might have arrived from space has a surprisinglylong and even occasionally distinguished history. the great lord kelvin himself raised thepossibility as long ago as 1871 at a meeting of the british association for the advancement ofscience when he suggested that “the germs of life might have been brought to the earth bysome meteorite.” but it remained little more than a fringe notion until one sunday inseptember 1969 when tens of thousands of australians were startled by a series of sonicbooms and the sight of a fireball streaking from east to west across the sky. the fireball madea strange crackling sound as it passed and left behind a smell that some likened to methylatedspirits and others described as just awful.

    the fireball exploded above murchison, a town of six hundred people in the goulburnvalley north of melbourne, and came raining down in chunks, some weighing up to twelvepounds. fortunately, no one was hurt. the meteorite was of a rare type known as acarbonaceous chondrite, and the townspeople helpfully collected and brought in some twohundred pounds of it. the timing could hardly have been better. less than two months earlier,the apollo 11 astronauts had returned to earth with a bag full of lunar rocks, so labsthroughout the world were geared up—indeed clamoring—for rocks of extraterrestrial origin.

    the murchison meteorite was found to be 4.5 billion years old, and it was studded withamino acids—seventy-four types in all, eight of which are involved in the formation of earthlyproteins. in late 2001, more than thirty years after it crashed, a team at the ames researchcenter in california announced that the murchison rock also contained complex strings ofsugars called polyols, which had not been found off the earth before.

    a few other carbonaceous chondrites have strayed into earth’s path since—one that landednear tagish lake in canada’s yukon in january 2000 was seen over large parts of northamerica—and they have likewise confirmed that the universe is actually rich in organiccompounds. halley’s comet, it is now thought, is about 25 percent organic molecules. getenough of those crashing into a suitable place—earth, for instance—and you have the basicelements you need for life.

    there are two problems with notions of panspermia, as extraterrestrial theories are known.

    the first is that it doesn’t answer any questions about how life arose, but merely movesresponsibility for it elsewhere. the other is that panspermia sometimes excites even the mostrespectable adherents to levels of speculation that can be safely called imprudent. franciscrick, codiscoverer of the structure of dna, and his colleague leslie orgel have suggestedthat earth was “deliberately seeded with life by intelligent aliens,” an idea that gribbin calls“at the very fringe of scientific respectability”—or, put another way, a notion that would beconsidered wildly lunatic if not voiced by a nobel laureate. fred hoyle and his colleaguechandra wickramasinghe further eroded enthusiasm for panspermia by suggesting that outerspace brought us not only life but also many diseases such as flu and bubonic plague, ideasthat were easily disproved by biochemists. hoyle—and it seems necessary to insert areminder here that he was one of the great scientific minds of the twentieth century—alsoonce suggested, as mentioned earlier, that our noses evolved with the nostrils underneath as away of keeping cosmic pathogens from falling into them as they drifted down from space.

    whatever prompted life to begin, it happened just once. that is the most extraordinary factin biology, perhaps the most extraordinary fact we know. everything that has ever lived, plantor animal, dates its beginnings from the same primordial twitch. at some point in anunimaginably distant past some little bag of chemicals fidgeted to life. it absorbed somenutrients, gently pulsed, had a brief existence. this much may have happened before, perhapsmany times. but this ancestral packet did something additional and extraordinary: it cleaveditself and produced an heir. a tiny bundle of genetic material passed from one living entity toanother, and has never stopped moving since. it was the moment of creation for us all.

    biologists sometimes call it the big birth.

    “wherever you go in the world, whatever animal, plant, bug, or blob you look at, if it isalive, it will use the same dictionary and know the same code. all life is one,” says mattridley. we are all the result of a single genetic trick handed down from generation togeneration nearly four billion years, to such an extent that you can take a fragment of humangenetic instruction, patch it into a faulty yeast cell, and the yeast cell will put it to work as if itwere its own. in a very real sense, it is its own.

    the dawn of life—or something very like it—sits on a shelf in the office of a friendlyisotope geochemist named victoria bennett in the earth sciences building of the australiannational university in canberra. an american, ms. bennett came to the anu fromcalifornia on a two-year contract in 1989 and has been there ever since. when i visited her, inlate 2001, she handed me a modestly hefty hunk of rock composed of thin alternating stripesof white quartz and a gray-green material called clinopyroxene. the rock came from akiliaisland in greenland, where unusually ancient rocks were found in 1997. the rocks are 3.85billion years old and represent the oldest marine sediments ever found.

    “we can’t be certain that what you are holding once contained living organisms becauseyou’d have to pulverize it to find out,” bennett told me. “but it comes from the same depositwhere the oldest life was excavated, so it probably had life in it.” nor would you find actualfossilized microbes, however carefully you searched. any simple organisms, alas, would havebeen baked away by the processes that turned ocean mud to stone. instead what we would seeif we crunched up the rock and examined it microscopically would be the chemical residuesthat the organisms left behind—carbon isotopes and a type of phosphate called apatite, whichtogether provide strong evidence that the rock once contained colonies of living things. “wecan only guess what the organism might have looked like,” bennett said. “it was probablyabout as basic as life can get—but it was life nonetheless. it lived. it propagated.”

    and eventually it led to us.

    if you are into very old rocks, and bennett indubitably is, the anu has long been a primeplace to be. this is largely thanks to the ingenuity of a man named bill compston, who isnow retired but in the 1970s built the world’s first sensitive high resolution ion microprobe—or shrimp, as it is more affectionately known from its initial letters. this is amachine that measures the decay rate of uranium in tiny minerals called zircons. zirconsappear in most rocks apart from basalts and are extremely durable, surviving every naturalprocess but subduction. most of the earth’s crust has been slipped back into the oven at somepoint, but just occasionally—in western australia and greenland, for example—geologistshave found outcrops of rocks that have remained always at the surface. compston’s machineallowed such rocks to be dated with unparalleled precision. the prototype shrimp was built
    and machined in the earth science department’s own workshops, and looked like somethingthat had been built from spare parts on a budget, but it worked great. on its first formal test, in1982, it dated the oldest thing ever found—a 4.3-billion-year-old  rock from westernaustralia.

    “it caused quite a stir at the time,” bennett told me, “to find something so important soquickly with brand-new technology.”

    she took me down the hall to see the current model, shrimp ii. it was a big heavy pieceof stainless-steel apparatus, perhaps twelve feet long and five feet high, and as solidly built asa deep-sea probe. at a console in front of it, keeping an eye on ever-changing strings offigures on a screen, was a man named bob from canterbury university in new zealand. hehad been there since 4 a.m., he told me. shrimp ii runs twenty-four hours a day; there’s thatmany rocks to date. it was just after 9a.m. and bob had the machine till noon. ask a pair ofgeochemists how something like this works, and they will start talking about isotopicabundances and ionization levels with an enthusiasm that is more endearing than fathomable.

    the upshot of it, however, was that the machine, by bombarding a sample of rock withstreams of charged atoms, is able to detect subtle differences in the amounts of lead anduranium in the zircon samples, by which means the age of rocks can be accurately adduced.

    bob told me that it takes about seventeen minutes to read one zircon and it is necessary toread dozens from each rock to make the data reliable. in practice, the process seemed toinvolve about the same level of scattered activity, and about as much stimulation, as a trip to alaundromat. bob seemed very happy, however; but then people from new zealand verygenerally do.

    the earth sciences compound was an odd combination of things—part offices, part labs,part machine shed. “we used to build everything here,” bennett said. “we even had our ownglassblower, but he’s retired. but we still have two full-time rock crushers.” she caught mylook of mild surprise. “we get through a lot of rocks. and they have to be very carefullyprepared. you have to make sure there is no contamination from previous samples—no dustor anything. it’s quite a meticulous process.” she showed me the rock-crushing machines,which were indeed pristine, though the rock crushers had apparently gone for coffee. besidethe machines were large boxes containing rocks of all shapes and sizes. they do indeed getthrough a lot of rocks at the anu.

    back in bennett’s office after our tour, i noticed hanging on her wall a poster giving anartist’s colorfully imaginative interpretation of earth as it might have looked 3.5 billion yearsago, just when life was getting going, in the ancient period known to earth science as thearchaean. the poster showed an alien landscape of huge, very active volcanoes, and asteamy, copper-colored sea beneath a harsh red sky. stromatolites, a kind of bacterial rock,filled the shallows in the foreground. it didn’t look like a very promising place to create andnurture life. i asked her if the painting was accurate.

    “well, one school of thought says it was actually cool then because the sun was muchweaker.” (i later learned that biologists, when they are feeling jocose, refer to this as the“chinese restaurant problem”—because we had a dim sun.) “without an atmosphereultraviolet rays from the sun, even from a weak sun, would have tended to break apart anyincipient bonds made by molecules. and yet right there”—she tapped the stromatolites—“youhave organisms almost at the surface. it’s a puzzle.”

    “so we don’t know what the world was like back then?”

    “mmmm,” she agreed thoughtfully.

    “either way it doesn’t seem very conducive to life.”

    she nodded amiably. “but there must have been something that suited life. otherwise wewouldn’t be here.”

    it certainly wouldn’t have suited us. if you were to step from a time machine into thatancient archaean world, you would very swiftly scamper back inside, for there was no moreoxygen to breathe on earth back then than there is on mars today. it was also full of noxiousvapors from hydrochloric and sulfuric acids powerful enough to eat through clothing andblister skin. nor would it have provided the clean and glowing vistas depicted in the poster invictoria bennett’s office. the chemical stew that was the atmosphere then would haveallowed little sunlight to reach the earth’s surface. what little you could see would beillumined only briefly by bright and frequent lightning flashes. in short, it was earth, but anearth we wouldn’t recognize as our own.

    anniversaries were few and far between in the archaean world. for two billion yearsbacterial organisms were the only forms of life. they lived, they reproduced, they swarmed,but they didn’t show any particular inclination to move on to another, more challenging levelof existence. at some point in the first billion years of life, cyanobacteria, or blue-green algae,learned to tap into a freely available resource—the hydrogen that exists in spectacularabundance in water. they absorbed water molecules, supped on the hydrogen, and releasedthe oxygen as waste, and in so doing invented photosynthesis. as margulis and sagan note,photosynthesis is “undoubtedly the most important single metabolic innovation in the historyof life on the planet”—and it was invented not by plants but by bacteria.

    as cyanobacteria proliferated the world began to fill with o2to the consternation of thoseorganisms that found it poisonous—which in those days was all of them. in an anaerobic (or anon-oxygen-using) world, oxygen is extremely poisonous. our white cells actually useoxygen to kill invading bacteria. that oxygen is fundamentally toxic often comes as a surpriseto those of us who find it so convivial to our well-being, but that is only because we haveevolved to exploit it. to other things it is a terror. it is what turns butter rancid and makes ironrust. even we can tolerate it only up to a point. the oxygen level in our cells is only about atenth the level found in the atmosphere.

    the new oxygen-using organisms had two advantages. oxygen was a more efficient way toproduce energy, and it vanquished competitor organisms. some retreated into the oozy,anaerobic world of bogs and lake bottoms. others did likewise but then later (much later)migrated to the digestive tracts of beings like you and me. quite a number of these primevalentities are alive inside your body right now, helping to digest your food, but abhorring eventhe tiniest hint of o2. untold numbers of others failed to adapt and died.

    the cyanobacteria were a runaway success. at first, the extra oxygen they produced didn’taccumulate in the atmosphere, but combined with iron to form ferric oxides, which sank to thebottom of primitive seas. for millions of years, the world literally rusted—a phenomenonvividly recorded in the banded iron deposits that provide so much of the world’s iron oretoday. for many tens of millions of years not a great deal more than this happened. if youwent back to that early proterozoic world you wouldn’t find many signs of promise for
    earth’s future life. perhaps here and there in sheltered pools you’d encounter a film of livingscum or a coating of glossy greens and browns on shoreline rocks, but otherwise life remainedinvisible.

    but about 3.5 billion years ago something more emphatic became apparent. wherever theseas were shallow, visible structures began to appear. as they went through their chemicalroutines, the cyanobacteria became very slightly tacky, and that tackiness trappedmicroparticles of dust and sand, which became bound together to form slightly weird but solidstructures—the stromatolites that were featured in the shallows of the poster on victoriabennett’s office wall. stromatolites came in various shapes and sizes. sometimes they lookedlike enormous cauliflowers, sometimes like fluffy mattresses (stromatolite comes from thegreek for “mattress”), sometimes they came in the form of columns, rising tens of metersabove the surface of the water—sometimes as high as a hundred meters. in all theirmanifestations, they were a kind of living rock, and they represented the world’s firstcooperative venture, with some varieties of primitive organism living just at the surface andothers living just underneath, each taking advantage of conditions created by the other. theworld had its first ecosystem.

    for many years, scientists knew about stromatolites from fossil formations, but in 1961they got a real surprise with the discovery of a community of living stromatolites at sharkbay on the remote northwest coast of australia. this was most unexpected—so unexpected,in fact, that it was some years before scientists realized quite what they had found. today,however, shark bay is a tourist attraction—or at least as much of a tourist attraction as a placehundreds of miles from anywhere much and dozens of miles from anywhere at all can ever be.

    boardwalks have been built out into the bay so that visitors can stroll over the water to get agood look at the stromatolites, quietly respiring just beneath the surface. they are lusterlessand gray and look, as i recorded in an earlier book, like very large cow-pats. but it is acuriously giddying moment to find yourself staring at living remnants of earth as it was 3.5billion years ago. as richard fortey has put it: “this is truly time traveling, and if the worldwere attuned to its real wonders this sight would be as well-known as the pyramids of giza.”

    although you’d never guess it, these dull rocks swarm with life, with an estimated (well,obviously estimated) three billion individual organisms on every square yard of rock.

    sometimes when you look carefully you can see tiny strings of bubbles rising to the surface asthey give up their oxygen. in two billion years such tiny exertions raised the level of oxygenin earth’s atmosphere to 20 percent, preparing the way for the next, more complex chapter inlife’s history.

    it has been suggested that the cyanobacteria at shark bay are perhaps the slowest-evolvingorganisms on earth, and certainly now they are among the rarest. having prepared the way formore complex life forms, they were then grazed out of existence nearly everywhere by thevery organisms whose existence they had made possible. (they exist at shark bay becausethe waters are too saline for the creatures that would normally feast on them.)one reason life took so long to grow complex was that the world had to wait until thesimpler organisms had oxygenated the atmosphere sufficiently. “animals could not summonup the energy to work,” as fortey has put it. it took about two billion years, roughly 40percent of earth’s history, for oxygen levels to reach more or less modern levels ofconcentration in the atmosphere. but once the stage was set, and apparently quite suddenly, anentirely new type of cell arose—one with a nucleus and other little bodies collectively calledorganelles (from a greek word meaning “little tools”). the process is thought to have startedwhen some blundering or adventuresome bacterium either invaded or was captured by some
    other bacterium and it turned out that this suited them both. the captive bacterium became, itis thought, a mitochondrion. this mitochondrial invasion (or endosymbiotic event, asbiologists like to term it) made complex life possible. (in plants a similar invasion producedchloroplasts, which enable plants to photosynthesize.)mitochondria manipulate oxygen in a way that liberates energy from foodstuffs. withoutthis niftily facilitating trick, life on earth today would be nothing more than a sludge ofsimple microbes. mitochondria are very tiny—you could pack a billion into the spaceoccupied by a grain of sand—but also very hungry. almost every nutriment you absorb goesto feeding them.

    we couldn’t live for two minutes without them, yet even after a billion years mitochondriabehave as if they think things might not work out between us. they maintain their own dna.

    they reproduce at a different time from their host cell. they look like bacteria, divide likebacteria, and sometimes respond to antibiotics in the way bacteria do. in short, they keep theirbags packed. they don’t even speak the same genetic language as the cell in which they live.

    it is like having a stranger in your house, but one who has been there for a billion years.

    the new type of cell is known as a eukaryote (meaning “truly nucleated”), as contrastedwith the old type, which is known as a prokaryote (“prenucleated”), and it seems to havearrived suddenly in the fossil record. the oldest eukaryotes yet known, called grypania, werediscovered in iron sediments in michigan in 1992. such fossils have been found just once, andthen no more are known for 500 million years.

    compared with the new eukaryotes the old prokaryotes were little more than “bags ofchemicals,” in the words of the geologist stephen drury. eukaryotes were bigger—eventuallyas much as ten thousand times bigger—than their simpler cousins, and carried as much as athousand times more dna. gradually a system evolved in which life was dominated by twotypes of form—organisms that expel oxygen (like plants) and those that take it in (you andme).

    single-celled eukaryotes were once called protozoa (“pre-animals”), but that term isincreasingly disdained. today the common term for them is protists . compared with thebacteria that had gone before, these new protists were wonders of design and sophistication.

    the simple amoeba, just one cell big and without any ambitions but to exist, contains 400million bits of genetic information in its dna—enough, as carl sagan noted, to fill eightybooks of five hundred pages.

    eventually the eukaryotes learned an even more singular trick. it took a long time—abillion years or so—but it was a good one when they mastered it. they learned to formtogether into complex multicellular beings. thanks to this innovation, big, complicated,visible entities like us were possible. planet earth was ready to move on to its next ambitiousphase.

    but before we get too excited about that, it is worth remembering that the world, as we areabout to see, still belongs to the very small.

    20    SMALL WORLD

    it’s probably not a good idea to take too personal an interest in your microbes. louispasteur, the great french chemist and bacteriologist, became so preoccupied with them that hetook to peering critically at every dish placed before him with a magnifying glass, a habit thatpresumably did not win him many repeat invitations to dinner.

    in fact, there is no point in trying to hide from your bacteria, for they are on and around youalways, in numbers you can’t conceive. if you are in good health and averagely diligent abouthygiene, you will have a herd of about one trillion bacteria grazing on your fleshy plains—about a hundred thousand of them on every square centimeter of skin. they are there to dineoff the ten billion or so flakes of skin you shed every day, plus all the tasty oils and fortifyingminerals that seep out from every pore and fissure. you are for them the ultimate food court,with the convenience of warmth and constant mobility thrown in. by way of thanks, they giveyou b.o.

    and those are just the bacteria that inhabit your skin. there are trillions more tucked awayin your gut and nasal passages, clinging to your hair and eyelashes, swimming over thesurface of your eyes, drilling through the enamel of your teeth. your digestive system alone ishost to more than a hundred trillion microbes, of at least four hundred types. some deal withsugars, some with starches, some attack other bacteria. a surprising number, like theubiquitous intestinal spirochetes, have no detectable function at all. they just seem to like tobe with you. every human body consists of about 10 quadrillion cells, but about 100quadrillion bacterial cells. they are, in short, a big part of us. from the bacteria’s point ofview, of course, we are a rather small part of them.

    because we humans are big and clever enough to produce and utilize antibiotics anddisinfectants, it is easy to convince ourselves that we have banished bacteria to the fringes ofexistence. don’t you believe it. bacteria may not build cities or have interesting social lives,but they will be here when the sun explodes. this is their planet, and we are on it onlybecause they allow us to be.

    bacteria, never forget, got along for billions of years without us. we couldn’t survive a daywithout them. they process our wastes and make them usable again; without their diligentmunching nothing would rot. they purify our water and keep our soils productive. bacteriasynthesize vitamins in our gut, convert the things we eat into useful sugars andpolysaccharides, and go to war on alien microbes that slip down our gullet.

    we depend totally on bacteria to pluck nitrogen from the air and convert it into usefulnucleotides and amino acids for us. it is a prodigious and gratifying feat. as margulis andsagan note, to do the same thing industrially (as when making fertilizers) manufacturers mustheat the source materials to 500 degrees centigrade and squeeze them to three hundred timesnormal pressures. bacteria do it all the time without fuss, and thank goodness, for no larger
    organism could survive without the nitrogen they pass on. above all, microbes continue toprovide us with the air we breathe and to keep the atmosphere stable. microbes, including themodern versions of cyanobacteria, supply the greater part of the planet’s breathable oxygen.

    algae and other tiny organisms bubbling away in the sea blow out about 150 billion kilos ofthe stuff every year.

    and they are amazingly prolific. the more frantic among them can yield a new generationin less than ten minutes; clostridium perfringens, the disagreeable little organism that causesgangrene, can reproduce in nine minutes. at such a rate, a single bacterium could theoreticallyproduce more offspring in two days than there are protons in the universe. “given an adequatesupply of nutrients, a single bacterial cell can generate 280,000 billion individuals in a singleday,” according to the belgian biochemist and nobel laureate christian de duve. in the sameperiod, a human cell can just about manage a single division.

    about once every million divisions, they produce a mutant. usually this is bad luck for themutant—change is always risky for an organism—but just occasionally the new bacterium isendowed with some accidental advantage, such as the ability to elude or shrug off an attack ofantibiotics. with this ability to evolve rapidly goes another, even scarier advantage. bacteriashare information. any bacterium can take pieces of genetic coding from any other.

    essentially, as margulis and sagan put it, all bacteria swim in a single gene pool. anyadaptive change that occurs in one area of the bacterial universe can spread to any other. it’srather as if a human could go to an insect to get the necessary genetic coding to sprout wingsor walk on ceilings. it means that from a genetic point of view bacteria have become a singlesuperorganism—tiny, dispersed, but invincible.

    they will live and thrive on almost anything you spill, dribble, or shake loose. just givethem a little moisture—as when you run a damp cloth over a counter—and they will bloom asif created from nothing. they will eat wood, the glue in wallpaper, the metals in hardenedpaint. scientists in australia found microbes known as thiobacillus concretivorans that livedin—indeed, could not live without—concentrations of sulfuric acid strong enough to dissolvemetal. a species called micrococcus radiophilus was found living happily in the waste tanksof nuclear reactors, gorging itself on plutonium and whatever else was there. some bacteriabreak down chemical materials from which, as far as we can tell, they gain no benefit at all.

    they have been found living in boiling mud pots and lakes of caustic soda, deep insiderocks, at the bottom of the sea, in hidden pools of icy water in the mcmurdo dry valleys ofantarctica, and seven miles down in the pacific ocean where pressures are more than athousand times greater than at the surface, or equivalent to being squashed beneath fiftyjumbo jets. some of them seem to be practically indestructible. deinococcus radiodurans is,according to theeconomist , “almost immune to radioactivity.” blast its dna with radiation,and the pieces immediately reform “like the scuttling limbs of an undead creature from ahorror movie.”

    perhaps the most extraordinary survival yet found was that of a streptococcus bacteriumthat was recovered from the sealed lens of a camera that had stood on the moon for two years.

    in short, there are few environments in which bacteria aren’t prepared to live. “they arefinding now that when they push probes into ocean vents so hot that the probes actually startto melt, there are bacteria even there,” victoria bennett told me.

    in the 1920s two scientists at the university of chicago, edson bastin and frank greer,announced that they had isolated from oil wells strains of bacteria that had been living at
    depths of two thousand feet. the notion was dismissed as fundamentally preposterous—therewas nothing to live on at two thousand feet—and for fifty years it was assumed that theirsamples had been contaminated with surface microbes. we now know that there are a lot ofmicrobes living deep within the earth, many of which have nothing at all to do with theorganic world. they eat rocks or, rather, the stuff that’s in rocks—iron, sulfur, manganese,and so on. and they breathe odd things too—iron, chromium, cobalt, even uranium. suchprocesses may be instrumental in concentrating gold, copper, and other precious metals, andpossibly deposits of oil and natural gas. it has even been suggested that their tireless nibblingscreated the earth’s crust.

    some scientists now think that there could be as much as 100 trillion tons of bacteria livingbeneath our feet in what are known as subsurface lithoautotrophic microbial ecosystems—slime for short. thomas gold of cornell has estimated that if you took all the bacteria out ofthe earth’s interior and dumped it on the surface, it would cover the planet to a depth of fivefeet. if the estimates are correct, there could be more life under the earth than on top of it.

    at depth microbes shrink in size and become extremely sluggish. the liveliest of them maydivide no more than once a century, some no more than perhaps once in five hundred years.

    as the economist has put it: “the key to long life, it seems, is not to do too much.” whenthings are really tough, bacteria are prepared to shut down all systems and wait for bettertimes. in 1997 scientists successfully activated some anthrax spores that had lain dormant foreighty years in a museum display in trondheim, norway. other microorganisms have leaptback to life after being released from a 118-year-old can of meat and a 166-year-old bottle ofbeer. in 1996, scientists at the russian academy of science claimed to have revived bacteriafrozen in siberian permafrost for three million years. but the record claim for durability so faris one made by russell vreeland and colleagues at west chester university in pennsylvaniain 2000, when they announced that they had resuscitated 250-million-year-old bacteria calledbacillus permians that had been trapped in salt deposits two thousand feet underground incarlsbad, new mexico. if so, this microbe is older than the continents.

    the report met with some understandable dubiousness. many biochemists maintained thatover such a span the microbe’s components would have become uselessly degraded unless thebacterium roused itself from time to time. however, if the bacterium did stir occasionallythere was no plausible internal source of energy that could have lasted so long. the moredoubtful scientists suggested that the sample may have been contaminated, if not during itsretrieval then perhaps while still buried. in 2001, a team from tel aviv university argued thatb. permians were almost identical to a strain of modern bacteria, bacillus marismortui, foundin the dead sea. only two of its genetic sequences differed, and then only slightly.

    “are we to believe,” the israeli researchers wrote, “that in 250 million years b. permianshas accumulated the same amount of genetic differences that could be achieved in just 3–7days in the laboratory?” in reply, vreeland suggested that “bacteria evolve faster in the labthan they do in the wild.”

    maybe.

    it is a remarkable fact that well into the space age, most school textbooks divided the worldof the living into just two categories—plant and animal. microorganisms hardly featured.

    amoebas and similar single-celled organisms were treated as proto-animals and algae as
    proto-plants. bacteria were usually lumped in with plants, too, even though everyone knewthey didn’t belong there. as far back as the late nineteenth century the german naturalisternst haeckel had suggested that bacteria deserved to be placed in a separate kingdom, whichhe called monera, but the idea didn’t begin to catch on among biologists until the 1960s andthen only among some of them. (i note that my trusty american heritage desk dictionaryfrom 1969 doesn’t recognize the term.)many organisms in the visible world were also poorly served by the traditional division.

    fungi, the group that includes mushrooms, molds, mildews, yeasts, and puffballs, were nearlyalways treated as botanical objects, though in fact almost nothing about them—how theyreproduce and respire, how they build themselves—matches anything in the plant world.

    structurally they have more in common with animals in that they build their cells from chitin,a material that gives them their distinctive texture. the same substance is used to make theshells of insects and the claws of mammals, though it isn’t nearly so tasty in a stag beetle as ina portobello mushroom. above all, unlike all plants, fungi don’t photosynthesize, so theyhave no chlorophyll and thus are not green. instead they grow directly on their food source,which can be almost anything. fungi will eat the sulfur off a concrete wall or the decayingmatter between your toes—two things no plant will do. almost the only plantlike quality theyhave is that they root.

    even less comfortably susceptible to categorization was the peculiar group of organismsformally called myxomycetes but more commonly known as slime molds. the name no doubthas much to do with their obscurity. an appellation that sounded a little more dynamic—“ambulant self-activating protoplasm,” say—and less like the stuff you find when you reachdeep into a clogged drain would almost certainly have earned these extraordinary entities amore immediate share of the attention they deserve, for slime molds are, make no mistake,among the most interesting organisms in nature. when times are good, they exist as one-celled individuals, much like amoebas. but when conditions grow tough, they crawl to acentral gathering place and become, almost miraculously, a slug. the slug is not a thing ofbeauty and it doesn’t go terribly far—usually just from the bottom of a pile of leaf litter to thetop, where it is in a slightly more exposed position—but for millions of years this may wellhave been the niftiest trick in the universe.

    and it doesn’t stop there. having hauled itself up to a more favorable locale, the slimemold transforms itself yet again, taking on the form of a plant. by some curious orderlyprocess the cells reconfigure, like the members of a tiny marching band, to make a stalk atopof which forms a bulb known as a fruiting body. inside the fruiting body are millions ofspores that, at the appropriate moment, are released to the wind to blow away and becomesingle-celled organisms that can start the process again.

    for years slime molds were claimed as protozoa by zoologists and as fungi by mycologists,though most people could see they didn’t really belong anywhere. when genetic testingarrived, people in lab coats were surprised to find that slime molds were so distinctive andpeculiar that they weren’t directly related to anything else in nature, and sometimes not evento each other.

    in 1969, in an attempt to bring some order to the growing inadequacies of classification, anecologist from cornell university named r. h. whittaker unveiled in the journalscience aproposal to divide life into five principal branches—kingdoms, as they are known—calledanimalia, plantae, fungi, protista, and monera. protista, was a modification of an earlier
    term, protoctista, which had been suggested a century earlier by a scottish biologist namedjohn hogg, and was meant to describe any organisms that were neither plant nor animal.

    though whittaker’s new scheme was a great improvement, protista remained ill defined.

    some taxonomists reserved it for large unicellular organisms—the eukaryotes—but otherstreated it as the kind of odd sock drawer of biology, putting into it anything that didn’t fitanywhere else. it included (depending on which text you consulted) slime molds, amoebas,and even seaweed, among much else. by one calculation it contained as many as 200,000different species of organism all told. that’s a lot of odd socks.

    ironically, just as whittaker’s five-kingdom classification was beginning to find its wayinto textbooks, a retiring academic at the university of illinois was groping his way toward adiscovery that would challenge everything. his name was carl woese (rhymes with rose), andsince the mid-1960s—or about as early as it was possible to do so—he had been quietlystudying genetic sequences in bacteria. in the early days, this was an exceedingly painstakingprocess. work on a single bacterium could easily consume a year. at that time, according towoese, only about 500 species of bacteria were known, which is fewer than the number ofspecies you have in your mouth. today the number is about ten times that, though that is stillfar short of the 26,900 species of algae, 70,000 of fungi, and 30,800 of amoebas and relatedorganisms whose biographies fill the annals of biology.

    it isn’t simple indifference that keeps the total low. bacteria can be exasperatingly difficultto isolate and study. only about 1 percent will grow in culture. considering how wildlyadaptable they are in nature, it is an odd fact that the one place they seem not to wish to live isa petri dish. plop them on a bed of agar and pamper them as you will, and most will just liethere, declining every inducement to bloom. any bacterium that thrives in a lab is bydefinition exceptional, and yet these were, almost exclusively, the organisms studied bymicrobiologists. it was, said woese, “like learning about animals from visiting zoos.”

    genes, however, allowed woese to approach microorganisms from another angle. as heworked, woese realized that there were more fundamental divisions in the microbial worldthan anyone suspected. a lot of little organisms that looked like bacteria and behaved likebacteria were actually something else altogether—something that had branched off frombacteria a long time ago. woese called these organisms archaebacteria, later shortened toarchaea.

    it has be said that the attributes that distinguish archaea from bacteria are not the sort thatwould quicken the pulse of any but a biologist. they are mostly differences in their lipids andan absence of something called peptidoglycan. but in practice they make a world ofdifference. archaeans are more different from bacteria than you and i are from a crab orspider. singlehandedly woese had discovered an unsuspected division of life, so fundamentalthat it stood above the level of kingdom at the apogee of the universal tree of life, as it israther reverentially known.

    in 1976, he startled the world—or at least the little bit of it that was paying attention—byredrawing the tree of life to incorporate not five main divisions, but twenty-three. these hegrouped under three new principal categories—bacteria, archaea, and eukarya (sometimesspelled eucarya)—which he called domains.

    woese’s new divisions did not take the biological world by storm. some dismissed them asmuch too heavily weighted toward the microbial. many just ignored them. woese, according
    to frances ashcroft, “felt bitterly disappointed.” but slowly his new scheme began to catchon among microbiologists. botanists and zoologists were much slower to admire its virtues.

    it’s not hard to see why. on woese’s model, the worlds of botany and zoology are relegatedto a few twigs on the outermost branch of the eukaryan limb. everything else belongs tounicellular beings.

    “these folks were brought up to classify in terms of gross morphological similarities anddifferences,” woese told an interviewer in 1996. “the idea of doing so in terms of molecularsequence is a bit hard for many of them to swallow.” in short, if they couldn’t see a differencewith their own eyes, they didn’t like it. and so they persisted with the traditional five-kingdom division—an arrangement that woese called “not very useful” in his mildermoments and “positively misleading” much of the rest of the time. “biology, like physicsbefore it,” woese wrote, “has moved to a level where the objects of interest and theirinteractions often cannot be perceived through direct observation.”

    in 1998 the great and ancient harvard zoologist ernst mayr (who then was in his ninety-fourth year and at the time of my writing is nearing one hundred and still going strong) stirredthe pot further by declaring that there should be just two prime divisions of life—“empires”

    he called them. in a paper published in the proceedings of the national academy of sciences,mayr said that woese’s findings were interesting but ultimately misguided, noting that“woese was not trained as a biologist and quite naturally does not have an extensivefamiliarity with the principles of classification,” which is perhaps as close as onedistinguished scientist can come to saying of another that he doesn’t know what he is talkingabout.

    the specifics of mayr’s criticisms are too technical to need extensive airing here—theyinvolve issues of meiotic sexuality, hennigian cladification, and controversial interpretationsof the genome of methanobacterium thermoautrophicum, among rather a lot else—butessentially he argues that woese’s arrangement unbalances the tree of life. the bacterialrealm, mayr notes, consists of no more than a few thousand species while the archaean has amere 175 named specimens, with perhaps a few thousand more to be found—“but hardlymore than that.” by contrast, the eukaryotic realm—that is, the complicated organisms withnucleated cells, like us—numbers already in the millions. for the sake of “the principle ofbalance,” mayr argues for combining the simple bacterial organisms in a single category,prokaryota, while placing the more complex and “highly evolved” remainder in the empireeukaryota, which would stand alongside as an equal. put another way, he argues for keepingthings much as they were before. this division between simple cells and complex cells “iswhere the great break is in the living world.”

    the distinction between halophilic archaeans and methanosarcina or between flavobacteriaand gram-positive bacteria clearly will never be a matter of moment for most of us, but it isworth remembering that each is as different from its neighbors as animals are from plants. ifwoese’s new arrangement teaches us anything it is that life really is various and that most ofthat variety is small, unicellular, and unfamiliar. it is a natural human impulse to think ofevolution as a long chain of improvements, of a never-ending advance toward largeness andcomplexity—in a word, toward us. we flatter ourselves. most of the real diversity inevolution has been small-scale. we large things are just flukes—an interesting side branch. ofthe twenty-three main divisions of life, only three—plants, animals, and fungi—are largeenough to be seen by the human eye, and even they contain species that are microscopic.

    indeed, according to woese, if you totaled up all the biomass of the planet—every living
    thing, plants included—microbes would account for at least 80 percent of all there is, perhapsmore. the world belongs to the very small—and it has for a very long time.

    so why, you are bound to ask at some point in your life, do microbes so often want to hurtus? what possible satisfaction could there be to a microbe in having us grow feverish orchilled, or disfigured with sores, or above all expire? a dead host, after all, is hardly going toprovide long-term hospitality.

    to begin with, it is worth remembering that most microorganisms are neutral or evenbeneficial to human well-being. the most rampantly infectious organism on earth, abacterium called wolbachia, doesn’t hurt humans at all—or, come to that, any othervertebrates—but if you are a shrimp or worm or fruit fly, it can make you wish you had neverbeen born. altogether, only about one microbe in a thousand is a pathogen for humans,according to national geographic —though, knowing what some of them can do, we couldbe forgiven for thinking that that is quite enough. even if mostly benign, microbes are still thenumber-three killer in the western world, and even many less lethal ones of course make usdeeply rue their existence.

    making a host unwell has certain benefits for the microbe. the symptoms of an illnessoften help to spread the disease. vomiting, sneezing, and diarrhea are excellent methods ofgetting out of one host and into position for another. the most effective strategy of all is toenlist the help of a mobile third party. infectious organisms love mosquitoes because themosquito’s sting delivers them directly to a bloodstream where they can get straight to workbefore the victim’s defense mechanisms can figure out what’s hit them. this is why so manygrade-a diseases—malaria, yellow fever, dengue fever, encephalitis, and a hundred or soother less celebrated but often rapacious maladies—begin with a mosquito bite. it is afortunate fluke for us that hiv, the aids agent, isn’t among them—at least not yet. any hivthe mosquito sucks up on its travels is dissolved by the mosquito’s own metabolism. whenthe day comes that the virus mutates its way around this, we may be in real trouble.

    it is a mistake, however, to consider the matter too carefully from the position of logicbecause microorganisms clearly are not calculating entities. they don’t care what they do toyou any more than you care what distress you cause when you slaughter them by the millionswith a soapy shower or a swipe of deodorant. the only time your continuing well-being is ofconsequence to a pathogen is when it kills you too well. if they eliminate you before they canmove on, then they may well die out themselves. this in fact sometimes happens. history,jared diamond notes, is full of diseases that “once caused terrifying epidemics and thendisappeared as mysteriously as they had come.” he cites the robust but mercifully transientenglish sweating sickness, which raged from 1485 to 1552, killing tens of thousands as itwent, before burning itself out. too much efficiency is not a good thing for any infectiousorganism.

    a great deal of sickness arises not because of what the organism has done to you but whatyour body is trying to do to the organism. in its quest to rid the body of pathogens, theimmune system sometimes destroys cells or damages critical tissues, so often when you areunwell what you are feeling is not the pathogens but your own immune responses. anyway,getting sick is a sensible response to infection. sick people retire to their beds and thus areless of a threat to the wider community. resting also frees more of the body’s resources toattend to the infection.

    because there are so many things out there with the potential to hurt you, your body holdslots of different varieties of defensive white cells—some ten million types in all, eachdesigned to identify and destroy a particular sort of invader. it would be impossibly inefficientto maintain ten million separate standing armies, so each variety of white cell keeps only afew scouts on active duty. when an infectious agent—what’s known as an antigen—invades,relevant scouts identify the attacker and put out a call for reinforcements of the right type.

    while your body is manufacturing these forces, you are likely to feel wretched. the onset ofrecovery begins when the troops finally swing into action.

    white cells are merciless and will hunt down and kill every last pathogen they can find. toavoid extinction, attackers have evolved two elemental strategies. either they strike quicklyand move on to a new host, as with common infectious illnesses like flu, or they disguisethemselves so that the white cells fail to spot them, as with hiv, the virus responsible foraids, which can sit harmlessly and unnoticed in the nuclei of cells for years before springinginto action.

    one of the odder aspects of infection is that microbes that normally do no harm at allsometimes get into the wrong parts of the body and “go kind of crazy,” in the words of dr.

    bryan marsh, an infectious diseases specialist at dartmouth–hitchcock medical center inlebanon, new hamphire. “it happens all the time with car accidents when people sufferinternal injuries. microbes that are normally benign in the gut get into other parts of thebody—the bloodstream, for instance—and cause terrible havoc.”

    the scariest, most out-of-control bacterial disorder of the moment is a disease callednecrotizing fasciitis in which bacteria essentially eat the victim from the inside out, devouringinternal tissue and leaving behind a pulpy, noxious residue. patients often come in withcomparatively mild complaints—a skin rash and fever typically—but then dramaticallydeteriorate. when they are opened up it is often found that they are simply being consumed.

    the only treatment is what is known as “radical excisional surgery”—cutting out every bit ofinfected area. seventy percent of victims die; many of the rest are left terribly disfigured. thesource of the infection is a mundane family of bacteria called group a streptococcus, whichnormally do no more than cause strep throat. very occasionally, for reasons unknown, someof these bacteria get through the lining of the throat and into the body proper, where theywreak the most devastating havoc. they are completely resistant to antibiotics. about athousand cases a year occur in the united states, and no one can say that it won’t get worse.

    precisely the same thing happens with meningitis. at least 10 percent of young adults, andperhaps 30 percent of teenagers, carry the deadly meningococcal bacterium, but it lives quiteharmlessly in the throat. just occasionally—in about one young person in a hundredthousand—it gets into the bloodstream and makes them very ill indeed. in the worst cases,death can come in twelve hours. that’s shockingly quick. “you can have a person who’s inperfect health at breakfast and dead by evening,” says marsh.

    we would have much more success with bacteria if we weren’t so profligate with our bestweapon against them: antibiotics. remarkably, by one estimate some 70 percent of theantibiotics used in the developed world are given to farm animals, often routinely in stockfeed, simply to promote growth or as a precaution against infection. such applications givebacteria every opportunity to evolve a resistance to them. it is an opportunity that they haveenthusiastically seized.

    in 1952, penicillin was fully effective against all strains of staphylococcus bacteria, to suchan extent that by the early 1960s the u.s. surgeon general, william stewart, felt confidentenough to declare: “the time has come to close the book on infectious diseases. we havebasically wiped out infection in the united states.” even as he spoke, however, some 90percent of those strains were in the process of developing immunity to penicillin. soon one ofthese new strains, called methicillin-resistant staphylococcus aureus, began to show up inhospitals. only one type of antibiotic, vancomycin, remained effective against it, but in 1997a hospital in tokyo reported the appearance of a strain that could resist even that. withinmonths it had spread to six other japanese hospitals. all over, the microbes are beginning towin the war again: in u.s. hospitals alone, some fourteen thousand people a year die frominfections they pick up there. as james surowiecki has noted, given a choice betweendeveloping antibiotics that people will take every day for two weeks or antidepressants thatpeople will take every day forever, drug companies not surprisingly opt for the latter.

    although a few antibiotics have been toughened up a bit, the pharmaceutical industry hasn’tgiven us an entirely new antibiotic since the 1970s.

    our carelessness is all the more alarming since the discovery that many other ailments maybe bacterial in origin. the process of discovery began in 1983 when barry marshall, a doctorin perth, western australia, found that many stomach cancers and most stomach ulcers arecaused by a bacterium called helicobacter pylori. even though his findings were easily tested,the notion was so radical that more than a decade would pass before they were generallyaccepted. america’s national institutes of health, for instance, didn’t officially endorse theidea until 1994. “hundreds, even thousands of people must have died from ulcers whowouldn’t have,” marshall told a reporter from forbes in 1999.

    since then further research has shown that there is or may well be a bacterial component inall kinds of other disorders—heart disease, asthma, arthritis, multiple sclerosis, several typesof mental disorders, many cancers, even, it has been suggested (inscience no less), obesity.

    the day may not be far off when we desperately require an effective antibiotic and haven’tgot one to call on.

    it may come as a slight comfort to know that bacteria can themselves get sick. they aresometimes infected by bacteriophages (or simply phages), a type of virus. a virus is a strangeand unlovely entity—“a piece of nucleic acid surrounded by bad news” in the memorablephrase of the nobel laureate peter medawar. smaller and simpler than bacteria, viruses aren’tthemselves alive. in isolation they are inert and harmless. but introduce them into a suitablehost and they burst into busyness—into life. about five thousand types of virus are known,and between them they afflict us with many hundreds of diseases, ranging from the flu andcommon cold to those that are most invidious to human well-being: smallpox, rabies, yellowfever, ebola, polio, and the human immunodeficiency virus, the source of aids.

    viruses prosper by hijacking the genetic material of a living cell and using it to producemore virus. they reproduce in a fanatical manner, then burst out in search of more cells toinvade. not being living organisms themselves, they can afford to be very simple. many,including hiv, have ten genes or fewer, whereas even the simplest bacteria require severalthousand. they are also very tiny, much too small to be seen with a conventional microscope.

    it wasn’t until 1943 and the invention of the electron microscope that science got its first lookat them. but they can do immense damage. smallpox in the twentieth century alone killed anestimated 300 million people.

    they also have an unnerving capacity to burst upon the world in some new and startlingform and then to vanish again as quickly as they came. in 1916, in one such case, people ineurope and america began to come down with a strange sleeping sickness, which becameknown as encephalitis lethargica. victims would go to sleep and not wake up. they could beroused without great difficulty to take food or go to the lavatory, and would answer questionssensibly—they knew who and where they were—though their manner was always apathetic.

    however, the moment they were permitted to rest, they would sink at once back intodeepest slumber and remain in that state for as long as they were left. some went on in thismanner for months before dying. a very few survived and regained consciousness but nottheir former liveliness. they existed in a state of profound apathy, “like extinct volcanoes,” inthe words of one doctor. in ten years the disease killed some five million people and thenquietly went away. it didn’t get much lasting attention because in the meantime an even worseepidemic—indeed, the worst in history—swept across the world.

    it is sometimes called the great swine flu epidemic and sometimes the great spanish fluepidemic, but in either case it was ferocious. world war i killed twenty-one million people infour years; swine flu did the same in its first four months. almost 80 percent of americancasualties in the first world war came not from enemy fire, but from flu. in some units themortality rate was as high as 80 percent.

    swine flu arose as a normal, nonlethal flu in the spring of 1918, but somehow over thefollowing months—no one knows how or where—it mutated into something more severe. afifth of victims suffered only mild symptoms, but the rest became gravely ill and often died.

    some succumbed within hours; others held on for a few days.

    in the united states, the first deaths were recorded among sailors in boston in late august1918, but the epidemic quickly spread to all parts of the country. schools closed, publicentertainments were shut down, people everywhere wore masks. it did little good. betweenthe autumn of 1918 and spring of the following year, 548,452 people died of the flu inamerica. the toll in britain was 220,000, with similar numbers dead in france and germany.

    no one knows the global toll, as records in the third world were often poor, but it was notless than 20 million and probably more like 50 million. some estimates have put the globaltotal as high as 100 million.

    in an attempt to devise a vaccine, medical authorities conducted tests on volunteers at amilitary prison on deer island in boston harbor. the prisoners were promised pardons if theysurvived a battery of tests. these tests were rigorous to say the least. first the subjects wereinjected with infected lung tissue taken from the dead and then sprayed in the eyes, nose, andmouth with infectious aerosols. if they still failed to succumb, they had their throats swabbedwith discharges taken from the sick and dying. if all else failed, they were required to sitopen-mouthed while a gravely ill victim was helped to cough into their faces.

    out of—somewhat amazingly—three hundred men who volunteered, the doctors chosesixty-two for the tests. none contracted the flu—not one. the only person who did grow illwas the ward doctor, who swiftly died. the probable explanation for this is that the epidemichad passed through the prison a few weeks earlier and the volunteers, all of whom hadsurvived that visitation, had a natural immunity.

    much about the 1918 flu is understood poorly or not at all. one mystery is how it eruptedsuddenly, all over, in places separated by oceans, mountain ranges, and other earthly
    impediments. a virus can survive for no more than a few hours outside a host body, so howcould it appear in madrid, bombay, and philadelphia all in the same week?

    the probable answer is that it was incubated and spread by people who had only slightsymptoms or none at all. even in normal outbreaks, about 10 percent of people have the flubut are unaware of it because they experience no ill effects. and because they remain incirculation they tend to be the great spreaders of the disease.

    that would account for the 1918 outbreak’s widespread distribution, but it still doesn’texplain how it managed to lay low for several months before erupting so explosively at moreor less the same time all over. even more mysterious is that it was primarily devastating topeople in the prime of life. flu normally is hardest on infants and the elderly, but in the 1918outbreak deaths were overwhelmingly among people in their twenties and thirties. olderpeople may have benefited from resistance gained from an earlier exposure to the same strain,but why the very young were similarly spared is unknown. the greatest mystery of all is whythe 1918 flu was so ferociously deadly when most flus are not. we still have no idea.

    from time to time certain strains of virus return. a disagreeable russian virus known ash1n1 caused severe outbreaks over wide areas in 1933, then again in the 1950s, and yet againin the 1970s. where it went in the meantime each time is uncertain. one suggestion is thatviruses hide out unnoticed in populations of wild animals before trying their hand at a newgeneration of humans. no one can rule out the possibility that the great swine flu epidemicmight once again rear its head.

    and if it doesn’t, others well might. new and frightening viruses crop up all the time.

    ebola, lassa, and marburg fevers all have tended to flare up and die down again, but no onecan say that they aren’t quietly mutating away somewhere, or simply awaiting the rightopportunity to burst forth in a catastrophic manner. it is now apparent that aids has beenamong us much longer than anyone originally suspected. researchers at the manchesterroyal infirmary in england discovered that a sailor who had died of mysterious, untreatablecauses in 1959 in fact had aids. but for whatever reasons the disease remained generallyquiescent for another twenty years.

    the miracle is that other such diseases haven’t gone rampant. lassa fever, which wasn’tfirst detected until 1969, in west africa, is extremely virulent and little understood. in 1969, adoctor at a yale university lab in new haven, connecticut, who was studying lassa fevercame down with it. he survived, but, more alarmingly, a technician in a nearby lab, with nodirect exposure, also contracted the disease and died.

    happily the outbreak stopped there, but we can’t count on such good fortune always. ourlifestyles invite epidemics. air travel makes it possible to spread infectious agents across theplanet with amazing ease. an ebola virus could begin the day in, say, benin, and finish it innew york or hamburg or nairobi, or all three. it means also that medical authoritiesincreasingly need to be acquainted with pretty much every malady that exists everywhere, butof course they are not. in 1990, a nigerian living in chicago was exposed to lassa fever on avisit to his homeland, but didn’t develop symptoms until he had returned to the united states.

    he died in a chicago hospital without diagnosis and without anyone taking any specialprecautions in treating him, unaware that he had one of the most lethal and infectious diseaseson the planet. miraculously, no one else was infected. we may not be so lucky next time.

    and on that sobering note, it’s time to return to the world of the visibly living.

    21    LIFE GOES ON

    it isn’t easy to become a fossil. the fate of nearly all living organisms—over 99.9percent of them—is to compost down to nothingness. when your spark is gone, everymolecule you own will be nibbled off you or sluiced away to be put to use in some othersystem. that’s just the way it is. even if you make it into the small pool of organisms, the lessthan 0.1 percent, that don’t get devoured, the chances of being fossilized are very small.

    in order to become a fossil, several things must happen. first, you must die in the rightplace. only about 15 percent of rocks can preserve fossils, so it’s no good keeling over on afuture site of granite. in practical terms the deceased must become buried in sediment, whereit can leave an impression, like a leaf in wet mud, or decompose without exposure to oxygen,permitting the molecules in its bones and hard parts (and very occasionally softer parts) to bereplaced by dissolved minerals, creating a petrified copy of the original. then as thesediments in which the fossil lies are carelessly pressed and folded and pushed about byearth’s processes, the fossil must somehow maintain an identifiable shape. finally, but aboveall, after tens of millions or perhaps hundreds of millions of years hidden away, it must befound and recognized as something worth keeping.

    only about one bone in a billion, it is thought, ever becomes fossilized. if that is so, itmeans that the complete fossil legacy of all the americans alive today—that’s 270 millionpeople with 206 bones each—will only be about fifty bones, one quarter of a completeskeleton. that’s not to say of course that any of these bones will actually be found. bearing inmind that they can be buried anywhere within an area of slightly over 3.6 million squaremiles, little of which will ever be turned over, much less examined, it would be something ofa miracle if they were. fossils are in every sense vanishingly rare. most of what has lived onearth has left behind no record at all. it has been estimated that less than one species in tenthousand has made it into the fossil record. that in itself is a stunningly infinitesimalproportion. however, if you accept the common estimate that the earth has produced 30billion species of creature in its time and richard leakey and roger lewin’s statement (inthe sixth extinction ) that there are 250,000 species of creature in the fossil record, thatreduces the proportion to just one in 120,000. either way, what we possess is the merestsampling of all the life that earth has spawned.

    moreover, the record we do have is hopelessly skewed. most land animals, of course, don’tdie in sediments. they drop in the open and are eaten or left to rot or weather down tonothing. the fossil record consequently is almost absurdly biased in favor of marine creatures.

    about 95 percent of all the fossils we possess are of animals that once lived under water,mostly in shallow seas.

    i mention all this to explain why on a gray day in february i went to the natural historymuseum in london to meet a cheerful, vaguely rumpled, very likeable paleontologist namedrichard fortey.

    fortey knows an awful lot about an awful lot. he is the author of a wry, splendid bookcalled life: an unauthorised biography, which covers the whole pageant of animate creation.

    but his first love is a type of marine creature called trilobites that once teemed in ordovicianseas but haven’t existed for a long time except in fossilized form. all shared a basic body planof three parts, or lobes—head, tail, thorax—from which comes the name. fortey found hisfirst when he was a boy clambering over rocks at st. david’s bay in wales. he was hookedfor life.

    he took me to a gallery of tall metal cupboards. each cupboard was filled with shallowdrawers, and each drawer was filled with stony trilobites—twenty thousand specimens in all.

    “it seems like a big number,” he agreed, “but you have to remember that millions uponmillions of trilobites lived for millions upon millions of years in ancient seas, so twentythousand isn’t a huge number. and most of these are only partial specimens. finding acomplete trilobite fossil is still a big moment for a paleontologist.”

    trilobites first appeared—fully formed, seemingly from nowhere—about 540 million yearsago, near the start of the great outburst of complex life popularly known as the cambrianexplosion, and then vanished, along with a great deal else, in the great and still mysteriouspermian extinction 300,000 or so centuries later. as with all extinct creatures, there is anatural temptation to regard them as failures, but in fact they were among the most successfulanimals ever to live. their reign ran for 300 million years—twice the span of dinosaurs,which were themselves one of history’s great survivors. humans, fortey points out, havesurvived so far for one-half of 1 percent as long.

    with so much time at their disposal, the trilobites proliferated prodigiously. most remainedsmall, about the size of modern beetles, but some grew to be as big as platters. altogetherthey formed at least five thousand genera and sixty thousand species—though more turn upall the time. fortey had recently been at a conference in south america where he wasapproached by an academic from a small provincial university in argentina. “she had a boxthat was full of interesting things—trilobites that had never been seen before in southamerica, or indeed anywhere, and a great deal else. she had no research facilities to studythem and no funds to look for more. huge parts of the world are still unexplored.”

    “in terms of trilobites?”

    “no, in terms of everything.”

    throughout the nineteenth century, trilobites were almost the only known forms of earlycomplex life, and for that reason were assiduously collected and studied. the big mysteryabout them was their sudden appearance. even now, as fortey says, it can be startling to go tothe right formation of rocks and to work your way upward through the eons finding no visiblelife at all, and then suddenly “a whole profallotaspis or elenellus as big as a crab will popinto your waiting hands.” these were creatures with limbs, gills, nervous systems, probingantennae, “a brain of sorts,” in fortey’s words, and the strangest eyes ever seen. made of
    calcite rods, the same stuff that forms limestone, they constituted the earliest visual systemsknown. more than this, the earliest trilobites didn’t consist of just one venturesome speciesbut dozens, and didn’t appear in one or two locations but all over. many thinking people inthe nineteenth century saw this as proof of god’s handiwork and refutation of darwin’sevolutionary ideals. if evolution proceeded slowly, they asked, then how did he account forthis sudden appearance of complex, fully formed creatures? the fact is, he couldn’t.

    and so matters seemed destined to remain forever until one day in 1909, three months shyof the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of darwin’s on the origin of species , when apaleontologist named charles doolittle walcott made an extraordinary find in the canadianrockies.

    walcott was born in 1850 and grew up near utica, new york, in a family of modest means,which became more modest still with the sudden death of his father when walcott was aninfant. as a boy walcott discovered that he had a knack for finding fossils, particularlytrilobites, and built up a collection of sufficient distinction that it was bought by louisagassiz for his museum at harvard for a small fortune—about $70,000 in today’s money.

    although he had barely a high school education and was self taught in the sciences, walcottbecame a leading authority on trilobites and was the first person to establish that trilobiteswere arthropods, the group that includes modern insects and crustaceans.

    in 1879 he took a job as a field researcher with the newly formed united states geologicalsurvey and served with such distinction that within fifteen years he had risen to be its head. in1907 he was appointed secretary of the smithsonian institution, where he remained until hisdeath in 1927. despite his administrative obligations, he continued to do fieldwork and towrite prolifically. “his books fill a library shelf,” according to fortey. not incidentally, hewas also a founding director of the national advisory committee for aeronautics, whicheventually became the national aeronautics and space agency, or nasa, and thus canrightly be considered the grandfather of the space age.

    but what he is remembered for now is an astute but lucky find in british columbia, highabove the little town of field, in the late summer of 1909. the customary version of the storyis that walcott, accompanied by his wife, was riding on horseback on a mountain trail beneaththe spot called the burgess ridge when his wife’s horse slipped on loose stones. dismountingto assist her, walcott discovered that the horse had turned a slab of shale that contained fossilcrustaceans of an especially ancient and unusual type. snow was falling—winter comes earlyto the canadian rockies—so they didn’t linger, but the next year at the first opportunitywalcott returned to the spot. tracing the presumed route of the rocks’ slide, he climbed 750feet to near the mountain’s summit. there, 8,000 feet above sea level, he found a shaleoutcrop, about the length of a city block, containing an unrivaled array of fossils from soonafter the moment when complex life burst forth in dazzling profusion—the famous cambrianexplosion. walcott had found, in effect, the holy grail of paleontology. the outcrop becameknown as the burgess shale, and for a long time it provided “our sole vista upon the inceptionof modern life in all its fullness,” as the late stephen jay gould recorded in his popular bookwonderful life .

    gould, ever scrupulous, discovered from reading walcott’s diaries that the story of theburgess shale’s discovery appears to have been somewhat embroidered—walcott makes nomention of a slipping horse or falling snow—but there is no disputing that it was anextraordinary find.

    it is almost impossible for us whose time on earth is limited to a breezy few decades toappreciate how remote in time from us the cambrian outburst was. if you could fly backwardsinto the past at the rate of one year per second, it would take you about half an hour to reachthe time of christ, and a little over three weeks to get back to the beginnings of human life.

    but it would take you twenty years to reach the dawn of the cambrian period. it was, in otherwords, an extremely long time ago, and the world was a very different place.

    for one thing, 500-million-plus years ago when the burgess shale was formed it wasn’t atthe top of a mountain but at the foot of one. specifically it was a shallow ocean basin at thebottom of a steep cliff. the seas of that time teemed with life, but normally the animals left norecord because they were soft-bodied and decayed upon dying. but at burgess the cliffcollapsed, and the creatures below, entombed in a mudslide, were pressed like flowers in abook, their features preserved in wondrous detail.

    in annual summer trips from 1910 to 1925 (by which time he was seventy-five years old),walcott excavated tens of thousands of specimens (gould says 80,000; the normallyunimpeachable fact checkers of national georgraphic say 60,000), which he brought back towashington for further study. in both sheer numbers and diversity the collection wasunparalleled. some of the burgess fossils had shells; many others did not. some were sighted,others blind. the variety was enormous, consisting of 140 species by one count. “the burgessshale included a range of disparity in anatomical designs never again equaled, and notmatched today by all the creatures in the world’s oceans,” gould wrote.

    unfortunately, according to gould, walcott failed to discern the significance of what hehad found. “snatching defeat from the jaws of victory,” gould wrote in another work, eightlittle piggies, “walcott then proceeded to misinterpret these magnificent fossils in the deepestpossible way.” he placed them into modern groups, making them ancestral to today’s worms,jellyfish, and other creatures, and thus failed to appreciate their distinctness. “under such aninterpretation,” gould sighed, “life began in primordial simplicity and moved inexorably,predictably onward to more and better.”

    walcott died in 1927 and the burgess fossils were largely forgotten. for nearly half acentury they stayed shut away in drawers in the american museum of natural history inwashington, seldom consulted and never questioned. then in 1973 a graduate student fromcambridge university named simon conway morris paid a visit to the collection. he wasastonished by what he found. the fossils were far more varied and magnificent than walcotthad indicated in his writings. in taxonomy the category that describes the basic body plans ofall organisms is the phylum, and here, conway morris concluded, were drawer after drawer ofsuch anatomical singularities—all amazingly and unaccountably unrecognized by the manwho had found them.

    with his supervisor, harry whittington, and fellow graduate student derek briggs, conwaymorris spent the next several years making a systematic revision of the entire collection, andcranking out one exciting monograph after another as discovery piled upon discovery. manyof the creatures employed body plans that were not simply unlike anything seen before orsince, but were bizarrely different. one, opabinia, had five eyes and a nozzle-like snout withclaws on the end. another, a disc-shaped being called peytoia, looked almost comically like apineapple slice. a third had evidently tottered about on rows of stilt-like legs, and was so oddthat they named it hallucigenia. there was so much unrecognized novelty in the collectionthat at one point upon opening a new drawer conway morris famously was heard to mutter,“oh fuck, not another phylum.”

    the english team’s revisions showed that the cambrian had been a time of unparalleledinnovation and experimentation in body designs. for almost four billion years life haddawdled along without any detectable ambitions in the direction of complexity, and thensuddenly, in the space of just five or ten million years, it had created all the basic bodydesigns still in use today. name a creature, from a nematode worm to cameron diaz, and theyall use architecture first created in the cambrian party.

    what was most surprising, however, was that there were so many body designs that hadfailed to make the cut, so to speak, and left no descendants. altogether, according to gould, atleast fifteen and perhaps as many as twenty of the burgess animals belonged to no recognizedphylum. (the number soon grew in some popular accounts to as many as one hundred—farmore than the cambridge scientists ever actually claimed.) “the history of life,” wrote gould,“is a story of massive removal followed by differentiation within a few surviving stocks, notthe conventional tale of steadily increasing excellence, complexity, and diversity.”

    evolutionary success, it appeared, was a lottery.

    one creature thatdid manage to slip through, a small wormlike being called pikaiagracilens, was found to have a primitive spinal column, making it the earliest known ancestorof all later vertebrates, including us.pikaia were by no means abundant among the burgessfossils, so goodness knows how close they may have come to extinction. gould, in a famousquotation, leaves no doubt that he sees our lineal success as a fortunate fluke: “wind back thetape of life to the early days of the burgess shale; let it play again from an identical startingpoint, and the chance becomes vanishingly small that anything like human intelligence wouldgrace the replay.”

    gould’s book was published in 1989 to general critical acclaim and was a great commercialsuccess. what wasn’t generally known was that many scientists didn’t agree with gould’sconclusions at all, and that it was all soon to get very ugly. in the context of the cambrian,“explosion” would soon have more to do with modern tempers than ancient physiologicalfacts.

    in fact, we now know, complex organisms existed at least a hundred million years beforethe cambrian. we should have known a whole lot sooner. nearly forty years after walcottmade his discovery in canada, on the other side of the planet in australia, a young geologistnamed reginald sprigg found something even older and in its way just as remarkable.

    in 1946 sprigg was a young assistant government geologist for the state of south australiawhen he was sent to make a survey of abandoned mines in the ediacaran hills of the flindersrange, an expanse of baking outback some three hundred miles north of adelaide. the ideawas to see if there were any old mines that might be profitably reworked using newertechnologies, so he wasn’t studying surface rocks at all, still less fossils. but one day whileeating his lunch, sprigg idly overturned a hunk of sandstone and was surprised—to put itmildly—to see that the rock’s surface was covered in delicate fossils, rather like theimpressions leaves make in mud. these rocks predated the cambrian explosion. he waslooking at the dawn of visible life.

    sprigg submitted a paper to nature , but it was turned down. he read it instead at the nextannual meeting of the australian and new zealand association for the advancement ofscience, but it failed to find favor with the association’s head, who said the ediacaran
    imprints were merely “fortuitous inorganic markings”—patterns made by wind or rain ortides, but not living beings. his hopes not yet entirely crushed, sprigg traveled to london andpresented his findings to the 1948 international geological congress, but failed to exciteeither interest or belief. finally, for want of a better outlet, he published his findings in thetransactions of the royal society of south australia. then he quit his government job andtook up oil exploration.

    nine  years  later,  in  1957,  a  schoolboy  named john mason, while walking throughcharnwood forest in the english midlands, found a rock with a strange fossil in it, similar toa modern sea pen and exactly like some of the specimens sprigg had found and been trying totell everyone about ever since. the schoolboy turned it in to a paleontologist at the universityof leicester, who identified it at once as precambrian. young mason got his picture in thepapers and was treated as a precocious hero; he still is in many books. the specimen wasnamed in his honor chamia masoni.

    today some of sprigg’s original ediacaran specimens, along with many of the other fifteenhundred specimens that have been found throughout the flinders range since that time, canbe seen in a glass case in an upstairs room of the stout and lovely south australian museumin adelaide, but they don’t attract a great deal of attention. the delicately etched patterns arerather faint and not terribly arresting to the untrained eye. they are mostly small and disc-shaped, with occasional, vague trailing ribbons. fortey has described them as “soft-bodiedoddities.”

    there is still very little agreement about what these things were or how they lived. theyhad, as far as can be told, no mouth or anus with which to take in and discharge digestivematerials, and no internal organs with which to process them along the way. “in life,” forteysays, “most of them probably simply lay upon the surface of the sandy sediment, like soft,structureless and inanimate flatfish.” at their liveliest, they were no more complex thanjellyfish. all the ediacaran creatures were diploblastic, meaning they were built from twolayers of tissue. with the exception of jellyfish, all animals today are triploblastic.

    some experts think they weren’t animals at all, but more like plants or fungi. thedistinctions between plant and animal are not always clear even now. the modern spongespends its life fixed to a single spot and has no eyes or brain or beating heart, and yet is ananimal. “when we go back to the precambrian the differences between plants and animalswere probably even less clear,” says fortey. “there isn’t any rule that says you have to bedemonstrably one or the other.”

    nor is it agreed that the ediacaran organisms are in any way ancestral to anything alivetoday (except possibly some jellyfish). many authorities see them as a kind of failedexperiment, a stab at complexity that didn’t take, possibly because the sluggish ediacaranorganisms were devoured or outcompeted by the lither and more sophisticated animals of thecambrian period.

    “there is nothing closely similar alive today,” fortey has written. “they are difficult tointerpret as any kind of ancestors of what was to follow.”

    the feeling was that ultimately they weren’t terribly important to the development of lifeon earth. many authorities believe that there was a mass extermination at the precambrian–cambrian boundary and that all the ediacaran creatures (except the uncertain jellyfish) failed
    to move on to the next phase. the real business of complex life, in other words, started withthe cambrian explosion. that’s how gould saw it in any case.

    as for the revisions of the burgess shale fossils, almost at once people began to questionthe interpretations and, in particular, gould’s interpretation of the interpretations. “from thefirst there were a number of scientists who doubted the account that steve gould hadpresented, however much they admired the manner of its delivery,” fortey wrote in life. thatis putting it mildly.

    “if only stephen gould could think as clearly as he writes!” barked the oxford academicrichard dawkins in the opening line of a review (in the london sunday telegraph) ofwonderful life. dawkins acknowledged that the book was “unputdownable” and a “literarytour-de-force,” but accused gould of engaging in a “grandiloquent and near-disingenuous”

    misrepresentation of the facts by suggesting that the burgess revisions had stunned thepaleontological community. “the view that he is attacking—that evolution marchesinexorably toward a pinnacle such as man—has not been believed for 50 years,” dawkinsfumed.

    and yet that was exactly the conclusion to which many general reviewers were drawn.

    one, writing in the new york times book review, cheerfully suggested that as a result ofgould’s book scientists “have been throwing out some preconceptions that they had notexamined for generations. they are, reluctantly or enthusiastically, accepting the idea thathumans are as much an accident of nature as a product of orderly development.”

    but the real heat directed at gould arose from the belief that many of his conclusions weresimply mistaken or carelessly inflated. writing in the journal evolution, dawkins attackedgould’s assertions that “evolution in the cambrian was a different kind of process fromtoday” and expressed exasperation at gould’s repeated suggestions that “the cambrian was aperiod of evolutionary ‘experiment,’ evolutionary ‘trial and error,’ evolutionary ‘false starts.’ .

    . . it was the fertile time when all the great ‘fundamental body plans’ were invented.

    nowadays, evolution just tinkers with old body plans. back in the cambrian, new phyla andnew classes arose. nowadays we only get new species!”

    noting how often this idea—that there are no new body plans—is picked up, dawkins says:

    “it is as though a gardener looked at an oak tree and remarked, wonderingly: ‘isn’t it strangethat no major new boughs have appeared on this tree for many years? these days, all the newgrowth appears to be at the twig level.’ ”

    “it was a strange time,” fortey says now, “especially when you reflected that this was allabout something that happened five hundred million years ago, but feelings really did runquite high. i joked in one of my books that i felt as if i ought to put a safety helmet on beforewriting about the cambrian period, but it did actually feel a bit like that.”

    strangest of all was the response of one of the heroes of wonderful life, simon conwaymorris, who startled many in the paleontological community by rounding abruptly on gouldin a book of his own, the crucible of creation. the book treated gould “with contempt, evenloathing,” in fortey’s words. “i have never encountered such spleen in a book by aprofessional,” fortey wrote later. “the casual reader of the crucible of creation, unaware of
    the history, would never gather that the author’s views had once been close to (if not actuallyshared with) gould’s.”

    when i asked fortey about it, he said: “well, it was very strange, quite shocking really,because gould’s portrayal of him had been so flattering. i could only assume that simon wasembarrassed. you know, science changes but books are permanent, and i suppose he regrettedbeing so irremediably associated with views that he no longer altogether held. there was allthat stuff about ‘oh fuck, another phylum’ and i expect he regretted being famous for that.”

    what happened was that the early cambrian fossils began to undergo a period of criticalreappraisal. fortey and derek briggs—one of the other principals in gould’s book—used amethod known as cladistics to compare the various burgess fossils. in simple terms, cladisticsconsists of organizing organisms on the basis of shared features. fortey gives as an examplethe idea of comparing a shrew and an elephant. if you considered the elephant’s large size andstriking trunk you might conclude that it could have little in common with a tiny, sniffingshrew. but if you compared both of them with a lizard, you would see that the elephant andshrew were in fact built to much the same plan. in essence, what fortey is saying is thatgould saw elephants and shrews where they saw mammals. the burgess creatures, theybelieved, weren’t as strange and various as they appeared at first sight. “they were often nostranger than trilobites,” fortey says now. “it is just that we have had a century or so to getused to trilobites. familiarity, you know, breeds familiarity.”

    this wasn’t, i should note, because of sloppiness or inattention. interpreting the forms andrelationships of ancient animals on the basis of often distorted and fragmentary evidence isclearly a tricky business. edward o. wilson has noted that if you took selected species ofmodern insects and presented them as burgess-style fossils nobody would ever guess that theywere all from the same phylum, so different are their body plans. also instrumental in helpingrevisions were the discoveries of two further early cambrian sites, one in greenland and onein china, plus more scattered finds, which between them yielded many additional and oftenbetter specimens.

    the upshot is that the burgess fossils were found to be not so different after all.

    hallucigenia, it turned out, had been reconstructed upside down. its stilt-like legs wereactually spikes along its back. peytoia, the weird creature that looked like a pineapple slice,was found to be not a distinct creature but merely part of a larger animal called anomalocaris.

    many of the burgess specimens have now been assigned to living phyla—just where walcottput them in the first place. hallucigenia and some others are thought to be related toonychophora, a group of caterpillar-like animals. others have been reclassified as precursorsof the modern annelids. in fact, says fortey, “there are relatively few cambrian designs thatare wholly novel. more often they turn out to be just interesting elaborations of well-established designs.” as he wrote in his book life: “none was as strange as a present daybarnacle, nor as grotesque as a queen termite.”

    so the burgess shale specimens weren’t so spectacular after all. this made them, as forteyhas written, “no less interesting, or odd, just more explicable.” their weird body plans werejust a kind of youthful exuberance—the evolutionary equivalent, as it were, of spiked hair andtongue studs. eventually the forms settled into a staid and stable middle age.

    but that still left the enduring question of where all these animals had come from—howthey had suddenly appeared from out of nowhere.

    alas, it turns out the cambrian explosion may not have been quite so explosive as all that.

    the cambrian animals, it is now thought, were probably there all along, but were just toosmall to see. once again it was trilobites that provided the clue—in particular that seeminglymystifying appearance of different types of trilobite in widely scattered locations around theglobe, all at more or less the same time.

    on the face of it, the sudden appearance of lots of fully formed but varied creatures wouldseem to enhance the miraculousness of the cambrian outburst, but in fact it did the opposite.

    it is one thing to have one well-formed creature like a trilobite burst forth in isolation—thatreally is a wonder—but to have many of them, all distinct but clearly related, turning upsimultaneously in the fossil record in places as far apart as china and new york clearlysuggests that we are missing a big part of their history. there could be no stronger evidencethat they simply had to have a forebear—some grandfather species that started the line in amuch earlier past.

    and the reason we haven’t found these earlier species, it is now thought, is that they weretoo tiny to be preserved. says fortey: “it isn’t necessary to be big to be a perfectlyfunctioning, complex organism. the sea swarms with tiny arthropods today that have left nofossil record.” he cites the little copepod, which numbers in the trillions in modern seas andclusters in shoals large enough to turn vast areas of the ocean black, and yet our totalknowledge of its ancestry is a single specimen found in the body of an ancient fossilized fish.

    “the cambrian explosion, if that’s the word for it, probably was more an increase in sizethan a sudden appearance of new body types,” fortey says. “and it could have happened quiteswiftly, so in that sense i suppose it was an explosion.” the idea is that just as mammalsbided their time for a hundred million years until the dinosaurs cleared off and then seeminglyburst forth in profusion all over the planet, so too perhaps the arthropods and other triploblastswaited in semimicroscopic anonymity for the dominant ediacaran organisms to have theirday. says fortey: “we know that mammals increased in size quite dramatically after thedinosaurs went—though when i say quite abruptly i of course mean it in a geological sense.

    we’re still talking millions of years.”

    incidentally, reginald sprigg did eventually get a measure of overdue credit. one of themain early genera, spriggina, was named in his honor, as were several species, and the wholebecame known as the ediacaran fauna after the hills through which he had searched. by thistime, however, sprigg’s fossil-hunting days were long over. after leaving geology he foundeda successful oil company and eventually retired to an estate in his beloved flinders range,where he created a wildlife reserve. he died in 1994 a rich man.

    22    GOOD-BYE TO ALL THAT

    when you consider it from a human perspective, and clearly it would be difficult forus to do otherwise, life is an odd thing. it couldn’t wait to get going, but then, having gottengoing, it seemed in very little hurry to move on.

    consider the lichen. lichens are just about the hardiest visible organisms on earth, butamong the least ambitious. they will grow happily enough in a sunny churchyard, but theyparticularly thrive in environments where no other organism would go—on blowymountaintops and arctic wastes, wherever there is little but rock and rain and cold, and almostno competition. in areas of antarctica where virtually nothing else will grow, you can findvast expanses of lichen—four hundred types of them—adhering devotedly to every wind-whipped rock.

    for a long time, people couldn’t understand how they did it. because lichens grew on barerock without evident nourishment or the production of seeds, many people—educatedpeople—believed they were stones caught in the process of becoming plants. “spontaneously,inorganic stone becomes living plant!” rejoiced one observer, a dr. homschuch, in 1819.

    closer inspection showed that lichens were more interesting than magical. they are in facta partnership between fungi and algae. the fungi excrete acids that dissolve the surface of therock, freeing minerals that the algae convert into food sufficient to sustain both. it is not avery exciting arrangement, but it is a conspicuously successful one. the world has more thantwenty thousand species of lichens.

    like most things that thrive in harsh environments, lichens are slow-growing. it may take alichen more than half a century to attain the dimensions of a shirt button. those the size ofdinner plates, writes david attenborough, are therefore “likely to be hundreds if notthousands of years old.” it would be hard to imagine a less fulfilling existence. “they simplyexist,” attenborough adds, “testifying to the moving fact that life even at its simplest leveloccurs, apparently, just for its own sake.”

    it is easy to overlook this thought that life just is. as humans we are inclined to feel that lifemust have a point. we have plans and aspirations and desires. we want to take constantadvantage of all the intoxicating existence we’ve been endowed with. but what’s life to alichen? yet its impulse to exist, to be, is every bit as strong as ours—arguably even stronger.

    if i were told that i had to spend decades being a furry growth on a rock in the woods, ibelieve i would lose the will to go on. lichens don’t. like virtually all living things, they willsuffer any hardship, endure any insult, for a moment’s additional existence. life, in short, justwants to be. but—and here’s an interesting point—for the most part it doesn’t want to bemuch.

    this is perhaps a little odd because life has had plenty of time to develop ambitions. if youimagine the 4,500-billion-odd years of earth’s history compressed into a normal earthly day,then life begins very early, about 4a.m., with the rise of the first simple, single-celled
    organisms, but then advances no further for the next sixteen hours. not until almost 8:30 inthe evening, with the day five-sixths over, has earth anything to show the universe but arestless skin of microbes. then, finally, the first sea plants appear, followed twenty minuteslater by the first jellyfish and the enigmatic ediacaran fauna first seen by reginald sprigg inaustralia. at 9:04p.m. trilobites swim onto the scene, followed more or less immediately bythe shapely creatures of the burgess shale. just before 10p.m. plants begin to pop up on theland. soon after, with less than two hours left in the day, the first land creatures follow.

    thanks to ten minutes or so of balmy weather, by 10:24 the earth is covered in the greatcarboniferous forests whose residues give us all our coal, and the first winged insects areevident. dinosaurs plod onto the scene just before 11p.m. and hold sway for about three-quarters of an hour. at twenty-one minutes to midnight they vanish and the age of mammalsbegins. humans emerge one minute and seventeen seconds before midnight. the whole of ourrecorded history, on this scale, would be no more than a few seconds, a single human lifetimebarely an instant. throughout this greatly speeded-up day continents slide about and bangtogether at a clip that seems positively reckless. mountains rise and melt away, ocean basinscome and go, ice sheets advance and withdraw. and throughout the whole, about three timesevery minute, somewhere on the planet there is a flashbulb pop of light marking the impact ofa manson-sized meteor or one even larger. it’s a wonder that anything at all can survive insuch a pummeled and unsettled environment. in fact, not many things do for long.

    perhaps an even more effective way of grasping our extreme recentness as a part of this4.5-billion-year-old picture is to stretch your arms to their fullest extent and imagine thatwidth as the entire history of the earth. on this scale, according to john mcphee in basin andrange, the distance from the fingertips of one hand to the wrist of the other is precambrian.

    all of complex life is in one hand, “and in a single stroke with a medium-grained nail file youcould eradicate human history.”

    fortunately, that moment hasn’t happened, but the chances are good that it will. i don’twish to interject a note of gloom just at this point, but the fact is that there is one otherextremely pertinent quality about life on earth: it goes extinct. quite regularly. for all thetrouble they take to assemble and preserve themselves, species crumple and die remarkablyroutinely. and the more complex they get, the more quickly they appear to go extinct. whichis perhaps one reason why so much of life isn’t terribly ambitious.

    so anytime life does something bold it is quite an event, and few occasions were moreeventful than when life moved on to the next stage in our narrative and came out of the sea.

    land was a formidable environment: hot, dry, bathed in intense ultraviolet radiation,lacking the buoyancy that makes movement in water comparatively effortless. to live onland, creatures had to undergo wholesale revisions of their anatomies. hold a fish at each endand it sags in the middle, its backbone too weak to support it. to survive out of water, marinecreatures needed to come up with new load-bearing internal architecture—not the sort ofadjustment that happens overnight. above all and most obviously, any land creature wouldhave to develop a way to take its oxygen directly from the air rather than filter it from water.

    these were not trivial challenges to overcome. on the other hand, there was a powerfulincentive to leave the water: it was getting dangerous down there. the slow fusion of thecontinents into a single landmass, pangaea, meant there was much, much less coastline thanformerly and thus much less coastal habitat. so competition was fierce. there was also an
    omnivorous and unsettling new type of predator on the scene, one so perfectly designed forattack that it has scarcely changed in all the long eons since its emergence: the shark. neverwould there be a more propitious time to find an alternative environment to water.

    plants began the process of land colonization about 450 million years ago, accompanied ofnecessity by tiny mites and other organisms that they needed to break down and recycle deadorganic matter on their behalf. larger animals took a little longer to emerge, but by about 400million years ago they were venturing out of the water, too. popular illustrations haveencouraged us to envision the first venturesome land dwellers as a kind of ambitious fish—something like the modern mudskipper, which can hop from puddle to puddle duringdroughts—or even as a fully formed amphibian. in fact, the first visible mobile residents ondry land were probably much more like modern wood lice, sometimes also known as pillbugsor sow bugs. these are the little bugs (crustaceans, in fact) that are commonly thrown intoconfusion when you upturn a rock or log.

    for those that learned to breathe oxygen from the air, times were good. oxygen levels inthe devonian and carboniferous periods, when terrestrial life first bloomed, were as high as35 percent (as opposed to nearer 20 percent now). this allowed animals to grow remarkablylarge remarkably quickly.

    and how, you may reasonably wonder, can scientists know what oxygen levels were likehundreds of millions of years ago? the answer lies in a slightly obscure but ingenious fieldknown as isotope geochemistry. the long-ago seas of the carboniferous and devonianswarmed with tiny plankton that wrapped themselves inside tiny protective shells. then, asnow, the plankton created their shells by drawing oxygen from the atmosphere and combiningit with other elements (carbon especially) to form durable compounds such as calciumcarbonate. it’s the same chemical trick that goes on in (and is discussed elsewhere in relationto) the long-term carbon cycle—a process that doesn’t make for terribly exciting narrative butis vital for creating a livable planet.

    eventually in this process all the tiny organisms die and drift to the bottom of the sea,where they are slowly compressed into limestone. among the tiny atomic structures theplankton take to the grave with them are two very stable isotopes—oxygen-16 and oxygen-18.

    (if you have forgotten what an isotope is, it doesn’t matter, though for the record it’s an atomwith an abnormal number of neutrons.) this is where the geochemists come in, for theisotopes accumulate at different rates depending on how much oxygen or carbon dioxide is inthe atmosphere at the time of their creation. by comparing these ancient ratios, thegeochemists can cunningly read conditions in the ancient world—oxygen levels, air and oceantemperatures, the extent and timing of ice ages, and much else. by combining their isotopefindings with other fossil residues—pollen levels and so on—scientists can, with considerableconfidence, re-create entire landscapes that no human eye ever saw.

    the principal reason oxygen levels were able to build up so robustly throughout the periodof early terrestrial life was that much of the world’s landscape was dominated by giant treeferns and vast swamps, which by their boggy nature disrupted the normal carbon recyclingprocess. instead of completely rotting down, falling fronds and other dead vegetative matteraccumulated in rich, wet sediments, which were eventually squeezed into the vast coal bedsthat sustain much economic activity even now.

    the heady levels of oxygen clearly encouraged outsized growth. the oldest indication of asurface animal yet found is a track left 350 million years ago by a millipede-like creature on a
    rock in scotland. it was over three feet long. before the era was out some millipedes wouldreach lengths more than double that.

    with such creatures on the prowl, it is perhaps not surprising that insects in the periodevolved a trick that could keep them safely out of tongue shot: they learned to fly. some tookto this new means of locomotion with such uncanny facility that they haven’t changed theirtechniques in all the time since. then, as now, dragonflies could cruise at up to thirty-fivemiles an hour, instantly stop, hover, fly backwards, and lift far more proportionately than anyhuman flying machine. “the u.s. air force,” one commentator has written, “has put them inwind tunnels to see how they do it, and despaired.” they, too, gorged on the rich air. incarboniferous forests dragonflies grew as big as ravens. trees and other vegetation likewiseattained outsized proportions. horsetails and tree ferns grew to heights of fifty feet, clubmosses to a hundred and thirty.

    the first terrestrial vertebrates—which is to say, the first land animals from which wewould derive—are something of a mystery. this is partly because of a shortage of relevantfossils, but partly also because of an idiosyncratic swede named erik jarvik whose oddinterpretations and secretive manner held back progress on this question for almost half acentury. jarvik was part of a team of scandinavian scholars who went to greenland in the1930s and 1940s looking for fossil fish. in particular they sought lobe-finned fish of the typethat presumably were ancestral to us and all other walking creatures, known as tetrapods.

    most animals are tetrapods, and all living tetrapods have one thing in common: four limbsthat end in a maximum of five fingers or toes. dinosaurs, whales, birds, humans, even fish—all are tetrapods, which clearly suggests they come from a single common ancestor. the clueto this ancestor, it was assumed, would be found in the devonian era, from about 400 millionyears ago. before that time nothing walked on land. after that time lots of things did. luckilythe team found just such a creature, a three-foot-long animal called an ichthyostega. theanalysis of the fossil fell to jarvik, who began his study in 1948 and kept at it for the nextforty-eight years. unfortunately, jarvik refused to let anyone study his tetrapod. the world’spaleontologists had to be content with two sketchy interim papers in which jarvik noted thatthe creature had five fingers in each of four limbs, confirming its ancestral importance.

    jarvik died in 1998. after his death, other paleontologists eagerly examined the specimenand found that jarvik had severely miscounted the fingers and toes—there were actually eighton each limb—and failed to observe that the fish could not possibly have walked. thestructure of the fin was such that it would have collapsed under its own weight. needless tosay, this did not do a great deal to advance our understanding of the first land animals. todaythree early tetrapods are known and none has five digits. in short, we don’t know quite wherewe came from.

    but come we did, though reaching our present state of eminence has not of course alwaysbeen straightforward. since life on land began, it has consisted of four megadynasties, as theyare sometimes called. the first consisted of primitive, plodding but sometimes fairly heftyamphibians and reptiles. the best-known animal of this age was the dimetrodon, a sail-backed creature that is commonly confused with dinosaurs (including, i note, in a picturecaption in the carl sagan book comet). the dimetrodon was in fact a synapsid. so, onceupon a time, were we. synapsids were one of the four main divisions of early reptilian life,the others being anapsids, euryapsids, and diapsids. the names simply refer to the number andlocation of small holes to be found in the sides of their owners’ skulls. synapsids had one holein their lower temples; diapsids had two; euryapsids had a single hole higher up.

    over time, each of these principal groupings split into further subdivisions, of which someprospered and some faltered. anapsids gave rise to the turtles, which for a time, perhaps atouch improbably, appeared poised to predominate as the planet’s most advanced and deadlyspecies, before an evolutionary lurch let them settle for durability rather than dominance. thesynapsids divided into four streams, only one of which survived beyond the permian.

    happily, that was the stream we belonged to, and it evolved into a family of protomammalsknown as therapsids. these formed megadynasty 2.

    unfortunately for the therapsids, their cousins the diapsids were also productively evolving,in their case into dinosaurs (among other things), which gradually proved too much for thetherapsids. unable to compete head to head with these aggressive new creatures, thetherapsids by and large vanished from the record. a very few, however, evolved into small,furry, burrowing beings that bided their time for a very long while as little mammals. thebiggest of them grew no larger than a house cat, and most were no bigger than mice.

    eventually, this would prove their salvation, but they would have to wait nearly 150 millionyears for megadynasty 3, the age of dinosaurs, to come to an abrupt end and make room formegadynasty 4 and our own age of mammals.

    each of these massive transformations, as well as many smaller ones between and since,was dependent on that paradoxically important motor of progress: extinction. it is a curiousfact that on earth species death is, in the most literal sense, a way of life. no one knows howmany species of organisms have existed since life began. thirty billion is a commonly citedfigure, but the number has been put as high as 4,000 billion. whatever the actual total, 99.99percent of all species that have ever lived are no longer with us. “to a first approximation,” asdavid raup of the university of chicago likes to say, “all species are extinct.” for complexorganisms, the average lifespan of a species is only about four million years—roughly aboutwhere we are now.

    extinction is always bad news for the victims, of course, but it appears to be a good thingfor a dynamic planet. “the alternative to extinction is stagnation,” says ian tattersall of theamerican museum of natural history, “and stagnation is seldom a good thing in any realm.”

    (i should perhaps note that we are speaking here of extinction as a natural, long-term process.

    extinction brought about by human carelessness is another matter altogether.)crises in earth’s history are invariably associated with dramatic leaps afterward. the fall ofthe ediacaran fauna was followed by the creative outburst of the cambrian period. theordovician extinction of 440 million years ago cleared the oceans of a lot of immobile filterfeeders and, somehow, created conditions that favored darting fish and giant aquatic reptiles.

    these in turn were in an ideal position to send colonists onto dry land when another blowoutin the late devonian period gave life another sound shaking. and so it has gone at scatteredintervals through history. if most of these events hadn’t happened just as they did, just whenthey did, we almost certainly wouldn’t be here now.

    earth has seen five major extinction episodes in its time—the ordovician, devonian,permian, triassic, and cretaceous, in that order—and many smaller ones. the ordovician(440 million years ago) and devonian (365 million) each wiped out about 80 to 85 percent ofspecies. the triassic (210 million years ago) and cretaceous (65 million years) each wipedout 70 to 75 percent of species. but the real whopper was the permian extinction of about 245million years ago, which raised the curtain on the long age of the dinosaurs. in the permian, at
    least 95 percent of animals known from the fossil record check out, never to return. evenabout a third of insect species went—the only occasion on which they were lost en masse. it isas close as we have ever come to total obliteration.

    “it was, truly, a mass extinction, a carnage of a magnitude that had never troubled the earthbefore,” says richard fortey. the permian event was particularly devastating to sea creatures.

    trilobites vanished altogether. clams and sea urchins nearly went. virtually all other marineorganisms were staggered. altogether, on land and in the water, it is thought that earth lost 52percent of its families—that’s the level above genus and below order on the grand scale of life(the subject of the next chapter)—and perhaps as many as 96 percent of all its species. itwould be a long time—as much as eighty million years by one reckoning—before speciestotals recovered.

    two points need to be kept in mind. first, these are all just informed guesses. estimates forthe number of animal species alive at the end of the permian range from as low as 45,000 toas high as 240,000. if you don’t know how many species were alive, you can hardly specifywith conviction the proportion that perished. moreover, we are talking about the death ofspecies, not individuals. for individuals the death toll could be much higher—in many cases,practically total. the species that survived to the next phase of life’s lottery almost certainlyowe their existence to a few scarred and limping survivors.

    in between the big kill-offs, there have also been many smaller, less well-known extinctionepisodes—the hemphillian, frasnian, famennian, rancholabrean, and a dozen or so others—which were not so devastating to total species numbers, but often critically hit certainpopulations. grazing animals, including horses, were nearly wiped out in the hemphillianevent about five million years ago. horses declined to a single species, which appears sosporadically in the fossil record as to suggest that for a time it teetered on the brink ofoblivion. imagine a human history without horses, without grazing animals.

    in nearly every case, for both big extinctions and more modest ones, we have bewilderinglylittle idea of what the cause was. even after stripping out the more crackpot notions there arestill more theories for what caused the extinction events than there have been events. at leasttwo dozen potential culprits have been identified as causes or prime contributors: globalwarming, global cooling, changing sea levels, oxygen depletion of the seas (a conditionknown as anoxia), epidemics, giant leaks of methane gas from the seafloor, meteor and cometimpacts, runaway hurricanes of a type known as hypercanes, huge volcanic upwellings,catastrophic solar flares.

    this last is a particularly intriguing possibility. nobody knows how big solar flares can getbecause we have only been watching them since the beginning of the space age, but the sun isa mighty engine and its storms are commensurately enormous. a typical solar flare—something we wouldn’t even notice on earth—will release the energy equivalent of a billionhydrogen bombs and fling into space a hundred billion tons or so of murderous high-energyparticles. the magnetosphere and atmosphere between them normally swat these back intospace or steer them safely toward the poles (where they produce the earth’s comely auroras),but it is thought that an unusually big blast, say a hundred times the typical flare, couldoverwhelm our ethereal defenses. the light show would be a glorious one, but it would almostcertainly kill a very high proportion of all that basked in its glow. moreover, and ratherchillingly, according to bruce tsurutani of the nasa jet propulsion laboratory, “it wouldleave no trace in history.”

    what all this leaves us with, as one researcher has put it, is “tons of conjecture and verylittle evidence.” cooling seems to be associated with at least three of the big extinctionevents—the ordovician, devonian, and permian—but beyond that little is agreed, includingwhether a particular episode happened swiftly or slowly. scientists can’t agree, for instance,whether the late devonian extinction—the event that was followed by vertebrates movingonto the land—happened over millions of years or thousands of years or in one lively day.

    one of the reasons it is so hard to produce convincing explanations for extinctions is that itis so very hard to exterminate life on a grand scale. as we have seen from the manson impact,you can receive a ferocious blow and still stage a full, if presumably somewhat wobbly,recovery. so why, out of all the thousands of impacts earth has endured, was the kt event sosingularly devastating? well, first itwas positively enormous. it struck with the force of 100million megatons. such an outburst is not easily imagined, but as james lawrence powell haspointed out, if you exploded one hiroshima-sized bomb for every person alive on earth todayyou would still be about a billion bombs short of the size of the kt impact. but even thatalone may not have been enough to wipe out 70 percent of earth’s life, dinosaurs included.

    the kt meteor had the additional advantage—advantage if you are a mammal, that is—that it landed in a shallow sea just ten meters deep, probably at just the right angle, at a timewhen oxygen levels were 10 percent higher than at present and so the world was morecombustible. above all the floor of the sea where it landed was made of rock rich in sulfur.

    the result was an impact that turned an area of seafloor the size of belgium into aerosols ofsulfuric acid. for months afterward, the earth was subjected to rains acid enough to burn skin.

    in a sense, an even greater question than that of what wiped out 70 percent of the speciesthat were existing at the time is how did the remaining 30 percent survive? why was the eventso irremediably devastating to every single dinosaur that existed, while other reptiles, likesnakes and crocodiles, passed through unimpeded? so far as we can tell no species of toad,newt, salamander, or other amphibian went extinct in north america. “why should thesedelicate creatures have emerged unscathed from such an unparalleled disaster?” asks timflannery in his fascinating prehistory of america, eternal frontier.

    in the seas it was much the same story. all the ammonites vanished, but their cousins thenautiloids, who lived similar lifestyles, swam on. among plankton, some species werepractically wiped out—92 percent of foraminiferans, for instance—while other organisms likediatoms, designed to a similar plan and living alongside, were comparatively unscathed.

    these are difficult inconsistencies. as richard fortey observes: “somehow it does notseem satisfying just to call them ‘lucky ones’ and leave it at that.” if, as seems entirely likely,the event was followed by months of dark and choking smoke, then many of the insectsurvivors become difficult to account for. “some insects, like beetles,” fortey notes, “couldlive on wood or other things lying around. but what about those like bees that navigate bysunlight and need pollen? explaining their survival isn’t so easy.”

    above all, there are the corals. corals require algae to survive and algae require sunlight,and both together require steady minimum temperatures. much publicity has been given in thelast few years to corals dying from changes in sea temperature of only a degree or so. if theyare that vulnerable to small changes, how did they survive the long impact winter?

    there are also many hard-to-explain regional variations. extinctions seem to have been farless severe in the southern hemisphere than the northern. new zealand in particular appears to
    have come through largely unscathed even though it had almost no burrowing creatures. evenits vegetation was overwhelmingly spared, and yet the scale of conflagration elsewheresuggests that devastation was global. in short, there is just a great deal we don’t know.

    some animals absolutely prospered—including, a little surprisingly, the turtles once again.

    as flannery notes, the period immediately after the dinosaur extinction could well be knownas the age of turtles. sixteen species survived in north america and three more came intoexistence soon after.

    clearly it helped to be at home in water. the kt impact wiped out almost 90 percent ofland-based species but only 10 percent of those living in fresh water. water obviously offeredprotection against heat and flame, but also presumably provided more sustenance in the leanperiod that followed. all the land-based animals that survived had a habit of retreating to asafer environment during times of danger—into water or underground—either of whichwould have provided considerable shelter against the ravages without. animals thatscavenged for a living would also have enjoyed an advantage. lizards were, and are, largelyimpervious to the bacteria in rotting carcasses. indeed, often they are positively drawn to it,and for a long while there were clearly a lot of putrid carcasses about.

    it is often wrongly stated that only small animals survived the kt event. in fact, among thesurvivors were crocodiles, which were not just large but three times larger than they are today.

    but on the whole, it is true, most of the survivors were small and furtive. indeed, with theworld dark and hostile, it was a perfect time to be small, warm-blooded, nocturnal, flexible indiet, and cautious by nature—the very qualities that distinguished our mammalian forebears.

    had our evolution been more advanced, we would probably have been wiped out. instead,mammals found themselves in a world to which they were as well suited as anything alive.

    however, it wasn’t as if mammals swarmed forward to fill every niche. “evolution mayabhor a vacuum,” wrote the paleobiologist steven m. stanley, “but it often takes a long timeto fill it.” for perhaps as many as ten million years mammals remained cautiously small. inthe early tertiary, if you were the size of a bobcat you could be king.

    but once they got going, mammals expanded prodigiously—sometimes to an almostpreposterous degree. for a time, there were guinea pigs the size of rhinos and rhinos the sizeof a two-story house. wherever there was a vacancy in the predatory chain, mammals rose(often literally) to fill it. early members of the raccoon family migrated to south america,discovered a vacancy, and evolved into creatures the size and ferocity of bears. birds, too,prospered disproportionately. for millions of years, a gigantic, flightless, carnivorous birdcalled titanis was possibly the most ferocious creature in north america. certainly it was themost daunting bird that ever lived. it stood ten feet high, weighed over eight hundred pounds,and had a beak that could tear the head off pretty much anything that irked it. its familysurvived in formidable fashion for fifty million years, yet until a skeleton was discovered inflorida in 1963, we had no idea that it had ever existed.

    which brings us to another reason for our uncertainty about extinctions: the paltriness ofthe fossil record. we have touched already on the unlikelihood of any set of bones becomingfossilized, but the record is actually worse than you might think. consider dinosaurs.

    museums give the impression that we have a global abundance of dinosaur fossils. in fact,overwhelmingly museum displays are artificial. the giant diplodocus that dominates theentrance hall of the natural history museum in london and has delighted and informedgenerations of visitors is made of plaster—built in 1903 in pittsburgh and presented to the
    museum by andrew carnegie. the entrance hall of the american museum of natural historyin new york is dominated by an even grander tableau: a skeleton of a large barosaurusdefending her baby from attack by a darting and toothy allosaurus. it is a wonderfullyimpressive display—the barosaurus rises perhaps thirty feet toward the high ceiling—but alsoentirely fake. every one of the several hundred bones in the display is a cast. visit almost anylarge natural history museum in the world—in paris, vienna, frankfurt, buenos aires,mexico city—and what will greet you are antique models, not ancient bones.

    the fact is, we don’t really know a great deal about the dinosaurs. for the whole of the ageof dinosaurs, fewer than a thousand species have been identified (almost half of them knownfrom a single specimen), which is about a quarter of the number of mammal species alivenow. dinosaurs, bear in mind, ruled the earth for roughly three times as long as mammalshave, so either dinosaurs were remarkably unproductive of species or we have barelyscratched the surface (to use an irresistibly apt cliché).

    for millions of years through the age of dinosaurs not a single fossil has yet been found.

    even for the period of the late cretaceous—the most studied prehistoric period there is,thanks to our long interest in dinosaurs and their extinction—some three quarters of allspecies that lived may yet be undiscovered. animals bulkier than the diplodocus or moreforbidding than tyrannosaurus may have roamed the earth in the thousands, and we maynever know it. until very recently everything known about the dinosaurs of this period camefrom only about three hundred specimens representing just sixteen species. the scantiness ofthe record led to the widespread belief that dinosaurs were on their way out already when thekt impact occurred.

    in the late 1980s a paleontologist from the milwaukee public museum, peter sheehan,decided to conduct an experiment. using two hundred volunteers, he made a painstakingcensus of a well-defined, but also well-picked-over, area of the famous hell creek formationin montana. sifting meticulously, the volunteers collected every last tooth and vertebra andchip of bone—everything that had been overlooked by previous diggers. the work took threeyears. when finished they found that they had more than tripled the global total of dinosaurfossils from the late cretaceous. the survey established that dinosaurs remained numerousright up to the time of the kt impact. “there is no reason to believe that the dinosaurs weredying out gradually during the last three million years of the cretaceous,” sheehan reported.

    we are so used to the notion of our own inevitability as life’s dominant species that it ishard to grasp that we are here only because of timely extraterrestrial bangs and other randomflukes. the one thing we have in common with all other living things is that for nearly fourbillion years our ancestors have managed to slip through a series of closing doors every timewe needed them to. stephen jay gould expressed it succinctly in a well-known line: “humansare here today because our particular line never fractured—never once at any of the billionpoints that could have erased us from history.”

    we started this chapter with three points: life wants to be; life doesn’t always want to bemuch; life from time to time goes extinct. to this we may add a fourth: life goes on. andoften, as we shall see, it goes on in ways that are decidedly amazing.

  • Bill Bryson《A Short History of Nearly Everything》8-15

    part  iii   a new age dawns

    a physicist is the atoms’ way of thinking about atoms. -anonymous

    8    EINSTEIN’S UNIVERSEAS

    the nineteenth century drew to a close, scientists could reflect with satisfaction thatthey had pinned down most of the mysteries of the physical world: electricity, magnetism,gases, optics, acoustics, kinetics, and statistical mechanics, to name just a few, all had falleninto order before them. they had discovered the x ray, the cathode ray, the electron, andradioactivity, invented the ohm, the watt, the kelvin, the joule, the amp, and the little erg.

    if a thing could be oscillated, accelerated, perturbed, distilled, combined, weighed, or madegaseous they had done it, and in the process produced a body of universal laws so weightyand majestic that we still tend to write them out in capitals: the electromagnetic field theoryof light, richter’s law of reciprocal proportions, charles’s law of gases, the law ofcombining volumes, the zeroth law, the valence concept, the laws of mass actions, andothers beyond counting. the whole world clanged and chuffed with the machinery andinstruments that their ingenuity had produced. many wise people believed that there wasnothing much left for science to do.

    in 1875, when a young german in kiel named max planck was deciding whether to devotehis life to mathematics or to physics, he was urged most heartily not to choose physicsbecause the breakthroughs had all been made there. the coming century, he was assured,would be one of consolidation and refinement, not revolution. planck didn’t listen. he studiedtheoretical physics and threw himself body and soul into work on entropy, a process at theheart of thermodynamics, which seemed to hold much promise for an ambitious young man.

    1in 1891 he produced his results and learned to his dismay that the important work on entropyhad in fact been done already, in this instance by a retiring scholar at yale university namedj. willard gibbs.

    gibbs is perhaps the most brilliant person that most people have never heard of. modest tothe point of near invisibility, he passed virtually the whole of his life, apart from three yearsspent studying in europe, within a three-block area bounded by his house and the yalecampus in new haven, connecticut. for his first ten years at yale he didn’t even bother todraw a salary. (he had independent means.) from 1871, when he joined the university as aprofessor, to his death in 1903, his courses attracted an average of slightly over one student asemester. his written work was difficult to follow and employed a private form of notationthat many found incomprehensible. but buried among his arcane formulations were insightsof the loftiest brilliance.

    in 1875–78, gibbs produced a series of papers, collectively titledon the equilibrium ofheterogeneous substances , that dazzlingly elucidated the thermodynamic principles of, well,1specifically it is a measure of randomness or disorder in a system. darrell ebbing, in the textbook generalchemistry, very usefully suggests thinking of a deck of cards. a new pack fresh out of the box, arranged by suitand in sequence from ace to king, can be said to be in its ordered state. shuffle the cards and you put them in adisordered state. entropy is a way of measuring just how disordered that state is and of determining thelikelihood of particular outcomes with further shuffles. of course, if you wish to have any observationspublished in a respectable journal you will need also to understand additional concepts such as thermalnonuniformities, lattice distances, and stoichiometric relationships, but thats the general idea.

    nearly everything—“gases, mixtures, surfaces, solids, phase changes . . . chemical reactions,electrochemical cells, sedimentation, and osmosis,” to quote william h. cropper. in essencewhat gibbs did was show that thermodynamics didn’t apply simply to heat and energy at thesort of large and noisy scale of the steam engine, but was also present and influential at theatomic level of chemical reactions. gibbs’s equilibrium has been called “the principia ofthermodynamics,” but for reasons that defy speculation gibbs chose to publish theselandmark observations in the transactions of the connecticut academy of arts and sciences,a journal that managed to be obscure even in connecticut, which is why planck did not hearof him until too late.

    undaunted—well, perhaps mildly daunted—planck turned to other matters.

    2we shall turnto these ourselves in a moment, but first we must make a slight (but relevant!) detour tocleveland, ohio, and an institution then known as the case school of applied science. there,in the 1880s, a physicist of early middle years named albert michelson, assisted by his friendthe chemist edward morley, embarked on a series of experiments that produced curious anddisturbing results that would have great ramifications for much of what followed.

    what michelson and morley did, without actually intending to, was undermine alongstanding belief in something called the luminiferous ether, a stable, invisible, weightless,frictionless, and unfortunately wholly imaginary medium that was thought to permeate theuniverse. conceived by descartes, embraced by newton, and venerated by nearly everyoneever since, the ether held a position of absolute centrality in nineteenth-century physics as away of explaining how light traveled across the emptiness of space. it was especially neededin the 1800s because light and electromagnetism were now seen as waves, which is to saytypes of vibrations. vibrations must occur in something; hence the need for, and lastingdevotion to, an ether. as late as 1909, the great british physicist j. j. thomson was insisting:

    “the ether is not a fantastic creation of the speculative philosopher; it is as essential to us asthe air we breathe”—this more than four years after it was pretty incontestably establishedthat it didn’t exist. people, in short, were really attached to the ether.

    if you needed to illustrate the idea of nineteenth-century america as a land of opportunity,you could hardly improve on the life of albert michelson. born in 1852 on the german–polish border to a family of poor jewish merchants, he came to the united states with hisfamily as an infant and grew up in a mining camp in california’s gold rush country, where hisfather ran a dry goods business. too poor to pay for college, he traveled to washington, d.c.,and took to loitering by the front door of the white house so that he could fall in besidepresident ulysses s. grant when the president emerged for his daily constitutional. (it wasclearly a more innocent age.) in the course of these walks, michelson so ingratiated himself tothe president that grant agreed to secure for him a free place at the u.s. naval academy. itwas there that michelson learned his physics.

    ten years later, by now a professor at the case school in cleveland, michelson becameinterested in trying to measure something called the ether drift—a kind of head windproduced by moving objects as they plowed through space. one of the predictions ofnewtonian physics was that the speed of light as it pushed through the ether should vary with2planck was often unlucky in life. his beloved first wife died early, in 1909, and the younger of his two sonswas killed in the first world war. he also had twin daughters whom he adored. one died giving birth. thesurviving twin went to look after the baby and fell in love with her sisters husband. they married and two yearslater she died in childbirth. in 1944, when planck was eighty-five, an allied bomb fell on his house and he losteverything-papers, diaries, a lifetime of accumulations. the following year his surviving son was caught in aconspiracy to assassinate hitler and executed.

    respect to an observer depending on whether the observer was moving toward the source oflight or away from it, but no one had figured out a way to measure this. it occurred tomichelson that for half the year the earth is traveling toward the sun and for half the year it ismoving away from it, and he reasoned that if you took careful enough measurements atopposite seasons and compared light’s travel time between the two, you would have youranswer.

    michelson talked alexander graham bell, newly enriched inventor of the telephone, intoproviding the funds to build an ingenious and sensitive instrument of michelson’s owndevising called an interferometer, which could measure the velocity of light with greatprecision. then, assisted by the genial but shadowy morley, michelson embarked on years offastidious measurements. the work was delicate and exhausting, and had to be suspended fora time to permit michelson a brief but comprehensive nervous breakdown, but by 1887 theyhad their results. they were not at all what the two scientists had expected to find.

    as caltech astrophysicist kip s. thorne has written: “the speed of light turned out to bethe same inall directions and at all seasons.” it was the first hint in two hundred years—inexactly two hundred years, in fact—that newton’s laws might not apply all the timeeverywhere. the michelson-morley outcome became, in the words of william h. cropper,“probably the most famous negative result in the history of physics.” michelson was awardeda nobel prize in physics for the work—the first american so honored—but not for twentyyears. meanwhile, the michelson-morley experiments would hover unpleasantly, like a mustysmell, in the background of scientific thought.

    remarkably, and despite his findings, when the twentieth century dawned michelsoncounted himself among those who believed that the work of science was nearly at an end,with “only a few turrets and pinnacles to be added, a few roof bosses to be carved,” in thewords of a writer in nature.

    in fact, of course, the world was about to enter a century of science where many peoplewouldn’t understand anything and none would understand everything. scientists would soonfind themselves adrift in a bewildering realm of particles and antiparticles, where things popin and out of existence in spans of time that make nanoseconds look plodding and uneventful,where everything is strange. science was moving from a world of macrophysics, whereobjects could be seen and held and measured, to one of microphysics, where events transpirewith unimaginable swiftness on scales far below the limits of imagining. we were about toenter the quantum age, and the first person to push on the door was the so-far unfortunatemax planck.

    in 1900, now a theoretical physicist at the university of berlin and at the somewhatadvanced age of forty-two, planck unveiled a new “quantum theory,” which posited thatenergy is not a continuous thing like flowing water but comes in individualized packets,which he called quanta. this was a novel concept, and a good one. in the short term it wouldhelp to provide a solution to the puzzle of the michelson-morley experiments in that itdemonstrated that light needn’t be a wave after all. in the longer term it would lay thefoundation for the whole of modern physics. it was, at all events, the first clue that the worldwas about to change.

    but the landmark event—the dawn of a new age—came in 1905, when there appeared inthe german physics journal annalen der physik a series of papers by a young swissbureaucrat who had no university affiliation, no access to a laboratory, and the regular use of
    no library greater than that of the national patent office in bern, where he was employed as atechnical examiner third class. (an application to be promoted to technical examiner secondclass had recently been rejected.)his name was albert einstein, and in that one eventful year he submitted to annalen derphysik five papers, of which three, according to c. p. snow, “were among the greatest in thehistory of physics”—one examining the photoelectric effect by means of planck’s newquantum theory, one on the behavior of small particles in suspension (what is known asbrownian motion), and one outlining a special theory of relativity.

    the first won its author a nobel prize and explained the nature of light (and also helped tomake television possible, among other things).

    3the second provided proof that atoms doindeed exist—a fact that had, surprisingly, been in some dispute. the third merely changedthe world.

    einstein was born in ulm, in southern germany, in 1879, but grew up in munich. little inhis early life suggested the greatness to come. famously he didn’t learn to speak until he wasthree. in the 1890s, his father’s electrical business failing, the family moved to milan, butalbert, by now a teenager, went to switzerland to continue his education—though he failedhis college entrance exams on the first try. in 1896 he gave up his german citizenship toavoid military conscription and entered the zurich polytechnic institute on a four-year coursedesigned to churn out high school science teachers. he was a bright but not outstandingstudent.

    in 1900 he graduated and within a few months was beginning to contribute papers toannalen der physik. his very first paper, on the physics of fluids in drinking straws (of allthings), appeared in the same issue as planck’s quantum theory. from 1902 to 1904 heproduced a series of papers on statistical mechanics only to discover that the quietlyproductive j. willard gibbs in connecticut had done that work as well, in his elementaryprinciples of statistical mechanics of 1901.

    at the same time he had fallen in love with a fellow student, a hungarian named milevamaric. in 1901 they had a child out of wedlock, a daughter, who was discreetly put up foradoption. einstein never saw his child. two years later, he and maric were married. inbetween these events, in 1902, einstein took a job with the swiss patent office, where hestayed for the next seven years. he enjoyed the work: it was challenging enough to engage hismind, but not so challenging as to distract him from his physics. this was the backgroundagainst which he produced the special theory of relativity in 1905.

    called “on the electrodynamics of moving bodies,” it is one of the most extraordinaryscientific papers ever published, as much for how it was presented as for what it said. it hadno footnotes or citations, contained almost no mathematics, made no mention of any workthat had influenced or preceded it, and acknowledged the help of just one individual, a3einstein was honored, somewhat vaguely, “for services to theoretical physics.” he had to wait sixteen years, till1921, to receive the award-quite a long time, all things considered, but nothing at all compared with frederickreines, who detected the neutrino in 1957 but wasnt honored with a nobel until 1995, thirty-eight years later, orthe german ernst ruska, who invented the electron microscope in 1932 and received his nobel prize in 1986,more than half a century after the fact. since nobel prizes are never awarded posthumously, longevity can be asimportant a factor as ingenuity for prizewinners.

    colleague at the patent office named michele besso. it was, wrote c. p. snow, as if einstein“had reached the conclusions by pure thought, unaided, without listening to the opinions ofothers. to a surprisingly large extent, that is precisely what he had done.”

    his famous equation, e =mc2, did not appear with the paper, but came in a brief supplementthat followed a few months later. as you will recall from school days, e in the equation standsfor energy, m for mass, and c2for the speed of light squared.

    in simplest terms, what the equation says is that mass and energy have an equivalence.

    they are two forms of the same thing: energy is liberated matter; matter is energy waiting tohappen. since c2(the speed of light times itself) is a truly enormous number, what theequation is saying is that there is a huge amount—a really huge amount—of energy bound upin every material thing.

    4you may not feel outstandingly robust, but if you are an average-sized adult you willcontain within your modest frame no less than 7 x 1018joules of potential energy—enough toexplode with the force of thirty very large hydrogen bombs, assuming you knew how toliberate it and really wished to make a point. everything has this kind of energy trappedwithin it. we’re just not very good at getting it out. even a uranium bomb—the mostenergetic thing we have produced yet—releases less than 1 percent of the energy it couldrelease if only we were more cunning.

    among much else, einstein’s theory explained how radiation worked: how a lump ofuranium could throw out constant streams of high-level energy without melting away like anice cube. (it could do it by converting mass to energy extremely efficiently à lae =mc2.) itexplained how stars could burn for billions of years without racing through their fuel. (ditto.)at a stroke, in a simple formula, einstein endowed geologists and astronomers with theluxury of billions of years. above all, the special theory showed that the speed of light wasconstant and supreme. nothing could overtake it. it brought light (no pun intended, exactly) tothe very heart of our understanding of the nature of the universe. not incidentally, it alsosolved the problem of the luminiferous ether by making it clear that it didn’t exist. einsteingave us a universe that didn’t need it.

    physicists as a rule are not overattentive to the pronouncements of swiss patent officeclerks, and so, despite the abundance of useful tidings, einstein’s papers attracted little notice.

    having just solved several of the deepest mysteries of the universe, einstein applied for a jobas a university lecturer and was rejected, and then as a high school teacher and was rejectedthere as well. so he went back to his job as an examiner third class, but of course he keptthinking. he hadn’t even come close to finishing yet.

    when the poet paul valéry once asked einstein if he kept a notebook to record his ideas,einstein looked at him with mild but genuine surprise. “oh, that’s not necessary,” he replied.

    “it’s so seldom i have one.” i need hardly point out that when he did get one it tended to begood. einstein’s next idea was one of the greatest that anyone has ever had—indeed, the verygreatest, according to boorse, motz, and weaver in their thoughtful history of atomic science.

    4how c came to be the symbol for the speed of light is something of a mystery, but david bodanis suggests itprobably came from the latin celeritas, meaning swiftness. the relevant volume of the oxford englishdictionary, compiled a decade before einsteins theory, recognizes c as a symbol for many things, from carbonto cricket, but makes no mention of it as a symbol for light or swiftness.

    “as the creation of a single mind,” they write, “it is undoubtedly the highest intellectualachievement of humanity,” which is of course as good as a compliment can get.

    in 1907, or so it has sometimes been written, albert einstein saw a workman fall off a roofand began to think about gravity. alas, like many good stories this one appears to beapocryphal. according to einstein himself, he was simply sitting in a chair when the problemof gravity occurred to him.

    actually, what occurred to einstein was something more like the beginning of a solution tothe problem of gravity, since it had been evident to him from the outset that one thing missingfrom the special theory was gravity. what was “special” about the special theory was that itdealt with things moving in an essentially unimpeded state. but what happened when a thingin motion—light, above all—encountered an obstacle such as gravity? it was a question thatwould occupy his thoughts for most of the next decade and lead to the publication in early1917 of a paper entitled “cosmological considerations on the general theory of relativity.”

    the special theory of relativity of 1905 was a profound and important piece of work, ofcourse, but as c. p. snow once observed, if einstein hadn’t thought of it when he did someoneelse would have, probably within five years; it was an idea waiting to happen. but the generaltheory was something else altogether. “without it,” wrote snow in 1979, “it is likely that weshould still be waiting for the theory today.”

    with his pipe, genially self-effacing manner, and electrified hair, einstein was too splendida figure to remain permanently obscure, and in 1919, the war over, the world suddenlydiscovered him. almost at once his theories of relativity developed a reputation for beingimpossible for an ordinary person to grasp. matters were not helped, as david bodanis pointsout in his superb book e=mc2, when the new york times decided to do a story, and—forreasons that can never fail to excite wonder—sent the paper’s golfing correspondent, onehenry crouch, to conduct the interview.

    crouch was hopelessly out of his depth, and got nearly everything wrong. among the morelasting errors in his report was the assertion that einstein had found a publisher daring enoughto publish a book that only twelve men “in all the world could comprehend.” there was nosuch book, no such publisher, no such circle of learned men, but the notion stuck anyway.

    soon the number of people who could grasp relativity had been reduced even further in thepopular imagination—and the scientific establishment, it must be said, did little to disturb themyth.

    when a journalist asked the british astronomer sir arthur eddington if it was true that hewas one of only three people in the world who could understand einstein’s relativity theories,eddington considered deeply for a moment and replied: “i am trying to think who the thirdperson is.” in fact, the problem with relativity wasn’t that it involved a lot of differentialequations, lorentz transformations, and other complicated mathematics (though it did—eveneinstein needed help with some of it), but that it was just so thoroughly nonintuitive.

    in essence what relativity says is that space and time are not absolute, but relative to boththe observer and to the thing being observed, and the faster one moves the more pronouncedthese effects become. we can never accelerate ourselves to the speed of light, and the harderwe try (and faster we go) the more distorted we will become, relative to an outside observer.

    almost at once popularizers of science tried to come up with ways to make these conceptsaccessible to a general audience. one of the more successful attempts—commercially at
    least—was the abc of relativity by the mathematician and philosopher bertrand russell. init, russell employed an image that has been used many times since. he asked the reader toenvision a train one hundred yards long moving at 60 percent of the speed of light. tosomeone standing on a platform watching it pass, the train would appear to be only eightyyards long and everything on it would be similarly compressed. if we could hear thepassengers on the train speak, their voices would sound slurred and sluggish, like a recordplayed at too slow a speed, and their movements would appear similarly ponderous. even theclocks on the train would seem to be running at only four-fifths of their normal speed.

    however—and here’s the thing—people on the train would have no sense of thesedistortions. to them, everything on the train would seem quite normal. it would be we on theplatform who looked weirdly compressed and slowed down. it is all to do, you see, with yourposition relative to the moving object.

    this effect actually happens every time you move. fly across the united states, and youwill step from the plane a quinzillionth of a second, or something, younger than those you leftbehind. even in walking across the room you will very slightly alter your own experience oftime and space. it has been calculated that a baseball thrown at a hundred miles an hour willpick up 0.000000000002 grams of mass on its way to home plate. so the effects of relativityare real and have been measured. the problem is that such changes are much too small tomake the tiniest detectable difference to us. but for other things in the universe—light,gravity, the universe itself—these are matters of consequence.

    so if the ideas of relativity seem weird, it is only because we don’t experience these sorts ofinteractions in normal life. however, to turn to bodanis again, we all commonly encounterother kinds of relativity—for instance with regard to sound. if you are in a park and someoneis playing annoying music, you know that if you move to a more distant spot the music willseem quieter. that’s not because the musicis quieter, of course, but simply that your positionrelative to it has changed. to something too small or sluggish to duplicate this experience—asnail, say—the idea that a boom box could seem to two observers to produce two differentvolumes of music simultaneously might seem incredible.

    the most challenging and nonintuitive of all the concepts in the general theory of relativityis the idea that time is part of space. our instinct is to regard time as eternal, absolute,immutable—nothing can disturb its steady tick. in fact, according to einstein, time is variableand ever changing. it even has shape. it is bound up—“inextricably interconnected,” instephen hawking’s expression—with the three dimensions of space in a curious dimensionknown as spacetime.

    spacetime is usually explained by asking you to imagine something flat but pliant—amattress, say, or a sheet of stretched rubber—on which is resting a heavy round object, suchas an iron ball. the weight of the iron ball causes the material on which it is sitting to stretchand sag slightly. this is roughly analogous to the effect that a massive object such as the sun(the iron ball) has on spacetime (the material): it stretches and curves and warps it. now ifyou roll a smaller ball across the sheet, it tries to go in a straight line as required by newton’slaws of motion, but as it nears the massive object and the slope of the sagging fabric, it rollsdownward, ineluctably drawn to the more massive object. this is gravity—a product of thebending of spacetime.

    every object that has mass creates a little depression in the fabric of the cosmos. thus theuniverse, as dennis overbye has put it, is “the ultimate sagging mattress.” gravity on this
    view is no longer so much a thing as an outcome—“not a ‘force’ but a byproduct of thewarping of spacetime,” in the words of the physicist michio kaku, who goes on: “in somesense, gravity does not exist; what moves the planets and stars is the distortion of space andtime.”

    of course the sagging mattress analogy can take us only so far because it doesn’tincorporate the effect of time. but then our brains can take us only so far because it is sonearly impossible to envision a dimension comprising three parts space to one part time, allinterwoven like the threads in a plaid fabric. at all events, i think we can agree that this wasan awfully big thought for a young man staring out the window of a patent office in thecapital of switzerland.

    among much else, einstein’s general theory of relativity suggested that the universe mustbe either expanding or contracting. but einstein was not a cosmologist, and he accepted theprevailing wisdom that the universe was fixed and eternal. more or less reflexively, hedropped into his equations something called the cosmological constant, which arbitrarilycounterbalanced the effects of gravity, serving as a kind of mathematical pause button. bookson the history of science always forgive einstein this lapse, but it was actually a fairlyappalling piece of science and he knew it. he called it “the biggest blunder of my life.”

    coincidentally, at about the time that einstein was affixing a cosmological constant to histheory, at the lowell observatory in arizona, an astronomer with the cheerily intergalacticname of vesto slipher (who was in fact from indiana) was taking spectrographic readings ofdistant stars and discovering that they appeared to be moving away from us. the universewasn’t static. the stars slipher looked at showed unmistakable signs of a doppler shift5—thesame mechanism behind that distinctive stretched-out yee-yummm sound cars make as theyflash past on a racetrack. the phenomenon also applies to light, and in the case of recedinggalaxies it is known as a red shift (because light moving away from us shifts toward the redend of the spectrum; approaching light shifts to blue).

    slipher was the first to notice this effect with light and to realize its potential importancefor understanding the motions of the cosmos. unfortunately no one much noticed him. thelowell observatory, as you will recall, was a bit of an oddity thanks to percival lowell’sobsession with martian canals, which in the 1910s made it, in every sense, an outpost ofastronomical endeavor. slipher was unaware of einstein’s theory of relativity, and the worldwas equally unaware of slipher. so his finding had no impact.

    glory instead would pass to a large mass of ego named edwin hubble. hubble was born in1889, ten years after einstein, in a small missouri town on the edge of the ozarks and grewup there and in wheaton, illinois, a suburb of chicago. his father was a successful insuranceexecutive, so life was always comfortable, and edwin enjoyed a wealth of physicalendowments, too. he was a strong and gifted athlete, charming, smart, and immensely good-looking—“handsome almost to a fault,” in the description of william h. cropper, “an5named for johann christian doppler, an austrian physicist, who first noticed the effect in 1842. briefly, whathappens is that as a moving object approaches a stationary one its sound waves become bunched up as they cramup against whatever device is receiving them (your ears, say), just as you would expect of anything that is beingpushed from behind toward an immobile object. this bunching is perceived by the listener as a kind of pinchedand elevated sound (the yee). as the sound source passes, the sound waves spread out and lengthen, causing thepitch to drop abruptly (the yummm).

    adonis” in the words of another admirer. according to his own accounts, he also managed tofit into his life more or less constant acts of valor—rescuing drowning swimmers, leadingfrightened men to safety across the battlefields of france, embarrassing world-championboxers with knockdown punches in exhibition bouts. it all seemed too good to be true. it was.

    for all his gifts, hubble was also an inveterate liar.

    this was more than a little odd, for hubble’s life was filled from an early age with a levelof distinction that was at times almost ludicrously golden. at a single high school track meetin 1906, he won the pole vault, shot put, discus, hammer throw, standing high jump, andrunning high jump, and was on the winning mile-relay team—that is seven first places in onemeet—and came in third in the broad jump. in the same year, he set a state record for the highjump in illinois.

    as a scholar he was equally proficient, and had no trouble gaining admission to studyphysics and astronomy at the university of chicago (where, coincidentally, the head of thedepartment was now albert michelson). there he was selected to be one of the first rhodesscholars at oxford. three years of english life evidently turned his head, for he returned towheaton in 1913 wearing an inverness cape, smoking a pipe, and talking with a peculiarlyorotund accent—not quite british but not quite not—that would remain with him for life.

    though he later claimed to have passed most of the second decade of the century practicinglaw in kentucky, in fact he worked as a high school teacher and basketball coach in newalbany, indiana, before belatedly attaining his doctorate and passing briefly through thearmy. (he arrived in france one month before the armistice and almost certainly never hearda shot fired in anger.)in 1919, now aged thirty, he moved to california and took up a position at the mountwilson observatory near los angeles. swiftly, and more than a little unexpectedly, hebecame the most outstanding astronomer of the twentieth century.

    it is worth pausing for a moment to consider just how little was known of the cosmos at thistime. astronomers today believe there are perhaps 140 billion galaxies in the visible universe.

    that’s a huge number, much bigger than merely saying it would lead you to suppose. ifgalaxies were frozen peas, it would be enough to fill a large auditorium—the old bostongarden, say, or the royal albert hall. (an astrophysicist named bruce gregory has actuallycomputed this.) in 1919, when hubble first put his head to the eyepiece, the number of thesegalaxies that were known to us was exactly one: the milky way. everything else was thoughtto be either part of the milky way itself or one of many distant, peripheral puffs of gas.

    hubble quickly demonstrated how wrong that belief was.

    over the next decade, hubble tackled two of the most fundamental questions of theuniverse: how old is it, and how big? to answer both it is necessary to know two things—howfar away certain galaxies are and how fast they are flying away from us (what is known astheir recessional velocity). the red shift gives the speed at which galaxies are retiring, butdoesn’t tell us how far away they are to begin with. for that you need what are known as“standard candles”—stars whose brightness can be reliably calculated and used asbenchmarks to measure the brightness (and hence relative distance) of other stars.

    hubble’s luck was to come along soon after an ingenious woman named henrietta swanleavitt had figured out a way to do so. leavitt worked at the harvard college observatory asa computer, as they were known. computers spent their lives studying photographic plates ofstars and making computations—hence the name. it was little more than drudgery by another
    name, but it was as close as women could get to real astronomy at harvard—or indeed prettymuch anywhere—in those days. the system, however unfair, did have certain unexpectedbenefits: it meant that half the finest minds available were directed to work that wouldotherwise have attracted little reflective attention, and it ensured that women ended up with anappreciation of the fine structure of the cosmos that often eluded their male counterparts.

    one harvard computer, annie jump cannon, used her repetitive acquaintance with thestars to devise a system of stellar classifications so practical that it is still in use today.

    leavitt’s contribution was even more profound. she noticed that a type of star known as acepheid variable (after the constellation cepheus, where it first was identified) pulsated witha regular rhythm—a kind of stellar heartbeat. cepheids are quite rare, but at least one of themis well known to most of us. polaris, the pole star, is a cepheid.

    we now know that cepheids throb as they do because they are elderly stars that havemoved past their “main sequence phase,” in the parlance of astronomers, and become redgiants. the chemistry of red giants is a little weighty for our purposes here (it requires anappreciation for the properties of singly ionized helium atoms, among quite a lot else), but putsimply it means that they burn their remaining fuel in a way that produces a very rhythmic,very reliable brightening and dimming. leavitt’s genius was to realize that by comparing therelative magnitudes of cepheids at different points in the sky you could work out where theywere in relation to each other. they could be used as “standard candles”—a term she coinedand still in universal use. the method provided only relative distances, not absolute distances,but even so it was the first time that anyone had come up with a usable way to measure thelarge-scale universe.

    (just to put these insights into perspective, it is perhaps worth noting that at the time leavittand cannon were inferring fundamental properties of the cosmos from dim smudges onphotographic plates, the harvard astronomer william h. pickering, who could of course peerinto a first-class telescope as often as he wanted, was developing his seminal theory that darkpatches on the moon were caused by swarms of seasonally migrating insects.)combining leavitt’s cosmic yardstick with vesto slipher’s handy red shifts, edwin hubblenow began to measure selected points in space with a fresh eye. in 1923 he showed that a puffof distant gossamer in the andromeda constellation known as m31 wasn’t a gas cloud at allbut a blaze of stars, a galaxy in its own right, a hundred thousand light-years across and atleast nine hundred thousand light-years away. the universe was vaster—vastly vaster—thananyone had ever supposed. in 1924 he produced a landmark paper, “cepheids in spiralnebulae” (nebulae,from the latin for “clouds,” was his word for galaxies), showing that theuniverse consisted not just of the milky way but of lots of independent galaxies—“islanduniverses”—many of them bigger than the milky way and much more distant.

    this finding alone would have ensured hubble’s reputation, but he now turned to thequestion of working out just how much vaster the universe was, and made an even morestriking discovery. hubble began to measure the spectra of distant galaxies—the business thatslipher had begun in arizona. using mount wilson’s new hundred-inch hooker telescopeand some clever inferences, he worked out that all the galaxies in the sky (except for our ownlocal cluster) are moving away from us. moreover, their speed and distance were neatlyproportional: the further away the galaxy, the faster it was moving.

    this was truly startling. the universe was expanding, swiftly and evenly in all directions. itdidn’t take a huge amount of imagination to read backwards from this and realize that it must
    therefore have started from some central point. far from being the stable, fixed, eternal voidthat everyone had always assumed, this was a universe that had a beginning. it mighttherefore also have an end.

    the wonder, as stephen hawking has noted, is that no one had hit on the idea of theexpanding universe before. a static universe, as should have been obvious to newton andevery thinking astronomer since, would collapse in upon itself. there was also the problemthat if stars had been burning indefinitely in a static universe they’d have made the wholeintolerably hot—certainly much too hot for the likes of us. an expanding universe resolvedmuch of this at a stroke.

    hubble was a much better observer than a thinker and didn’t immediately appreciate thefull implications of what he had found. partly this was because he was woefully ignorant ofeinstein’s general theory of relativity. this was quite remarkable because, for one thing,einstein and his theory were world famous by now. moreover, in 1929 albert michelson—now in his twilight years but still one of the world’s most alert and esteemed scientists—accepted a position at mount wilson to measure the velocity of light with his trustyinterferometer, and must surely have at least mentioned to him the applicability of einstein’stheory to his own findings.

    at all events, hubble failed to make theoretical hay when the chance was there. instead, itwas left to a belgian priest-scholar (with a ph.d. from mit) named georges lema?tre tobring together the two strands in his own “fireworks theory,” which suggested that theuniverse began as a geometrical point, a “primeval atom,” which burst into glory and hadbeen moving apart ever since. it was an idea that very neatly anticipated the modernconception of the big bang but was so far ahead of its time that lema?tre seldom gets morethan the sentence or two that we have given him here. the world would need additionaldecades, and the inadvertent discovery of cosmic background radiation by penzias and wilsonat their hissing antenna in new jersey, before the big bang would begin to move frominteresting idea to established theory.

    neither hubble nor einstein would be much of a part of that big story. though no onewould have guessed it at the time, both men had done about as much as they were ever goingto do.

    in 1936 hubble produced a popular book called the realm of the nebulae, whichexplained in flattering style his own considerable achievements. here at last he showed thathe had acquainted himself with einstein’s theory—up to a point anyway: he gave it four pagesout of about two hundred.

    hubble died of a heart attack in 1953. one last small oddity awaited him. for reasonscloaked in mystery, his wife declined to have a funeral and never revealed what she did withhis body. half a century later the whereabouts of the century’s greatest astronomer remainunknown. for a memorial you must look to the sky and the hubble space telescope,launched in 1990 and named in his honor.

    9    THE MIGHTY ATOM

    while einstein and hubble were productively unraveling the large-scale structure ofthe cosmos, others were struggling to understand something closer to hand but in its way justas remote: the tiny and ever- mysterious atom.

    the great caltech physicist richard feynman once observed that if you had to reducescientific history to one important statement it would be “all things are made of atoms.” theyare everywhere and they constitute every thing. look around you. it is all atoms. not just thesolid things like walls and tables and sofas, but the air in between. and they are there innumbers that you really cannot conceive.

    the basic working arrangement of atoms is the molecule (from the latin for “little mass”).

    a molecule is simply two or more atoms working together in a more or less stablearrangement: add two atoms of hydrogen to one of oxygen and you have a molecule of water.

    chemists tend to think in terms of molecules rather than elements in much the way thatwriters tend to think in terms of words and not letters, so it is molecules they count, and theseare numerous to say the least. at sea level, at a temperature of 32 degrees fahrenheit, onecubic centimeter of air (that is, a space about the size of a sugar cube) will contain 45 billionbillion molecules. and they are in every single cubic centimeter you see around you. thinkhow many cubic centimeters there are in the world outside your window—how many sugarcubes it would take to fill that view. then think how many it would take to build a universe.

    atoms, in short, are very abundant.

    they are also fantastically durable. because they are so long lived, atoms really get around.

    every atom you possess has almost certainly passed through several stars and been part ofmillions of organisms on its way to becoming you. we are each so atomically numerous andso vigorously recycled at death that a significant number of our atoms—up to a billion foreach of us, it has been suggested—probably once belonged to shakespeare. a billion moreeach came from buddha and genghis khan and beethoven, and any other historical figureyou care to name. (the personages have to be historical, apparently, as it takes the atomssome decades to become thoroughly redistributed; however much you may wish it, you arenot yet one with elvis presley.)so we are all reincarnations—though short-lived ones. when we die our atoms willdisassemble and move off to find new uses elsewhere—as part of a leaf or other human beingor drop of dew. atoms, however, go on practically forever. nobody actually knows how longan atom can survive, but according to martin rees it is probably about 1035years—a numberso big that even i am happy to express it in notation.

    above all, atoms are tiny—very tiny indeed. half a million of them lined up shoulder toshoulder could hide behind a human hair. on such a scale an individual atom is essentiallyimpossible to imagine, but we can of course try.

    start with a millimeter, which is a line this long: -. now imagine that line divided into athousand equal widths. each of those widths is a micron. this is the scale of microorganisms.

    a typical paramecium, for instance, is about two microns wide, 0.002 millimeters, which isreally very small. if you wanted to see with your naked eye a paramecium swimming in adrop of water, you would have to enlarge the drop until it was some forty feet across.

    however, if you wanted to see the atoms in the same drop, you would have to make the dropfifteen miles across.

    atoms, in other words, exist on a scale of minuteness of another order altogether. to getdown to the scale of atoms, you would need to take each one of those micron slices and shaveit into ten thousand finer widths. that’s the scale of an atom: one ten-millionth of amillimeter. it is a degree of slenderness way beyond the capacity of our imaginations, but youcan get some idea of the proportions if you bear in mind that one atom is to the width of amillimeter line as the thickness of a sheet of paper is to the height of the empire statebuilding.

    it is of course the abundance and extreme durability of atoms that makes them so useful,and the tininess that makes them so hard to detect and understand. the realization that atomsare these three things—small, numerous, practically indestructible—and that all things aremade from them first occurred not to antoine-laurent lavoisier, as you might expect, or evento henry cavendish or humphry davy, but rather to a spare and lightly educated englishquaker named john dalton, whom we first encountered in the chapter on chemistry.

    dalton was born in 1766 on the edge of the lake district near cockermouth to a family ofpoor but devout quaker weavers. (four years later the poet william wordsworth would alsojoin the world at cockermouth.) he was an exceptionally bright student—so very brightindeed that at the improbably youthful age of twelve he was put in charge of the local quakerschool. this perhaps says as much about the school as about dalton’s precocity, but perhapsnot: we know from his diaries that at about this time he was reading newton’s principia in theoriginal latin and other works of a similarly challenging nature. at fifteen, stillschoolmastering, he took a job in the nearby town of kendal, and a decade after that hemoved to manchester, scarcely stirring from there for the remaining fifty years of his life. inmanchester he became something of an intellectual whirlwind, producing books and paperson subjects ranging from meteorology to grammar. color blindness, a condition from whichhe suffered, was for a long time called daltonism because of his studies. but it was a plumpbook called a new system of chemical philosophy, published in 1808, that established hisreputation.

    there, in a short chapter of just five pages (out of the book’s more than nine hundred),people of learning first encountered atoms in something approaching their modernconception. dalton’s simple insight was that at the root of all matter are exceedingly tiny,irreducible particles. “we might as well attempt to introduce a new planet into the solarsystem or annihilate one already in existence, as to create or destroy a particle of hydrogen,”he wrote.

    neither the idea of atoms nor the term itself was exactly new. both had been developed bythe ancient greeks. dalton’s contribution was to consider the relative sizes and characters ofthese atoms and how they fit together. he knew, for instance, that hydrogen was the lightestelement, so he gave it an atomic weight of one. he believed also that water consisted of sevenparts of oxygen to one of hydrogen, and so he gave oxygen an atomic weight of seven. bysuch means was he able to arrive at the relative weights of the known elements. he wasn’talways terribly accurate—oxygen’s atomic weight is actually sixteen, not seven—but theprinciple was sound and formed the basis for all of modern chemistry and much of the rest ofmodern science.

    the work made dalton famous—albeit in a low-key, english quaker sort of way. in 1826,the french chemist p .j. pelletier traveled to manchester to meet the atomic hero. pelletierexpected to find him attached to some grand institution, so he was astounded to discover himteaching elementary arithmetic to boys in a small school on a back street. according to the
    scientific historian e. j. holmyard, a confused pelletier, upon beholding the great man,stammered:

    “est-ce que j’ai l’honneur de m’addresser à monsieur dalton?” for he couldhardly believe his eyes that this was the chemist of european fame, teaching a boyhis first four rules. “yes,” said the matter-of-fact quaker. “wilt thou sit downwhilst i put this lad right about his arithmetic?”

    although dalton tried to avoid all honors, he was elected to the royal society against hiswishes, showered with medals, and given a handsome government pension. when he died in1844, forty thousand people viewed the coffin, and the funeral cortege stretched for twomiles. his entry in the dictionary of national biography is one of the longest, rivaled inlength only by those of darwin and lyell among nineteenth-century men of science.

    for a century after dalton made his proposal, it remained entirely hypothetical, and a feweminent scientists—notably the viennese physicist ernst mach, for whom is named the speedof sound—doubted the existence of atoms at all. “atoms cannot be perceived by the senses . .

    . they are things of thought,” he wrote. the existence of atoms was so doubtfully held in thegerman-speaking world in particular that it was said to have played a part in the suicide of thegreat theoretical physicist, and atomic enthusiast, ludwig boltzmann in 1906.

    it was einstein who provided the first incontrovertible evidence of atoms’ existence withhis paper on brownian motion in 1905, but this attracted little attention and in any caseeinstein was soon to become consumed with his work on general relativity. so the first realhero of the atomic age, if not the first personage on the scene, was ernest rutherford.

    rutherford was born in 1871 in the “back blocks” of new zealand to parents who hademigrated from scotland to raise a little flax and a lot of children (to paraphrase stevenweinberg). growing up in a remote part of a remote country, he was about as far from themainstream of science as it was possible to be, but in 1895 he won a scholarship that took himto the cavendish laboratory at cambridge university, which was about to become the hottestplace in the world to do physics.

    physicists are notoriously scornful of scientists from other fields. when the wife of thegreat austrian physicist wolfgang pauli left him for a chemist, he was staggered withdisbelief. “had she taken a bullfighter i would have understood,” he remarked in wonder to afriend. “but a chemist . . .”

    it was a feeling rutherford would have understood. “all science is either physics or stampcollecting,” he once said, in a line that has been used many times since. there is a certainengaging irony therefore that when he won the nobel prize in 1908, it was in chemistry, notphysics.

    rutherford was a lucky man—lucky to be a genius, but even luckier to live at a time whenphysics and chemistry were so exciting and so compatible (his own sentimentsnotwithstanding). never again would they quite so comfortably overlap.

    for all his success, rutherford was not an especially brilliant man and was actually prettyterrible at mathematics. often during lectures he would get so lost in his own equations thathe would give up halfway through and tell the students to work it out for themselves.

    according to his longtime colleague james chadwick, discoverer of the neutron, he wasn’teven particularly clever at experimentation. he was simply tenacious and open-minded. forbrilliance he substituted shrewdness and a kind of daring. his mind, in the words of onebiographer, was “always operating out towards the frontiers, as far as he could see, and thatwas a great deal further than most other men.” confronted with an intractable problem, hewas prepared to work at it harder and longer than most people and to be more receptive tounorthodox explanations. his greatest breakthrough came because he was prepared to spendimmensely tedious hours sitting at a screen counting alpha particle scintillations, as they wereknown—the sort of work that would normally have been farmed out. he was one of the firstto see—possibly the very first—that the power inherent in the atom could, if harnessed, makebombs powerful enough to “make this old world vanish in smoke.”

    physically he was big and booming, with a voice that made the timid shrink. once whentold that rutherford was about to make a radio broadcast across the atlantic, a colleague drilyasked: “why use radio?” he also had a huge amount of good-natured confidence. whensomeone remarked to him that he seemed always to be at the crest of a wave, he responded,“well, after all, i made the wave, didn’t i?” c. p. snow recalled how once in a cambridgetailor’s he overheard rutherford remark: “every day i grow in girth. and in mentality.”

    but both girth and fame were far ahead of him in 1895 when he fetched up at thecavendish.

    1it was a singularly eventful period in science. in the year of his arrival incambridge, wilhelm roentgen discovered x rays at the university of würzburg in germany,and the next year henri becquerel discovered radioactivity. and the cavendish itself wasabout to embark on a long period of greatness. in 1897, j. j. thomson and colleagues woulddiscover the electron there, in 1911 c. t. r. wilson would produce the first particle detectorthere (as we shall see), and in 1932 james chadwick would discover the neutron there.

    further still in the future, james watson and francis crick would discover the structure ofdna at the cavendish in 1953.

    in the beginning rutherford worked on radio waves, and with some distinction—hemanaged to transmit a crisp signal more than a mile, a very reasonable achievement for thetime—but gave it up when he was persuaded by a senior colleague that radio had little future.

    on the whole, however, rutherford didn’t thrive at the cavendish. after three years there,feeling he was going nowhere, he took a post at mcgill university in montreal, and there hebegan his long and steady rise to greatness. by the time he received his nobel prize (for“investigations into the disintegration of the elements, and the chemistry of radioactivesubstances,” according to the official citation) he had moved on to manchester university,and it was there, in fact, that he would do his most important work in determining thestructure and nature of the atom.

    1the name comes from the same cavendishes who producec henry. this one was william cavendish, seventhduke of devonshire, who was a gifted mathematician and steel baron in victoriar england. in 1870, he gave theuniversity £6,300 to build an experimental lab.

    by the early twentieth century it was known that atoms were made of parts—thomson’sdiscovery of the electron had established that—but it wasn’t known how many parts therewere or how they fit together or what shape they took. some physicists thought that atomsmight be cube shaped, because cubes can be packed together so neatly without any wastedspace. the more general view, however, was that an atom was more like a currant bun or aplum pudding: a dense, solid object that carried a positive charge but that was studded withnegatively charged electrons, like the currants in a currant bun.

    in 1910, rutherford (assisted by his student hans geiger, who would later invent theradiation detector that bears his name) fired ionized helium atoms, or alpha particles, at asheet of gold foil.

    2to rutherford’s astonishment, some of the particles bounced back. it wasas if, he said, he had fired a fifteen-inch shell at a sheet of paper and it rebounded into his lap.

    this was just not supposed to happen. after considerable reflection he realized there could beonly one possible explanation: the particles that bounced back were striking something smalland dense at the heart of the atom, while the other particles sailed through unimpeded. anatom, rutherford realized, was mostly empty space, with a very dense nucleus at the center.

    this was a most gratifying discovery, but it presented one immediate problem. by all the lawsof conventional physics, atoms shouldn’t therefore exist.

    let us pause for a moment and consider the structure of the atom as we know it now. everyatom is made from three kinds of elementary particles: protons, which have a positiveelectrical charge; electrons, which have a negative electrical charge; and neutrons, which haveno charge. protons and neutrons are packed into the nucleus, while electrons spin aroundoutside. the number of protons is what gives an atom its chemical identity. an atom with oneproton is an atom of hydrogen, one with two protons is helium, with three protons is lithium,and so on up the scale. each time you add a proton you get a new element. (because thenumber of protons in an atom is always balanced by an equal number of electrons, you willsometimes see it written that it is the number of electrons that defines an element; it comes tothe same thing. the way it was explained to me is that protons give an atom its identity,electrons its personality.)neutrons don’t influence an atom’s identity, but they do add to its mass. the number ofneutrons is generally about the same as the number of protons, but they can vary up and downslightly. add a neutron or two and you get an isotope. the terms you hear in reference todating techniques in archeology refer to isotopes—carbon-14, for instance, which is an atomof carbon with six protons and eight neutrons (the fourteen being the sum of the two).

    neutrons and protons occupy the atom’s nucleus. the nucleus of an atom is tiny—only onemillionth of a billionth of the full volume of the atom—but fantastically dense, since itcontains virtually all the atom’s mass. as cropper has put it, if an atom were expanded to thesize of a cathedral, the nucleus would be only about the size of a fly—but a fly manythousands of times heavier than the cathedral. it was this spaciousness—this resounding,unexpected roominess—that had rutherford scratching his head in 1910.

    it is still a fairly astounding notion to consider that atoms are mostly empty space, and thatthe solidity we experience all around us is an illusion. when two objects come together in the2geiger would also later become a loyal nazi, unhesitatingly betraying jewish colleagues, including many whohad helped him.

    real world—billiard balls are most often used for illustration—they don’t actually strike eachother. “rather,” as timothy ferris explains, “the negatively charged fields of the two ballsrepel each other . . . were it not for their electrical charges they could, like galaxies, pass rightthrough each other unscathed.” when you sit in a chair, you are not actually sitting there, butlevitating above it at a height of one angstrom (a hundred millionth of a centimeter), yourelectrons and its electrons implacably opposed to any closer intimacy.

    the picture that nearly everybody has in mind of an atom is of an electron or two flyingaround a nucleus, like planets orbiting a sun. this image was created in 1904, based on littlemore than clever guesswork, by a japanese physicist named hantaro nagaoka. it iscompletely wrong, but durable just the same. as isaac asimov liked to note, it inspiredgenerations of science fiction writers to create stories of worlds within worlds, in which atomsbecome tiny inhabited solar systems or our solar system turns out to be merely a mote in somemuch larger scheme. even now cern, the european organization for nuclear research, usesnagaoka’s image as a logo on its website. in fact, as physicists were soon to realize, electronsare not like orbiting planets at all, but more like the blades of a spinning fan, managing to fillevery bit of space in their orbits simultaneously (but with the crucial difference that the bladesof a fan only seem to be everywhere at once; electrons are ).

    needless to say, very little of this was understood in 1910 or for many years afterward.

    rutherford’s finding presented some large and immediate problems, not least that no electronshould be able to orbit a nucleus without crashing. conventional electrodynamic theorydemanded that a flying electron should very quickly run out of energy—in only an instant orso—and spiral into the nucleus, with disastrous consequences for both. there was also theproblem of how protons with their positive charges could bundle together inside the nucleuswithout blowing themselves and the rest of the atom apart. clearly whatever was going ondown there in the world of the very small was not governed by the laws that applied in themacro world where our expectations reside.

    as physicists began to delve into this subatomic realm, they realized that it wasn’t merelydifferent from anything we knew, but different from anything ever imagined. “becauseatomic behavior is so unlike ordinary experience,” richard feynman once observed, “it isvery difficult to get used to and it appears peculiar and mysterious to everyone, both to thenovice and to the experienced physicist.” when feynman made that comment, physicists hadhad half a century to adjust to the strangeness of atomic behavior. so think how it must havefelt to rutherford and his colleagues in the early 1910s when it was all brand new.

    one of the people working with rutherford was a mild and affable young dane namedniels bohr. in 1913, while puzzling over the structure of the atom, bohr had an idea soexciting that he postponed his honeymoon to write what became a landmark paper. becausephysicists couldn’t see anything so small as an atom, they had to try to work out its structurefrom how it behaved when they did things to it, as rutherford had done by firing alphaparticles at foil. sometimes, not surprisingly, the results of these experiments were puzzling.

    one puzzle that had been around for a long time had to do with spectrum readings of thewavelengths of hydrogen. these produced patterns showing that hydrogen atoms emittedenergy at certain wavelengths but not others. it was rather as if someone under surveillancekept turning up at particular locations but was never observed traveling between them. no onecould understand why this should be.

    it was while puzzling over this problem that bohr was struck by a solution and dashed offhis famous paper. called “on the constitutions of atoms and molecules,” the paper explainedhow electrons could keep from falling into the nucleus by suggesting that they could occupyonly certain well-defined orbits. according to the new theory, an electron moving betweenorbits would disappear from one and reappear instantaneously in another without visiting thespace between. this idea—the famous “quantum leap”—is of course utterly strange, but itwas too good not to be true. it not only kept electrons from spiraling catastrophically into thenucleus; it also explained hydrogen’s bewildering wavelengths. the electrons only appearedin certain orbits because they only existed in certain orbits. it was a dazzling insight, and itwon bohr the 1922 nobel prize in physics, the year after einstein received his.

    meanwhile the tireless rutherford, now back at cambridge as j. j. thomson’s successor ashead of the cavendish laboratory, came up with a model that explained why the nuclei didn’tblow up. he saw that they must be offset by some type of neutralizing particles, which hecalled neutrons. the idea was simple and appealing, but not easy to prove. rutherford’sassociate, james chadwick, devoted eleven intensive years to hunting for neutrons beforefinally succeeding in 1932. he, too, was awarded with a nobel prize in physics, in 1935. asboorse and his colleagues point out in their history of the subject, the delay in discovery wasprobably a very good thing as mastery of the neutron was essential to the development of theatomic bomb. (because neutrons have no charge, they aren’t repelled by the electrical fields atthe heart of an atom and thus could be fired like tiny torpedoes into an atomic nucleus, settingoff the destructive process known as fission.) had the neutron been isolated in the 1920s, theynote, it is “very likely the atomic bomb would have been developed first in europe,undoubtedly by the germans.”

    as it was, the europeans had their hands full trying to understand the strange behavior ofthe electron. the principal problem they faced was that the electron sometimes behaved like aparticle and sometimes like a wave. this impossible duality drove physicists nearly mad. forthe next decade all across europe they furiously thought and scribbled and offered competinghypotheses. in france, prince louis-victor de broglie, the scion of a ducal family, found thatcertain anomalies in the behavior of electrons disappeared when one regarded them as waves.

    the observation excited the attention of the austrian erwin schr?dinger, who made some deftrefinements and devised a handy system called wave mechanics. at almost the same time thegerman physicist werner heisenberg came up with a competing theory called matrixmechanics. this was so mathematically complex that hardly anyone really understood it,including heisenberg himself (“i do not even know what a matrix is ,” heisenberg despairedto a friend at one point), but it did seem to solve certain problems that schr?dinger’s wavesfailed to explain. the upshot is that physics had two theories, based on conflicting premises,that produced the same results. it was an impossible situation.

    finally, in 1926, heisenberg came up with a celebrated compromise, producing a newdiscipline that came to be known as quantum mechanics. at the heart of it was heisenberg’suncertainty principle, which states that the electron is a particle but a particle that can bedescribed in terms of waves. the uncertainty around which the theory is built is that we canknow the path an electron takes as it moves through a space or we can know where it is at agiven instant, but we cannot know both.

    3any attempt to measure one will unavoidably3there is a little uncertainty about the use of the word uncertainty in regard to heisenbergs principle. michaelfrayn, in an afterword to his play copenhagen, notes that several words in german-unsicherheit, unscharfe,unbestimmtheit-have been used by various translators, but that none quite equates to the english uncertainty.

    frayn suggests that indeterminacy would be a better word for the principle and indeterminability would be betterstill.

    disturb the other. this isn’t a matter of simply needing more precise instruments; it is animmutable property of the universe.

    what this means in practice is that you can never predict where an electron will be at anygiven moment. you can only list its probability of being there. in a sense, as dennis overbyehas put it, an electron doesn’t exist until it is observed. or, put slightly differently, until it isobserved an electron must be regarded as being “at once everywhere and nowhere.”

    if this seems confusing, you may take some comfort in knowing that it was confusing tophysicists, too. overbye notes: “bohr once commented that a person who wasn’t outraged onfirst hearing about quantum theory didn’t understand what had been said.” heisenberg, whenasked how one could envision an atom, replied: “don’t try.”

    so the atom turned out to be quite unlike the image that most people had created. theelectron doesn’t fly around the nucleus like a planet around its sun, but instead takes on themore amorphous aspect of a cloud. the “shell” of an atom isn’t some hard shiny casing, asillustrations sometimes encourage us to suppose, but simply the outermost of these fuzzyelectron clouds. the cloud itself is essentially just a zone of statistical probability marking thearea beyond which the electron only very seldom strays. thus an atom, if you could see it,would look more like a very fuzzy tennis ball than a hard-edged metallic sphere (but not muchlike either or, indeed, like anything you’ve ever seen; we are, after all, dealing here with aworld very different from the one we see around us).

    it seemed as if there was no end of strangeness. for the first time, as james trefil has put it,scientists had encountered “an area of the universe that our brains just aren’t wired tounderstand.” or as feynman expressed it, “things on a small scale behave nothing like thingson a large scale.” as physicists delved deeper, they realized they had found a world where notonly could electrons jump from one orbit to another without traveling across any interveningspace, but matter could pop into existence from nothing at all—“provided,” in the words ofalan lightman of mit, “it disappears again with sufficient haste.”

    perhaps the most arresting of quantum improbabilities is the idea, arising from wolfgangpauli’s exclusion principle of 1925, that the subatomic particles in certain pairs, even whenseparated by the most considerable distances, can each instantly “know” what the other isdoing. particles have a quality known as spin and, according to quantum theory, the momentyou determine the spin of one particle, its sister particle, no matter how distant away, willimmediately begin spinning in the opposite direction and at the same rate.

    it is as if, in the words of the science writer lawrence joseph, you had two identical poolballs, one in ohio and the other in fiji, and the instant you sent one spinning the other wouldimmediately spin in a contrary direction at precisely the same speed. remarkably, thephenomenon was proved in 1997 when physicists at the university of geneva sent photonsseven miles in opposite directions and demonstrated that interfering with one provoked aninstantaneous response in the other.

    things reached such a pitch that at one conference bohr remarked of a new theory that thequestion was not whether it was crazy, but whether it was crazy enough. to illustrate thenonintuitive nature of the quantum world, schr?dinger offered a famous thought experimentin which a hypothetical cat was placed in a box with one atom of a radioactive substanceattached to a vial of hydrocyanic acid. if the particle degraded within an hour, it would triggera mechanism that would break the vial and poison the cat. if not, the cat would live. but we
    could not know which was the case, so there was no choice, scientifically, but to regard thecat as 100 percent alive and 100 percent dead at the same time. this means, as stephenhawking has observed with a touch of understandable excitement, that one cannot “predictfuture events exactly if one cannot even measure the present state of the universe precisely!”

    because of its oddities, many physicists disliked quantum theory, or at least certain aspectsof it, and none more so than einstein. this was more than a little ironic since it was he, in hisannus mirabilis of 1905, who had so persuasively explained how photons of light couldsometimes behave like particles and sometimes like waves—the notion at the very heart of thenew physics. “quantum theory is very worthy of regard,” he observed politely, but he reallydidn’t like it. “god doesn’t play dice,” he said.

    4einstein couldn’t bear the notion that god could create a universe in which some thingswere forever unknowable. moreover, the idea of action at a distance—that one particle couldinstantaneously influence another trillions of miles away—was a stark violation of the specialtheory of relativity. this expressly decreed that nothing could outrace the speed of light andyet here were physicists insisting that, somehow, at the subatomic level, information could.

    (no one, incidentally, has ever explained how the particles achieve this feat. scientists havedealt with this problem, according to the physicist yakir aharanov, “by not thinking aboutit.”)above all, there was the problem that quantum physics introduced a level of untidiness thathadn’t previously existed. suddenly you needed two sets of laws to explain the behavior ofthe universe—quantum theory for the world of the very small and relativity for the largeruniverse beyond. the gravity of relativity theory was brilliant at explaining why planetsorbited suns or why galaxies tended to cluster, but turned out to have no influence at all at theparticle level. to explain what kept atoms together, other forces were needed, and in the1930s two were discovered: the strong nuclear force and weak nuclear force. the strong forcebinds atoms together; it’s what allows protons to bed down together in the nucleus. the weakforce engages in more miscellaneous tasks, mostly to do with controlling the rates of certainsorts of radioactive decay.

    the weak nuclear force, despite its name, is ten billion billion billion times stronger thangravity, and the strong nuclear force is more powerful still—vastly so, in fact—but theirinfluence extends to only the tiniest distances. the grip of the strong force reaches out only toabout 1/100,000 of the diameter of an atom. that’s why the nuclei of atoms are so compactedand dense and why elements with big, crowded nuclei tend to be so unstable: the strong forcejust can’t hold on to all the protons.

    the upshot of all this is that physics ended up with two bodies of laws—one for the worldof the very small, one for the universe at large—leading quite separate lives. einstein dislikedthat, too. he devoted the rest of his life to searching for a way to tie up these loose ends byfinding a grand unified theory, and always failed. from time to time he thought he had it, butit always unraveled on him in the end. as time passed he became increasingly marginalizedand even a little pitied. almost without exception, wrote snow, “his colleagues thought, andstill think, that he wasted the second half of his life.”

    4or at least that is how it is nearly always rendered. the actual quote was: “it seems hard to sneak a look atgod’s cards. but that he plays dice and uses ‘telepathic’ methods. . . is something that i cannot believe for asingle moment.”

    elsewhere, however, real progress was being made. by the mid-1940s scientists hadreached a point where they understood the atom at an extremely profound level—as they alltoo effectively demonstrated in august 1945 by exploding a pair of atomic bombs over japan.

    by this point physicists could be excused for thinking that they had just about conqueredthe atom. in fact, everything in particle physics was about to get a whole lot morecomplicated. but before we take up that slightly exhausting story, we must bring anotherstraw of our history up to date by considering an important and salutary tale of avarice, deceit,bad science, several needless deaths, and the final determination of the age of the earth.

    10    GETTING THE LEAD OUT

    in the late 1940s, a graduate student at the university of chicago named clair patterson(who was, first name notwithstanding, an iowa farm boy by origin) was using a new methodof lead isotope measurement to try to get a definitive age for the earth at last. unfortunatelyall his samples came up contaminated—usually wildly so. most contained something like twohundred times the levels of lead that would normally be expected to occur. many years wouldpass before patterson realized that the reason for this lay with a regrettable ohio inventornamed thomas midgley, jr.

    midgley was an engineer by training, and the world would no doubt have been a safer placeif he had stayed so. instead, he developed an interest in the industrial applications ofchemistry. in 1921, while working for the general motors research corporation in dayton,ohio, he investigated a compound called tetraethyl lead (also known, confusingly, as leadtetraethyl), and discovered that it significantly reduced the juddering condition known asengine knock.

    even though lead was widely known to be dangerous, by the early years of the twentiethcentury it could be found in all manner of consumer products. food came in cans sealed withlead solder. water was often stored in lead-lined tanks. it was sprayed onto fruit as a pesticidein the form of lead arsenate. it even came as part of the packaging of toothpaste tubes. hardlya product existed that didn’t bring a little lead into consumers’ lives. however, nothing gave ita greater and more lasting intimacy than its addition to gasoline.

    lead is a neurotoxin. get too much of it and you can irreparably damage the brain andcentral nervous system. among the many symptoms associated with overexposure areblindness, insomnia, kidney failure, hearing loss, cancer, palsies, and convulsions. in its mostacute form it produces abrupt and terrifying hallucinations, disturbing to victims andonlookers alike, which generally then give way to coma and death. you really don’t want toget too much lead into your system.

    on the other hand, lead was easy to extract and work, and almost embarrassingly profitableto produce industrially—and tetraethyl lead did indubitably stop engines from knocking. so in1923 three of america’s largest corporations, general motors, du pont, and standard oil ofnew jersey, formed a joint enterprise called the ethyl gasoline corporation (later shortenedto simply ethyl corporation) with a view to making as much tetraethyl lead as the world waswilling to buy, and that proved to be a very great deal. they called their additive “ethyl”

    because it sounded friendlier and less toxic than “lead” and introduced it for publicconsumption (in more ways than most people realized) on february 1, 1923.

    almost at once production workers began to exhibit the staggered gait and confusedfaculties that mark the recently poisoned. also almost at once, the ethyl corporationembarked on a policy of calm but unyielding denial that would serve it well for decades. assharon bertsch mcgrayne notes in her absorbing history of industrial chemistry,prometheans in the lab, when employees at one plant developed irreversible delusions, a
    spokesman blandly informed reporters: “these men probably went insane because theyworked too hard.” altogether at least fifteen workers died in the early days of production ofleaded gasoline, and untold numbers of others became ill, often violently so; the exactnumbers are unknown because the company nearly always managed to hush up news ofembarrassing leakages, spills, and poisonings. at times, however, suppressing the newsbecame impossible, most notably in 1924 when in a matter of days five production workersdied and thirty-five more were turned into permanent staggering wrecks at a single ill-ventilated facility.

    as rumors circulated about the dangers of the new product, ethyl’s ebullient inventor,thomas midgley, decided to hold a demonstration for reporters to allay their concerns. as hechatted away about the company’s commitment to safety, he poured tetraethyl lead over hishands, then held a beaker of it to his nose for sixty seconds, claiming all the while that hecould repeat the procedure daily without harm. in fact, midgley knew only too well the perilsof lead poisoning: he had himself been made seriously ill from overexposure a few monthsearlier and now, except when reassuring journalists, never went near the stuff if he could helpit.

    buoyed by the success of leaded gasoline, midgley now turned to another technologicalproblem of the age. refrigerators in the 1920s were often appallingly risky because they useddangerous gases that sometimes leaked. one leak from a refrigerator at a hospital incleveland, ohio, in 1929 killed more than a hundred people. midgley set out to create a gasthat was stable, nonflammable, noncorrosive, and safe to breathe. with an instinct for theregrettable that was almost uncanny, he invented chlorofluorocarbons, or cfcs.

    seldom has an industrial product been more swiftly or unfortunately embraced. cfcs wentinto production in the early 1930s and found a thousand applications in everything from carair conditioners to deodorant sprays before it was noticed, half a century later, that they weredevouring the ozone in the stratosphere. as you will be aware, this was not a good thing.

    ozone is a form of oxygen in which each molecule bears three atoms of oxygen instead oftwo. it is a bit of a chemical oddity in that at ground level it is a pollutant, while way up in thestratosphere it is beneficial, since it soaks up dangerous ultraviolet radiation. beneficial ozoneis not terribly abundant, however. if it were distributed evenly throughout the stratosphere, itwould form a layer just one eighth of an inch or so thick. that is why it is so easily disturbed,and why such disturbances don’t take long to become critical.

    chlorofluorocarbons are also not very abundant—they constitute only about one part perbillion of the atmosphere as a whole—but they are extravagantly destructive. one pound ofcfcs can capture and annihilate seventy thousand pounds of atmospheric ozone. cfcs alsohang around for a long time—about a century on average—wreaking havoc all the while.

    they are also great heat sponges. a single cfc molecule is about ten thousand times moreefficient at exacerbating greenhouse effects than a molecule of carbon dioxide—and carbondioxide is of course no slouch itself as a greenhouse gas. in short, chlorofluorocarbons mayultimately prove to be just about the worst invention of the twentieth century.

    midgley never knew this because he died long before anyone realized how destructivecfcs were. his death was itself memorably unusual. after becoming crippled with polio,midgley invented a contraption involving a series of motorized pulleys that automatically
    raised or turned him in bed. in 1944, he became entangled in the cords as the machine wentinto action and was strangled.

    if you were interested in finding out the ages of things, the university of chicago in the1940s was the place to be. willard libby was in the process of inventing radiocarbon dating,allowing scientists to get an accurate reading of the age of bones and other organic remains,something they had never been able to do before. up to this time, the oldest reliable dateswent back no further than the first dynasty in egypt from about 3000b.c. no one couldconfidently say, for instance, when the last ice sheets had retreated or at what time in the pastthe cro-magnon people had decorated the caves of lascaux in france.

    libby’s idea was so useful that he would be awarded a nobel prize for it in 1960. it wasbased on the realization that all living things have within them an isotope of carbon calledcarbon-14, which begins to decay at a measurable rate the instant they die. carbon-14 has ahalf-life—that is, the time it takes for half of any sample to disappear1—of about 5,600 years,so by working out how much a given sample of carbon had decayed, libby could get a goodfix on the age of an object—though only up to a point. after eight half-lives, only 1/256 of theoriginal radioactive carbon remains, which is too little to make a reliable measurement, soradiocarbon dating works only for objects up to forty thousand or so years old.

    curiously, just as the technique was becoming widespread, certain flaws within it becameapparent. to begin with, it was discovered that one of the basic components of libby’sformula, known as the decay constant, was off by about 3 percent. by this time, however,thousands of measurements had been taken throughout the world. rather than restate everyone, scientists decided to keep the inaccurate constant. “thus,” tim flannery notes, “everyraw radiocarbon date you read today is given as too young by around 3 percent.” theproblems didn’t quite stop there. it was also quickly discovered that carbon-14 samples can beeasily contaminated with carbon from other sources—a tiny scrap of vegetable matter, forinstance, that has been collected with the sample and not noticed. for younger samples—those under twenty thousand years or so—slight contamination does not always matter somuch, but for older samples it can be a serious problem because so few remaining atoms arebeing counted. in the first instance, to borrow from flannery, it is like miscounting by a dollarwhen counting to a thousand; in the second it is more like miscounting by a dollar when youhave only two dollars to count.

    libby’s method was also based on the assumption that the amount of carbon-14 in theatmosphere, and the rate at which it has been absorbed by living things, has been consistentthroughout history. in fact it hasn’t been. we now know that the volume of atmosphericcarbon-14 varies depending on how well or not earth’s magnetism is deflecting cosmic rays,and that that can vary significantly over time. this means that some carbon-14 dates are more1if you have ever wondered how the atoms determine which 50 percent will die and which 50 percent willsurvive for the next session, the answer is that the half-life is really just a statistical convenience-a kind ofactuarial table for elemental things. imagine you had a sample of material with a half-life of 30 seconds. it isntthat every atom in the sample will exist for exactly 30 seconds or 60 seconds or 90 seconds or some other tidilyordained period. each atom will in fact survive for an entirely random length of time that has nothing to do withmultiples of 30; it might last until two seconds from now or it might oscillate away for years or decades orcenturies to come. no one can say. but what we can say is that for the sample as a whole the rate ofdisappearance will be such that half the atoms will disappear every 30 seconds. its an average rate, in otherwords, and you can apply it to any large sampling. someone once worked out, for instance, that dimes have ahalf-life of about 30 years.

    dubious than others. this is particularly so with dates just around the time that people firstcame to the americas, which is one of the reasons the matter is so perennially in dispute.

    finally, and perhaps a little unexpectedly, readings can be thrown out by seeminglyunrelated external factors—such as the diets of those whose bones are being tested. onerecent case involved the long-running debate over whether syphilis originated in the newworld or the old. archeologists in hull, in the north of england, found that monks in amonastery graveyard had suffered from syphilis, but the initial conclusion that the monks haddone so before columbus’s voyage was cast into doubt by the realization that they had eaten alot of fish, which could make their bones appear to be older than in fact they were. the monksmay well have had syphilis, but how it got to them, and when, remain tantalizinglyunresolved.

    because of the accumulated shortcomings of carbon-14, scientists devised other methods ofdating ancient materials, among them thermoluminesence, which measures electrons trappedin clays, and electron spin resonance, which involves bombarding a sample withelectromagnetic waves and measuring the vibrations of the electrons. but even the best ofthese could not date anything older than about 200,000 years, and they couldn’t date inorganicmaterials like rocks at all, which is of course what you need if you wish to determine the ageof your planet.

    the problems of dating rocks were such that at one point almost everyone in the world hadgiven up on them. had it not been for a determined english professor named arthur holmes,the quest might well have fallen into abeyance altogether.

    holmes was heroic as much for the obstacles he overcame as for the results he achieved.

    by the 1920s, when holmes was in the prime of his career, geology had slipped out offashion—physics was the new excitement of the age—and had become severely underfunded,particularly in britain, its spiritual birthplace. at durham university, holmes was for manyyears the entire geology department. often he had to borrow or patch together equipment inorder to pursue his radiometric dating of rocks. at one point, his calculations were effectivelyheld up for a year while he waited for the university to provide him with a simple addingmachine. occasionally, he had to drop out of academic life altogether to earn enough tosupport his family—for a time he ran a curio shop in newcastle upon tyne—and sometimeshe could not even afford the £5 annual membership fee for the geological society.

    the technique holmes used in his work was theoretically straightforward and arose directlyfrom the process, first observed by ernest rutherford in 1904, in which some atoms decayfrom one element into another at a rate predictable enough that you can use them as clocks. ifyou know how long it takes for potassium-40 to become argon-40, and you measure theamounts of each in a sample, you can work out how old a material is. holmes’s contributionwas to measure the decay rate of uranium into lead to calculate the age of rocks, and thus—hehoped—of the earth.

    but there were many technical difficulties to overcome. holmes also needed—or at leastwould very much have appreciated—sophisticated gadgetry of a sort that could make veryfine measurements from tiny samples, and as we have seen it was all he could do to get asimple adding machine. so it was quite an achievement when in 1946 he was able toannounce with some confidence that the earth was at least three billion years old and possiblyrather more. unfortunately, he now met yet another formidable impediment to acceptance: theconservativeness of his fellow scientists. although happy to praise his methodology, many
    maintained that he had found not the age of the earth but merely the age of the materials fromwhich the earth had been formed.

    it was just at this time that harrison brown of the university of chicago developed a newmethod for counting lead isotopes in igneous rocks (which is to say those that were createdthrough heating, as opposed to the laying down of sediments). realizing that the work wouldbe exceedingly tedious, he assigned it to young clair patterson as his dissertation project.

    famously he promised patterson that determining the age of the earth with his new methodwould be “duck soup.” in fact, it would take years.

    patterson began work on the project in 1948. compared with thomas midgley’s colorfulcontributions to the march of progress, patterson’s discovery of the age of the earth feelsmore than a touch anticlimactic. for seven years, first at the university of chicago and then atthe california institute of technology (where he moved in 1952), he worked in a sterile lab,making very precise measurements of the lead/uranium ratios in carefully selected samples ofold rock.

    the problem with measuring the age of the earth was that you needed rocks that wereextremely ancient, containing lead- and uranium-bearing crystals that were about as old as theplanet itself—anything much younger would obviously give you misleadingly youthfuldates—but really ancient rocks are only rarely found on earth. in the late 1940s no onealtogether understood why this should be. indeed, and rather extraordinarily, we would bewell into the space age before anyone could plausibly account for where all the earth’s oldrocks went. (the answer was plate tectonics, which we shall of course get to.) patterson,meantime, was left to try to make sense of things with very limited materials. eventually, andingeniously, it occurred to him that he could circumvent the rock shortage by using rocksfrom beyond earth. he turned to meteorites.

    the assumption he made—rather a large one, but correct as it turned out—was that manymeteorites are essentially leftover building materials from the early days of the solar system,and thus have managed to preserve a more or less pristine interior chemistry. measure the ageof these wandering rocks and you would have the age also (near enough) of the earth.

    as always, however, nothing was quite as straightforward as such a breezy descriptionmakes it sound. meteorites are not abundant and meteoritic samples not especially easy to gethold of. moreover, brown’s measurement technique proved finicky in the extreme andneeded much refinement. above all, there was the problem that patterson’s samples werecontinuously and unaccountably contaminated with large doses of atmospheric lead wheneverthey were exposed to air. it was this that eventually led him to create a sterile laboratory—theworld’s first, according to at least one account.

    it took patterson seven years of patient work just to assemble suitable samples for finaltesting. in the spring of 1953 he traveled to the argonne national laboratory in illinois,where he was granted time on a late-model mass spectrograph, a machine capable of detectingand measuring the minute quantities of uranium and lead locked up in ancient crystals. whenat last he had his results, patterson was so excited that he drove straight to his boyhood homein iowa and had his mother check him into a hospital because he thought he was having aheart attack.

    soon afterward, at a meeting in wisconsin, patterson announced a definitive age for theearth of 4,550 million years (plus or minus 70 million years)—“a figure that stands
    unchanged 50 years later,” as mcgrayne admiringly notes. after two hundred years of trying,the earth finally had an age.

    his main work done, patterson now turned his attention to the nagging question of all thatlead in the atmosphere. he was astounded to find that what little was known about the effectsof lead on humans was almost invariably wrong or misleading—and not surprisingly, hediscovered, since for forty years every study of lead’s effects had been funded exclusively bymanufacturers of lead additives.

    in one such study, a doctor who had no specialized training in chemical pathologyundertook a five-year program in which volunteers were asked to breathe in or swallow leadin elevated quantities. then their urine and feces were tested. unfortunately, as the doctorappears not to have known, lead is not excreted as a waste product. rather, it accumulates inthe bones and blood—that’s what makes it so dangerous—and neither bone nor blood wastested. in consequence, lead was given a clean bill of health.

    patterson quickly established that we had a lot of lead in the atmosphere—still do, in fact,since lead never goes away—and that about 90 percent of it appeared to come fromautomobile exhaust pipes, but he couldn’t prove it. what he needed was a way to comparelead levels in the atmosphere now with the levels that existed before 1923, when tetraethyllead was introduced. it occurred to him that ice cores could provide the answer.

    it was known that snowfall in places like greenland accumulates into discrete annual layers(because seasonal temperature differences produce slight changes in coloration from winter tosummer). by counting back through these layers and measuring the amount of lead in each, hecould work out global lead concentrations at any time for hundreds, or even thousands, ofyears. the notion became the foundation of ice core studies, on which much modernclimatological work is based.

    what patterson found was that before 1923 there was almost no lead in the atmosphere, andthat since that time its level had climbed steadily and dangerously. he now made it his life’squest to get lead taken out of gasoline. to that end, he became a constant and often vocalcritic of the lead industry and its interests.

    it would prove to be a hellish campaign. ethyl was a powerful global corporation withmany friends in high places. (among its directors have been supreme court justice lewispowell and gilbert grosvenor of the national geographic society.) patterson suddenly foundresearch funding withdrawn or difficult to acquire. the american petroleum institutecanceled a research contract with him, as did the united states public health service, asupposedly neutral government institution.

    as patterson increasingly became a liability to his institution, the school trustees wererepeatedly pressed by lead industry officials to shut him up or let him go. according to jamielincoln kitman, writing in the nation in 2000, ethyl executives allegedly offered to endow achair at caltech “if patterson was sent packing.” absurdly, he was excluded from a 1971national research council panel appointed to investigate the dangers of atmospheric leadpoisoning even though he was by now unquestionably the leading expert on atmospheric lead.

    to his great credit, patterson never wavered or buckled. eventually his efforts led to theintroduction of the clean air act of 1970 and finally to the removal from sale of all leadedgasoline in the united states in 1986. almost immediately lead levels in the blood ofamericans fell by 80 percent. but because lead is forever, those of us alive today have about625 times more lead in our blood than people did a century ago. the amount of lead in theatmosphere also continues to grow, quite legally, by about a hundred thousand metric tons ayear, mostly from mining, smelting, and industrial activities. the united states also bannedlead in indoor paint, “forty-four years after most of europe,” as mcgrayne notes.

    remarkably, considering its startling toxicity, lead solder was not removed from americanfood containers until 1993.

    as for the ethyl corporation, it’s still going strong, though gm, standard oil, and du pontno longer have stakes in the company. (they sold out to a company called albemarle paper in1962.) according to mcgrayne, as late as february 2001 ethyl continued to contend “thatresearch has failed to show that leaded gasoline poses a threat to human health or theenvironment.” on its website, a history of the company makes no mention of lead—or indeedof thomas midgley—but simply refers to the original product as containing “a certaincombination of chemicals.”

    ethyl no longer makes leaded gasoline, although, according to its 2001 company accounts,tetraethyl lead (or tel as it calls it) still accounted for $25.1 million in sales in 2000 (out ofoverall sales of $795 million), up from $24.1 million in 1999, but down from $117 million in1998. in its report the company stated its determination to “maximize the cash generated bytel as its usage continues to phase down around the world.” ethyl markets tel through anagreement with associated octel of england.

    as for the other scourge left to us by thomas midgley, chlorofluorocarbons, they werebanned in 1974 in the united states, but they are tenacious little devils and any that youloosed into the atmosphere before then (in your deodorants or hair sprays, for instance) willalmost certainly be around and devouring ozone long after you have shuffled off. worse, weare still introducing huge amounts of cfcs into the atmosphere every year. according towayne biddle, 60 million pounds of the stuff, worth $1.5 billion, still finds its way onto themarket every year. so who is making it? we are—that is to say, many of our largecorporations are still making it at their plants overseas. it will not be banned in third worldcountries until 2010.

    clair patterson died in 1995. he didn’t win a nobel prize for his work. geologists neverdo. nor, more puzzlingly, did he gain any fame or even much attention from half a century ofconsistent and increasingly selfless achievement. a good case could be made that he was themost influential geologist of the twentieth century. yet who has ever heard of clair patterson?

    most geology textbooks don’t mention him. two recent popular books on the history of thedating of earth actually manage to misspell his name. in early 2001, a reviewer of one ofthese books in the journal nature made the additional, rather astounding error of thinkingpatterson was a woman.

    at all events, thanks to the work of clair patterson by 1953 the earth at last had an ageeveryone could agree on. the only problem now was it was older than the universe thatcontained it.

    11    MUSTER MARK’S QUARKS

    in 1911, a british scientist named c. t. r. wilson was studying cloud formations bytramping regularly to the summit of ben nevis, a famously damp scottish mountain, when itoccurred to him that there must be an easier way to study clouds. back in the cavendish labin cambridge he built an artificial cloud chamber—a simple device in which he could cooland moisten the air, creating a reasonable model of a cloud in laboratory conditions.

    the  device  worked  very  well,  but  had  an additional, unexpected benefit. when heaccelerated an alpha particle through the chamber to seed his make-believe clouds, it left avisible trail—like the contrails of a passing airliner. he had just invented the particle detector.

    it provided convincing evidence that subatomic particles did indeed exist.

    eventually two other cavendish scientists invented a more powerful proton-beam device,while in california ernest lawrence at berkeley produced his famous and impressivecyclotron, or atom smasher, as such devices were long excitingly known. all of thesecontraptions worked—and indeed still work—on more or less the same principle, the ideabeing to accelerate a proton or other charged particle to an extremely high speed along a track(sometimes circular, sometimes linear), then bang it into another particle and see what fliesoff. that’s why they were called atom smashers. it wasn’t science at its subtlest, but it wasgenerally effective.

    as physicists built bigger and more ambitious machines, they began to find or postulateparticles or particle families seemingly without number: muons, pions, hyperons, mesons, k-mesons, higgs bosons, intermediate vector bosons, baryons, tachyons. even physicists beganto grow a little uncomfortable. “young man,” enrico fermi replied when a student asked himthe name of a particular particle, “if i could remember the names of these particles, i wouldhave been a botanist.”

    today accelerators have names that sound like something flash gordon would use inbattle: the super proton synchrotron, the large electron-positron collider, the large hadroncollider, the relativistic heavy ion collider. using huge amounts of energy (some operateonly at night so that people in neighboring towns don’t have to witness their lights fadingwhen the apparatus is fired up), they can whip particles into such a state of liveliness that asingle electron can do forty-seven thousand laps around a four-mile tunnel in a second. fearshave been raised that in their enthusiasm scientists might inadvertently create a black hole oreven something called “strange quarks,” which could, theoretically, interact with othersubatomic particles and propagate uncontrollably. if you are reading this, that hasn’thappened.

    finding particles takes a certain amount of concentration. they are not just tiny and swiftbut also often tantalizingly evanescent. particles can come into being and be gone again in aslittle as 0.000000000000000000000001 second (10-24). even the most sluggish of unstableparticles hang around for no more than 0.0000001 second (10-7).

    some particles are almost ludicrously slippery. every second the earth is visited by 10,000trillion trillion tiny, all but massless neutrinos (mostly shot out by the nuclear broilings of thesun), and virtually all of them pass right through the planet and everything that is on it,including you and me, as if it weren’t there. to trap just a few of them, scientists need tanksholding up to 12.5 million gallons of heavy water (that is, water with a relative abundance ofdeuterium in it) in underground chambers (old mines usually) where they can’t be interferedwith by other types of radiation.

    very occasionally, a passing neutrino will bang into one of the atomic nuclei in the waterand produce a little puff of energy. scientists count the puffs and by such means take us veryslightly closer to understanding the fundamental properties of the universe. in 1998, japaneseobservers reported that neutrinos do have mass, but not a great deal—about one ten-millionththat of an electron.

    what it really takes to find particles these days is money and lots of it. there is a curiousinverse relationship in modern physics between the tininess of the thing being sought and thescale of facilities required to do the searching. cern, the european organization for nuclearresearch, is like a little city. straddling the border of france and switzerland, it employsthree thousand people and occupies a site that is measured in square miles. cern boasts astring of magnets that weigh more than the eiffel tower and an underground tunnel oversixteen miles around.

    breaking up atoms, as james trefil has noted, is easy; you do it each time you switch on afluorescent light. breaking up atomic nuclei, however, requires quite a lot of money and agenerous supply of electricity. getting down to the level of quarks—the particles that make upparticles—requires still more: trillions of volts of electricity and the budget of a small centralamerican nation. cern’s new large hadron collider, scheduled to begin operations in 2005,will achieve fourteen trillion volts of energy and cost something over $1.5 billion toconstruct.

    1but these numbers are as nothing compared with what could have been achieved by, andspent upon, the vast and now unfortunately never-to-be superconducting supercollider, whichbegan being constructed near waxahachie, texas, in the 1980s, before experiencing asupercollision of its own with the united states congress. the intention of the collider was tolet scientists probe “the ultimate nature of matter,” as it is always put, by re-creating as nearlyas possible the conditions in the universe during its first ten thousand billionths of a second.

    the plan was to fling particles through a tunnel fifty-two miles long, achieving a trulystaggering ninety-nine trillion volts of energy. it was a grand scheme, but would also havecost $8 billion to build (a figure that eventually rose to $10 billion) and hundreds of millionsof dollars a year to run.

    in perhaps the finest example in history of pouring money into a hole in the ground,congress spent $2 billion on the project, then canceled it in 1993 after fourteen miles oftunnel had been dug. so texas now boasts the most expensive hole in the universe. the siteis, i am told by my friend jeff guinn of the fort worth star-telegram, “essentially a vast,cleared field dotted along the circumference by a series of disappointed small towns.”

    1there are practical side effects to all this costly effort. the world wide web is a cern offshoot. it wasinvented by a cern scientist, tim berners-lee, in 1989.

    since the supercollider debacle particle physicists have set their sights a little lower, buteven comparatively modest projects can be quite breathtakingly costly when compared with,well, almost anything. a proposed neutrino observatory at the old homestake mine in lead,south dakota, would cost $500 million to build—this in a mine that is already dug—beforeyou even look at the annual running costs. there would also be $281 million of “generalconversion costs.” a particle accelerator at fermilab in illinois, meanwhile, cost $260 millionmerely to refit.

    particle physics, in short, is a hugely expensive enterprise—but it is a productive one.

    today the particle count is well over 150, with a further 100 or so suspected, butunfortunately, in the words of richard feynman, “it is very difficult to understand therelationships of all these particles, and what nature wants them for, or what the connectionsare from one to another.” inevitably each time we manage to unlock a box, we find that thereis another locked box inside. some people think there are particles called tachyons, which cantravel faster than the speed of light. others long to find gravitons—the seat of gravity. atwhat point we reach the irreducible bottom is not easy to say. carl sagan in cosmos raised thepossibility that if you traveled downward into an electron, you might find that it contained auniverse of its own, recalling all those science fiction stories of the fifties. “within it,organized into the local equivalent of galaxies and smaller structures, are an immense numberof other, much tinier elementary particles, which are themselves universes at the next leveland so on forever—an infinite downward regression, universes within universes, endlessly. and upward as well.”

    for most of us it is a world that surpasses understanding. to read even an elementary guideto particle physics nowadays you must now find your way through lexical thickets such asthis: “the charged pion and antipion decay respectively into a muon plus antineutrino and anantimuon plus neutrino with an average lifetime of 2.603 x 10-8seconds, the neutral piondecays into two photons with an average lifetime of about 0.8 x 10-16seconds, and the muonand antimuon decay respectively into . . .” and so it runs on—and this from a book for thegeneral reader by one of the (normally) most lucid of interpreters, steven weinberg.

    in the 1960s, in an attempt to bring just a little simplicity to matters, the caltech physicistmurray gell-mann invented a new class of particles, essentially, in the words of stevenweinberg, “to restore some economy to the multitude of hadrons”—a collective term used byphysicists for protons, neutrons, and other particles governed by the strong nuclear force.

    gell-mann’s theory was that all hadrons were made up of still smaller, even morefundamental particles. his colleague richard feynman wanted to call these new basicparticles partons, as in dolly, but was overruled. instead they became known as quarks.

    gell-mann took the name from a line in finnegans wake: “three quarks for mustermark!” (discriminating physicists rhyme the word with storks, not larks, even though thelatter is almost certainly the pronunciation joyce had in mind.) the fundamental simplicity ofquarks was not long lived. as they became better understood it was necessary to introducesubdivisions. although quarks are much too small to have color or taste or any other physicalcharacteristics we would recognize, they became clumped into six categories—up, down,strange, charm, top, and bottom—which physicists oddly refer to as their “flavors,” and theseare further divided into the colors red, green, and blue. (one suspects that it was not altogethercoincidental that these terms were first applied in california during the age of psychedelia.)
    eventually out of all this emerged what is called the standard model, which is essentially asort of parts kit for the subatomic world. the standard model consists of six quarks, sixleptons, five known bosons and a postulated sixth, the higgs boson (named for a scottishscientist, peter higgs), plus three of the four physical forces: the strong and weak nuclearforces and electromagnetism.

    the arrangement essentially is that among the basic building blocks of matter are quarks;these are held together by particles called gluons; and together quarks and gluons formprotons and neutrons, the stuff of the atom’s nucleus. leptons are the source of electrons andneutrinos. quarks and leptons together are called fermions. bosons (named for the indianphysicist s. n. bose) are particles that produce and carry forces, and include photons andgluons. the higgs boson may or may not actually exist; it was invented simply as a way ofendowing particles with mass.

    it is all, as you can see, just a little unwieldy, but it is the simplest model that can explainall that happens in the world of particles. most particle physicists feel, as leon ledermanremarked in a 1985 pbs documentary, that the standard model lacks elegance and simplicity.

    “it is too complicated. it has too many arbitrary parameters,” lederman said. “we don’t reallysee the creator twiddling twenty knobs to set twenty parameters to create the universe as weknow it.” physics is really nothing more than a search for ultimate simplicity, but so far all wehave is a kind of elegant messiness—or as lederman put it: “there is a deep feeling that thepicture is not beautiful.”

    the standard model is not only ungainly but incomplete. for one thing, it has nothing at allto say about gravity. search through the standard model as you will, and you won’t findanything to explain why when you place a hat on a table it doesn’t float up to the ceiling. nor,as we’ve just noted, can it explain mass. in order to give particles any mass at all we have tointroduce the notional higgs boson; whether it actually exists is a matter for twenty-first-century physics. as feynman cheerfully observed: “so we are stuck with a theory, and we donot know whether it is right or wrong, but we do know that it is a little wrong, or at leastincomplete.”

    in an attempt to draw everything together, physicists have come up with something calledsuperstring theory. this postulates that all those little things like quarks and leptons that wehad previously thought of as particles are actually “strings”—vibrating strands of energy thatoscillate in eleven dimensions, consisting of the three we know already plus time and sevenother dimensions that are, well, unknowable to us. the strings are very tiny—tiny enough topass for point particles.

    by introducing extra dimensions, superstring theory enables physicists to pull togetherquantum laws and gravitational ones into one comparatively tidy package, but it also meansthat anything scientists say about the theory begins to sound worryingly like the sort ofthoughts that would make you edge away if conveyed to you by a stranger on a park bench.

    here, for example, is the physicist michio kaku explaining the structure of the universe froma superstring perspective: “the heterotic string consists of a closed string that has two types ofvibrations, clockwise and counterclockwise, which are treated differently. the clockwisevibrations live in a ten-dimensional space. the counterclockwise live in a twenty-six-dimensional space, of which sixteen dimensions have been compactified. (we recall that inkaluza’s original five-dimensional, the fifth dimension was compactified by being wrappedup into a circle.)” and so it goes, for some 350 pages.

    string theory has further spawned something called “m theory,” which incorporatessurfaces known as membranes—or simply “branes” to the hipper souls of the world ofphysics. i’m afraid this is the stop on the knowledge highway where most of us must get off.

    here is a sentence from the new york times, explaining this as simply as possible to a generalaudience: “the ekpyrotic process begins far in the indefinite past with a pair of flat emptybranes sitting parallel to each other in a warped five-dimensional space. . . . the two branes,which form the walls of the fifth dimension, could have popped out of nothingness as aquantum fluctuation in the even more distant past and then drifted apart.” no arguing withthat. no understanding it either. ekpyrotic, incidentally, comes from the greek word for“conflagration.”

    matters in physics have now reached such a pitch that, as paul davies noted in nature, it is“almost impossible for the non-scientist to discriminate between the legitimately weird andthe outright crackpot.” the question came interestingly to a head in the fall of 2002 when twofrench physicists, twin brothers igor and grickha bogdanov, produced a theory of ambitiousdensity involving such concepts as “imaginary time” and the “kubo-schwinger-martincondition,” and purporting to describe the nothingness that was the universe before the bigbang—a period that was always assumed to be unknowable (since it predated the birth ofphysics and its properties).

    almost at once the bogdanov paper excited debate among physicists as to whether it wastwaddle, a work of genius, or a hoax. “scientifically, it’s clearly more or less completenonsense,” columbia university physicist peter woit told the new york times, “but thesedays that doesn’t much distinguish it from a lot of the rest of the literature.”

    karl popper, whom steven weinberg has called “the dean of modern philosophers ofscience,” once suggested that there may not be an ultimate theory for physics—that, rather,every explanation may require a further explanation, producing “an infinite chain of more andmore fundamental principles.” a rival possibility is that such knowledge may simply bebeyond us. “so far, fortunately,” writes weinberg in dreams of a final theory, “we do notseem to be coming to the end of our intellectual resources.”

    almost certainly this is an area that will see further developments of thought, and almostcertainly these thoughts will again be beyond most of us.

    while physicists in the middle decades of the twentieth-century were looking perplexedlyinto the world of the very small, astronomers were finding no less arresting an incompletenessof understanding in the universe at large.

    when we last met edwin hubble, he had determined that nearly all the galaxies in our fieldof view are flying away from us, and that the speed and distance of this retreat are neatlyproportional: the farther away the galaxy, the faster it is moving. hubble realized that thiscould be expressed with a simple equation, ho = v/d (where ho is the constant, v is therecessional velocity of a flying galaxy, andd its distance away from us). ho has been knownever since as the hubble constant and the whole as hubble’s law. using his formula, hubblecalculated that the universe was about two billion years old, which was a little awkwardbecause even by the late 1920s it was fairly obvious that many things within the universe—not least earth itself—were probably older than that. refining this figure has been an ongoingpreoccupation of cosmology.

    almost the only thing constant about the hubble constant has been the amount ofdisagreement over what value to give it. in 1956, astronomers discovered that cepheidvariables were more variable than they had thought; they came in two varieties, not one. thisallowed them to rework their calculations and come up with a new age for the universe offrom 7 to 20 billion years—not terribly precise, but at least old enough, at last, to embrace theformation of the earth.

    in the years that followed there erupted a long-running dispute between allan sandage, heirto hubble at mount wilson, and gérard de vaucouleurs, a french-born astronomer based atthe university of texas. sandage, after years of careful calculations, arrived at a value for thehubble constant of 50, giving the universe an age of 20 billion years. de vaucouleurs wasequally certain that the hubble constant was 100.

    2this would mean that the universe wasonly half the size and age that sandage believed—ten billion years. matters took a furtherlurch into uncertainty when in 1994 a team from the carnegie observatories in california,using measures from the hubble space telescope, suggested that the universe could be as littleas eight billion years old—an age even they conceded was younger than some of the starswithin the universe. in february 2003, a team from nasa and the goddard space flightcenter in maryland, using a new, far-reaching type of satellite called the wilkinsonmicrowave anistropy probe, announced with some confidence that the age of the universe is13.7 billion years, give or take a hundred million years or so. there matters rest, at least forthe moment.

    the difficulty in making final determinations is that there are often acres of room forinterpretation. imagine standing in a field at night and trying to decide how far away twodistant electric lights are. using fairly straightforward tools of astronomy you can easilyenough determine that the bulbs are of equal brightness and that one is, say, 50 percent moredistant than the other. but what you can’t be certain of is whether the nearer light is, let ussay, a 58-watt bulb that is 122 feet away or a 61-watt light that is 119 feet, 8 inches away. ontop of that you must make allowances for distortions caused by variations in the earth’satmosphere, by intergalactic dust, contaminating light from foreground stars, and many otherfactors. the upshot is that your computations are necessarily based on a series of nestedassumptions, any of which could be a source of contention. there is also the problem thataccess to telescopes is always at a premium and historically measuring red shifts has beennotably costly in telescope time. it could take all night to get a single exposure. inconsequence, astronomers have sometimes been compelled (or willing) to base conclusionson notably scanty evidence. in cosmology, as the journalist geoffrey carr has suggested, wehave “a mountain of theory built on a molehill of evidence.” or as martin rees has put it:

    “our present satisfaction [with our state of understanding] may reflect the paucity of the datarather than the excellence of the theory.”

    this uncertainty applies, incidentally, to relatively nearby things as much as to the distantedges of the universe. as donald goldsmith notes, when astronomers say that the galaxy m87is 60 million light-years away, what they really mean (“but do not often stress to the generalpublic”) is that it is somewhere between 40 million and 90 million light-years away—not2you are of course entitled to wonder what is meant exactly by “a constant of 50” or “a constant of 100.” theanswer lies in astronomical units of measure. except conversationally, astronomers dont use light-years. theyuse a distance called the parsec (a contraction of parallax and second), based on a universal measure called thestellar parallax and equivalent to 3.26 light-years. really big measures, like the size of a universe, are measuredin megaparsecs: a million parsecs. the constant is expressed in terms of kilometers per second per megaparsec.

    thus when astronomers refer to a hubble constant of 50, what they really mean is “50 kilometers per second permegaparsec.” for most of us that is of course an utterly meaningless measure, but then with astronomicalmeasures most distances are so huge as to be utterly meaningless.

    quite the same thing. for the universe at large, matters are naturally magnified. bearing allthat in mind, the best bets these days for the age of the universe seem to be fixed on a range ofabout 12 billion to 13.5 billion years, but we remain a long way from unanimity.

    one interesting recently suggested theory is that the universe is not nearly as big as wethought, that when we peer into the distance some of the galaxies we see may simply bereflections, ghost images created by rebounded light.

    the fact is, there is a great deal, even at quite a fundamental level, that we don’t know—notleast what the universe is made of. when scientists calculate the amount of matter needed tohold things together, they always come up desperately short. it appears that at least 90 percentof the universe, and perhaps as much as 99 percent, is composed of fritz zwicky’s “darkmatter”—stuff that is by its nature invisible to us. it is slightly galling to think that we live ina universe that, for the most part, we can’t even see, but there you are. at least the names forthe two main possible culprits are entertaining: they are said to be either wimps (for weaklyinteracting massive particles, which is to say specks of invisible matter left over from the bigbang) or machos (for massive compact halo objects—really just another name for blackholes, brown dwarfs, and other very dim stars).

    particle physicists have tended to favor the particle explanation of wimps, astrophysiciststhe stellar explanation of machos. for a time machos had the upper hand, but not nearlyenough of them were found, so sentiment swung back toward wimps but with the problemthat no wimp has ever been found. because they are weakly interacting, they are (assumingthey even exist) very hard to detect. cosmic rays would cause too much interference. soscientists must go deep underground. one kilometer underground cosmic bombardmentswould be one millionth what they would be on the surface. but even when all these are addedin, “two-thirds of the universe is still missing from the balance sheet,” as one commentatorhas put it. for the moment we might very well call them dunnos (for dark unknownnonreflective nondetectable objects somewhere).

    recent evidence suggests that not only are the galaxies of the universe racing away fromus, but that they are doing so at a rate that is accelerating. this is counter to all expectations. itappears that the universe may not only be filled with dark matter, but with dark energy.

    scientists sometimes also call it vacuum energy or, more exotically, quintessence. whatever itis, it seems to be driving an expansion that no one can altogether account for. the theory isthat empty space isn’t so empty at all—that there are particles of matter and antimatterpopping into existence and popping out again—and that these are pushing the universeoutward at an accelerating rate. improbably enough, the one thing that resolves all this iseinstein’s cosmological constant—the little piece of math he dropped into the general theoryof relativity to stop the universe’s presumed expansion, and called “the biggest blunder of mylife.” it now appears that he may have gotten things right after all.

    the upshot of all this is that we live in a universe whose age we can’t quite compute,surrounded by stars whose distances we don’t altogether know, filled with matter we can’tidentify, operating in conformance with physical laws whose properties we don’t trulyunderstand.

    and on that rather unsettling note, let’s return to planet earth and consider something thatwe do understand—though by now you perhaps won’t be surprised to hear that we don’tunderstand it completely and what we do understand we haven’t understood for long.

    12    THE EARTH MOVES

    in one of his last professional acts before his death in 1955, albert einstein wrote a shortbut glowing foreword to a book by a geologist named charles hapgood entitled earth’sshifting crust: a key to some basic problems of earth science. hapgood’s book was asteady demolition of the idea that continents were in motion. in a tone that all but invited thereader to join him in a tolerant chuckle, hapgood observed that a few gullible souls hadnoticed “an apparent correspondence in shape between certain continents.” it would appear,he went on, “that south america might be fitted together with africa, and so on. . . . it is evenclaimed that rock formations on opposite sides of the atlantic match.”

    1. hapgood briskly dismissed any such notions, noting that the geologists k. e. casterand j. c. mendes had done extensive fieldwork on both sides of the atlantic and hadestablished beyond question that no such similarities existed. goodness knows what outcropsmessrs. caster and mendes had looked at, beacuse in fact many of the rock formations onboth sides of the atlanticare the same—not just very similar but the same.

    this was not an idea that flew with mr. hapgood, or many other geologists of his day. thetheory hapgood alluded to was one first propounded in 1908 by an amateur americangeologist named frank bursley taylor. taylor came from a wealthy family and had both themeans and freedom from academic constraints to pursue unconventional lines of inquiry. hewas one of those struck by the similarity in shape between the facing coastlines of africa andsouth america, and from this observation he developed the idea that the continents had onceslid around. he suggested—presciently as it turned out—that the crunching together ofcontinents could have thrust up the world’s mountain chains. he failed, however, to producemuch in the way of evidence, and the theory was considered too crackpot to merit seriousattention.

    in germany, however, taylor’s idea was picked up, and effectively appropriated, by atheorist named alfred wegener, a meteorologist at the university of marburg. wegenerinvestigated the many plant and fossil anomalies that did not fit comfortably into the standardmodel of earth history and realized that very little of it made sense if conventionallyinterpreted. animal fossils repeatedly turned up on opposite sides of oceans that were clearlytoo wide to swim. how, he wondered, did marsupials travel from south america to australia?

    how did identical snails turn up in scandinavia and new england? and how, come to that,did one account for coal seams and other semi-tropical remnants in frigid spots likespitsbergen, four hundred miles north of norway, if they had not somehow migrated therefrom warmer climes?

    wegener developed the theory that the world’s continents had once come together in asingle landmass he called pangaea, where flora and fauna had been able to mingle, before thecontinents had split apart and floated off to their present positions. all this he put together in abook called die entstehung der kontinente und ozeane, or the origin of continents and
    oceans, which was published in german in 1912 and—despite the outbreak of the firstworld war in the meantime—in english three years later.

    because of the war, wegener’s theory didn’t attract much notice at first, but by 1920, whenhe produced a revised and expanded edition, it quickly became a subject of discussion.

    everyone agreed that continents moved—but up and down, not sideways. the process ofvertical movement, known as isostasy, was a foundation of geological beliefs for generations,though no one had any good theories as to how or why it happened. one idea, which remainedin textbooks well into my own school days, was the baked apple theory propounded by theaustrian eduard suess just before the turn of the century. this suggested that as the moltenearth had cooled, it had become wrinkled in the manner of a baked apple, creating oceanbasins and mountain ranges. never mind that james hutton had shown long before that anysuch static arrangement would eventually result in a featureless spheroid as erosion leveledthe bumps and filled in the divots. there was also the problem, demonstrated by rutherfordand soddy early in the century, that earthly elements hold huge reserves of heat—much toomuch to allow for the sort of cooling and shrinking suess suggested. and anyway, if suess’stheory was correct then mountains should be evenly distributed across the face of the earth,which patently they were not, and of more or less the same ages; yet by the early 1900s it wasalready evident that some ranges, like the urals and appalachians, were hundreds of millionsof years older than others, like the alps and rockies. clearly the time was ripe for a newtheory. unfortunately, alfred wegener was not the man that geologists wished to provide it.

    for a start, his radical notions questioned the foundations of their discipline, seldom aneffective way to generate warmth in an audience. such a challenge would have been painfulenough coming from a geologist, but wegener had no background in geology. he was ameteorologist, for goodness sake. a weatherman—a german weatherman. these were notremediable deficiencies.

    and so geologists took every pain they could think of to dismiss his evidence and belittlehis suggestions. to get around the problems of fossil distributions, they posited ancient “landbridges” wherever they were needed. when an ancient horse named hipparion was found tohave lived in france and florida at the same time, a land bridge was drawn across theatlantic. when it was realized that ancient tapirs had existed simultaneously in southamerica and southeast asia a land bridge was drawn there, too. soon maps of prehistoricseas were almost solid with hypothesized land bridges—from north america to europe, frombrazil to africa, from southeast asia to australia, from australia to antarctica. theseconnective tendrils had not only conveniently appeared whenever it was necessary to move aliving organism from one landmass to another, but then obligingly vanished without leaving atrace of their former existence. none of this, of course, was supported by so much as a grainof actual evidence—nothing so wrong could be—yet it was geological orthodoxy for the nexthalf century.

    even land bridges couldn’t explain some things. one species of trilobite that was wellknown in europe was also found to have lived on newfoundland—but only on one side. noone could persuasively explain how it had managed to cross two thousand miles of hostileocean but then failed to find its way around the corner of a 200-mile-wide island. even moreawkwardly anomalous was another species of trilobite found in europe and the pacificnorthwest but nowhere in between, which would have required not so much a land bridge as aflyover. yet as late as 1964 when the encyclopaedia britannica discussed the rival theories, itwas wegener’s that was held to be full of “numerous grave theoretical difficulties.”

    to be sure, wegener made mistakes. he asserted that greenland is drifting west by about amile a year, which is clearly nonsense. (it’s more like half an inch.) above all, he could offerno convincing explanation for how the landmasses moved about. to believe in his theory youhad to accept that massive continents somehow pushed through solid crust, like a plowthrough soil, without leaving any furrow in their wake. nothing then known could plausiblyexplain what motored these massive movements.

    it was arthur holmes, the english geologist who did so much to determine the age of theearth, who suggested a possible way. holmes was the first scientist to understand thatradioactive warming could produce convection currents within the earth. in theory thesecould be powerful enough to slide continents around on the surface. in his popular andinfluential textbook principles of physical geology , first published in 1944, holmes laid outa continental drift theory that was in its fundamentals the theory that prevails today. it wasstill a radical proposition for the time and widely criticized, particularly in the united states,where resistance to drift lasted longer than elsewhere. one reviewer there fretted, without anyevident sense of irony, that holmes presented his arguments so clearly and compellingly thatstudents might actually come to believe them.

    elsewhere, however, the new theory drew steady if cautious support. in 1950, a vote at theannual meeting of the british association for the advancement of science showed that abouthalf of those present now embraced the idea of continental drift. (hapgood soon after citedthis figure as proof of how tragically misled british geologists had become.) curiously,holmes himself sometimes wavered in his conviction. in 1953 he confessed: “i have neversucceeded in freeing myself from a nagging prejudice against continental drift; in mygeological bones, so to speak, i feel the hypothesis is a fantastic one.”

    continental drift was not entirely without support in the united states. reginald daly ofharvard spoke for it, but he, you may recall, was the man who suggested that the moon hadbeen formed by a cosmic impact, and his ideas tended to be considered interesting, evenworthy, but a touch too exuberant for serious consideration. and so most american academicsstuck to the belief that the continents had occupied their present positions forever and thattheir surface features could be attributed to something other than lateral motions.

    interestingly, oil company geologists had known for years that if you wanted to find oil youhad to allow for precisely the sort of surface movements that were implied by plate tectonics.

    but oil geologists didn’t write academic papers; they just found oil.

    there was one other major problem with earth theories that no one had resolved, or evencome close to resolving. that was the question of where all the sediments went. every yearearth’s rivers carried massive volumes of eroded material—500 million tons of calcium, forinstance—to the seas. if you multiplied the rate of deposition by the number of years it hadbeen going on, it produced a disturbing figure: there should be about twelve miles ofsediments on the ocean bottoms—or, put another way, the ocean bottoms should by now bewell above the ocean tops. scientists dealt with this paradox in the handiest possible way.

    they ignored it. but eventually there came a point when they could ignore it no longer.

    in the second world war, a princeton university mineralogist named harry hess was putin charge of an attack transport ship, the uss cape johnson. aboard this vessel was a fancynew depth sounder called a fathometer, which was designed to facilitate inshore maneuvers
    during beach landings, but hess realized that it could equally well be used for scientificpurposes and never switched it off, even when far out at sea, even in the heat of battle. whathe found was entirely unexpected. if the ocean floors were ancient, as everyone assumed, theyshould be thickly blanketed with sediments, like the mud on the bottom of a river or lake. buthess’s readings showed that the ocean floor offered anything but the gooey smoothness ofancient silts. it was scored everywhere with canyons, trenches, and crevasses and dotted withvolcanic seamounts that he called guyots after an earlier princeton geologist named arnoldguyot. all this was a puzzle, but hess had a war to take part in, and put such thoughts to theback of his mind.

    after the war, hess returned to princeton and the preoccupations of teaching, but themysteries of the seafloor continued to occupy a space in his thoughts. meanwhile, throughoutthe 1950s oceanographers were undertaking more and more sophisticated surveys of theocean floors. in so doing, they found an even bigger surprise: the mightiest and mostextensive mountain range on earth was—mostly—underwater. it traced a continuous pathalong the world’s seabeds, rather like the stitching on a baseball. if you began at iceland, youcould follow it down the center of the atlantic ocean, around the bottom of africa, and acrossthe indian and southern oceans, below australia; there it angled across the pacific as ifmaking for baja california before shooting up the west coast of the united states to alaska.

    occasionally its higher peaks poked above the water as an island or archipelago—the azoresand canaries in the atlantic, hawaii in the pacific, for instance—but mostly it was buriedunder thousands of fathoms of salty sea, unknown and unsuspected. when all its brancheswere added together, the network extended to 46,600 miles.

    a very little of this had been known for some time. people laying ocean-floor cables in thenineteenth century had realized that there was some kind of mountainous intrusion in the mid-atlantic from the way the cables ran, but the continuous nature and overall scale of the chainwas a stunning surprise. moreover, it contained physical anomalies that couldn’t be explained.

    down the middle of the mid-atlantic ridge was a canyon—a rift—up to a dozen miles widefor its entire 12,000-mile length. this seemed to suggest that the earth was splitting apart atthe seams, like a nut bursting out of its shell. it was an absurd and unnerving notion, but theevidence couldn’t be denied.

    then in 1960 core samples showed that the ocean floor was quite young at the mid-atlanticridge but grew progressively older as you moved away from it to the east or west. harry hessconsidered the matter and realized that this could mean only one thing: new ocean crust wasbeing formed on either side of the central rift, then being pushed away from it as new crustcame along behind. the atlantic floor was effectively two large conveyor belts, one carryingcrust toward north america, the other carrying crust toward europe. the process becameknown as seafloor spreading.

    when the crust reached the end of its journey at the boundary with continents, it plungedback into the earth in a process known as subduction. that explained where all the sedimentwent. it was being returned to the bowels of the earth. it also explained why ocean floorseverywhere were so comparatively youthful. none had ever been found to be older than about175 million years, which was a puzzle because continental rocks were often billions of yearsold. now hess could see why. ocean rocks lasted only as long as it took them to travel toshore. it was a beautiful theory that explained a great deal. hess elaborated his ideas in animportant paper, which was almost universally ignored. sometimes the world just isn’t readyfor a good idea.

    meanwhile, two researchers, working independently, were making some startling findingsby drawing on a curious fact of earth history that had been discovered several decades earlier.

    in 1906, a french physicist named bernard brunhes had found that the planet’s magnetic fieldreverses itself from time to time, and that the record of these reversals is permanently fixed incertain rocks at the time of their birth. specifically, tiny grains of iron ore within the rockspoint to wherever the magnetic poles happen to be at the time of their formation, then staypointing in that direction as the rocks cool and harden. in effect they “remember” where themagnetic poles were at the time of their creation. for years this was little more than acuriosity, but in the 1950s patrick blackett of the university of london and s. k. runcorn ofthe university of newcastle studied the ancient magnetic patterns frozen in british rocks andwere startled, to say the very least, to find them indicating that at some time in the distant pastbritain had spun on its axis and traveled some distance to the north, as if it had somehowcome loose from its moorings. moreover, they also discovered that if you placed a map ofeurope’s magnetic patterns alongside an american one from the same period, they fit togetheras neatly as two halves of a torn letter. it was uncanny.

    their findings were ignored too.

    it finally fell to two men from cambridge university, a geophysicist named drummondmatthews and a graduate student of his named fred vine, to draw all the strands together. in1963, using magnetic studies of the atlantic ocean floor, they demonstrated conclusively thatthe seafloors were spreading in precisely the manner hess had suggested and that thecontinents were in motion too. an unlucky canadian geologist named lawrence morley cameup with the same conclusion at the same time, but couldn’t find anyone to publish his paper.

    in what has become a famous snub, the editor of the journal of geophysical research toldhim: “such speculations make interesting talk at cocktail parties, but it is not the sort of thingthat ought to be published under serious scientific aegis.” one geologist later described it as“probably the most significant paper in the earth sciences ever to be denied publication.”

    at all events, mobile crust was an idea whose time had finally come. a symposium ofmany of the most important figures in the field was convened in london under the auspices ofthe royal society in 1964, and suddenly, it seemed, everyone was a convert. the earth, themeeting agreed, was a mosaic of interconnected segments whose various stately jostlingsaccounted for much of the planet’s surface behavior.

    the name “continental drift” was fairly swiftly discarded when it was realized that thewhole crust was in motion and not just the continents, but it took a while to settle on a namefor the individual segments. at first people called them “crustal blocks” or sometimes “pavingstones.” not until late 1968, with the publication of an article by three americanseismologists in the journal of geophysical research , did the segments receive the name bywhich they have since been known: plates. the same article called the new science platetectonics.

    old ideas die hard, and not everyone rushed to embrace the exciting new theory. well intothe 1970s, one of the most popular and influential geological textbooks, the earth by thevenerable harold jeffreys, strenuously insisted that plate tectonics was a physicalimpossibility, just as it had in the first edition way back in 1924. it was equally dismissive ofconvection and seafloor spreading. and in basin and range, published in 1980, john mcpheenoted that even then one american geologist in eight still didn’t believe in plate tectonics.

    today we know that earth’s surface is made up of eight to twelve big plates (depending onhow you define big) and twenty or so smaller ones, and they all move in different directionsand at different speeds. some plates are large and comparatively inactive, others small butenergetic. they bear only an incidental relationship to the landmasses that sit upon them. thenorth american plate, for instance, is much larger than the continent with which it isassociated. it roughly traces the outline of the continent’s western coast (which is why thatarea is so seismically active, because of the bump and crush of the plate boundary), butignores the eastern seaboard altogether and instead extends halfway across the atlantic to themid-ocean ridge. iceland is split down the middle, which makes it tectonically half americanand half european. new zealand, meanwhile, is part of the immense indian ocean plate eventhough it is nowhere near the indian ocean. and so it goes for most plates.

    the connections between modern landmasses and those of the past were found to beinfinitely more complex than anyone had imagined. kazakhstan, it turns out, was onceattached to norway and new england. one corner of staten island, but only a corner, iseuropean. so is part of newfoundland. pick up a pebble from a massachusetts beach, and itsnearest kin will now be in africa. the scottish highlands and much of scandinavia aresubstantially american. some of the shackleton range of antarctica, it is thought, may oncehave belonged to the appalachians of the eastern u.s. rocks, in short, get around.

    the constant turmoil keeps the plates from fusing into a single immobile plate. assumingthings continue much as at present, the atlantic ocean will expand until eventually it is muchbigger than the pacific. much of california will float off and become a kind of madagascar ofthe pacific. africa will push northward into europe, squeezing the mediterranean out ofexistence and thrusting up a chain of mountains of himalayan majesty running from paris tocalcutta. australia will colonize the islands to its north and connect by some isthmianumbilicus to asia. these are future outcomes, but not future events. the events are happeningnow. as we sit here, continents are adrift, like leaves on a pond. thanks to global positioningsystems we can see that europe and north america are parting at about the speed a fingernailgrows—roughly two yards in a human lifetime. if you were prepared to wait long enough,you could ride from los angeles all the way up to san francisco. it is only the brevity oflifetimes that keeps us from appreciating the changes. look at a globe and what you areseeing really is a snapshot of the continents as they have been for just one-tenth of 1 percentof the earth’s history.

    earth is alone among the rocky planets in having tectonics, and why this should be is a bitof a mystery. it is not simply a matter of size or density—venus is nearly a twin of earth inthese respects and yet has no tectonic activity. it is thought—though it is really nothing morethan a thought—that tectonics is an important part of the planet’s organic well-being. as thephysicist and writer james trefil has put it, “it would be hard to believe that the continuousmovement of tectonic plates has no effect on the development of life on earth.” he suggeststhat the challenges induced by tectonics—changes in climate, for instance—were animportant spur to the development of intelligence. others believe the driftings of thecontinents may have produced at least some of the earth’s various extinction events. innovember of 2002, tony dickson of cambridge university in england produced a report,published in the journal science, strongly suggesting that there may well be a relationshipbetween the history of rocks and the history of life. what dickson established was that thechemical composition of the world’s oceans has altered abruptly and vigorously throughoutthe past half billion years and that these changes often correlate with important events inbiological history—the huge outburst of tiny organisms that created the chalk cliffs ofengland’s south coast, the sudden fashion for shells among marine organisms during the
    cambrian period, and so on. no one can say what causes the oceans’ chemistry to change sodramatically from time to time, but the opening and shutting of ocean ridges would be anobvious possible culprit.

    at all events, plate tectonics not only explained the surface dynamics of the earth—how anancient hipparion got from france to florida, for example—but also many of its internalactions. earthquakes, the formation of island chains, the carbon cycle, the locations ofmountains, the coming of ice ages, the origins of life itself—there was hardly a matter thatwasn’t directly influenced by this remarkable new theory. geologists, as mcphee has noted,found themselves in the giddying position that “the whole earth suddenly made sense.”

    but only up to a point. the distribution of continents in former times is much less neatlyresolved than most people outside geophysics think. although textbooks give confident-looking representations of ancient landmasses with names like laurasia, gondwana, rodinia,and pangaea, these are sometimes based on conclusions that don’t altogether hold up. asgeorge gaylord simpson observes in fossils and the history of life, species of plants andanimals from the ancient world have a habit of appearing inconveniently where they shouldn’tand failing to be where they ought.

    the outline of gondwana, a once-mighty continent connecting australia, africa,antarctica, and south america, was based in large part on the distribution of a genus ofancient tongue fern called glossopteris, which was found in all the right places. however,much later glossopteris was also discovered in parts of the world that had no knownconnection to gondwana. this troubling discrepancy was—and continues to be—mostlyignored. similarly a triassic reptile called lystrosaurus has been found from antarctica allthe way to asia, supporting the idea of a former connection between those continents, but ithas never turned up in south america or australia, which are believed to have been part ofthe same continent at the same time.

    there are also many surface features that tectonics can’t explain. take denver. it is, aseveryone knows, a mile high, but that rise is comparatively recent. when dinosaurs roamedthe earth, denver was part of an ocean bottom, many thousands of feet lower. yet the rockson which denver sits are not fractured or deformed in the way they would be if denver hadbeen pushed up by colliding plates, and anyway denver was too far from the plate edges to besusceptible to their actions. it would be as if you pushed against the edge of a rug hoping toraise a ruck at the opposite end. mysteriously and over millions of years, it appears thatdenver has been rising, like baking bread. so, too, has much of southern africa; a portion ofit a thousand miles across has risen nearly a mile in 100 million years without any knownassociated tectonic activity. australia, meanwhile, has been tilting and sinking. over the past100 million years as it has drifted north toward asia, its leading edge has sunk by some sixhundred feet. it appears that indonesia is very slowly drowning, and dragging australia downwith it. nothing in the theories of tectonics can explain any of this.

    alfred wegener never lived to see his ideas vindicated. on an expedition to greenland in1930, he set out alone, on his fiftieth birthday, to check out a supply drop. he never returned.

    he was found a few days later, frozen to death on the ice. he was buried on the spot and liesthere yet, but about a yard closer to north america than on the day he died.

    einstein also failed to live long enough to see that he had backed the wrong horse. in fact,he died at princeton, new jersey, in 1955 before charles hapgood’s rubbishing of continentaldrift theories was even published.

    the other principal player in the emergence of tectonics theory, harry hess, was also atprinceton at the time, and would spend the rest of his career there. one of his students was abright young fellow named walter alvarez, who would eventually change the world ofscience in a quite different way.

    as for geology itself, its cataclysms had only just begun, and it was young alvarez whohelped to start the process.

    part iv  dangerous planet

    the history of any one part of the earth, like the life of a soldier, consists of long periods of boredom and short periods of terror.

    -british geologist derek v. ager

    13    BANG!

    people knew for a long time that there was something odd about the earth beneath manson, iowa. in 1912, a man drilling a well for the town water supply reported bringing up alot of strangely deformed rock—“crystalline clast breccia with a melt matrix” and “overturnedejecta flap,” as it was later described in an official report. the water was odd too. it wasalmost as soft as rainwater. naturally occurring soft water had never been found in iowabefore.

    though manson’s strange rocks and silken waters were matters of curiosity, forty-oneyears would pass before a team from the university of iowa got around to making a trip to thecommunity, then as now a town of about two thousand people in the northwest part of thestate. in 1953, after sinking a series of experimental bores, university geologists agreed thatthe site was indeed anomalous and attributed the deformed rocks to some ancient, unspecifiedvolcanic action. this was in keeping with the wisdom of the day, but it was also about aswrong as a geological conclusion can get.

    the trauma to manson’s geology had come not from within the earth, but from at least 100million miles beyond. sometime in the very ancient past, when manson stood on the edge of ashallow sea, a rock about a mile and a half across, weighing ten billion tons and traveling atperhaps two hundred times the speed of sound ripped through the atmosphere and punchedinto the earth with a violence and suddenness that we can scarcely imagine. where mansonnow stands became in an instant a hole three miles deep and more than twenty miles across.

    the limestone that elsewhere gives iowa its hard mineralized water was obliterated andreplaced by the shocked basement rocks that so puzzled the water driller in 1912.

    the manson impact was the biggest thing that has ever occurred on the mainland unitedstates. of any type. ever. the crater it left behind was so colossal that if you stood on oneedge you would only just be able to see the other side on a good day. it would make the grandcanyon look quaint and trifling. unfortunately for lovers of spectacle, 2.5 million years ofpassing ice sheets filled the manson crater right to the top with rich glacial till, then graded itsmooth, so that today the landscape at manson, and for miles around, is as flat as a tabletop.

    which is of course why no one has ever heard of the manson crater.

    at the library in manson they are delighted to show you a collection of newspaper articlesand a box of core samples from a 1991–92 drilling program—indeed, they positively bustle toproduce them—but you have to ask to see them. nothing permanent is on display, andnowhere in the town is there any historical marker.

    to most people in manson the biggest thing ever to happen was a tornado that rolled upmain street in 1979, tearing apart the business district. one of the advantages of all thatsurrounding flatness is that you can see danger from a long way off. virtually the whole townturned out at one end of main street and watched for half an hour as the tornado came toward
    them, hoping it would veer off, then prudently scampered when it did not. four of them, alas,didn’t move quite fast enough and were killed. every june now manson has a weeklong eventcalled crater days, which was dreamed up as a way of helping people forget that unhappyanniversary. it doesn’t really have anything to do with the crater. nobody’s figured out a wayto capitalize on an impact site that isn’t visible.

    “very occasionally we get people coming in and asking where they should go to see thecrater and we have to tell them that there is nothing to see,” says anna schlapkohl, the town’sfriendly librarian. “then they go away kind of disappointed.” however, most people,including most iowans, have never heard of the manson crater. even for geologists it barelyrates a footnote. but for one brief period in the 1980s, manson was the most geologicallyexciting place on earth.

    the story begins in the early 1950s when a bright young geologist named eugeneshoemaker paid a visit to meteor crater in arizona. today meteor crater is the most famousimpact site on earth and a popular tourist attraction. in those days, however, it didn’t receivemany visitors and was still often referred to as barringer crater, after a wealthy miningengineer named daniel m. barringer who had staked a claim on it in 1903. barringer believedthat the crater had been formed by a ten-million-ton meteor, heavily freighted with iron andnickel, and it was his confident expectation that he would make a fortune digging it out.

    unaware that the meteor and everything in it would have been vaporized on impact, hewasted a fortune, and the next twenty-six years, cutting tunnels that yielded nothing.

    by the standards of today, crater research in the early 1900s was a trifle unsophisticated, tosay the least. the leading early investigator, g. k. gilbert of columbia university, modeledthe effects of impacts by flinging marbles into pans of oatmeal. (for reasons i cannot supply,gilbert conducted these experiments not in a laboratory at columbia but in a hotel room.)somehow from this gilbert concluded that the moon’s craters were indeed formed byimpacts—in itself quite a radical notion for the time—but that the earth’s were not. mostscientists refused to go even that far. to them, the moon’s craters were evidence of ancientvolcanoes and nothing more. the few craters that remained evident on earth (most had beeneroded away) were generally attributed to other causes or treated as fluky rarities.

    by the time shoemaker came along, a common view was that meteor crater had beenformed by an underground steam explosion. shoemaker knew nothing about undergroundsteam explosions—he couldn’t: they don’t exist—but he did know all about blast zones. oneof his first jobs out of college was to study explosion rings at the yucca flats nuclear test sitein nevada. he concluded, as barringer had before him, that there was nothing at meteorcrater to suggest volcanic activity, but that there were huge distributions of other stuff—anomalous fine silicas and magnetites principally—that suggested an impact from space.

    intrigued, he began to study the subject in his spare time.

    working first with his colleague eleanor helin and later with his wife, carolyn, andassociate david levy, shoemaker began a systematic survey of the inner solar system. theyspent one week each month at the palomar observatory in california looking for objects,asteroids primarily, whose trajectories carried them across earth’s orbit.

    “at the time we started, only slightly more than a dozen of these things had ever beendiscovered in the entire course of astronomical observation,” shoemaker recalled some yearslater in a television interview. “astronomers in the twentieth century essentially abandonedthe solar system,” he added. “their attention was turned to the stars, the galaxies.”

    what shoemaker and his colleagues found was that there was more risk out there—a greatdeal more—than anyone had ever imagined.

    asteroids, as most people know, are rocky objects orbiting in loose formation in a beltbetween mars and jupiter. in illustrations they are always shown as existing in a jumble, butin fact the solar system is quite a roomy place and the average asteroid actually will be abouta million miles from its nearest neighbor. nobody knows even approximately how manyasteroids there are tumbling through space, but the number is thought to be probably not lessthan a billion. they are presumed to be planets that never quite made it, owing to theunsettling gravitational pull of jupiter, which kept—and keeps—them from coalescing.

    when asteroids were first detected in the 1800s—the very first was discovered on the firstday of the century by a sicilian named giuseppi piazzi—they were thought to be planets, andthe first two were named ceres and pallas. it took some inspired deductions by theastronomer william herschel to work out that they were nowhere near planet sized but muchsmaller. he called them asteroids—latin for “starlike”—which was slightly unfortunate asthey are not like stars at all. sometimes now they are more accurately called planetoids.

    finding asteroids became a popular activity in the 1800s, and by the end of the centuryabout a thousand were known. the problem was that no one was systematically recordingthem. by the early 1900s, it had often become impossible to know whether an asteroid thatpopped into view was new or simply one that had been noted earlier and then lost track of. bythis time, too, astrophysics had moved on so much that few astronomers wanted to devotetheir lives to anything as mundane as rocky planetoids. only a few astronomers, notablygerard kuiper, the dutch-born astronomer for whom the kuiper belt of comets is named,took any interest in the solar system at all. thanks to his work at the mcdonald observatoryin texas, followed later by work done by others at the minor planet center in cincinnati andthe spacewatch project in arizona, a long list of lost asteroids was gradually whittled downuntil by the close of the twentieth century only one known asteroid was unaccounted for—anobject called 719 albert. last seen in october 1911, it was finally tracked down in 2000 afterbeing missing for eighty-nine years.

    so from the point of view of asteroid research the twentieth century was essentially just along exercise in bookkeeping. it is really only in the last few years that astronomers havebegun to count and keep an eye on the rest of the asteroid community. as of july 2001,twenty-six thousand asteroids had been named and identified—half in just the previous twoyears. with up to a billion to identify, the count obviously has barely begun.

    in a sense it hardly matters. identifying an asteroid doesn’t make it safe. even if everyasteroid in the solar system had a name and known orbit, no one could say what perturbationsmight send any of them hurtling toward us. we can’t forecast rock disturbances on our ownsurface. put them adrift in space and what they might do is beyond guessing. any asteroid outthere that has our name on it is very likely to have no other.

    think of the earth’s orbit as a kind of freeway on which we are the only vehicle, but whichis crossed regularly by pedestrians who don’t know enough to look before stepping off thecurb. at least 90 percent of these pedestrians are quite unknown to us. we don’t know wherethey live, what sort of hours they keep, how often they come our way. all we know is that atsome point, at uncertain intervals, they trundle across the road down which we are cruising atsixty-six thousand miles an hour. as steven ostro of the jet propulsion laboratory has put it,“suppose that there was a button you could push and you could light up all the earth-crossing
    asteroids larger than about ten meters, there would be over 100 million of these objects in thesky.” in short, you would see not a couple of thousand distant twinkling stars, but millionsupon millions upon millions of nearer, randomly moving objects—“all of which are capableof colliding with the earth and all of which are moving on slightly different courses throughthe sky at different rates. it would be deeply unnerving.” well, be unnerved because it isthere. we just can’t see it.

    altogether it is thought—though it is really only a guess, based on extrapolating fromcratering rates on the moon—that some two thousand asteroids big enough to imperilcivilized existence regularly cross our orbit. but even a small asteroid—the size of a house,say—could destroy a city. the number of these relative tiddlers in earth-crossing orbits isalmost certainly in the hundreds of thousands and possibly in the millions, and they are nearlyimpossible to track.

    the first one wasn’t spotted until 1991, and that was after it had already gone by. named1991 ba, it was noticed as it sailed past us at a distance of 106,000 miles—in cosmic termsthe equivalent of a bullet passing through one’s sleeve without touching the arm. two yearslater, another, somewhat larger asteroid missed us by just 90,000 miles—the closest pass yetrecorded. it, too, was not seen until it had passed and would have arrived without warning.

    according to timothy ferris, writing in the new yorker, such near misses probably happentwo or three times a week and go unnoticed.

    an object a hundred yards across couldn’t be picked up by any earth-based telescope untilit was within just a few days of us, and that is only if a telescope happened to be trained on it,which is unlikely because even now the number of people searching for such objects ismodest. the arresting analogy that is always made is that the number of people in the worldwho are actively searching for asteroids is fewer than the staff of a typical mcdonald’srestaurant. (it is actually somewhat higher now. but not much.)while gene shoemaker was trying to get people galvanized about the potential dangers ofthe inner solar system, another development—wholly unrelated on the face of it—was quietlyunfolding in italy with the work of a young geologist from the lamont doherty laboratory atcolumbia university. in the early 1970s, walter alvarez was doing fieldwork in a comelydefile known as the bottaccione gorge, near the umbrian hill town of gubbio, when he grewcurious about a thin band of reddish clay that divided two ancient layers of limestone—onefrom the cretaceous period, the other from the tertiary. this is a point known to geology asthe kt boundary,1and it marks the time, sixty-five million years ago, when the dinosaurs androughly half the world’s other species of animals abruptly vanish from the fossil record.

    alvarez wondered what it was about a thin lamina of clay, barely a quarter of an inch thick,that could account for such a dramatic moment in earth’s history.

    at the time the conventional wisdom about the dinosaur extinction was the same as it hadbeen in charles lyell’s day a century earlier—namely that the dinosaurs had died out overmillions of years. but the thinness of the clay layer clearly suggested that in umbria, if1it is kt rather than ct because c had already been appropriated for cambrian. depending on which sourceyou credit, the k comes either from the greek kreta or german kreide. both conveniently mean “chalk,” whichis also what cretaceous means.

    nowhere else, something rather more abrupt had happened. unfortunately in the 1970s notests existed for determining how long such a deposit might have taken to accumulate.

    in the normal course of things, alvarez almost certainly would have had to leave theproblem at that, but luckily he had an impeccable connection to someone outside hisdiscipline who could help—his father, luis. luis alvarez was an eminent nuclear physicist;he had won the nobel prize for physics the previous decade. he had always been mildlyscornful of his son’s attachment to rocks, but this problem intrigued him. it occurred to himthat the answer might lie in dust from space.

    every year the earth accumulates some thirty thousand metric tons of “cosmicspherules”—space dust in plainer language—which would be quite a lot if you swept it intoone pile, but is infinitesimal when spread across the globe. scattered through this thin dustingare exotic elements not normally much found on earth. among these is the element iridium,which is a thousand times more abundant in space than in the earth’s crust (because, it isthought, most of the iridium on earth sank to the core when the planet was young).

    alvarez knew that a colleague of his at the lawrence berkeley laboratory in california,frank asaro, had developed a technique for measuring very precisely the chemicalcomposition of clays using a process called neutron activation analysis. this involvedbombarding samples with neutrons in a small nuclear reactor and carefully counting thegamma rays that were emitted; it was extremely finicky work. previously asaro had used thetechnique to analyze pieces of pottery, but alvarez reasoned that if they measured the amountof one of the exotic elements in his son’s soil samples and compared that with its annual rateof deposition, they would know how long it had taken the samples to form. on an octoberafternoon in 1977, luis and walter alvarez dropped in on asaro and asked him if he wouldrun the necessary tests for them.

    it was really quite a presumptuous request. they were asking asaro to devote months tomaking the most painstaking measurements of geological samples merely to confirm whatseemed entirely self-evident to begin with—that the thin layer of clay had been formed asquickly as its thinness suggested. certainly no one expected his survey to yield any dramaticbreakthroughs.

    “well, they were very charming, very persuasive,” asaro recalled in an interview in 2002.

    “and it seemed an interesting challenge, so i agreed to try. unfortunately, i had a lot of otherwork on, so it was eight months before i could get to it.” he consulted his notes from theperiod. “on june 21, 1978, at 1:45 p.m., we put a sample in the detector. it ran for 224minutes and we could see we were getting interesting results, so we stopped it and had alook.”

    the results were so unexpected, in fact, that the three scientists at first thought they had tobe wrong. the amount of iridium in the alvarez sample was more than three hundred timesnormal levels—far beyond anything they might have predicted. over the following monthsasaro and his colleague helen michel worked up to thirty hours at a stretch (“once youstarted you couldn’t stop,” asaro explained) analyzing samples, always with the same results.

    tests on other samples—from denmark, spain, france, new zealand, antarctica—showedthat the iridium deposit was worldwide and greatly elevated everywhere, sometimes by asmuch as five hundred times normal levels. clearly something big and abrupt, and probablycataclysmic, had produced this arresting spike.

    after much thought, the alvarezes concluded that the most plausible explanation—plausible to them, at any rate—was that the earth had been struck by an asteroid or comet.

    the idea that the earth might be subjected to devastating impacts from time to time was notquite as new as it is now sometimes presented. as far back as 1942, a northwesternuniversity astrophysicist named ralph b. baldwin had suggested such a possibility in anarticle in popular astronomy magazine. (he published the article there because no academicpublisher was prepared to run it.) and at least two well-known scientists, the astronomerernst ?pik and the chemist and nobel laureate harold urey, had also voiced support for thenotion at various times. even among paleontologists it was not unknown. in 1956 a professorat oregon state university, m. w. de laubenfels, writing in the journal of paleontology, hadactually anticipated the alvarez theory by suggesting that the dinosaurs may have been dealt adeath blow by an impact from space, and in 1970 the president of the americanpaleontological society, dewey j. mclaren, proposed at the group’s annual conference thepossibility that an extraterrestrial impact may have been the cause of an earlier event knownas the frasnian extinction.

    as if to underline just how un-novel the idea had become by this time, in 1979 ahollywood studio actually produced a movie called meteor (“it’s five miles wide . . . it’scoming at 30,000 m.p.h.—and there’s no place to hide!”) starring henry fonda, nataliewood, karl malden, and a very large rock.

    so when, in the first week of 1980, at a meeting of the american association for theadvancement of science, the alvarezes announced their belief that the dinosaur extinctionhad not taken place over millions of years as part of some slow inexorable process, butsuddenly in a single explosive event, it shouldn’t have come as a shock.

    but it did. it was received everywhere, but particularly in the paleontological community,as an outrageous heresy.

    “well, you have to remember,” asaro recalls, “that we were amateurs in this field. walterwas a geologist specializing in paleomagnetism, luis was a physicist and i was a nuclearchemist. and now here we were telling paleontologists that we had solved a problem that hadeluded them for over a century. it’s not terribly surprising that they didn’t embrace itimmediately.” as luis alvarez joked: “we were caught practicing geology without alicense.”

    but there was also something much deeper and more fundamentally abhorrent in the impacttheory. the belief that terrestrial processes were gradual had been elemental in natural historysince the time of lyell. by the 1980s, catastrophism had been out of fashion for so long that ithad become literally unthinkable. for most geologists the idea of a devastating impact was, aseugene shoemaker noted, “against their scientific religion.”

    nor did it help that luis alvarez was openly contemptuous of paleontologists and theircontributions to scientific knowledge. “they’re really not very good scientists. they’re morelike stamp collectors,” he wrote in the new york times in an article that stings yet.

    opponents of the alvarez theory produced any number of alternative explanations for theiridium deposits—for instance, that they were generated by prolonged volcanic eruptions inindia called the deccan traps—and above all insisted that there was no proof that thedinosaurs disappeared abruptly from the fossil record at the iridium boundary. one of the
    most vigorous opponents was charles officer of dartmouth college. he insisted that theiridium had been deposited by volcanic action even while conceding in a newspaper interviewthat he had no actual evidence of it. as late as 1988 more than half of all americanpaleontologists contacted in a survey continued to believe that the extinction of the dinosaurswas in no way related to an asteroid or cometary impact.

    the one thing that would most obviously support the alvarezes’ theory was the one thingthey didn’t have—an impact site. enter eugene shoemaker. shoemaker had an iowaconnection—his daughter-in-law taught at the university of iowa—and he was familiar withthe manson crater from his own studies. thanks to him, all eyes now turned to iowa.

    geology is a profession that varies from place to place. in iowa, a state that is flat andstratigraphically uneventful, it tends to be comparatively serene. there are no alpine peaks orgrinding glaciers, no great deposits of oil or precious metals, not a hint of a pyroclastic flow.

    if you are a geologist employed by the state of iowa, a big part of the work you do is toevaluate manure management plans, which all the state’s “animal confinement operators”—hog farmers to the rest of us—are required to file periodically. there are fifteen million hogsin iowa, so a lot of manure to manage. i’m not mocking this at all—it’s vital and enlightenedwork; it keeps iowa’s water clean—but with the best will in the world it’s not exactly dodginglava bombs on mount pinatubo or scrabbling over crevasses on the greenland ice sheet insearch of ancient life-bearing quartzes. so we may well imagine the flutter of excitement thatswept through the iowa department of natural resources when in the mid-1980s the world’sgeological attention focused on manson and its crater.

    trowbridge hall in iowa city is a turn-of-the-century pile of red brick that houses theuniversity of iowa’s earth sciences department and—way up in a kind of garret—thegeologists of the iowa department of natural resources. no one now can remember quitewhen, still less why, the state geologists were placed in an academic facility, but you get theimpression that the space was conceded grudgingly, for the offices are cramped and low-ceilinged and not very accessible. when being shown the way, you half expect to be taken outonto a roof ledge and helped in through a window.

    ray anderson and brian witzke spend their working lives up here amid disordered heapsof papers, journals, furled charts, and hefty specimen stones. (geologists are never at a lossfor paperweights.) it’s the kind of space where if you want to find anything—an extra chair, acoffee cup, a ringing telephone—you have to move stacks of documents around.

    “suddenly we were at the center of things,” anderson told me, gleaming at the memory ofit, when i met him and witzke in their offices on a dismal, rainy morning in june. “it was awonderful time.”

    i asked them about gene shoemaker, a man who seems to have been universally revered.

    “he was just a great guy,” witzke replied without hesitation. “if it hadn’t been for him, thewhole thing would never have gotten off the ground. even with his support, it took two yearsto get it up and running. drilling’s an expensive business—about thirty-five dollars a footback then, more now, and we needed to go down three thousand feet.”

    “sometimes more than that,” anderson added.

    “sometimes more than that,” witzke agreed. “and at several locations. so you’re talking alot of money. certainly more than our budget would allow.”

    so  a  collaboration  was  formed  between the Iowa geological survey and the u.s. geological survey.

    “at least we thought it was a collaboration,” said Anderson, producing a small pained smile.

    “it was a real learning curve for us,” witzke went on. “there was actually quite a lot of badscience going on throughout the period—people rushing in with results that didn’t alwaysstand up to scrutiny.” one of those moments came at the annual meeting of the americangeophysical union in 1985, when glenn izett and c. l. pillmore of the u.s. geologicalsurvey announced that the manson crater was of the right age to have been involved with thedinosaurs’ extinction. the declaration attracted a good deal of press attention but wasunfortunately premature. a more careful examination of the data revealed that manson wasnot only too small, but also nine million years too early.

    the first anderson or witzke learned of this setback to their careers was when they arrivedat a conference in south dakota and found people coming up to them with sympathetic looksand saying: “we hear you lost your crater.” it was the first they knew that izett and the otherusgs scientists had just announced refined figures revealing that manson couldn’t after allhave been the extinction crater.

    “it was pretty stunning,” recalls anderson. “i mean, we had this thing that was reallyimportant and then suddenly we didn’t have it anymore. but even worse was the realizationthat the people we thought we’d been collaborating with hadn’t bothered to share with us theirnew findings.”

    “why not?”

    he shrugged. “who knows? anyway, it was a pretty good insight into how unattractivescience can get when you’re playing at a certain level.”

    the search moved elsewhere. by chance in 1990 one of the searchers, alan hildebrand ofthe university of arizona, met a reporter from the houston chronicle who happened to knowabout a large, unexplained ring formation, 120 miles wide and 30 miles deep, under mexico’syucatán peninsula at chicxulub, near the city of progreso, about 600 miles due south of neworleans. the formation had been found by pemex, the mexican oil company, in 1952—theyear, coincidentally, that gene shoemaker first visited meteor crater in arizona—but thecompany’s geologists had concluded that it was volcanic, in line with the thinking of the day.

    hildebrand traveled to the site and decided fairly swiftly that they had their crater. by early1991 it had been established to nearly everyone’s satisfaction that chicxulub was the impactsite.

    still, many people didn’t quite grasp what an impact could do. as stephen jay gouldrecalled in one of his essays: “i remember harboring some strong initial doubts about theefficacy of such an event . . . [w]hy should an object only six miles across wreak such havocupon a planet with a diameter of eight thousand miles?”

    conveniently a natural test of the theory arose when the shoemakers and levy discoveredcomet shoemaker-levy 9, which they soon realized was headed for jupiter. for the first time,humans would be able to witness a cosmic collision—and witness it very well thanks to thenew hubble space telescope. most astronomers, according to curtis peebles, expected little,particularly as the comet was not a coherent sphere but a string of twenty-one fragments. “mysense,” wrote one, “is that jupiter will swallow these comets up without so much as a burp.”

    one week before the impact, nature ran an article, “the big fizzle is coming,” predictingthat the impact would constitute nothing more than a meteor shower.

    the impacts began on july 16, 1994, went on for a week and were bigger by far thananyone—with the possible exception of gene shoemaker—expected. one fragment, knownas nucleus g, struck with the force of about six million megatons—seventy-five times morethan all the nuclear weaponry in existence. nucleus g was only about the size of a smallmountain, but it created wounds in the jovian surface the size of earth. it was the final blowfor critics of the alvarez theory.

    luis alvarez never knew of the discovery of the chicxulub crater or of the shoemaker-levy comet, as he died in 1988. shoemaker also died early. on the third anniversary of theshoemaker-levy impact, he and his wife were in the australian outback, where they wentevery year to search for impact sites. on a dirt track in the tanami desert—normally one ofthe emptiest places on earth—they came over a slight rise just as another vehicle wasapproaching. shoemaker was killed instantly, his wife injured. part of his ashes were sent tothe moon aboard the lunar prospector spacecraft. the rest were scattered around meteorcrater.

    anderson and witzke no longer had the crater that killed the dinosaurs, “but we still hadthe largest and most perfectly preserved impact crater in the mainland united states,”

    anderson said. (a little verbal dexterity is required to keep manson’s superlative status. othercraters are larger—notably, chesapeake bay, which was recognized as an impact site in1994—but they are either offshore or deformed.) “chicxulub is buried under two to threekilometers of limestone and mostly offshore, which makes it difficult to study,” andersonwent on, “while manson is really quite accessible. it’s because it is buried that it is actuallycomparatively pristine.”

    i asked them how much warning we would receive if a similar hunk of rock was comingtoward us today.

    “oh, probably none,” said anderson breezily. “it wouldn’t be visible to the naked eye untilit warmed up, and that wouldn’t happen until it hit the atmosphere, which would be about onesecond before it hit the earth. you’re talking about something moving many tens of timesfaster than the fastest bullet. unless it had been seen by someone with a telescope, and that’sby no means a certainty, it would take us completely by surprise.”

    how hard an impactor hits depends on a lot of variables—angle of entry, velocity andtrajectory, whether the collision is head-on or from the side, and the mass and density of theimpacting object, among much else—none of which we can know so many millions of yearsafter the fact. but what scientists can do—and anderson and witzke have done—is measurethe impact site and calculate the amount of energy released. from that they can work out
    plausible scenarios of what it must have been like—or, more chillingly, would be like if ithappened now.

    an asteroid or comet traveling at cosmic velocities would enter the earth’s atmosphere atsuch a speed that the air beneath it couldn’t get out of the way and would be compressed, as ina bicycle pump. as anyone who has used such a pump knows, compressed air grows swiftlyhot, and the temperature below it would rise to some 60,000 kelvin, or ten times the surfacetemperature of the sun. in this instant of its arrival in our atmosphere, everything in themeteor’s path—people, houses, factories, cars—would crinkle and vanish like cellophane in aflame.

    one second after entering the atmosphere, the meteorite would slam into the earth’ssurface, where the people of manson had a moment before been going about their business.

    the meteorite itself would vaporize instantly, but the blast would blow out a thousand cubickilometers of rock, earth, and superheated gases. every living thing within 150 miles thathadn’t been killed by the heat of entry would now be killed by the blast. radiating outward atalmost the speed of light would be the initial shock wave, sweeping everything before it.

    for those outside the zone of immediate devastation, the first inkling of catastrophe wouldbe a flash of blinding light—the brightest ever seen by human eyes—followed an instant to aminute or two later by an apocalyptic sight of unimaginable grandeur: a roiling wall ofdarkness reaching high into the heavens, filling an entire field of view and traveling atthousands of miles an hour. its approach would be eerily silent since it would be moving farbeyond the speed of sound. anyone in a tall building in omaha or des moines, say, whochanced to look in the right direction would see a bewildering veil of turmoil followed byinstantaneous oblivion.

    within minutes, over an area stretching from denver to detroit and encompassing what hadonce been chicago, st. louis, kansas city, the twin cities—the whole of the midwest, inshort—nearly every standing thing would be flattened or on fire, and nearly every living thingwould be dead. people up to a thousand miles away would be knocked off their feet and slicedor clobbered by a blizzard of flying projectiles. beyond a thousand miles the devastation fromthe blast would gradually diminish.

    but that’s just the initial shockwave. no one can do more than guess what the associateddamage would be, other than that it would be brisk and global. the impact would almostcertainly set off a chain of devastating earthquakes. volcanoes across the globe would beginto rumble and spew. tsunamis would rise up and head devastatingly for distant shores. withinan hour, a cloud of blackness would cover the planet, and burning rock and other debriswould be pelting down everywhere, setting much of the planet ablaze. it has been estimatedthat at least a billion and a half people would be dead by the end of the first day. the massivedisturbances to the ionosphere would knock out communications systems everywhere, sosurvivors would have no idea what was happening elsewhere or where to turn. it would hardlymatter. as one commentator has put it, fleeing would mean “selecting a slow death over aquick one. the death toll would be very little affected by any plausible relocation effort, sinceearth’s ability to support life would be universally diminished.”

    the amount of soot and floating ash from the impact and following fires would blot out thesun, certainly for months, possibly for years, disrupting growing cycles. in 2001 researchers atthe california institute of technology analyzed helium isotopes from sediments left from thelater kt impact and concluded that it affected earth’s climate for about ten thousand years.

    this was actually used as evidence to support the notion that the extinction of dinosaurs wasswift and emphatic—and so it was in geological terms. we can only guess how well, orwhether, humanity would cope with such an event.

    and in all likelihood, remember, this would come without warning, out of a clear sky.

    but let’s assume we did see the object coming. what would we do? everyone assumes wewould send up a nuclear warhead and blast it to smithereens. the idea has some problems,however. first, as john s. lewis notes, our missiles are not designed for space work. theyhaven’t the oomph to escape earth’s gravity and, even if they did, there are no mechanisms toguide them across tens of millions of miles of space. still less could we send up a shipload ofspace cowboys to do the job for us, as in the movie armageddon; we no longer possess arocket powerful enough to send humans even as far as the moon. the last rocket that could,saturn 5, was retired years ago and has never been replaced. nor could we quickly build anew one because, amazingly, the plans for saturn launchers were destroyed as part of anasa housecleaning exercise.

    even if we did manage somehow to get a warhead to the asteroid and blasted it to pieces,the chances are that we would simply turn it into a string of rocks that would slam into us oneafter the other in the manner of comet shoemaker-levy on jupiter—but with the differencethat now the rocks would be intensely radioactive. tom gehrels, an asteroid hunter at theuniversity of arizona, thinks that even a year’s warning would probably be insufficient totake appropriate action. the greater likelihood, however, is that we wouldn’t see any object—even a comet—until it was about six months away, which would be much too late.

    shoemaker-levy 9 had been orbiting jupiter in a fairly conspicuous manner since 1929, but ittook over half a century before anyone noticed.

    interestingly, because these things are so difficult to compute and must incorporate such asignificant margin of error, even if we knew an object was heading our way we wouldn’tknow until nearly the end—the last couple of weeks anyway—whether collision was certain.

    for most of the time of the object’s approach we would exist in a kind of cone of uncertainty.

    it would certainly be the most interesting few months in the history of the world. and imaginethe party if it passed safely.

    “so how often does something like the manson impact happen?” i asked anderson andwitzke before leaving.

    “oh, about once every million years on average,” said witzke.

    “and remember,” added anderson, “this was a relatively minor event. do you know howmany extinctions were associated with the manson impact?”

    “no idea,” i replied.

    “none,” he said, with a strange air of satisfaction. “not one.”

    of course, witzke and anderson added hastily and more or less in unison, there wouldhave been terrible devastation across much of the earth, as just described, and completeannihilation for hundreds of miles around ground zero. but life is hardy, and when the smokecleared there were enough lucky survivors from every species that none permanentlyperished.

    the good news, it appears, is that it takes an awful lot to extinguish a species. the badnews is that the good news can never be counted on. worse still, it isn’t actually necessary tolook to space for petrifying danger. as we are about to see, earth can provide plenty of dangerof its own.

    14    THE FIRE BELOW

    in the summer of 1971, a young geologist named mike voorhies was scouting around onsome grassy farmland in eastern nebraska, not far from the little town of orchard, where hehad grown up. passing through a steep-sided gully, he spotted a curious glint in the brushabove and clambered up to have a look. what he had seen was the perfectly preserved skull ofa young rhinoceros, which had been washed out by recent heavy rains.

    a few yards beyond, it turned out, was one of the most extraordinary fossil beds everdiscovered in north america, a dried-up water hole that had served as a mass grave for scoresof animals—rhinoceroses, zebra-like horses, saber-toothed deer, camels, turtles. all had diedfrom some mysterious cataclysm just under twelve million years ago in the time known togeology as the miocene. in those days nebraska stood on a vast, hot plain very like theserengeti of africa today. the animals had been found buried under volcanic ash up to tenfeet deep. the puzzle of it was that there were not, and never had been, any volcanoes innebraska.

    today, the site of voorhies’s discovery is called ashfall fossil beds state park, and it has astylish new visitors’ center and museum, with thoughtful displays on the geology of nebraskaand the history of the fossil beds. the center incorporates a lab with a glass wall throughwhich visitors can watch paleontologists cleaning bones. working alone in the lab on themorning i passed through was a cheerfully grizzled-looking fellow in a blue work shirt whomi recognized as mike voorhies from a bbc television documentary in which he featured.

    they don’t get a huge number of visitors to ashfall fossil beds state park—it’s slightly inthe middle of nowhere—and voorhies seemed pleased to show me around. he took me to thespot atop a twenty-foot ravine where he had made his find.

    “it was a dumb place to look for bones,” he said happily. “but i wasn’t looking for bones. iwas thinking of making a geological map of eastern nebraska at the time, and really just kindof poking around. if i hadn’t gone up this ravine or the rains hadn’t just washed out that skull,i’d have walked on by and this would never have been found.” he indicated a roofedenclosure nearby, which had become the main excavation site. some two hundred animalshad been found lying together in a jumble.

    i asked him in what way it was a dumb place to hunt for bones. “well, if you’re looking forbones, you really need exposed rock. that’s why most paleontology is done in hot, dry places.

    it’s not that there are more bones there. it’s just that you have some chance of spotting them.

    in a setting like this”—he made a sweeping gesture across the vast and unvarying prairie—“you wouldn’t know where to begin. there could be really magnificent stuff out there, butthere’s no surface clues to show you where to start looking.”

    at first they thought the animals were buried alive, and voorhies stated as much in anational geographic article in 1981. “the article called the site a ‘pompeii of prehistoric
    animals,’ ” he told me, “which was unfortunate because just afterward we realized that theanimals hadn’t died suddenly at all. they were all suffering from something calledhypertrophic pulmonary osteodystrophy, which is what you would get if you were breathing alot of abrasive ash—and they must have been breathing a lot of it because the ash was feetthick for hundreds of miles.” he picked up a chunk of grayish, claylike dirt and crumbled itinto my hand. it was powdery but slightly gritty. “nasty stuff to have to breathe,” he went on,“because it’s very fine but also quite sharp. so anyway they came here to this watering hole,presumably seeking relief, and died in some misery. the ash would have ruined everything. itwould have buried all the grass and coated every leaf and turned the water into an undrinkablegray sludge. it couldn’t have been very agreeable at all.”

    the bbc documentary had suggested that the existence of so much ash in nebraska was asurprise. in fact, nebraska’s huge ash deposits had been known about for a long time. foralmost a century they had been mined to make household cleaning powders like comet andajax. but curiously no one had ever thought to wonder where all the ash came from.

    “i’m a little embarrassed to tell you,” voorhies said, smiling briefly, “that the first i thoughtabout it was when an editor at the national geographic asked me the source of all the ash andi had to confess that i didn’t know. nobody knew.”

    voorhies sent samples to colleagues all over the western united states asking if there wasanything about it that they recognized. several months later a geologist named billbonnichsen from the idaho geological survey got in touch and told him that the ash matcheda volcanic deposit from a place called bruneau-jarbidge in southwest idaho. the event thatkilled the plains animals of nebraska was a volcanic explosion on a scale previouslyunimagined—but big enough to leave an ash layer ten feet deep almost a thousand miles awayin eastern nebraska. it turned out that under the western united states there was a hugecauldron of magma, a colossal volcanic hot spot, which erupted cataclysmically every600,000 years or so. the last such eruption was just over 600,000 years ago. the hot spot isstill there. these days we call it yellowstone national park.

    we know amazingly little about what happens beneath our feet. it is fairly remarkable tothink that ford has been building cars and baseball has been playing world series for longerthan we have known that the earth has a core. and of course the idea that the continents moveabout on the surface like lily pads has been common wisdom for much less than a generation.

    “strange as it may seem,” wrote richard feynman, “we understand the distribution of matterin the interior of the sun far better than we understand the interior of the earth.”

    the distance from the surface of earth to the center is 3,959 miles, which isn’t so very far.

    it has been calculated that if you sunk a well to the center and dropped a brick into it, it wouldtake only forty-five minutes for it to hit the bottom (though at that point it would beweightless since all the earth’s gravity would be above and around it rather than beneath it).

    our own attempts to penetrate toward the middle have been modest indeed. one or two southafrican gold mines reach to a depth of two miles, but most mines on earth go no more thanabout a quarter of a mile beneath the surface. if the planet were an apple, we wouldn’t yethave broken through the skin. indeed, we haven’t even come close.

    until slightly under a century ago, what the best-informed scientific minds knew aboutearth’s interior was not much more than what a coal miner knew—namely, that you could dig
    down through soil for a distance and then you’d hit rock and that was about it. then in 1906,an irish geologist named r. d. oldham, while examining some seismograph readings from anearthquake in guatemala, noticed that certain shock waves had penetrated to a point deepwithin the earth and then bounced off at an angle, as if they had encountered some kind ofbarrier. from this he deduced that the earth has a core. three years later a croatianseismologist named andrija mohorovi?i′c was studying graphs from an earthquake in zagrebwhen he noticed a similar odd deflection, but at a shallower level. he had discovered theboundary between the crust and the layer immediately below, the mantle; this zone has beenknown ever since as the mohorovi?i′c discontinuity, or moho for short.

    we were beginning to get a vague idea of the earth’s layered interior—though it really wasonly vague. not until 1936 did a danish scientist named inge lehmann, studyingseismographs of earthquakes in new zealand, discover that there were two cores—an innerone that we now believe to be solid and an outer one (the one that oldham had detected) thatis thought to be liquid and the seat of magnetism.

    at just about the time that lehmann was refining our basic understanding of the earth’sinterior by studying the seismic waves of earthquakes, two geologists at caltech in californiawere devising a way to make comparisons between one earthquake and the next. they werecharles richter and beno gutenberg, though for reasons that have nothing to do with fairnessthe scale became known almost at once as richter’s alone. (it has nothing to do with richtereither. a modest fellow, he never referred to the scale by his own name, but always called it“the magnitude scale.”)the richter scale has always been widely misunderstood by nonscientists, though perhapsa little less so now than in its early days when visitors to richter’s office often asked to seehis celebrated scale, thinking it was some kind of machine. the scale is of course more anidea than an object, an arbitrary measure of the earth’s tremblings based on surfacemeasurements. it rises exponentially, so that a 7.3 quake is fifty times more powerful than a6.3 earthquake and 2,500 times more powerful than a 5.3 earthquake.

    at least theoretically, there is no upper limit for an earthquake—nor, come to that, a lowerlimit. the scale is a simple measure of force, but says nothing about damage. a magnitude 7quake happening deep in the mantle—say, four hundred miles down—might cause no surfacedamage at all, while a significantly smaller one happening just four miles under the surfacecould wreak widespread devastation. much, too, depends on the nature of the subsoil, thequake’s duration, the frequency and severity of aftershocks, and the physical setting of theaffected area. all this means that the most fearsome quakes are not necessarily the mostforceful, though force obviously counts for a lot.

    the largest earthquake since the scale’s invention was (depending on which source youcredit) either one centered on prince william sound in alaska in march 1964, whichmeasured 9.2 on the richter scale, or one in the pacific ocean off the coast of chile in 1960,which was initially logged at 8.6 magnitude but later revised upward by some authorities(including the united states geological survey) to a truly grand-scale 9.5. as you will gatherfrom this, measuring earthquakes is not always an exact science, particularly wheninterpreting readings from remote locations. at all events, both quakes were whopping. the1960 quake not only caused widespread damage across coastal south america, but also set offa giant tsunami that rolled six thousand miles across the pacific and slapped away much ofdowntown hilo, hawaii, destroying five hundred buildings and killing sixty people. similarwave surges claimed yet more victims as far away as japan and the philippines.

    for pure, focused, devastation, however, probably the most intense earthquake in recordedhistory was one that struck—and essentially shook to pieces—lisbon, portugal, on all saintsday (november 1), 1755. just before ten in the morning, the city was hit by a suddensideways lurch now estimated at magnitude 9.0 and shaken ferociously for seven full minutes.

    the convulsive force was so great that the water rushed out of the city’s harbor and returnedin a wave fifty feet high, adding to the destruction. when at last the motion ceased, survivorsenjoyed just three minutes of calm before a second shock came, only slightly less severe thanthe first. a third and final shock followed two hours later. at the end of it all, sixty thousandpeople were dead and virtually every building for miles reduced to rubble. the san franciscoearthquake of 1906, for comparison, measured an estimated 7.8 on the richter scale andlasted less than thirty seconds.

    earthquakes are fairly common. every day on average somewhere in the world there aretwo of magnitude 2.0 or greater—that’s enough to give anyone nearby a pretty good jolt.

    although they tend to cluster in certain places—notably around the rim of the pacific—theycan occur almost anywhere. in the united states, only florida, eastern texas, and the uppermidwest seem—so far—to be almost entirely immune. new england has had two quakes ofmagnitude 6.0 or greater in the last two hundred years. in april 2002, the region experienceda 5.1 magnitude shaking in a quake near lake champlain on the new york–vermont border,causing extensive local damage and (i can attest) knocking pictures from walls and childrenfrom beds as far away as new hampshire.

    the most common types of earthquakes are those where two plates meet, as in californiaalong the san andreas fault. as the plates push against each other, pressures build up untilone or the other gives way. in general, the longer the interval between quakes, the greater thepent-up pressure and thus the greater the scope for a really big jolt. this is a particular worryfor tokyo, which bill mcguire, a hazards specialist at university college london, describesas “the city waiting to die” (not a motto you will find on many tourism leaflets). tokyo standson the boundary of three tectonic plates in a country already well known for its seismicinstability. in 1995, as you will remember, the city of kobe, three hundred miles to the west,was struck by a magnitude 7.2 quake, which killed 6,394 people. the damage was estimatedat $99 billion. but that was as nothing—well, as comparatively little—compared with whatmay await tokyo.

    tokyo has already suffered one of the most devastating earthquakes in modern times. onseptember 1, 1923, just before noon, the city was hit by what is known as the great kantoquake—an event more than ten times more powerful than kobe’s earthquake. two hundredthousand people were killed. since that time, tokyo has been eerily quiet, so the strainbeneath the surface has been building for eighty years. eventually it is bound to snap. in 1923,tokyo had a population of about three million. today it is approaching thirty million. nobodycares to guess how many people might die, but the potential economic cost has been put ashigh as $7 trillion.

    even more unnerving, because they are less well understood and capable of occurringanywhere at any time, are the rarer type of shakings known as intraplate quakes. thesehappen away from plate boundaries, which makes them wholly unpredictable. and becausethey come from a much greater depth, they tend to propagate over much wider areas. themost notorious such quakes ever to hit the united states were a series of three in newmadrid, missouri, in the winter of 1811–12. the adventure started just after midnight on
    december 16 when people were awakened first by the noise of panicking farm animals (therestiveness of animals before quakes is not an old wives’ tale, but is in fact well established,though not at all understood) and then by an almighty rupturing noise from deep within theearth. emerging from their houses, locals found the land rolling in waves up to three feet highand opening up in fissures several feet deep. a strong smell of sulfur filled the air. theshaking lasted for four minutes with the usual devastating effects to property. among thewitnesses was the artist john james audubon, who happened to be in the area. the quakeradiated outward with such force that it knocked down chimneys in cincinnati four hundredmiles away and, according to at least one account, “wrecked boats in east coast harbors and .

    . . even collapsed scaffolding erected around the capitol building in washington, d.c.” onjanuary 23 and february 4 further quakes of similar magnitude followed. new madrid hasbeen silent ever since—but not surprisingly, since such episodes have never been known tohappen in the same place twice. as far as we know, they are as random as lightning. the nextone could be under chicago or paris or kinshasa. no one can even begin to guess. and whatcauses these massive intraplate rupturings? something deep within the earth. more than thatwe don’t know.

    by the 1960s scientists had grown sufficiently frustrated by how little they understood ofthe earth’s interior that they decided to try to do something about it. specifically, they got theidea to drill through the ocean floor (the continental crust was too thick) to the mohodiscontinuity and to extract a piece of the earth’s mantle for examination at leisure. thethinking was that if they could understand the nature of the rocks inside the earth, they mightbegin to understand how they interacted, and thus possibly be able to predict earthquakes andother unwelcome events.

    the project became known, all but inevitably, as the mohole and it was pretty welldisastrous. the hope was to lower a drill through 14,000 feet of pacific ocean water off thecoast of mexico and drill some 17,000 feet through relatively thin crustal rock. drilling froma ship in open waters is, in the words of one oceanographer, “like trying to drill a hole in thesidewalks of new york from atop the empire state building using a strand of spaghetti.”

    every attempt ended in failure. the deepest they penetrated was only about 600 feet. themohole became known as the no hole. in 1966, exasperated with ever-rising costs and noresults, congress killed the project.

    four years later, soviet scientists decided to try their luck on dry land. they chose a spot onrussia’s kola peninsula, near the finnish border, and set to work with the hope of drilling toa depth of fifteen kilometers. the work proved harder than expected, but the soviets werecommendably persistent. when at last they gave up, nineteen years later, they had drilled to adepth of 12,262 meters, or about 7.6 miles. bearing in mind that the crust of the earthrepresents only about 0.3 percent of the planet’s volume and that the kola hole had not cuteven one-third of the way through the crust, we can hardly claim to have conquered theinterior.

    interestingly, even though the hole was modest, nearly everything about it was surprising.

    seismic wave studies had led the scientists to predict, and pretty confidently, that they wouldencounter sedimentary rock to a depth of 4,700 meters, followed by granite for the next 2,300meters and basalt from there on down. in the event, the sedimentary layer was 50 percentdeeper than expected and the basaltic layer was never found at all. moreover, the world downthere was far warmer than anyone had expected, with a temperature at 10,000 meters of 180
    degrees centigrade, nearly twice the forecasted level. most surprising of all was that the rockat that depth was saturated with water—something that had not been thought possible.

    because we can’t see into the earth, we have to use other techniques, which mostly involvereading waves as they travel through the interior. we also know a little bit about the mantlefrom what are known as kimberlite pipes, where diamonds are formed. what happens is thatdeep in the earth there is an explosion that fires, in effect, a cannonball of magma to thesurface at supersonic speeds. it is a totally random event. a kimberlite pipe could explode inyour backyard as you read this. because they come up from such depths—up to 120 milesdown—kimberlite pipes bring up all kinds of things not normally found on or near thesurface: a rock called peridotite, crystals of olivine, and—just occasionally, in about one pipein a hundred—diamonds. lots of carbon comes up with kimberlite ejecta, but most isvaporized or turns to graphite. only occasionally does a hunk of it shoot up at just the rightspeed and cool down with the necessary swiftness to become a diamond. it was such a pipethat made johannesburg the most productive diamond mining city in the world, but there maybe others even bigger that we don’t know about. geologists know that somewhere in thevicinity of northeastern indiana there is evidence of a pipe or group of pipes that may be trulycolossal. diamonds up to twenty carats or more have been found at scattered sites throughoutthe region. but no one has ever found the source. as john mcphee notes, it may be buriedunder glacially deposited soil, like the manson crater in iowa, or under the great lakes.

    so how much do we know about what’s inside the earth? very little. scientists aregenerally agreed that the world beneath us is composed of four layers—rocky outer crust, amantle of hot, viscous rock, a liquid outer core, and a solid inner core.

    1we know that thesurface is dominated by silicates, which are relatively light and not heavy enough to accountfor the planet’s overall density. therefore there must be heavier stuff inside. we know that togenerate our magnetic field somewhere in the interior there must be a concentrated belt ofmetallic elements in a liquid state. that much is universally agreed upon. almost everythingbeyond that—how the layers interact, what causes them to behave in the way they do, whatthey will do at any time in the future—is a matter of at least some uncertainty, and generallyquite a lot of uncertainty.

    even the one part of it we can see, the crust, is a matter of some fairly strident debate.

    nearly all geology texts tell you that continental crust is three to six miles thick under theoceans, about twenty-five miles thick under the continents, and forty to sixty miles thickunder big mountain chains, but there are many puzzling variabilities within thesegeneralizations. the crust beneath the sierra nevada mountains, for instance, is only aboutnineteen to twenty-five miles thick, and no one knows why. by all the laws of geophysics thesierra nevadas should be sinking, as if into quicksand. (some people think they may be.)1for those who crave a more detailed picture of the earths interior, here are the dimensions of the variouslayers, using average figures: from 0 to 40 km (25 mi) is the crust. from 40 to 400 km (25 to 250 mi) is theupper mantle. from 400 to 650 km (250 to 400 mi) is a transition zone between the upper and lower mantle.

    from 650 to 2,700 km (400 to 1,700 mi) is the lower mantle. from 2,700 to 2,890 km (1,700 to 1,900 mi) is the”d” layer. from 2,890 to 5,150 km (1,900 to 3,200 mi) is the outer core, and from 5,150 to 6,378 km (3,200 to3,967 mi) is the inner core.

    how and when the earth got its crust are questions that divide geologists into two broadcamps—those who think it happened abruptly early in the earth’s history and those who thinkit happened gradually and rather later. strength of feeling runs deep on such matters. richardarmstrong of yale proposed an early-burst theory in the 1960s, then spent the rest of hiscareer fighting those who did not agree with him. he died of cancer in 1991, but shortlybefore his death he “lashed out at his critics in a polemic in an australian earth science journalthat charged them with perpetuating myths,” according to a report inearth magazine in 1998.

    “he died a bitter man,” reported a colleague.

    the crust and part of the outer mantle together are called the lithosphere (from the greeklithos, meaning “stone”), which in turn floats on top of a layer of softer rock called theasthenosphere (from greek words meaning “without strength”), but such terms are neverentirely satisfactory. to say that the lithosphere floats on top of the asthenosphere suggests adegree of easy buoyancy that isn’t quite right. similarly it is misleading to think of the rocksas flowing in anything like the way we think of materials flowing on the surface. the rocksare viscous, but only in the same way that glass is. it may not look it, but all the glass on earthis flowing downward under the relentless drag of gravity. remove a pane of really old glassfrom the window of a european cathedral and it will be noticeably thicker at the bottom thanat the top. that is the sort of “flow” we are talking about. the hour hand on a clock movesabout ten thousand times faster than the “flowing” rocks of the mantle.

    the movements occur not just laterally as the earth’s plates move across the surface, but upand down as well, as rocks rise and fall under the churning process known as convection.

    convection as a process was first deduced by the eccentric count von rumford at the end ofthe eighteenth century. sixty years later an english vicar named osmond fisher prescientlysuggested that the earth’s interior might well be fluid enough for the contents to move about,but that idea took a very long time to gain support.

    in about 1970, when geophysicists realized just how much turmoil was going on downthere, it came as a considerable shock. as shawna vogel put it in the book naked earth: thenew geophysics: “it was as if scientists had spent decades figuring out the layers of theearth’s atmosphere—troposphere, stratosphere, and so forth—and then had suddenly foundout about wind.”

    how deep the convection process goes has been a matter of controversy ever since. somesay it begins four hundred miles down, others two thousand miles below us. the problem, asdonald trefil has observed, is that “there are two sets of data, from two different disciplines,that cannot be reconciled.” geochemists say that certain elements on earth’s surface cannothave come from the upper mantle, but must have come from deeper within the earth.

    therefore the materials in the upper and lower mantle must at least occasionally mix.

    seismologists insist that there is no evidence to support such a thesis.

    so all that can be said is that at some slightly indeterminate point as we head toward thecenter of earth we leave the asthenosphere and plunge into pure mantle. considering that itaccounts for 82 percent of the earth’s volume and 65 percent of its mass, the mantle doesn’tattract a great deal of attention, largely because the things that interest earth scientists andgeneral readers alike happen either deeper down (as with magnetism) or nearer the surface (aswith earthquakes). we know that to a depth of about a hundred miles the mantle consistspredominantly of a type of rock known as peridotite, but what fills the space beyond isuncertain. according to a nature report, it seems not to be peridotite. more than this we donot know.

    beneath the mantle are the two cores—a solid inner core and a liquid outer one. needless tosay, our understanding of the nature of these cores is indirect, but scientists can make somereasonable assumptions. they know that the pressures at the center of the earth aresufficiently high—something over three million times those found at the surface—to turn anyrock there solid. they also know from earth’s history (among other clues) that the inner coreis very good at retaining its heat. although it is little more than a guess, it is thought that inover four billion years the temperature at the core has fallen by no more than 200°f. no oneknows exactly how hot the earth’s core is, but estimates range from something over 7,000°fto 13,000°f—about as hot as the surface of the sun.

    the outer core is in many ways even less well understood, though everyone is in agreementthat it is fluid and that it is the seat of magnetism. the theory was put forward by e. c.

    bullard of cambridge university in 1949 that this fluid part of the earth’s core revolves in away that makes it, in effect, an electrical motor, creating the earth’s magnetic field. theassumption is that the convecting fluids in the earth act somehow like the currents in wires.

    exactly what happens isn’t known, but it is felt pretty certain that it is connected with the corespinning and with its being liquid. bodies that don’t have a liquid core—the moon and mars,for instance—don’t have magnetism.

    we know that earth’s magnetic field changes in power from time to time: during the age ofthe dinosaurs, it was up to three times as strong as now. we also know that it reverses itselfevery 500,000 years or so on average, though that average hides a huge degree ofunpredictability. the last reversal was about 750,000 years ago. sometimes it stays put formillions of years—37 million years appears to be the longest stretch—and at other times it hasreversed after as little as 20,000 years. altogether in the last 100 million years it has reverseditself about two hundred times, and we don’t have any real idea why. it has been called “thegreatest unanswered question in the geological sciences.”

    we may be going through a reversal now. the earth’s magnetic field has diminished byperhaps as much as 6 percent in the last century alone. any diminution in magnetism is likelyto be bad news, because magnetism, apart from holding notes to refrigerators and keeping ourcompasses pointing the right way, plays a vital role in keeping us alive. space is full ofdangerous cosmic rays that in the absence of magnetic protection would tear through ourbodies, leaving much of our dna in useless tatters. when the magnetic field is working,these rays are safely herded away from the earth’s surface and into two zones in near spacecalled the van allen belts. they also interact with particles in the upper atmosphere to createthe bewitching veils of light known as the auroras.

    a big part of the reason for our ignorance, interestingly enough, is that traditionally therehas been little effort to coordinate what’s happening on top of the earth with what’s going oninside. according to shawna vogel: “geologists and geophysicists rarely go to the samemeetings or collaborate on the same problems.”

    perhaps nothing better demonstrates our inadequate grasp of the dynamics of the earth’sinterior than how badly we are caught out when it acts up, and it would be hard to come upwith a more salutary reminder of the limitations of our understanding than the eruption ofmount st. helens in washington in 1980.

    at that time, the lower forty-eight united states had not seen a volcanic eruption for oversixty-five years. therefore the government volcanologists called in to monitor and forecast st.

    helens’s behavior primarily had seen only hawaiian volcanoes in action, and they, it turnedout, were not the same thing at all.

    1. helens started its ominous rumblings on march 20. within a week it was eruptingmagma, albeit in modest amounts, up to a hundred times a day, and being constantly shakenwith earthquakes. people were evacuated to what was assumed to be a safe distance of eightmiles. as the mountain’s rumblings grew st. helens became a tourist attraction for the world.

    newspapers gave daily reports on the best places to get a view. television crews repeatedlyflew in helicopters to the summit, and people were even seen climbing over the mountain. onone day, more than seventy copters and light aircraft circled the summit. but as the dayspassed and the rumblings failed to develop into anything dramatic, people grew restless, andthe view became general that the volcano wasn’t going to blow after all.

    on april 19 the northern flank of the mountain began to bulge conspicuously. remarkably,no one in a position of responsibility saw that this strongly signaled a lateral blast. theseismologists resolutely based their conclusions on the behavior of hawaiian volcanoes,which don’t blow out sideways. almost the only person who believed that something reallybad might happen was jack hyde, a geology professor at a community college in tacoma. hepointed out that st. helens didn’t have an open vent, as hawaiian volcanoes have, so anypressure building up inside was bound to be released dramatically and probablycatastrophically. however, hyde was not part of the official team and his observationsattracted little notice.

    we all know what happened next. at 8:32 a.m. on a sunday morning, may 18, the northside of the volcano collapsed, sending an enormous avalanche of dirt and rock rushing downthe mountain slope at 150 miles an hour. it was the biggest landslide in human history andcarried enough material to bury the whole of manhattan to a depth of four hundred feet. aminute later, its flank severely weakened, st. helens exploded with the force of five hundredhiroshima-sized atomic bombs, shooting out a murderous hot cloud at up to 650 miles anhour—much too fast, clearly, for anyone nearby to outrace. many people who were thought tobe in safe areas, often far out of sight of the volcano, were overtaken. fifty-seven people werekilled. twenty-three of the bodies were never found. the toll would have been much higherexcept that it was a sunday. had it been a weekday many lumber workers would have beenworking within the death zone. as it was, people were killed eighteen miles away.

    the luckiest person on that day was a graduate student named harry glicken. he had beenmanning an observation post 5.7 miles from the mountain, but he had a college placementinterview on may 18 in california, and so had left the site the day before the eruption. hisplace was taken by david johnston. johnston was the first to report the volcano exploding;moments later he was dead. his body was never found. glicken’s luck, alas, was temporary.

    eleven years later he was one of forty-three scientists and journalists fatally caught up in alethal outpouring of superheated ash, gases, and molten rock—what is known as a pyroclasticflow—at mount unzen in japan when yet another volcano was catastrophically misread.

    volcanologists may or may not be the worst scientists in the world at making predictions,but they are without question the worst in the world at realizing how bad their predictions are.

    less than two years after the unzen catastrophe another group of volcano watchers, led bystanley williams of the university of arizona, descended into the rim of an active volcanocalled galeras in colombia. despite the deaths of recent years, only two of the sixteenmembers of williams’s party wore safety helmets or other protective gear. the volcano
    erupted, killing six of the scientists, along with three tourists who had followed them, andseriously injuring several others, including williams himself.

    in an extraordinarily unself-critical book called surviving galeras, williams said he could“only shake my head in wonder” when he learned afterward that his colleagues in the worldof volcanology had suggested that he had overlooked or disregarded important seismic signalsand behaved recklessly. “how easy it is to snipe after the fact, to apply the knowledge wehave now to the events of 1993,” he wrote. he was guilty of nothing worse, he believed, thanunlucky timing when galeras “behaved capriciously, as natural forces are wont to do. i wasfooled, and for that i will take responsibility. but i do not feel guilty about the deaths of mycolleagues. there is no guilt. there was only an eruption.”

    but to return to washington. mount st. helens lost thirteen hundred feet of peak, and 230square miles of forest were devastated. enough trees to build 150,000 homes (or 300,000 insome reports) were blown away. the damage was placed at $2.7 billion. a giant column ofsmoke and ash rose to a height of sixty thousand feet in less than ten minutes. an airlinersome thirty miles away reported being pelted with rocks.

    ninety  minutes  after  the  blast, ash  began to rain down on yakima, washington, acommunity of fifty thousand people about eighty miles away. as you would expect, the ashturned day to night and got into everything, clogging motors, generators, and electricalswitching equipment, choking pedestrians, blocking filtration systems, and generally bringingthings to a halt. the airport shut down and highways in and out of the city were closed.

    all this was happening, you will note, just downwind of a volcano that had been rumblingmenacingly for two months. yet yakima had no volcano emergency procedures. the city’semergency broadcast system, which was supposed to swing into action during a crisis, did notgo on the air because “the sunday-morning staff did not know how to operate the equipment.”

    for three days, yakima was paralyzed and cut off from the world, its airport closed, itsapproach roads impassable. altogether the city received just five-eighths of an inch of ashafter the eruption of mount st. helens. now bear that in mind, please, as we consider what ayellowstone blast would do.

    15    DANGEROUS BEAUTY

    in the 1960s, while studying the volcanic history of yellowstone national park, bobchristiansen of the united states geological survey became puzzled about something that,oddly, had not troubled anyone before: he couldn’t find the park’s volcano. it had been knownfor a long time that yellowstone was volcanic in nature—that’s what accounted for all itsgeysers and other steamy features—and the one thing about volcanoes is that they aregenerally pretty conspicuous. but christiansen couldn’t find the yellowstone volcanoanywhere. in particular what he couldn’t find was a structure known as a caldera.

    most of us, when we think of volcanoes, think of the classic cone shapes of a fuji orkilimanjaro, which are created when erupting magma accumulates in a symmetrical mound.

    these can form remarkably quickly. in 1943, at parícutin in mexico, a farmer was startled tosee smoke rising from a patch on his land. in one week he was the bemused owner of a conefive hundred feet high. within two years it had topped out at almost fourteen hundred feet andwas more than half a mile across. altogether there are some ten thousand of these intrusivelyvisible volcanoes on earth, all but a few hundred of them extinct. but there is a second, lesscelebrated type of volcano that doesn’t involve mountain building. these are volcanoes soexplosive that they burst open in a single mighty rupture, leaving behind a vast subsided pit,the caldera (from a latin word for cauldron). yellowstone obviously was of this second type,but christiansen couldn’t find the caldera anywhere.

    by coincidence just at this time nasa decided to test some new high-altitude cameras bytaking photographs of yellowstone, copies of which some thoughtful official passed on to thepark authorities on the assumption that they might make a nice blow-up for one of thevisitors’ centers. as soon as christiansen saw the photos he realized why he had failed to spotthe caldera: virtually the whole park—2.2 million acres—was caldera. the explosion had lefta crater more than forty miles across—much too huge to be perceived from anywhere atground level. at some time in the past yellowstone must have blown up with a violence farbeyond the scale of anything known to humans.

    yellowstone, it turns out, is a supervolcano. it sits on top of an enormous hot spot, areservoir of molten rock that rises from at least 125 miles down in the earth. the heat fromthe hot spot is what powers all of yellowstone’s vents, geysers, hot springs, and popping mudpots. beneath the surface is a magma chamber that is about forty-five miles across—roughlythe same dimensions as the park—and about eight miles thick at its thickest point. imagine apile of tnt about the size of rhode island and reaching eight miles into the sky, to about theheight of the highest cirrus clouds, and you have some idea of what visitors to yellowstoneare shuffling around on top of. the pressure that such a pool of magma exerts on the crustabove has lifted yellowstone and about three hundred miles of surrounding territory about1,700 feet higher than they would otherwise be. if it blew, the cataclysm is pretty well beyondimagining. according to professor bill mcguire of university college london, “youwouldn’t be able to get within a thousand kilometers of it” while it was erupting. theconsequences that followed would be even worse.

    superplumes of the type on which yellowstone sits are rather like martini glasses—thin onthe way up, but spreading out as they near the surface to create vast bowls of unstable magma.

    some of these bowls can be up to 1,200 miles across. according to theories, they don’talways erupt explosively but sometimes burst forth in a vast, continuous outpouring—aflood—of molten rock, such as with the deccan traps in india sixty-five million years ago.

    (trap in this context comes from a swedish word for a type of lava; deccan is simply anarea.) these covered an area of 200,000 square miles and probably contributed to the demiseof the dinosaurs—they certainly didn’t help—with their noxious outgassings. superplumesmay also be responsible for the rifts that cause continents to break up.

    such plumes are not all that rare. there are about thirty active ones on the earth at themoment, and they are responsible for many of the world’s best-known islands and islandchains—iceland, hawaii, the azores, canaries, and galápagos archipelagos, little pitcairn inthe middle of the south pacific, and many others—but apart from yellowstone they are alloceanic. no one has the faintest idea how or why yellowstone’s ended up beneath acontinental plate. only two things are certain: that the crust at yellowstone is thin and that theworld beneath it is hot. but whether the crust is thin because of the hot spot or whether the hotspot is there because the crust is thin is a matter of heated (as it were) debate. the continentalnature of the crust makes a huge difference to its eruptions. where the other supervolcanoestend to bubble away steadily and in a comparatively benign fashion, yellowstone blowsexplosively. it doesn’t happen often, but when it does you want to stand well back.

    since its first known eruption 16.5 million years ago, it has blown up about a hundredtimes, but the most recent three eruptions are the ones that get written about. the last eruptionwas a thousand times greater than that of mount st. helens; the one before that was 280 timesbigger, and the one before was so big that nobody knows exactly how big it was. it was atleast twenty-five hundred times greater than st. helens, but perhaps eight thousand timesmore monstrous.

    we have absolutely nothing to compare it to. the biggest blast in recent times was that ofkrakatau in indonesia in august 1883, which made a bang that reverberated around the worldfor nine days, and made water slosh as far away as the english channel. but if you imaginethe volume of ejected material from krakatau as being about the size of a golf ball, then thebiggest of the yellowstone blasts would be the size of a sphere you could just about hidebehind. on this scale, mount st. helens’s would be no more than a pea.

    the yellowstone eruption of two million years ago put out enough ash to bury new yorkstate to a depth of sixty-seven feet or california to a depth of twenty. this was the ash thatmade mike voorhies’s fossil beds in eastern nebraska. that blast occurred in what is nowidaho, but over millions of years, at a rate of about one inch a year, the earth’s crust hastraveled over it, so that today it is directly under northwest wyoming. (the hot spot itselfstays in one place, like an acetylene torch aimed at a ceiling.) in its wake it leaves the sort ofrich volcanic plains that are ideal for growing potatoes, as idaho’s farmers long agodiscovered. in another two million years, geologists like to joke, yellowstone will beproducing french fries for mcdonald’s, and the people of billings, montana, will be steppingaround geysers.

    the ash fall from the last yellowstone eruption covered all or parts of nineteen westernstates (plus parts of canada and mexico)—nearly the whole of the united states west of themississippi. this, bear in mind, is the breadbasket of america, an area that produces roughlyhalf the world’s cereals. and ash, it is worth remembering, is not like a big snowfall that will melt in the spring. if you wanted to grow crops again, you would have to find some place toput all the ash. it took thousands of workers eight months to clear 1.8 billion tons of debrisfrom the sixteen acres of the world trade center site in new york. imagine what it wouldtake to clear kansas.

    and that’s not even to consider the climatic consequences. the last supervolcano eruptionon earth was at toba, in northern sumatra, seventy-four thousand years ago. no one knowsquite how big it was other than that it was a whopper. greenland ice cores show that the tobablast was followed by at least six years of “volcanic winter” and goodness knows how manypoor growing seasons after that. the event, it is thought, may have carried humans right to thebrink of extinction, reducing the global population to no more than a few thousandindividuals. that means that all modern humans arose from a very small population base,which would explain our lack of genetic diversity. at all events, there is some evidence tosuggest that for the next twenty thousand years the total number of people on earth was nevermore than a few thousand at any time. that is, needless to say, a long time to recover from asingle volcanic blast.

    all this was hypothetically interesting until 1973, when an odd occurrence made itsuddenly momentous: water in yellowstone lake, in the heart of the park, began to run overthe banks at the lake’s southern end, flooding a meadow, while at the opposite end of the lakethe water mysteriously flowed away. geologists did a hasty survey and discovered that a largearea of the park had developed an ominous bulge. this was lifting up one end of the lake andcausing the water to run out at the other, as would happen if you lifted one side of a child’swading pool. by 1984, the whole central region of the park—several dozen square miles—was more than three feet higher than it had been in 1924, when the park was last formallysurveyed. then in 1985, the whole of the central part of the park subsided by eight inches. itnow seems to be swelling again.

    the geologists realized that only one thing could cause this—a restless magma chamber.

    yellowstone wasn’t the site of an ancient supervolcano; it was the site of an active one. it wasalso at about this time that they were able to work out that the cycle of yellowstone’seruptions averaged one massive blow every 600,000 years. the last one, interestingly enough,was 630,000 years ago. yellowstone, it appears, is due.

    “it may not feel like it, but you’re standing on the largest active volcano in the world,” pauldoss, yellowstone national park geologist, told me soon after climbing off an enormousharley-davidson motorcycle and shaking hands when we met at the park headquarters atmammoth hot springs early on a lovely morning in june. a native of indiana, doss is anamiable, soft-spoken, extremely thoughtful man who looks nothing like a national parkservice employee. he has a graying beard and hair tied back in a long ponytail. a smallsapphire stud graces one ear. a slight paunch strains against his crisp park service uniform.

    he looks more like a blues musician than a government employee. in fact, he is a bluesmusician (harmonica). but he sure knows and loves geology. “and i’ve got the best place inthe world to do it,” he says as we set off in a bouncy, battered four-wheel-drive vehicle in thegeneral direction of old faithful. he has agreed to let me accompany him for a day as he goesabout doing whatever it is a park geologist does. the first assignment today is to give anintroductory talk to a new crop of tour guides.

    yellowstone, i hardly need point out, is sensationally beautiful, with plump, statelymountains, bison-specked meadows, tumbling streams, a sky-blue lake, wildlife beyondcounting. “it really doesn’t get any better than this if you’re a geologist,” doss says. “you’vegot rocks up at beartooth gap that are nearly three billion years old—three-quarters of theway back to earth’s beginning—and then you’ve got mineral springs here”—he points at thesulfurous hot springs from which mammoth takes its title—“where you can see rocks as theyare being born. and in between there’s everything you could possibly imagine. i’ve neverbeen any place where geology is more evident—or prettier.”

    “so you like it?” i say.

    “oh, no, i love it,” he answers with profound sincerity. “i mean i really love it here. thewinters are tough and the pay’s not too hot, but when it’s good, it’s just—”

    he interrupted himself to point out a distant gap in a range of mountains to the west, whichhad just come into view over a rise. the mountains, he told me, were known as the gallatins.

    “that gap is sixty or maybe seventy miles across. for a long time nobody could understandwhy that gap was there, and then bob christiansen realized that it had to be because themountains were just blown away. when you’ve got sixty miles of mountains just obliterated,you know you’re dealing with something pretty potent. it took christiansen six years to figureit all out.”

    i asked him what caused yellowstone to blow when it did.

    “don’t know. nobody knows. volcanoes are strange things. we really don’t understandthem at all. vesuvius, in italy, was active for three hundred years until an eruption in 1944and then it just stopped. it’s been silent ever since. some volcanologists think that it isrecharging in a big way, which is a little worrying because two million people live on oraround it. but nobody knows.”

    “and how much warning would you get if yellowstone was going to go?”

    he shrugged. “nobody was around the last time it blew, so nobody knows what thewarning signs are. probably you would have swarms of earthquakes and some surface upliftand possibly some changes in the patterns of behavior of the geysers and steam vents, butnobody really knows.”

    “so it could just blow without warning?”

    he nodded thoughtfully. the trouble, he explained, is that nearly all the things that wouldconstitute warning signs already exist in some measure at yellowstone. “earthquakes aregenerally a precursor of volcanic eruptions, but the park already has lots of earthquakes—1,260 of them last year. most of them are too small to be felt, but they are earthquakesnonetheless.”

    a change in the pattern of geyser eruptions might also be taken as a clue, he said, but thesetoo vary unpredictably. once the most famous geyser in the park was excelsior geyser. itused to erupt regularly and spectacularly to heights of three hundred feet, but in 1888 it juststopped. then in 1985 it erupted again, though only to a height of eighty feet. steamboatgeyser is the biggest geyser in the world when it blows, shooting water four hundred feet intothe air, but the intervals between its eruptions have ranged from as little as four days to almost
    fifty years. “if it blew today and again next week, that wouldn’t tell us anything at all aboutwhat it might do the following week or the week after or twenty years from now,” doss says.

    “the whole park is so volatile that it’s essentially impossible to draw conclusions from almostanything that happens.”

    evacuating yellowstone would never be easy. the park gets some three million visitors ayear, mostly in the three peak months of summer. the park’s roads are comparatively few andthey are kept intentionally narrow, partly to slow traffic, partly to preserve an air ofpicturesqueness, and partly because of topographical constraints. at the height of summer, itcan easily take half a day to cross the park and hours to get anywhere within it. “wheneverpeople see animals, they just stop, wherever they are,” doss says. “we get bear jams. we getbison jams. we get wolf jams.”

    in the autumn of 2000, representatives from the u.s. geological survey and national parkservice, along with some academics, met and formed something called the yellowstonevolcanic observatory. four such bodies were in existence already—in hawaii, california,alaska, and washington—but oddly none in the largest volcanic zone in the world. the yvois not actually a thing, but more an idea—an agreement to coordinate efforts at studying andanalyzing the park’s diverse geology. one of their first tasks, doss told me, was to draw up an“earthquake and volcano hazards plan”—a plan of action in the event of a crisis.

    “there isn’t one already?” i said.

    “no. afraid not. but there will be soon.”

    “isn’t that just a little tardy?”

    he smiled. “well, let’s just say that it’s not any too soon.”

    once it is in place, the idea is that three people—christiansen in menlo park, california,professor robert b. smith at the university of utah, and doss in the park—would assess thedegree of danger of any potential cataclysm and advise the park superintendent. thesuperintendent would take the decision whether to evacuate the park. as for surroundingareas, there are no plans. if yellowstone were going to blow in a really big way, you would beon your own once you left the park gates.

    of course it may be tens of thousands of years before that day comes. doss thinks such aday may not come at all. “just because there was a pattern in the past doesn’t mean that it stillholds true,” he says. “there is some evidence to suggest that the pattern may be a series ofcatastrophic explosions, then a long period of quiet. we may be in that now. the evidencenow is that most of the magma chamber is cooling and crystallizing. it is releasing itsvolatiles; you need to trap volatiles for an explosive eruption.”

    in the meantime there are plenty of other dangers in and around yellowstone, as was madedevastatingly evident on the night of august 17, 1959, at a place called hebgen lake justoutside the park. at twenty minutes to midnight on that date, hebgen lake suffered acatastrophic quake. it was magnitude 7.5, not vast as earthquakes go, but so abrupt andwrenching that it collapsed an entire mountainside. it was the height of the summer season,though fortunately not so many people went to yellowstone in those days as now. eighty
    million tons of rock, moving at more than one hundred miles an hour, just fell off themountain, traveling with such force and momentum that the leading edge of the landslide ranfour hundred feet up a mountain on the other side of the valley. along its path lay part of therock creek campground. twenty-eight campers were killed, nineteen of them buried toodeep ever to be found again. the devastation was swift but heartbreakingly fickle. threebrothers, sleeping in one tent, were spared. their parents, sleeping in another tent besidethem, were swept away and never seen again.

    “a big earthquake—and i mean big—will happen sometime,” doss told me. “you cancount on that. this is a big fault zone for earthquakes.”

    despite the hebgen lake quake and the other known risks, yellowstone didn’t getpermanent seismometers until the 1970s.

    if you needed a way to appreciate the grandeur and inexorable nature of geologic processes,you could do worse than to consider the tetons, the sumptuously jagged range that stands justto the south of yellowstone national park. nine million years ago, the tetons didn’t exist.

    the land around jackson hole was just a high grassy plain. but then a forty-mile-long faultopened within the earth, and since then, about once every nine hundred years, the tetonsexperience a really big earthquake, enough to jerk them another six feet higher. it is theserepeated jerks over eons that have raised them to their present majestic heights of seventhousand feet.

    that nine hundred years is an average—and a somewhat misleading one. according torobert b. smith and lee j. siegel in windows into the earth , a geological history of theregion, the last major teton quake was somewhere between about five and seven thousandyears ago. the tetons, in short, are about the most overdue earthquake zone on the planet.

    hydrothermal explosions are also a significant risk. they can happen anytime, pretty muchanywhere, and without any predictability. “you know, by design we funnel visitors intothermal basins,” doss told me after we had watched old faithful blow. “it’s what they cometo see. did you know there are more geysers and hot springs at yellowstone than in all therest of the world combined?”

    “i didn’t know that.”

    he nodded. “ten thousand of them, and nobody knows when a new vent might open.” wedrove to a place called duck lake, a body of water a couple of hundred yards across. “it lookscompletely innocuous,” he said. “it’s just a big pond. but this big hole didn’t used to be here.

    at some time in the last fifteen thousand years this blew in a really big way. you’d have hadseveral tens of millions of tons of earth and rock and superheated water blowing out athypersonic speeds. you can imagine what it would be like if this happened under, say, theparking lot at old faithful or one of the visitors’ centers.” he made an unhappy face.

    “would there be any warning?”

    “probably not. the last significant explosion in the park was at a place called pork chopgeyser in 1989. that left a crater about five meters across—not huge by any means, but bigenough if you happened to be standing there at the time. fortunately, nobody was around so
    nobody was hurt, but that happened without warning. in the very ancient past there have beenexplosions that have made holes a mile across. and nobody can tell you where or when thatmight happen again. you just have to hope that you’re not standing there when it does.”

    big rockfalls are also a danger. there was a big one at gardiner canyon in 1999, but againfortunately no one was hurt. late in the afternoon, doss and i stopped at a place where therewas a rock overhang poised above a busy park road. cracks were clearly visible. “it could goat any time,” doss said thoughtfully.

    “you’re kidding,” i said. there wasn’t a moment when there weren’t two cars passingbeneath it, all filled with, in the most literal sense, happy campers.

    “oh, it’s not likely,” he added. “i’m just saying it could. equally it could stay like that fordecades. there’s just no telling. people have to accept that there is risk in coming here. that’sall there is to it.”

    as we walked back to his vehicle to head back to mammoth hot springs, doss added: “butthe thing is, most of the time bad things don’t happen. rocks don’t fall. earthquakes don’toccur. new vents don’t suddenly open up. for all the instability, it’s mostly remarkably andamazingly tranquil.”

    “like earth itself,” i remarked.

    “precisely,” he agreed.

    the risks at yellowstone apply to park employees as much as to visitors. doss got ahorrific sense of that in his first week on the job five years earlier. late one night, three youngsummer employees engaged in an illicit activity known as “hot-potting”—swimming orbasking in warm pools. though the park, for obvious reasons, doesn’t publicize it, not all thepools in yellowstone are dangerously hot. some are extremely agreeable to lie in, and it wasthe habit of some of the summer employees to have a dip late at night even though it wasagainst the rules to do so. foolishly the threesome had failed to take a flashlight, which wasextremely dangerous because much of the soil around the warm pools is crusty and thin andone can easily fall through into a scalding vent below. in any case, as they made their wayback to their dorm, they came across a stream that they had had to leap over earlier. theybacked up a few paces, linked arms and, on the count of three, took a running jump. in fact, itwasn’t the stream at all. it was a boiling pool. in the dark they had lost their bearings. none ofthe three survived.

    i thought about this the next morning as i made a brief call, on my way out of the park, at aplace called emerald pool, in the upper geyser basin. doss hadn’t had time to take me therethe day before, but i thought i ought at least to have a look at it, for emerald pool is a historicsite.

    in 1965, a husband-and-wife team of biologists named thomas and louise brock, while ona summer study trip, had done a crazy thing. they had scooped up some of the yellowy-brown scum that rimmed the pool and examined it for life. to their, and eventually the widerworld’s, deep surprise, it was full of living microbes. they had found the world’s firstextremophiles—organisms that could live in water that had previously been assumed to be
    much too hot or acid or choked with sulfur to bear life. emerald pool, remarkably, was allthese things, yet at least two types of living things, sulpholobus acidocaldarius andthermophilus aquaticus as they became known, found it congenial. it had always beensupposed that nothing could survive above temperatures of 50°c (122°f), but here wereorganisms basking in rank, acidic waters nearly twice that hot.

    for almost twenty years, one of the brocks’ two new bacteria, thermophilus aquaticus,remained a laboratory curiosity until a scientist in california named kary b. mullis realizedthat heat-resistant enzymes within it could be used to create a bit of chemical wizardry knownas a polymerase chain reaction, which allows scientists to generate lots of dna from verysmall amounts—as little as a single molecule in ideal conditions. it’s a kind of geneticphotocopying, and it became the basis for all subsequent genetic science, from academicstudies to police forensic work. it won mullis the nobel prize in chemistry in 1993.

    meanwhile,  scientists  were  finding even hardier microbes, now known ashyperthermophiles, which demand temperatures of 80°c (176°f) or more. the warmestorganism found so far, according to frances ashcroft in life at the extremes, is pyrolobusfumarii, which dwells in the walls of ocean vents where the temperature can reach 113°c(235.4°f). the upper limit for life is thought to be about 120°c (248°f), though no oneactually knows. at all events, the brocks’ findings completely changed our perception of theliving world. as nasa scientist jay bergstralh has put it: “wherever we go on earth—eveninto what’s seemed like the most hostile possible environments for life—as long as there is liquid water and some source of chemical energy we find life.”

    life, it turns out, is infinitely more clever and adaptable than anyone had ever supposed.

    this is a very good thing, for as we are about to see, we live in a world that doesn’t altogether seem to want us here.

  • Bill Bryson《A Short History of Nearly Everything》1-7

    CONTENTS

    introduction

    part i lost in the cosmos 1 how to build a universe 2 welcome to the solar system 3 the reverend evanss universe

    part ii the size of the earth 4 the measure of things 5 the stone-breakers 6 science red in tooth and claw 7 elemental matters

    part iii anew age dawns 8 einsteins universe 9 the mighty atom 10 getting the lead out 11 muster marks quarks 12 the earth moves

    part iv dangerous planet 13 bang! 14 the fire below 15 dangerous beauty

    part v life itself 16 lonely planet 17 into the troposphere 18 the bounding main 19 the rise of life 20 small world 21 life goes on 22 good-bye to all that 23 the richness of being 24 cells 25 darwins singular notion 26 the stuff of life

    part vi the road to us 27 ice time 28 the mysterious biped 29 the restless ape 30 good-bye

    notes

    bibliography

    acknowledgments

    the physicist leo szilard once announced to his friend hans bethe that he was thinking of keeping a diary: “i dont intend to publish. iam merely going to record the facts for the information of god.””dont you think god knows the facts?” bethe asked.

    “yes,” said szilard.

    “he knows the facts, but he does not know this version of the facts.”

    -hans christian von baeyer,taming the atom

    INTRODUCTION

    welcome. and congratulations. i am delighted that you could make it. getting here wasnteasy, i know. in fact, i suspect it was a little tougher than you realize.

    to begin with, for you to be here now trillions of drifting atoms had somehow to assemblein an intricate and intriguingly obliging manner to create you. its an arrangement sospecialized and particular that it has never been tried before and will only exist this once. forthe next many years (we hope) these tiny particles will uncomplainingly engage in all thebillions of deft, cooperative efforts necessary to keep you intact and let you experience thesupremely agreeable but generally underappreciated state known as existence.

    why atoms take this trouble is a bit of a puzzle. being you is not a gratifying experience atthe atomic level. for all their devoted attention, your atoms dont actually care about you-indeed, dont even know that you are there. they dont even know that they are there. they aremindless particles, after all, and not even themselves alive. (it is a slightly arresting notionthat if you were to pick yourself apart with tweezers, one atom at a time, you would produce amound of fine atomic dust, none of which had ever been alive but all of which had once beenyou.) yet somehow for the period of your existence they will answer to a single overarching impulse: to keep you.

    the bad news is that atoms are fickle and their time of devotion is fleeting-fleeting indeed.

    even a long human life adds up to only about 650,000 hours. and when that modest milestone flashes past, or at some other point thereabouts, for reasons unknown your atoms will shut you down, silently disassemble, and go off to be other things. and that’s it for you.

    still, you may rejoice that it happens at all. generally speaking in the universe it doesn’t, so far as we can tell. this is decidedly odd because the atoms that so liberally and congenially flock together to form living things on earth are exactly the same atoms that decline to do it elsewhere. whatever else it may be, at the level of chemistry life is curiously mundane:

    carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, and nitrogen, a little calcium, a dash of sulfur, a light dusting of other very ordinary elements-nothing you wouldn’t find in any ordinary drugstore-and thats all you need. the only thing special about the atoms that make you is that they make you.

    that is of course the miracle of life.

    whether or not atoms make life in other corners of the universe, they make plenty else;indeed, they make everything else. without them there would be no water or air or rocks, no stars and planets, no distant gassy clouds or swirling nebulae or any of the other things that make the universe so usefully material. atoms are so numerous and necessary that we easily overlook that they needn’t actually exist at all. there is no law that requires the universe to fill itself with small particles of matter or to produce light and gravity and the other physical properties on which our existence hinges. there needn’t actually be a universe at all. for the longest time there wasn’t. there were no atoms and no universe for them to float about in.

    there was nothing-nothing at all anywhere.

    so thank goodness for atoms. but the fact that you have atoms and that they assemble insuch a willing manner is only part of what got you here. to be here now, alive in the twenty-first century and smart enough to know it, you also had to be the beneficiary of anextraordinary string of biological good fortune. survival on earth is a surprisingly trickybusiness. of the billions and billions of species of living thing that have existed since thedawn of time, most-99.99 percent-are no longer around. life on earth, you see, is not only brief but dismayingly tenuous. it is a curious feature of our existence that we come from aplanet that is very good at promoting life but even better at extinguishing it.

    the average species on earth lasts for only about four million years, so if you wish to bearound for billions of years, you must be as fickle as the atoms that made you. you must beprepared to change everything about yourself-shape, size, color, species affiliation,everything-and to do so repeatedly. thats much easier said than done, because the process ofchange is random. to get from “protoplasmal primordial atomic globule” (as the gilbert andsullivan song put it) to sentient upright modern human has required you to mutate new traitsover and over in a precisely timely manner for an exceedingly long while. so at variousperiods over the last 3.8 billion years you have abhorred oxygen and then doted on it, grownfins and limbs and jaunty sails, laid eggs, flicked the air with a forked tongue, been sleek,been furry, lived underground, lived in trees, been as big as a deer and as small as a mouse,and a million things more. the tiniest deviation from any of these evolutionary shifts, and youmight now be licking algae from cave walls or lolling walrus-like on some stony shore ordisgorging air through a blowhole in the top of your head before diving sixty feet for amouthful of delicious sandworms.

    not only have you been lucky enough to be attached since time immemorial to a favoredevolutionary line, but you have also been extremely-make that miraculously-fortunate in yourpersonal ancestry. consider the fact that for 3.8 billion years, a period of time older than theearths mountains and rivers and oceans, every one of your forebears on both sides has beenattractive enough to find a mate, healthy enough to reproduce, and sufficiently blessed by fateand circumstances to live long enough to do so. not one of your pertinent ancestors wassquashed, devoured, drowned, starved, stranded, stuck fast, untimely wounded, or otherwisedeflected from its lifes quest of delivering a tiny charge of genetic material to the rightpartner at the right moment in order to perpetuate the only possible sequence of hereditarycombinations that could result-eventually, astoundingly, and all too briefly-in you.

    this is a book about how it happened-in particular how we went from there being nothing atall to there being something, and then how a little of that something turned into us, and alsosome of what happened in between and since. thats a great deal to cover, of course, which iswhy the book is called a short history of nearly everything, even though it isnt really. itcouldnt be. but with luck by the time we finish it will feel as if it is.

    my own starting point, for what its worth, was an illustrated science book that i had as aclassroom text when i was in fourth or fifth grade. the book was a standard-issue 1950sschoolbookbattered, unloved, grimly hefty-but near the front it had an illustration that justcaptivated me: a cutaway diagram showing the earths interior as it would look if you cut intothe planet with a large knife and carefully withdrew a wedge representing about a quarter ofits bulk.

    its hard to believe that there was ever a time when i had not seen such an illustrationbefore, but evidently i had not for i clearly remember being transfixed. i suspect, in honesty,my initial interest was based on a private image of streams of unsuspecting eastboundmotorists in the american plains states plunging over the edge of a sudden 4,000-mile-highcliff running between central america and the north pole, but gradually my attention did turnin a more scholarly manner to the scientific import of the drawing and the realization that theearth consisted of discrete layers, ending in the center with a glowing sphere of iron andnickel, which was as hot as the surface of the sun, according to the caption, and i rememberthinking with real wonder: “how do they know that?”i didnt doubt the correctness of the information for an instant-i still tend to trust thepronouncements of scientists in the way i trust those of surgeons, plumbers, and otherpossessors of arcane and privileged information-but i couldnt for the life of me conceive how any human mind could work out what spaces thousands of miles below us, that no eye hadever seen and no x ray could penetrate, could look like and be made of. to me that was just amiracle. that has been my position with science ever since.

    excited, i took the book home that night and opened it before dinner-an action that i expect prompted my mother to feel my forehead and ask if i was all right-and, starting with the first page, i read.

    and heres the thing. it wasnt exciting at all. it wasnt actually altogether comprehensible.

    above all, it didnt answer any of the questions that the illustration stirred up in a normal inquiring mind: how did we end up with a sun in the middle of our planet? and if it is burning away down there, why isnt the ground under our feet hot to the touch? and why isn’t the rest of the interior melting-or is it? and when the core at last burns itself out, will some of the earth slump into the void, leaving a giant sinkhole on the surface? and how do you know this? how did you figure it out?

    but the author was strangely silent on such details-indeed, silent on everything butanticlines, synclines, axial faults, and the like. it was as if he wanted to keep the good stuffsecret by making all of it soberly unfathomable. as the years passed, i began to suspect thatthis was not altogether a private impulse. there seemed to be a mystifying universalconspiracy among textbook authors to make certain the material they dealt with never strayedtoo near the realm of the mildly interesting and was always at least a longdistance phone callfrom the frankly interesting.

    i now know that there is a happy abundance of science writers who pen the most lucid andthrilling prose-timothy ferris, richard fortey, and tim flannery are three that jump out froma single station of the alphabet (and thats not even to mention the late but godlike richardfeynman)-but sadly none of them wrote any textbook i ever used. all mine were written bymen (it was always men) who held the interesting notion that everything became clear whenexpressed as a formula and the amusingly deluded belief that the children of america wouldappreciate having chapters end with a section of questions they could mull over in their owntime. so i grew up convinced that science was supremely dull, but suspecting that it needntbe, and not really thinking about it at all if i could help it. this, too, became my position for along time.

    then much later-about four or five years ago-i was on a long flight across the pacific,staring idly out the window at moonlit ocean, when it occurred to me with a certainuncomfortable forcefulness that i didnt know the first thing about the only planet i was evergoing to live on. i had no idea, for example, why the oceans were salty but the great lakeswerent. didnt have the faintest idea. i didnt know if the oceans were growing more saltywith time or less, and whether ocean salinity levels was something i should be concernedabout or not. (i am very pleased to tell you that until the late 1970s scientists didnt know theanswers to these questions either. they just didnt talk about it very audibly.)and ocean salinity of course represented only the merest sliver of my ignorance. i didntknow what a proton was, or a protein, didnt know a quark from a quasar, didnt understandhow geologists could look at a layer of rock on a canyon wall and tell you how old it was,didnt know anything really. i became gripped by a quiet, unwonted urge to know a littleabout these matters and to understand how people figured them out. that to me remained thegreatest of all amazements-how scientists work things out. how does anybody know howmuch the earth weighs or how old its rocks are or what really is way down there in thecenter? how can they know how and when the universe started and what it was like when itdid? how do they know what goes on inside an atom? and how, come to that-or perhapsabove all-can scientists so often seem to know nearly everything but then still cant predict anearthquake or even tell us whether we should take an umbrella with us to the races nextwednesday?

    so i decided that i would devote a portion of my life-three years, as it now turns out-toreading books and journals and finding saintly, patient experts prepared to answer a lot ofoutstandingly dumb questions. the idea was to see if it isnt possible to understand andappreciate-marvel at, enjoy even-the wonder and accomplishments of science at a level thatisnt too technical or demanding, but isnt entirely superficial either.

    that was my idea and my hope, and that is what the book that follows is intended to be.

    anyway, we have a great deal of ground to cover and much less than 650,000 hours in whichto do it, so lets begin.

    PART  I  LOST IN THE COSMOS

    they’re all in the same plane.

    they’re all going around in the same direction. . . .

    it’s perfect, you know.

    it’s gorgeous.

    it’s almost uncanny.

    -astronomer Geoffrey Marcy describing the solar system

    1   HOW TO BUILD A UNIVERSENO MATTER

    how hard you try you will never be able to grasp just how tiny, how spatiallyunassuming, is a proton. it is just way too small.

    a proton is an infinitesimal part of an atom, which is itself of course an insubstantial thing.

    protons are so small that a little dib of ink like the dot on this i can hold something in theregion of 500,000,000,000 of them, rather more than the number of seconds contained in halfa million years. so protons are exceedingly microscopic, to say the very least.

    now imagine if you can (and of course you can’t) shrinking one of those protons down to abillionth of its normal size into a space so small that it would make a proton look enormous.

    now pack into that tiny, tiny space about an ounce of matter. excellent. you are ready to starta universe.

    i’m assuming of course that you wish to build an inflationary universe. if you’d preferinstead to build a more old-fashioned, standard big bang universe, you’ll need additionalmaterials. in fact, you will need to gather up everything there is every last mote and particle ofmatter between here and the edge of creation and squeeze it into a spot so infinitesimallycompact that it has no dimensions at all. it is known as a singularity.

    in either case, get ready for a really big bang. naturally, you will wish to retire to a safeplace to observe the spectacle. unfortunately, there is nowhere to retire to because outside thesingularity there is no where. when the universe begins to expand, it won’t be spreading outto fill a larger emptiness. the only space that exists is the space it creates as it goes.

    it is natural but wrong to visualize the singularity as a kind of pregnant dot hanging in adark, boundless void. but there is no space, no darkness. the singularity has no “around”

    around it. there is no space for it to occupy, no place for it to be. we can’t even ask how longit has been there—whether it has just lately popped into being, like a good idea, or whether ithas been there forever, quietly awaiting the right moment. time doesn’t exist. there is no pastfor it to emerge from.

    and so, from nothing, our universe begins.

    in a single blinding pulse, a moment of glory much too swift and expansive for any form ofwords, the singularity assumes heavenly dimensions, space beyond conception. in the firstlively second (a second that many cosmologists will devote careers to shaving into ever-finerwafers) is produced gravity and the other forces that govern physics. in less than a minute theuniverse is a million billion miles across and growing fast. there is a lot of heat now, tenbillion degrees of it, enough to begin the nuclear reactions that create the lighter elements—principally hydrogen and helium, with a dash (about one atom in a hundred million) oflithium. in three minutes, 98 percent of all the matter there is or will ever be has beenproduced. we have a universe. it is a place of the most wondrous and gratifying possibility,and beautiful, too. and it was all done in about the time it takes to make a sandwich.

    when this moment happened is a matter of some debate. cosmologists have long arguedover whether the moment of creation was 10 billion years ago or twice that or something inbetween. the consensus seems to be heading for a figure of about 13.7 billion years, but thesethings are notoriously difficult to measure, as we shall see further on. all that can really besaid is that at some indeterminate point in the very distant past, for reasons unknown, therecame the moment known to science as t = 0. we were on our way.

    there is of course a great deal we don’t know, and much of what we think we know wehaven’t known, or thought we’ve known, for long. even the notion of the big bang is quite arecent one. the idea had been kicking around since the 1920s, when georges lema?tre, abelgian priest-scholar, first tentatively proposed it, but it didn’t really become an activenotion in cosmology until the mid-1960s when two young radio astronomers made anextraordinary and inadvertent discovery.

    their names were arno penzias and robert wilson. in 1965, they were trying to make useof a large communications antenna owned by bell laboratories at holmdel, new jersey, butthey were troubled by a persistent background noise—a steady, steamy hiss that made anyexperimental work impossible. the noise was unrelenting and unfocused. it came from everypoint in the sky, day and night, through every season. for a year the young astronomers dideverything they could think of to track down and eliminate the noise. they tested everyelectrical system. they rebuilt instruments, checked circuits, wiggled wires, dusted plugs.

    they climbed into the dish and placed duct tape over every seam and rivet. they climbedback into the dish with brooms and scrubbing brushes and carefully swept it clean of whatthey referred to in a later paper as “white dielectric material,” or what is known morecommonly as bird shit. nothing they tried worked.

    unknown to them, just thirty miles away at princeton university, a team of scientists led byrobert dicke was working on how to find the very thing they were trying so diligently to getrid of. the princeton researchers were pursuing an idea that had been suggested in the 1940sby the russian-born astrophysicist george gamow that if you looked deep enough into spaceyou should find some cosmic background radiation left over from the big bang. gamowcalculated that by the time it crossed the vastness of the cosmos, the radiation would reachearth in the form of microwaves. in a more recent paper he had even suggested an instrumentthat might do the job: the bell antenna at holmdel. unfortunately, neither penzias andwilson, nor any of the princeton team, had read gamow’s paper.

    the noise that penzias and wilson were hearing was, of course, the noise that gamow hadpostulated. they had found the edge of the universe, or at least the visible part of it, 90 billiontrillion miles away. they were “seeing” the first photons—the most ancient light in theuniverse—though time and distance had converted them to microwaves, just as gamow hadpredicted. in his book the inflationary universe , alan guth provides an analogy that helps toput this finding in perspective. if you think of peering into the depths of the universe as likelooking down from the hundredth floor of the empire state building (with the hundredth floorrepresenting now and street level representing the moment of the big bang), at the time ofwilson and penzias’s discovery the most distant galaxies anyone had ever detected were onabout the sixtieth floor, and the most distant things—quasars—were on about the twentieth.

    penzias and wilson’s finding pushed our acquaintance with the visible universe to within halfan inch of the sidewalk.

    still unaware of what caused the noise, wilson and penzias phoned dicke at princeton anddescribed their problem to him in the hope that he might suggest a solution. dicke realized at
    once what the two young men had found. “well, boys, we’ve just been scooped,” he told hiscolleagues as he hung up the phone.

    soon afterward the astrophysical journal published two articles: one by penzias andwilson describing their experience with the hiss, the other by dicke’s team explaining itsnature. although penzias and wilson had not been looking for cosmic background radiation,didn’t know what it was when they had found it, and hadn’t described or interpreted itscharacter in any paper, they received the 1978 nobel prize in physics. the princetonresearchers got only sympathy. according to dennis overbye in lonely hearts of the cosmos, neither penzias nor wilson altogether understood the significance of what they had founduntil they read about it in the new york times .

    incidentally, disturbance from cosmic background radiation is something we have allexperienced. tune your television to any channel it doesn’t receive, and about 1 percent of thedancing static you see is accounted for by this ancient remnant of the big bang. the next timeyou complain that there is nothing on, remember that you can always watch the birth of theuniverse.

    although everyone calls it the big bang, many books caution us not to think of it as anexplosion in the conventional sense. it was, rather, a vast, sudden expansion on a whoppingscale. so what caused it?

    one notion is that perhaps the singularity was the relic of an earlier, collapsed universe—that we’re just one of an eternal cycle of expanding and collapsing universes, like the bladderon an oxygen machine. others attribute the big bang to what they call “a false vacuum” or “ascalar field” or “vacuum energy”—some quality or thing, at any rate, that introduced ameasure of instability into the nothingness that was. it seems impossible that you could getsomething from nothing, but the fact that once there was nothing and now there is a universeis evident proof that you can. it may be that our universe is merely part of many largeruniverses, some in different dimensions, and that big bangs are going on all the time all overthe place. or it may be that space and time had some other forms altogether before the bigbang—forms too alien for us to imagine—and that the big bang represents some sort oftransition phase, where the universe went from a form we can’t understand to one we almostcan. “these are very close to religious questions,” dr. andrei linde, a cosmologist atstanford, told the new york times in 2001.

    the big bang theory isn’t about the bang itself but about what happened after the bang.

    not long after, mind you. by doing a lot of math and watching carefully what goes on inparticle accelerators, scientists believe they can look back to 10-43seconds after the moment ofcreation, when the universe was still so small that you would have needed a microscope tofind it. we mustn’t swoon over every extraordinary number that comes before us, but it isperhaps worth latching on to one from time to time just to be reminded of their ungraspableand amazing breadth. thus 10-43is 0.0000000000000000000000000000000000000000001, orone 10 million trillion trillion trillionths of a second.

    **a word on scientific notation: since very large numbers are cumbersome to write and nearly impossible to read, scientistsuse a shorthand involving powers (or multiples) of ten in which, for instance, 10,000,000,000 is written 1010 and 6,500,000becomes 6.5 x 106. the principle is based very simply on multiples of ten: 10 x 10 (or 100) becomes 102; 10 x 10 x 10 (or1,000) is 103; and so on, obviously and indefinitely. the little superscript number signifies the number of zeroes followingthe larger principal number. negative notations provide latter in print (especially essentially a mirror image, with thesuperscript number indicating the number of spaces to the right of the decimal point (so 10-4 means 0.0001). though i salutethe principle, it remains an amazement to me that anyone seeing “1.4 x 109 km3’ would see at once that that signifies 1.4
    most of what we know, or believe we know, about the early moments of the universe isthanks to an idea called inflation theory first propounded in 1979 by a junior particlephysicist, then at stanford, now at mit, named alan guth. he was thirty-two years old and,by his own admission, had never done anything much before. he would probably never havehad his great theory except that he happened to attend a lecture on the big bang given bynone other than robert dicke. the lecture inspired guth to take an interest in cosmology, andin particular in the birth of the universe.

    the eventual result was the inflation theory, which holds that a fraction of a moment afterthe dawn of creation, the universe underwent a sudden dramatic expansion. it inflated—ineffect ran away with itself, doubling in size every 10-34seconds. the whole episode may havelasted no more than 10-30seconds—that’s one million million million million millionths of asecond—but it changed the universe from something you could hold in your hand tosomething at least 10,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000 times bigger. inflation theoryexplains the ripples and eddies that make our universe possible. without it, there would be noclumps of matter and thus no stars, just drifting gas and everlasting darkness.

    according to guth’s theory, at one ten-millionth of a trillionth of a trillionth of a trillionthof a second, gravity emerged. after another ludicrously brief interval it was joined byelectromagnetism and the strong and weak nuclear forces—the stuff of physics. these werejoined an instant later by swarms of elementary particles—the stuff of stuff. from nothing atall, suddenly there were swarms of photons, protons, electrons, neutrons, and much else—between 1079and 1089of each, according to the standard big bang theory.

    such quantities are of course ungraspable. it is enough to know that in a single crackinginstant we were endowed with a universe that was vast—at least a hundred billion light-yearsacross, according to the theory, but possibly any size up to infinite—and perfectly arrayed forthe creation of stars, galaxies, and other complex systems.

    what is extraordinary from our point of view is how well it turned out for us. if theuniverse had formed just a tiny bit differently—if gravity were fractionally stronger orweaker, if the expansion had proceeded just a little more slowly or swiftly—then there mightnever have been stable elements to make you and me and the ground we stand on. had gravitybeen a trifle stronger, the universe itself might have collapsed like a badly erected tent,without precisely the right values to give it the right dimensions and density and componentparts. had it been weaker, however, nothing would have coalesced. the universe would haveremained forever a dull, scattered void.

    this is one reason that some experts believe there may have been many other big bangs,perhaps trillions and trillions of them, spread through the mighty span of eternity, and that thereason we exist in this particular one is that this is one we could exist in. as edward p. tryonof columbia university once put it: “in answer to the question of why it happened, i offer themodest proposal that our universe is simply one of those things which happen from time tobillion cubic kilometers, and no less a wonder that they would choose the former over the in a book designed for the generalreader, where the example was found). on the assumption that many general readers are as unmathematical as i am, i will usethem sparingly, though they are occasionally unavoidable, not least in a chapter dealing with things on a cosmic scale.

    time.” to which adds guth: “although the creation of a universe might be very unlikely,tryon emphasized that no one had counted the failed attempts.”

    martin rees, britain’s astronomer royal, believes that there are many universes, possibly aninfinite number, each with different attributes, in different combinations, and that we simplylive in one that combines things in the way that allows us to exist. he makes an analogy witha very large clothing store: “if there is a large stock of clothing, you’re not surprised to find asuit that fits. if there are many universes, each governed by a differing set of numbers, therewill be one where there is a particular set of numbers suitable to life. we are in that one.”

    rees maintains that six numbers in particular govern our universe, and that if any of thesevalues were changed even very slightly things could not be as they are. for example, for theuniverse to exist as it does requires that hydrogen be converted to helium in a precise butcomparatively stately manner—specifically, in a way that converts seven one-thousandths ofits mass to energy. lower that value very slightly—from 0.007 percent to 0.006 percent,say—and no transformation could take place: the universe would consist of hydrogen andnothing else. raise the value very slightly—to 0.008 percent—and bonding would be sowildly prolific that the hydrogen would long since have been exhausted. in either case, withthe slightest tweaking of the numbers the universe as we know and need it would not be here.

    i should say that everything is just right so far. in the long term, gravity may turn out to be alittle too strong, and one day it may halt the expansion of the universe and bring it collapsingin upon itself, till it crushes itself down into another singularity, possibly to start the wholeprocess over again. on the other hand it may be too weak and the universe will keep racingaway forever until everything is so far apart that there is no chance of material interactions, sothat the universe becomes a place that is inert and dead, but very roomy. the third option isthat gravity is just right—“critical density” is the cosmologists’ term for it—and that it willhold the universe together at just the right dimensions to allow things to go on indefinitely.

    cosmologists in their lighter moments sometimes call this the goldilocks effect—thateverything is just right. (for the record, these three possible universes are known respectivelyas closed, open, and flat.)now the question that has occurred to all of us at some point is: what would happen if youtraveled out to the edge of the universe and, as it were, put your head through the curtains?

    where would your head be if it were no longer in the universe? what would you find beyond?

    the answer, disappointingly, is that you can never get to the edge of the universe. that’s notbecause it would take too long to get there—though of course it would—but because even ifyou traveled outward and outward in a straight line, indefinitely and pugnaciously, you wouldnever arrive at an outer boundary. instead, you would come back to where you began (atwhich point, presumably, you would rather lose heart in the exercise and give up). the reasonfor this is that the universe bends, in a way we can’t adequately imagine, in conformance witheinstein’s theory of relativity (which we will get to in due course). for the moment it isenough to know that we are not adrift in some large, ever-expanding bubble. rather, spacecurves, in a way that allows it to be boundless but finite. space cannot even properly be saidto be expanding because, as the physicist and nobel laureate steven weinberg notes, “solar
    systems and galaxies are not expanding, and space itself is not expanding.” rather, thegalaxies are rushing apart. it is all something of a challenge to intuition. or as the biologist j.

    1. s. haldane once famously observed: “the universe is not only queerer than we suppose; itis queerer than we can suppose.”

    the analogy that is usually given for explaining the curvature of space is to try to imaginesomeone from a universe of flat surfaces, who had never seen a sphere, being brought toearth. no matter how far he roamed across the planet’s surface, he would never find an edge.

    he might eventually return to the spot where he had started, and would of course be utterlyconfounded to explain how that had happened. well, we are in the same position in space asour puzzled flatlander, only we are flummoxed by a higher dimension.

    just as there is no place where you can find the edge of the universe, so there is no placewhere you can stand at the center and say: “this is where it all began. this is the centermostpoint of it all.” we are all at the center of it all. actually, we don’t know that for sure; wecan’t prove it mathematically. scientists just assume that we can’t really be the center of theuniverse—think what that would imply—but that the phenomenon must be the same for allobservers in all places. still, we don’t actually know.

    for us, the universe goes only as far as light has traveled in the billions of years since theuniverse was formed. this visible universe—the universe we know and can talk about—is amillion million million million (that’s 1,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000) miles across. butaccording to most theories the universe at large—the meta-universe, as it is sometimescalled—is vastly roomier still. according to rees, the number of light-years to the edge ofthis larger, unseen universe would be written not “with ten zeroes, not even with a hundred,but with millions.” in short, there’s more space than you can imagine already without going tothe trouble of trying to envision some additional beyond.

    for a long time the big bang theory had one gaping hole that troubled a lot of people—namely that it couldn’t begin to explain how we got here. although 98 percent of all thematter that exists was created with the big bang, that matter consisted exclusively of lightgases: the helium, hydrogen, and lithium that we mentioned earlier. not one particle of theheavy stuff so vital to our own being—carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and all the rest—emergedfrom the gaseous brew of creation. but—and here’s the troubling point—to forge these heavyelements, you need the kind of heat and energy of a big bang. yet there has been only onebig bang and it didn’t produce them. so where did they come from?

    interestingly, the man who found the answer to that question was a cosmologist who heartily despised the big bang as a theory and coined the term “big bang” sarcastically, as away of mocking it. we’ll get to him shortly, but before we turn to the question of how we gothere, it might be worth taking a few minutes to consider just where exactly “here” is.

    2  WELCOME TO THE SOLAR SYSTEMAS

    astronomers these days can do the most amazing things. if someone struck a matchon the moon, they could spot the flare. from the tiniest throbs and wobbles of distant starsthey can infer the size and character and even potential habitability of planets much tooremote to be seen—planets so distant that it would take us half a million years in a spaceship to get there. with their radio telescopes they can capture wisps of radiation so preposterously faint that the total amount of energy collected from outside the solar system by all of them together since collecting began (in 1951) is “less than the energy of a single snowflakestriking the ground,” in the words of carl sagan.

    in short, there isn’t a great deal that goes on in the universe that astronomers can’t findwhen they have a mind to. which is why it is all the more remarkable to reflect that until 1978no one had ever noticed that pluto has a moon. in the summer of that year, a youngastronomer named james christy at the u.s. naval observatory in flagstaff, arizona, wasmaking a routine examination of photographic images of pluto when he saw that there wassomething there—something blurry and uncertain but definitely other than pluto. consulting acolleague named robert harrington, he concluded that what he was looking at was a moon.

    and it wasn’t just any moon. relative to the planet, it was the biggest moon in the solarsystem.

    this was actually something of a blow to pluto’s status as a planet, which had never beenterribly robust anyway. since previously the space occupied by the moon and the spaceoccupied by pluto were thought to be one and the same, it meant that pluto was much smallerthan anyone had supposed—smaller even than mercury. indeed, seven moons in the solarsystem, including our own, are larger.

    now a natural question is why it took so long for anyone to find a moon in our own solarsystem. the answer is that it is partly a matter of where astronomers point their instrumentsand partly a matter of what their instruments are designed to detect, and partly it’s just pluto.

    mostly it’s where they point their instruments. in the words of the astronomer clarkchapman: “most people think that astronomers get out at night in observatories and scan theskies. that’s not true. almost all the telescopes we have in the world are designed to peer atvery tiny little pieces of the sky way off in the distance to see a quasar or hunt for black holesor look at a distant galaxy. the only real network of telescopes that scans the skies has beendesigned and built by the military.”

    we have been spoiled by artists’ renderings into imagining a clarity of resolution thatdoesn’t exist in actual astronomy. pluto in christy’s photograph is faint and fuzzy—a piece ofcosmic lint—and its moon is not the romantically backlit, crisply delineated companion orbyou would get in a national geographic painting, but rather just a tiny and extremelyindistinct hint of additional fuzziness. such was the fuzziness, in fact, that it took seven yearsfor anyone to spot the moon again and thus independently confirm its existence.

    one nice touch about christy’s discovery was that it happened in flagstaff, for it was therein 1930 that pluto had been found in the first place. that seminal event in astronomy waslargely to the credit of the astronomer percival lowell. lowell, who came from one of theoldest and wealthiest boston families (the one in the famous ditty about boston being thehome of the bean and the cod, where lowells spoke only to cabots, while cabots spoke onlyto god), endowed the famous observatory that bears his name, but is most indeliblyremembered for his belief that mars was covered with canals built by industrious martians for purposes of conveying water from polar regions to the dry but productive lands nearer theequator.

    lowell’s other abiding conviction was that there existed, somewhere out beyond neptune,an undiscovered ninth planet, dubbed planet x. lowell based this belief on irregularities hedetected in the orbits of uranus and neptune, and devoted the last years of his life to trying tofind the gassy giant he was certain was out there. unfortunately, he died suddenly in 1916, atleast partly exhausted by his quest, and the search fell into abeyance while lowell’s heirssquabbled over his estate. however, in 1929, partly as a way of deflecting attention awayfrom the mars canal saga (which by now had become a serious embarrassment), the lowellobservatory directors decided to resume the search and to that end hired a young man fromkansas named clyde tombaugh.

    tombaugh had no formal training as an astronomer, but he was diligent and he was astute,and after a year’s patient searching he somehow spotted pluto, a faint point of light in aglittery firmament. it was a miraculous find, and what made it all the more striking was thatthe observations on which lowell had predicted the existence of a planet beyond neptuneproved to be comprehensively erroneous. tombaugh could see at once that the new planetwas nothing like the massive gasball lowell had postulated, but any reservations he or anyoneelse had about the character of the new planet were soon swept aside in the delirium thatattended almost any big news story in that easily excited age. this was the first american-discovered planet, and no one was going to be distracted by the thought that it was really justa distant icy dot. it was named pluto at least partly because the first two letters made amonogram from lowell’s initials. lowell was posthumously hailed everywhere as a genius ofthe first order, and tombaugh was largely forgotten, except among planetary astronomers,who tend to revere him.

    a few astronomers continue to think there may be a planet x out there—a real whopper,perhaps as much as ten times the size of jupiter, but so far out as to be invisible to us. (itwould receive so little sunlight that it would have almost none to reflect.) the idea is that itwouldn’t be a conventional planet like jupiter or saturn—it’s much too far away for that;we’re talking perhaps 4.5 trillion miles—but more like a sun that never quite made it. moststar systems in the cosmos are binary (double-starred), which makes our solitary sun a slightoddity.

    as for pluto itself, nobody is quite sure how big it is, or what it is made of, what kind ofatmosphere it has, or even what it really is. a lot of astronomers believe it isn’t a planet at all,but merely the largest object so far found in a zone of galactic debris known as the kuiperbelt. the kuiper belt was actually theorized by an astronomer named f. c. leonard in 1930,but the name honors gerard kuiper, a dutch native working in america, who expanded theidea. the kuiper belt is the source of what are known as short-period comets—those thatcome past pretty regularly—of which the most famous is halley’s comet. the more reclusivelong-period comets (among them the recent visitors hale-bopp and hyakutake) come fromthe much more distant oort cloud, about which more presently.

    it is certainly true that pluto doesn’t act much like the other planets. not only is it runty andobscure, but it is so variable in its motions that no one can tell you exactly where pluto will bea century hence. whereas the other planets orbit on more or less the same plane, pluto’sorbital path is tipped (as it were) out of alignment at an angle of seventeen degrees, like thebrim of a hat tilted rakishly on someone’s head. its orbit is so irregular that for substantialperiods on each of its lonely circuits around the sun it is closer to us than neptune is. for most of the 1980s and 1990s, neptune was in fact the solar system’s most far-flung planet.

    only on february 11, 1999, did pluto return to the outside lane, there to remain for the next228 years.

    so if pluto really is a planet, it is certainly an odd one. it is very tiny: just one-quarter of 1percent as massive as earth. if you set it down on top of the united states, it would cover notquite half the lower forty-eight states. this alone makes it extremely anomalous; it means thatour planetary system consists of four rocky inner planets, four gassy outer giants, and a tiny,solitary iceball. moreover, there is every reason to suppose that we may soon begin to findother even larger icy spheres in the same portion of space. then we will have problems. afterchristy spotted pluto’s moon, astronomers began to regard that section of the cosmos moreattentively and as of early december 2002 had found over six hundred additional trans-neptunian objects, or plutinos as they are alternatively called. one, dubbed varuna, is nearlyas big as pluto’s moon. astronomers now think there may be billions of these objects. thedifficulty is that many of them are awfully dark. typically they have an albedo, orreflectiveness, of just 4 percent, about the same as a lump of charcoal—and of course theselumps of charcoal are about four billion miles away.

    and how far is that exactly? it’s almost beyond imagining. space, you see, is justenormous—just enormous. let’s imagine, for purposes of edification and entertainment, thatwe are about to go on a journey by rocketship. we won’t go terribly far—just to the edge ofour own solar system—but we need to get a fix on how big a place space is and what a smallpart of it we occupy.

    now the bad news, i’m afraid, is that we won’t be home for supper. even at the speed oflight, it would take seven hours to get to pluto. but of course we can’t travel at anything likethat speed. we’ll have to go at the speed of a spaceship, and these are rather more lumbering.

    the best speeds yet achieved by any human object are those of the voyager 1 and2 spacecraft,which are now flying away from us at about thirty-five thousand miles an hour.

    the reason the voyager craft were launched when they were (in august and september1977) was that jupiter, saturn, uranus, and neptune were aligned in a way that happens onlyonce every 175 years. this enabled the two voyagers to use a “gravity assist” technique inwhich the craft were successively flung from one gassy giant to the next in a kind of cosmicversion of “crack the whip.” even so, it took them nine years to reach uranus and a dozen tocross the orbit of pluto. the good news is that if we wait until january 2006 (which is whennasa’s new horizons spacecraft is tentatively scheduled to depart for pluto) we can takeadvantage of favorable jovian positioning, plus some advances in technology, and get there inonly a decade or so—though getting home again will take rather longer, i’m afraid. at allevents, it’s going to be a long trip.

    now the first thing you are likely to realize is that space is extremely well named and ratherdismayingly uneventful. our solar system may be the liveliest thing for trillions of miles, butall the visible stuff in it—the sun, the planets and their moons, the billion or so tumblingrocks of the asteroid belt, comets, and other miscellaneous drifting detritus—fills less than atrillionth of the available space. you also quickly realize that none of the maps you have everseen of the solar system were remotely drawn to scale. most schoolroom charts show theplanets coming one after the other at neighborly intervals—the outer giants actually castshadows over each other in many illustrations—but this is a necessary deceit to get them all
    on the same piece of paper. neptune in reality isn’t just a little bit beyond jupiter, it’s waybeyond jupiter—five times farther from jupiter than jupiter is from us, so far out that itreceives only 3 percent as much sunlight as jupiter.

    such are the distances, in fact, that it isn’t possible, in any practical terms, to draw the solarsystem to scale. even if you added lots of fold-out pages to your textbooks or used a reallylong sheet of poster paper, you wouldn’t come close. on a diagram of the solar system toscale, with earth reduced to about the diameter of a pea, jupiter would be over a thousand feetaway and pluto would be a mile and a half distant (and about the size of a bacterium, so youwouldn’t be able to see it anyway). on the same scale, proxima centauri, our nearest star,would be almost ten thousand miles away. even if you shrank down everything so that jupiterwas as small as the period at the end of this sentence, and pluto was no bigger than amolecule, pluto would still be over thirty-five feet away.

    so the solar system is really quite enormous. by the time we reach pluto, we have come sofar that the sun—our dear, warm, skin-tanning, life-giving sun—has shrunk to the size of apinhead. it is little more than a bright star. in such a lonely void you can begin to understandhow even the most significant objects—pluto’s moon, for example—have escaped attention.

    in this respect, pluto has hardly been alone. until the voyager expeditions, neptune wasthought to have two moons; voyager found six more. when i was a boy, the solar system wasthought to contain thirty moons. the total now is “at least ninety,” about a third of which havebeen found in just the last ten years.

    the point to remember, of course, is that when considering the universe at large we don’tactually know what is in our own solar system.

    now the other thing you will notice as we speed past pluto is that we are speeding pastpluto. if you check your itinerary, you will see that this is a trip to the edge of our solarsystem, and i’m afraid we’re not there yet. pluto may be the last object marked onschoolroom charts, but the system doesn’t end there. in fact, it isn’t even close to endingthere. we won’t get to the solar system’s edge until we have passed through the oort cloud, avast celestial realm of drifting comets, and we won’t reach the oort cloud for another—i’m sosorry about this—ten thousand years. far from marking the outer edge of the solar system, asthose schoolroom maps so cavalierly imply, pluto is barely one-fifty-thousandth of the way.

    of course we have no prospect of such a journey. a trip of 240,000 miles to the moon stillrepresents a very big undertaking for us. a manned mission to mars, called for by the firstpresident bush in a moment of passing giddiness, was quietly dropped when someone workedout that it would cost $450 billion and probably result in the deaths of all the crew (their dnatorn to tatters by high-energy solar particles from which they could not be shielded).

    based on what we know now and can reasonably imagine, there is absolutely no prospectthat any human being will ever visit the edge of our own solar system—ever. it is just too far.

    as it is, even with the hubble telescope, we can’t see even into the oort cloud, so we don’tactually know that it is there. its existence is probable but entirely hypothetical.

    *about all that can be said with confidence about the oort cloud is that it starts somewherebeyond pluto and stretches some two light-years out into the cosmos. the basic unit ofmeasure in the solar system is the astronomical unit, or au, representing the distance from*properly called the opik-oort cloud, it is named for the estonian astronomer ernst opik, who hypothesized itsexistence in 1932, and for the dutch astronomer jan oort, who refined the calculations eighteen years later.

    the sun to the earth. pluto is about forty aus from us, the heart of the oort cloud about fiftythousand. in a word, it is remote.

    but let’s pretend again that we have made it to the oort cloud. the first thing you mightnotice is how very peaceful it is out here. we’re a long way from anywhere now—so far fromour own sun that it’s not even the brightest star in the sky. it is a remarkable thought that thatdistant tiny twinkle has enough gravity to hold all these comets in orbit. it’s not a very strongbond, so the comets drift in a stately manner, moving at only about 220 miles an hour. fromtime to time some of these lonely comets are nudged out of their normal orbit by some slightgravitational perturbation—a passing star perhaps. sometimes they are ejected into theemptiness of space, never to be seen again, but sometimes they fall into a long orbit aroundthe sun. about three or four of these a year, known as long-period comets, pass through theinner solar system. just occasionally these stray visitors smack into something solid, likeearth. that’s why we’ve come out here now—because the comet we have come to see hasjust begun a long fall toward the center of the solar system. it is headed for, of all places,manson, iowa. it is going to take a long time to get there—three or four million years atleast—so we’ll leave it for now, and return to it much later in the story.

    so that’s your solar system. and what else is out there, beyond the solar system? well,nothing and a great deal, depending on how you look at it.

    in the short term, it’s nothing. the most perfect vacuum ever created by humans is not asempty as the emptiness of interstellar space. and there is a great deal of this nothingness untilyou get to the next bit of something. our nearest neighbor in the cosmos, proxima centauri,which is part of the three-star cluster known as alpha centauri, is 4.3 light-years away, a sissyskip in galactic terms, but that is still a hundred million times farther than a trip to the moon.

    to reach it by spaceship would take at least twenty-five thousand years, and even if you madethe trip you still wouldn’t be anywhere except at a lonely clutch of stars in the middle of avast nowhere. to reach the next landmark of consequence, sirius, would involve another 4.6light-years of travel. and so it would go if you tried to star-hop your way across the cosmos.

    just reaching the center of our own galaxy would take far longer than we have existed asbeings.

    space, let me repeat, is enormous. the average distance between stars out there is 20million million miles. even at speeds approaching those of light, these are fantasticallychallenging distances for any traveling individual. of course, it is possible that alien beingstravel billions of miles to amuse themselves by planting crop circles in wiltshire orfrightening the daylights out of some poor guy in a pickup truck on a lonely road in arizona(they must have teenagers, after all), but it does seem unlikely.

    still, statistically the probability that there are other thinking beings out there is good.

    nobody knows how many stars there are in the milky way—estimates range from 100 billionor so to perhaps 400 billion—and the milky way is just one of 140 billion or so othergalaxies, many of them even larger than ours. in the 1960s, a professor at cornell namedfrank drake, excited by such whopping numbers, worked out a famous equation designed tocalculate the chances of advanced life in the cosmos based on a series of diminishingprobabilities.

    under drake’s equation you divide the number of stars in a selected portion of the universeby the number of stars that are likely to have planetary systems; divide that by the number ofplanetary systems that could theoretically support life; divide that by the number on whichlife, having arisen, advances to a state of intelligence; and so on. at each such division, thenumber shrinks colossally—yet even with the most conservative inputs the number ofadvanced civilizations just in the milky way always works out to be somewhere in themillions.

    what an interesting and exciting thought. we may be only one of millions of advancedcivilizations. unfortunately, space being spacious, the average distance between any two ofthese civilizations is reckoned to be at least two hundred light-years, which is a great dealmore than merely saying it makes it sound. it means for a start that even if these beings knowwe are here and are somehow able to see us in their telescopes, they’re watching light that leftearth two hundred years ago. so they’re not seeing you and me. they’re watching the frenchrevolution and thomas jefferson and people in silk stockings and powdered wigs—peoplewho don’t know what an atom is, or a gene, and who make their electricity by rubbing a rodof amber with a piece of fur and think that’s quite a trick. any message we receive from themis likely to begin “dear sire,” and congratulate us on the handsomeness of our horses and ourmastery of whale oil. two hundred light-years is a distance so far beyond us as to be, well,just beyond us.

    so even if we are not really alone, in all practical terms we are. carl sagan calculated thenumber of probable planets in the universe at large at 10 billion trillion—a number vastlybeyond imagining. but what is equally beyond imagining is the amount of space throughwhich they are lightly scattered. “if we were randomly inserted into the universe,” saganwrote, “the chances that you would be on or near a planet would be less than one in a billiontrillion trillion.” (that’s 1033, or a one followed by thirty-three zeroes.) “worlds are precious.”

    which is why perhaps it is good news that in February 1999 the international astronomical union ruled officially that pluto is a planet. the universe is a big and lonely place. we can do with all the neighbors we can get.

    3  THE REVEREND EVANS’S UNIVERSE

    when the skies are clear and the moon is not too bright, the reverend robert evans, aquiet and cheerful man, lugs a bulky telescope onto the back deck of his home in the blue mountains of Australia, about fifty miles west of Sydney, and does an extraordinary thing. helooks deep into the past and finds dying stars.

    looking into the past is of course the easy part. glance at the night sky and what you see ishistory and lots of it—the stars not as they are now but as they were when their light left them. for all we know, the north star, our faithful companion, might actually have burnedout last january or in 1854 or at any time since the early fourteenth century and news of it justhasn’t reached us yet. the best we can say—can ever say—is that it was still burning on thisdate 680 years ago. stars die all the time. what bob evans does better than anyone else whohas ever tried is spot these moments of celestial farewell.

    by day, evans is a kindly and now semiretired minister in the uniting church in australia,who does a bit of freelance work and researches the history of nineteenth-century religiousmovements. but by night he is, in his unassuming way, a titan of the skies. he huntssupernovae.

    supernovae occur when a giant star, one much bigger than our own sun, collapses and thenspectacularly explodes, releasing in an instant the energy of a hundred billion suns, burningfor a time brighter than all the stars in its galaxy. “it’s like a trillion hydrogen bombs going offat once,” says evans. if a supernova explosion happened within five hundred light-years of us,we would be goners, according to evans—“it would wreck the show,” as he cheerfully puts it.

    but the universe is vast, and supernovae are normally much too far away to harm us. in fact,most are so unimaginably distant that their light reaches us as no more than the faintesttwinkle. for the month or so that they are visible, all that distinguishes them from the otherstars in the sky is that they occupy a point of space that wasn’t filled before. it is theseanomalous, very occasional pricks in the crowded dome of the night sky that the reverendevans finds.

    to understand what a feat this is, imagine a standard dining room table covered in a blacktablecloth and someone throwing a handful of salt across it. the scattered grains can bethought of as a galaxy. now imagine fifteen hundred more tables like the first one—enough tofill a wal-mart parking lot, say, or to make a single line two miles long—each with a randomarray of salt across it. now add one grain of salt to any table and let bob evans walk amongthem. at a glance he will spot it. that grain of salt is the supernova.

    evans’s is a talent so exceptional that oliver sacks, in an anthropologist on mars, devotesa passage to him in a chapter on autistic savants—quickly adding that “there is no suggestionthat he is autistic.” evans, who has not met sacks, laughs at the suggestion that he might beeither autistic or a savant, but he is powerless to explain quite where his talent comes from.

    “i just seem to have a knack for memorizing star fields,” he told me, with a franklyapologetic look, when i visited him and his wife, elaine, in their picture-book bungalow on atranquil edge of the village of hazelbrook, out where sydney finally ends and the boundlessaustralian bush begins. “i’m not particularly good at other things,” he added. “i don’tremember names well.”

    “or where he’s put things,” called elaine from the kitchen.

    he nodded frankly again and grinned, then asked me if i’d like to see his telescope. i hadimagined that evans would have a proper observatory in his backyard—a scaled-downversion of a mount wilson or palomar, with a sliding domed roof and a mechanized chair thatwould be a pleasure to maneuver. in fact, he led me not outside but to a crowded storeroomoff the kitchen where he keeps his books and papers and where his telescope—a whitecylinder that is about the size and shape of a household hot-water tank—rests in a homemade,swiveling plywood mount. when he wishes to observe, he carries them in two trips to a smalldeck off the kitchen. between the overhang of the roof and the feathery tops of eucalyptustrees growing up from the slope below, he has only a letter-box view of the sky, but he says itis more than good enough for his purposes. and there, when the skies are clear and the moonnot too bright, he finds his supernovae.

    the term supernova was coined in the 1930s by a memorably odd astrophysicist namedfritz zwicky. born in bulgaria and raised in switzerland, zwicky came to the californiainstitute of technology in the 1920s and there at once distinguished himself by his abrasivepersonality and erratic talents. he didn’t seem to be outstandingly bright, and many of hiscolleagues considered him little more than “an irritating buffoon.” a fitness buff, he wouldoften drop to the floor of the caltech dining hall or other public areas and do one-armedpushups to demonstrate his virility to anyone who seemed inclined to doubt it. he wasnotoriously aggressive, his manner eventually becoming so intimidating that his closestcollaborator, a gentle man named walter baade, refused to be left alone with him. amongother things, zwicky accused baade, who was german, of being a nazi, which he was not. onat least one occasion zwicky threatened to kill baade, who worked up the hill at the mountwilson observatory, if he saw him on the caltech campus.

    but zwicky was also capable of insights of the most startling brilliance. in the early 1930s,he turned his attention to a question that had long troubled astronomers: the appearance in thesky of occasional unexplained points of light, new stars. improbably he wondered if theneutron—the subatomic particle that had just been discovered in england by jameschadwick, and was thus both novel and rather fashionable—might be at the heart of things. itoccurred to him that if a star collapsed to the sort of densities found in the core of atoms, theresult would be an unimaginably compacted core. atoms would literally be crushed together,their electrons forced into the nucleus, forming neutrons. you would have a neutron star.

    imagine a million really weighty cannonballs squeezed down to the size of a marble and—well, you’re still not even close. the core of a neutron star is so dense that a single spoonfulof matter from it would weigh 200 billion pounds. a spoonful! but there was more. zwickyrealized that after the collapse of such a star there would be a huge amount of energy leftover—enough to make the biggest bang in the universe. he called these resultant explosionssupernovae. they would be—they are—the biggest events in creation.

    on january 15, 1934, the journal physical review published a very concise abstract of apresentation that had been conducted by zwicky and baade the previous month at stanforduniversity. despite its extreme brevity—one paragraph of twenty-four lines—the abstractcontained an enormous amount of new science: it provided the first reference to supernovaeand to neutron stars; convincingly explained their method of formation; correctly calculatedthe scale of their explosiveness; and, as a kind of concluding bonus, connected supernovaexplosions to the production of a mysterious new phenomenon called cosmic rays, which hadrecently been found swarming through the universe. these ideas were revolutionary to say theleast. neutron stars wouldn’t be confirmed for thirty-four years. the cosmic rays notion,
    though considered plausible, hasn’t been verified yet. altogether, the abstract was, in thewords of caltech astrophysicist kip s. thorne, “one of the most prescient documents in thehistory of physics and astronomy.”

    interestingly, zwicky had almost no understanding of why any of this would happen.

    according to thorne, “he did not understand the laws of physics well enough to be able tosubstantiate his ideas.” zwicky’s talent was for big ideas. others—baade mostly—were leftto do the mathematical sweeping up.

    zwicky also was the first to recognize that there wasn’t nearly enough visible mass in theuniverse to hold galaxies together and that there must be some other gravitational influence—what we now call dark matter. one thing he failed to see was that if a neutron star shrankenough it would become so dense that even light couldn’t escape its immense gravitationalpull. you would have a black hole. unfortunately, zwicky was held in such disdain by mostof his colleagues that his ideas attracted almost no notice. when, five years later, the greatrobert oppenheimer turned his attention to neutron stars in a landmark paper, he made not asingle reference to any of zwicky’s work even though zwicky had been working for years onthe same problem in an office just down the hall. zwicky’s deductions concerning dark matterwouldn’t attract serious attention for nearly four decades. we can only assume that he did alot of pushups in this period.

    surprisingly little of the universe is visible to us when we incline our heads to the sky. onlyabout 6,000 stars are visible to the naked eye from earth, and only about 2,000 can be seenfrom any one spot. with binoculars the number of stars you can see from a single locationrises to about 50,000, and with a small two-inch telescope it leaps to 300,000. with a sixteen-inch telescope, such as evans uses, you begin to count not in stars but in galaxies. from hisdeck, evans supposes he can see between 50,000 and 100,000 galaxies, each containing tensof billions of stars. these are of course respectable numbers, but even with so much to take in,supernovae are extremely rare. a star can burn for billions of years, but it dies just once andquickly, and only a few dying stars explode. most expire quietly, like a campfire at dawn. in atypical galaxy, consisting of a hundred billion stars, a supernova will occur on average onceevery two or three hundred years. finding a supernova therefore was a little bit like standingon the observation platform of the empire state building with a telescope and searchingwindows around manhattan in the hope of finding, let us say, someone lighting a twenty-first-birthday cake.

    so when a hopeful and softspoken minister got in touch to ask if they had any usable fieldcharts for hunting supernovae, the astronomical community thought he was out of his mind.

    at the time evans had a ten-inch telescope—a very respectable size for amateur stargazingbut hardly the sort of thing with which to do serious cosmology—and he was proposing tofind one of the universe’s rarer phenomena. in the whole of astronomical history before evansstarted looking in 1980, fewer than sixty supernovae had been found. (at the time i visitedhim, in august of 2001, he had just recorded his thirty-fourth visual discovery; a thirty-fifthfollowed three months later and a thirty-sixth in early 2003.)evans, however, had certain advantages. most observers, like most people generally, are inthe northern hemisphere, so he had a lot of sky largely to himself, especially at first. he alsohad speed and his uncanny memory. large telescopes are cumbersome things, and much oftheir operational time is consumed with being maneuvered into position. evans could swing his little sixteen-inch telescope around like a tail gunner in a dogfight, spending no more thana couple of seconds on any particular point in the sky. in consequence, he could observeperhaps four hundred galaxies in an evening while a large professional telescope would belucky to do fifty or sixty.

    looking for supernovae is mostly a matter of not finding them. from 1980 to 1996 heaveraged two discoveries a year—not a huge payoff for hundreds of nights of peering andpeering. once he found three in fifteen days, but another time he went three years withoutfinding any at all.

    “there is actually a certain value in not finding anything,” he said. “it helps cosmologists towork out the rate at which galaxies are evolving. it’s one of those rare areas where theabsence of evidenceis evidence.”

    on a table beside the telescope were stacks of photos and papers relevant to his pursuits,and he showed me some of them now. if you have ever looked through popular astronomicalpublications, and at some time you must have, you will know that they are generally full ofrichly luminous color photos of distant nebulae and the like—fairy-lit clouds of celestial lightof the most delicate and moving splendor. evans’s working images are nothing like that. theyare just blurry black-and-white photos with little points of haloed brightness. one he showedme depicted a swarm of stars with a trifling flare that i had to put close to my face to see.

    this, evans told me, was a star in a constellation called fornax from a galaxy known toastronomy as ngc1365. (ngc stands for new general catalogue, where these things arerecorded. once it was a heavy book on someone’s desk in dublin; today, needless to say, it’sa database.) for sixty million silent years, the light from the star’s spectacular demise traveledunceasingly through space until one night in august of 2001 it arrived at earth in the form ofa puff of radiance, the tiniest brightening, in the night sky. it was of course robert evans onhis eucalypt-scented hillside who spotted it.

    “there’s something satisfying, i think,” evans said, “about the idea of light traveling formillions of years through space and just at the right moment as it reaches earth someonelooks at the right bit of sky and sees it. it just seems right that an event of that magnitudeshould be witnessed.”

    supernovae do much more than simply impart a sense of wonder. they come in severaltypes (one of them discovered by evans) and of these one in particular, known as a iasupernova, is important to astronomy because it always explodes in the same way, with thesame critical mass. for this reason it can be used as a standard candle to measure theexpansion rate of the universe.

    in 1987 saul perlmutter at the lawrence berkeley lab in california, needing more iasupernovae than visual sightings were providing, set out to find a more systematic method ofsearching for them. perlmutter devised a nifty system using sophisticated computers andcharge-coupled devices—in essence, really good digital cameras. it automated supernovahunting. telescopes could now take thousands of pictures and let a computer detect thetelltale bright spots that marked a supernova explosion. in five years, with the new technique,perlmutter and his colleagues at berkeley found forty-two supernovae. now even amateursare finding supernovae with charge-coupled devices. “with ccds you can aim a telescope atthe sky and go watch television,” evans said with a touch of dismay. “it took all the romanceout of it.”

    i asked him if he was tempted to adopt the new technology. “oh, no,” he said, “i enjoy myway too much. besides”—he gave a nod at the photo of his latest supernova and smiled—“ican still beat them sometimes.”

    the question that naturally occurs is “what would it be like if a star exploded nearby?” ournearest stellar neighbor, as we have seen, is alpha centauri, 4.3 light-years away. i hadimagined that if there were an explosion there we would have 4.3 years to watch the light ofthis magnificent event spreading across the sky, as if tipped from a giant can. what would itbe like if we had four years and four months to watch an inescapable doom advancing towardus, knowing that when it finally arrived it would blow the skin right off our bones? wouldpeople still go to work? would farmers plant crops? would anyone deliver them to the stores?

    weeks later, back in the town in new hampshire where i live, i put these questions to johnthorstensen, an astronomer at dartmouth college. “oh no,” he said, laughing. “the news ofsuch an event travels out at the speed of light, but so does the destructiveness, so you’d learnabout it and die from it in the same instant. but don’t worry because it’s not going to happen.”

    for the blast of a supernova explosion to kill you, he explained, you would have to be“ridiculously close”—probably within ten light-years or so. “the danger would be varioustypes of radiation—cosmic rays and so on.” these would produce fabulous auroras,shimmering curtains of spooky light that would fill the whole sky. this would not be a goodthing. anything potent enough to put on such a show could well blow away themagnetosphere, the magnetic zone high above the earth that normally protects us fromultraviolet rays and other cosmic assaults. without the magnetosphere anyone unfortunateenough to step into sunlight would pretty quickly take on the appearance of, let us say, anovercooked pizza.

    the reason we can be reasonably confident that such an event won’t happen in our cornerof the galaxy, thorstensen said, is that it takes a particular kind of star to make a supernova inthe first place. a candidate star must be ten to twenty times as massive as our own sun and“we don’t have anything of the requisite size that’s that close. the universe is a mercifully bigplace.” the nearest likely candidate he added, is betelgeuse, whose various sputterings havefor years suggested that something interestingly unstable is going on there. but betelgeuse isfifty thousand light-years away.

    only half a dozen times in recorded history have supernovae been close enough to bevisible to the naked eye. one was a blast in 1054 that created the crab nebula. another, in1604, made a star bright enough to be seen during the day for over three weeks. the mostrecent was in 1987, when a supernova flared in a zone of the cosmos known as the largemagellanic cloud, but that was only barely visible and only in the southern hemisphere—andit was a comfortably safe 169,000 light-years away.

    supernovae are significant to us in one other decidedly central way. without them wewouldn’t be here. you will recall the cosmological conundrum with which we ended the firstchapter—that the big bang created lots of light gases but no heavy elements. those camelater, but for a very long time nobody could figure out  how they came later. the problem wasthat you needed something really hot—hotter even than the middle of the hottest stars—toforge carbon and iron and the other elements without which we would be distressingly
    immaterial. supernovae provided the explanation, and it was an english cosmologist almostas singular in manner as fritz zwicky who figured it out.

    he was a yorkshireman named fred hoyle. hoyle, who died in 2001, was described in anobituary in nature as a “cosmologist and controversialist” and both of those he most certainlywas. he was, according to nature ’s obituary, “embroiled in controversy for most of his life”

    and “put his name to much rubbish.” he claimed, for instance, and without evidence, that thenatural history museum’s treasured fossil of an archaeopteryx was a forgery along the linesof the piltdown hoax, causing much exasperation to the museum’s paleontologists, who had tospend days fielding phone calls from journalists from all over the world. he also believed thatearth was not only seeded by life from space but also by many of its diseases, such asinfluenza and bubonic plague, and suggested at one point that humans evolved projectingnoses with the nostrils underneath as a way of keeping cosmic pathogens from falling intothem.

    it was he who coined the term “big bang,” in a moment of facetiousness, for a radiobroadcast in 1952. he pointed out that nothing in our understanding of physics could accountfor why everything, gathered to a point, would suddenly and dramatically begin to expand.

    hoyle favored a steady-state theory in which the universe was constantly expanding andcontinually creating new matter as it went. hoyle also realized that if stars imploded theywould liberate huge amounts of heat—100 million degrees or more, enough to begin togenerate the heavier elements in a process known as nucleosynthesis. in 1957, working withothers, hoyle showed how the heavier elements were formed in supernova explosions. forthis work, w. a. fowler, one of his collaborators, received a nobel prize. hoyle, shamefully,did not.

    according to hoyle’s theory, an exploding star would generate enough heat to create all thenew elements and spray them into the cosmos where they would form gaseous clouds—theinterstellar medium as it is known—that could eventually coalesce into new solar systems.

    with the new theories it became possible at last to construct plausible scenarios for how wegot here. what we now think we know is this:

    about 4.6 billion years ago, a great swirl of gas and dust some 15 billion miles acrossaccumulated in space where we are now and began to aggregate. virtually all of it—99.9percent of the mass of the solar system—went to make the sun. out of the floating materialthat was left over, two microscopic grains floated close enough together to be joined byelectrostatic forces. this was the moment of conception for our planet. all over the inchoatesolar system, the same was happening. colliding dust grains formed larger and larger clumps.

    eventually the clumps grew large enough to be called planetesimals. as these endlesslybumped and collided, they fractured or split or recombined in endless random permutations,but in every encounter there was a winner, and some of the winners grew big enough todominate the orbit around which they traveled.

    it all happened remarkably quickly. to grow from a tiny cluster of grains to a baby planetsome hundreds of miles across is thought to have taken only a few tens of thousands of years.

    in just 200 million years, possibly less, the earth was essentially formed, though still moltenand subject to constant bombardment from all the debris that remained floating about.

    at this point, about 4.5 billion years ago, an object the size of mars crashed into earth,blowing out enough material to form a companion sphere, the moon. within weeks, it isthought, the flung material had reassembled itself into a single clump, and within a year it had
    formed into the spherical rock that companions us yet. most of the lunar material, it isthought, came from the earth’s crust, not its core, which is why the moon has so little ironwhile we have a lot. the theory, incidentally, is almost always presented as a recent one, butin fact it was first proposed in the 1940s by reginald daly of harvard. the only recent thingabout it is people paying any attention to it.

    when earth was only about a third of its eventual size, it was probably already beginning toform an atmosphere, mostly of carbon dioxide, nitrogen, methane, and sulfur. hardly the sortof stuff that we would associate with life, and yet from this noxious stew life formed. carbondioxide is a powerful greenhouse gas. this was a good thing because the sun wassignificantly dimmer back then. had we not had the benefit of a greenhouse effect, the earthmight well have frozen over permanently, and life might never have gotten a toehold. butsomehow life did.

    for the next 500 million years the young earth continued to be pelted relentlessly bycomets, meteorites, and other galactic debris, which brought water to fill the oceans and thecomponents necessary for the successful formation of life. it was a singularly hostileenvironment and yet somehow life got going. some tiny bag of chemicals twitched andbecame animate. we were on our way.

    four billion years later people began to wonder how it had all happened. and it is there thatour story next takes us.

    part  ii the size of the earthnature and nature’s laws lay hid innight;god said, let newton be! and allwas light.

    -alexander pope

    www.xiabook.com

    4    THE MEASURE OF THINGS

    if you had to select the least convivial scientific field trip of all time, you could certainlydo worse than the french royal academy of sciences’ peruvian expedition of 1735. led by ahydrologist named pierre bouguer and a soldier-mathematician named charles marie de lacondamine, it was a party of scientists and adventurers who traveled to peru with the purposeof triangulating distances through the andes.

    at the time people had lately become infected with a powerful desire to understand theearth—to determine how old it was, and how massive, where it hung in space, and how it hadcome to be. the french party’s goal was to help settle the question of the circumference ofthe planet by measuring the length of one degree of meridian (or 1/360 of the distance aroundthe planet) along a line reaching from yarouqui, near quito, to just beyond cuenca in what isnow ecuador, a distance of about two hundred miles.

    1almost at once things began to go wrong, sometimes spectacularly so. in quito, the visitorssomehow provoked the locals and were chased out of town by a mob armed with stones. soonafter, the expedition’s doctor was murdered in a misunderstanding over a woman. thebotanist became deranged. others died of fevers and falls. the third most senior member ofthe party, a man named pierre godin, ran off with a thirteen-year-old girl and could not beinduced to return.

    at one point the group had to suspend work for eight months while la condamine rode off tolima to sort out a problem with their permits. eventually he and bouguer stopped speakingand refused to work together. everywhere the dwindling party went it was met with thedeepest suspicions from officials who found it difficult to believe that a group of frenchscientists would travel halfway around the world to measure the world. that made no sense atall. two and a half centuries later it still seems a reasonable question. why didn’t the frenchmake their measurements in france and save themselves all the bother and discomfort of theirandean adventure?

    the answer lies partly with the fact that eighteenth-century scientists, the french in particular,seldom did things simply if an absurdly demanding alternative was available, and partly witha practical problem that had first arisen with the english astronomer edmond halley manyyears before—long before bouguer and la condamine dreamed of going to south america,much less had a reason for doing so.

    * triangulation, their chosen method, was a popular technique based on the geometric fact that if you know thelength of one side of a triangle and the angles of two corners, you can work out all its other dimensions withoutleaving your chair. suppose, by way of example, that you and i decided we wished to know how far it is to themoon. using triangulation, the first thing we must do is put some distance between us, so lets say for argumentthat you stay in paris and i go to moscow and we both look at the moon at the same time. now if you imagine aline connecting the three principals of this exercise-that is, you and i and the moon-it forms a triangle. measurethe length of the baseline between you and me and the angles of our two corners and the rest can be simplycalculated. (because the interior angles of a triangle always add up to 180 degrees, if you know the sum of twoof the angles you can instantly calculate the third; and knowing the precise shape of a triangle and the length ofone side tells you the lengths of the other sides.) this was in fact the method use by a greek astronomer,hipparchus of nicaea, in 150 b.c. to work out the moons distance from earth. at ground level, the principles oftriangulation are the same, except that the triangles dont reach into space but rather are laid side to side on amap. in measuring a degree of meridian, the surveyors would create a sort of chain of triangles marching acrossthe landscape.

    halley was an exceptional figure. in the course of a long and productive career, he was asea captain, a cartographer, a professor of geometry at the university of oxford, deputycontroller of the royal mint, astronomer royal, and inventor of the deep-sea diving bell. hewrote authoritatively on magnetism, tides, and the motions of the planets, and fondly on theeffects of opium. he invented the weather map and actuarial table, proposed methods forworking out the age of the earth and its distance from the sun, even devised a practicalmethod for keeping fish fresh out of season. the one thing he didn’t do, interestingly enough,was discover the comet that bears his name. he merely recognized that the comet he saw in1682 was the same one that had been seen by others in 1456, 1531, and 1607. it didn’tbecome halley’s comet until 1758, some sixteen years after his death.

    for all his achievements, however, halley’s greatest contribution to human knowledge maysimply have been to take part in a modest scientific wager with two other worthies of his day:

    robert hooke, who is perhaps best remembered now as the first person to describe a cell, andthe great and stately sir christopher wren, who was actually an astronomer first and architectsecond, though that is not often generally remembered now. in 1683, halley, hooke, andwren were dining in london when the conversation turned to the motions of celestial objects.

    it was known that planets were inclined to orbit in a particular kind of oval known as anellipse—“a very specific and precise curve,” to quote richard feynman—but it wasn’tunderstood why. wren generously offered a prize worth forty shillings (equivalent to a coupleof weeks’ pay) to whichever of the men could provide a solution.

    hooke, who was well known for taking credit for ideas that weren’t necessarily his own,claimed that he had solved the problem already but declined now to share it on the interestingand inventive grounds that it would rob others of the satisfaction of discovering the answer forthemselves. he would instead “conceal it for some time, that others might know how to valueit.” if he thought any more on the matter, he left no evidence of it. halley, however, becameconsumed with finding the answer, to the point that the following year he traveled tocambridge and boldly called upon the university’s lucasian professor of mathematics, isaacnewton, in the hope that he could help.

    newton was a decidedly odd figure—brilliant beyond measure, but solitary, joyless, pricklyto the point of paranoia, famously distracted (upon swinging his feet out of bed in the morninghe would reportedly sometimes sit for hours, immobilized by the sudden rush of thoughts tohis head), and capable of the most riveting strangeness. he built his own laboratory, the firstat cambridge, but then engaged in the most bizarre experiments. once he inserted a bodkin—a long needle of the sort used for sewing leather—into his eye socket and rubbed it around“betwixt my eye and the bone as near to [the] backside of my eye as i could” just to see whatwould happen. what happened, miraculously, was nothing—at least nothing lasting. onanother occasion, he stared at the sun for as long as he could bear, to determine what effect itwould have upon his vision. again he escaped lasting damage, though he had to spend somedays in a darkened room before his eyes forgave him.

    set atop these odd beliefs and quirky traits, however, was the mind of a supreme genius—though even when working in conventional channels he often showed a tendency topeculiarity. as a student, frustrated by the limitations of conventional mathematics, heinvented an entirely new form, the calculus, but then told no one about it for twenty-sevenyears. in like manner, he did work in optics that transformed our understanding of light andlaid the foundation for the science of spectroscopy, and again chose not to share the results forthree decades.

    for all his brilliance, real science accounted for only a part of his interests. at least half hisworking life was given over to alchemy and wayward religious pursuits. these were not meredabblings but wholehearted devotions. he was a secret adherent of a dangerously hereticalsect called arianism, whose principal tenet was the belief that there had been no holy trinity(slightly ironic since newton’s college at cambridge was trinity). he spent endless hoursstudying the floor plan of the lost temple of king solomon in jerusalem (teaching himselfhebrew in the process, the better to scan original texts) in the belief that it held mathematicalclues to the dates of the second coming of christ and the end of the world. his attachment toalchemy was no less ardent. in 1936, the economist john maynard keynes bought a trunk ofnewton’s papers at auction and discovered with astonishment that they were overwhelminglypreoccupied not with optics or planetary motions, but with a single-minded quest to turn basemetals into precious ones. an analysis of a strand of newton’s hair in the 1970s found itcontained mercury—an element of interest to alchemists, hatters, and thermometer-makersbut almost no one else—at a concentration some forty times the natural level. it is perhapslittle wonder that he had trouble remembering to rise in the morning.

    quite what halley expected to get from him when he made his unannounced visit in august1684 we can only guess. but thanks to the later account of a newton confidant, abrahamdemoivre, we do have a record of one of science’s most historic encounters:

    in 1684 drhalley came to visit at cambridge [and] after they had some timetogether the drasked him what he thought the curve would be that would bedescribed by the planets supposing the force of attraction toward the sun to bereciprocal to the square of their distance from it.

    this was a reference to a piece of mathematics known as the inverse square law, which halleywas convinced lay at the heart of the explanation, though he wasn’t sure exactly how.

    srisaac replied immediately that it would be an [ellipse]. the doctor, struck withjoy & amazement, asked him how he knew it. ‘why,’ saith he, ‘i have calculatedit,’ whereupon drhalley asked him for his calculation without farther delay,srisaac looked among his papers but could not find it.

    this was astounding—like someone saying he had found a cure for cancer but couldn’tremember where he had put the formula. pressed by halley, newton agreed to redo thecalculations and produce a paper. he did as promised, but then did much more. he retired fortwo years of intensive reflection and scribbling, and at length produced his masterwork: thephilosophiae naturalis principia mathematica or mathematical principles of naturalphilosophy, better known as the principia .

    once in a great while, a few times in history, a human mind produces an observation soacute and unexpected that people can’t quite decide which is the more amazing—the fact orthe thinking of it. principia was one of those moments. it made newton instantly famous. for
    the rest of his life he would be draped with plaudits and honors, becoming, among much else,the first person in britain knighted for scientific achievement. even the great germanmathematician gottfried von leibniz, with whom newton had a long, bitter fight over priorityfor the invention of the calculus, thought his contributions to mathematics equal to all theaccumulated work that had preceded him. “nearer the gods no mortal may approach,” wrotehalley in a sentiment that was endlessly echoed by his contemporaries and by many otherssince.

    although the principia has been called “one of the most inaccessible books ever written”

    (newton intentionally made it difficult so that he wouldn’t be pestered by mathematical“smatterers,” as he called them), it was a beacon to those who could follow it. it not onlyexplained mathematically the orbits of heavenly bodies, but also identified the attractive forcethat got them moving in the first place—gravity. suddenly every motion in the universe madesense.

    at principia ’s heart were newton’s three laws of motion (which state, very baldly, that athing moves in the direction in which it is pushed; that it will keep moving in a straight lineuntil some other force acts to slow or deflect it; and that every action has an opposite andequal reaction) and his universal law of gravitation. this states that every object in theuniverse exerts a tug on every other. it may not seem like it, but as you sit here now you arepulling everything around you—walls, ceiling, lamp, pet cat—toward you with your own little(indeed, very little) gravitational field. and these things are also pulling on you. it wasnewton who realized that the pull of any two objects is, to quote feynman again,“proportional to the mass of each and varies inversely as the square of the distance betweenthem.” put another way, if you double the distance between two objects, the attractionbetween them becomes four times weaker. this can be expressed with the formulaf = gmmr2which is of course way beyond anything that most of us could make practical use of, but atleast we can appreciate that it is elegantly compact. a couple of brief multiplications, a simpledivision, and, bingo, you know your gravitational position wherever you go. it was the firstreally universal law of nature ever propounded by a human mind, which is why newton isregarded with such universal esteem.

    principia’s production was not without drama. to halley’s horror, just as work wasnearing completion newton and hooke fell into dispute over the priority for the inversesquare law and newton refused to release the crucial third volume, without which the firsttwo made little sense. only with some frantic shuttle diplomacy and the most liberalapplications of flattery did halley manage finally to extract the concluding volume from theerratic professor.

    halley’s traumas were not yet quite over. the royal society had promised to publish thework, but now pulled out, citing financial embarrassment. the year before the society hadbacked a costly flop called the history of fishes , and they now suspected that the market fora book on mathematical principles would be less than clamorous. halley, whose means werenot great, paid for the book’s publication out of his own pocket. newton, as was his custom,contributed nothing. to make matters worse, halley at this time had just accepted a positionas the society’s clerk, and he was informed that the society could no longer afford to provide him with a promised salary of £50 per annum. he was to be paid instead in copies of thehistory of fishes .

    newton’s laws explained so many things—the slosh and roll of ocean tides, the motions ofplanets, why cannonballs trace a particular trajectory before thudding back to earth, why wearen’t flung into space as the planet spins beneath us at hundreds of miles an hour2—that ittook a while for all their implications to seep in. but one revelation became almostimmediately controversial.

    this was the suggestion that the earth is not quite round. according to newton’s theory,the centrifugal force of the earth’s spin should result in a slight flattening at the poles and abulging at the equator, which would make the planet slightly oblate. that meant that thelength of a degree wouldn’t be the same in italy as it was in scotland. specifically, the lengthwould shorten as you moved away from the poles. this was not good news for those peoplewhose measurements of the earth were based on the assumption that the earth was a perfectsphere, which was everyone.

    for half a century people had been trying to work out the size of the earth, mostly bymaking very exacting measurements. one of the first such attempts was by an englishmathematician named richard norwood. as a young man norwood had traveled to bermudawith a diving bell modeled on halley’s device, intending to make a fortune scooping pearlsfrom the seabed. the scheme failed because there were no pearls and anyway norwood’s belldidn’t work, but norwood was not one to waste an experience. in the early seventeenthcentury bermuda was well known among ships’ captains for being hard to locate. theproblem was that the ocean was big, bermuda small, and the navigational tools for dealingwith this disparity hopelessly inadequate. there wasn’t even yet an agreed length for anautical mile. over the breadth of an ocean the smallest miscalculations would becomemagnified so that ships often missed bermuda-sized targets by dismaying margins. norwood,whose first love was trigonometry and thus angles, decided to bring a little mathematical rigorto navigation and to that end he determined to calculate the length of a degree.

    starting with his back against the tower of london, norwood spent two devoted yearsmarching 208 miles north to york, repeatedly stretching and measuring a length of chain ashe went, all the while making the most meticulous adjustments for the rise and fall of the landand the meanderings of the road. the final step was to measure the angle of the sun at york atthe same time of day and on the same day of the year as he had made his first measurement inlondon. from this, he reasoned he could determine the length of one degree of the earth’smeridian and thus calculate the distance around the whole. it was an almost ludicrouslyambitious undertaking—a mistake of the slightest fraction of a degree would throw the wholething out by miles—but in fact, as norwood proudly declaimed, he was accurate to “within ascantling”—or, more precisely, to within about six hundred yards. in metric terms, his figureworked out at 110.72 kilometers per degree of arc.

    in 1637, norwood’s masterwork of navigation, the seaman’s practice , was published andfound an immediate following. it went through seventeen editions and was still in printtwenty-five years after his death. norwood returned to bermuda with his family, becoming a2how fast you are spinning depends on where you are. the speed of the earth’s spin varies from a little over1,000 miles an hour at the equator to 0 at the poles.

    successful planter and devoting his leisure hours to his first love, trigonometry. he survivedthere for thirty-eight years and it would be pleasing to report that he passed this span inhappiness and adulation. in fact, he didn’t. on the crossing from england, his two young sonswere placed in a cabin with the reverend nathaniel white, and somehow so successfullytraumatized the young vicar that he devoted much of the rest of his career to persecutingnorwood in any small way he could think of.

    norwood’s two daughters brought their father additional pain by making poor marriages.

    one of the husbands, possibly incited by the vicar, continually laid small charges againstnorwood in court, causing him much exasperation and necessitating repeated trips acrossbermuda to defend himself. finally in the 1650s witch trials came to bermuda and norwoodspent his final years in severe unease that his papers on trigonometry, with their arcanesymbols, would be taken as communications with the devil and that he would be treated to adreadful execution. so little is known of norwood that it may in fact be that he deserved hisunhappy declining years. what is certainly true is that he got them.

    meanwhile, the momentum for determining the earth’s circumference passed to france.

    there, the astronomer jean picard devised an impressively complicated method oftriangulation involving quadrants, pendulum clocks, zenith sectors, and telescopes (forobserving the motions of the moons of jupiter). after two years of trundling and triangulatinghis way across france, in 1669 he announced a more accurate measure of 110.46 kilometersfor one degree of arc. this was a great source of pride for the french, but it was predicated onthe assumption that the earth was a perfect sphere—which newton now said it was not.

    to complicate matters, after picard’s death the father-and-son team of giovanni andjacques cassini repeated picard’s experiments over a larger area and came up with results thatsuggested that the earth was fatter not at the equator but at the poles—that newton, in otherwords, was exactly wrong. it was this that prompted the academy of sciences to dispatchbouguer and la condamine to south america to take new measurements.

    they chose the andes because they needed to measure near the equator, to determine ifthere really was a difference in sphericity there, and because they reasoned that mountainswould give them good sightlines. in fact, the mountains of peru were so constantly lost incloud that the team often had to wait weeks for an hour’s clear surveying. on top of that, theyhad selected one of the most nearly impossible terrains on earth. peruvians refer to theirlandscape as muy accidentado —“much accidented”—and this it most certainly is. thefrench had not only to scale some of the world’s most challenging mountains—mountainsthat defeated even their mules—but to reach the mountains they had to ford wild rivers, hacktheir way through jungles, and cross miles of high, stony desert, nearly all of it uncharted andfar from any source of supplies. but bouguer and la condamine were nothing if nottenacious, and they stuck to the task for nine and a half long, grim, sun-blistered years.

    shortly before concluding the project, they received word that a second french team, takingmeasurements in northern scandinavia (and facing notable discomforts of their own, fromsquelching bogs to dangerous ice floes), had found that a degree was in fact longer near thepoles, as newton had promised. the earth was forty-three kilometers stouter when measuredequatorially than when measured from top to bottom around the poles.

    bouguer and la condamine thus had spent nearly a decade working toward a result theydidn’t wish to find only to learn now that they weren’t even the first to find it. listlessly, they
    completed their survey, which confirmed that the first french team was correct. then, still notspeaking, they returned to the coast and took separate ships home.

    something else conjectured by newton in the principia was that a plumb bob hung near amountain would incline very slightly toward the mountain, affected by the mountain’sgravitational mass as well as by the earth’s. this was more than a curious fact. if youmeasured the deflection accurately and worked out the mass of the mountain, you couldcalculate the universal gravitational constant—that is, the basic value of gravity, known asg—and along with it the mass of the earth.

    bouguer and la condamine had tried this on peru’s mount chimborazo, but had beendefeated by both the technical difficulties and their own squabbling, and so the notion laydormant for another thirty years until resurrected in england by nevil maskelyne, theastronomer royal. in dava sobel’s popular book longitude, maskelyne is presented as a ninnyand villain for failing to appreciate the brilliance of the clockmaker john harrison, and thismay be so, but we are indebted to him in other ways not mentioned in her book, not least forhis successful scheme to weigh the earth. maskelyne realized that the nub of the problem laywith finding a mountain of sufficiently regular shape to judge its mass.

    at his urging, the royal society agreed to engage a reliable figure to tour the british islesto see if such a mountain could be found. maskelyne knew just such a person—theastronomer and surveyor charles mason. maskelyne and mason had become friends elevenyears earlier while engaged in a project to measure an astronomical event of great importance:

    the passage of the planet venus across the face of the sun. the tireless edmond halley hadsuggested years before that if you measured one of these passages from selected points on theearth, you could use the principles of triangulation to work out the distance to the sun, andfrom that calibrate the distances to all the other bodies in the solar system.

    unfortunately, transits of venus, as they are known, are an irregular occurrence. theycome in pairs eight years apart, but then are absent for a century or more, and there were nonein halley’s lifetime.

    3but the idea simmered and when the next transit came due in 1761,nearly two decades after halley’s death, the scientific world was ready—indeed, more readythan it had been for an astronomical event before.

    with the instinct for ordeal that characterized the age, scientists set off for more than ahundred locations around the globe—to siberia, china, south africa, indonesia, and thewoods of wisconsin, among many others. france dispatched thirty-two observers, britaineighteen more, and still others set out from sweden, russia, italy, germany, ireland, andelsewhere.

    it was history’s first cooperative international scientific venture, and almost everywhere itran into problems. many observers were waylaid by war, sickness, or shipwreck. others madetheir destinations but opened their crates to find equipment broken or warped by tropical heat.

    once again the french seemed fated to provide the most memorably unlucky participants.

    jean chappe spent months traveling to siberia by coach, boat, and sleigh, nursing his delicateinstruments over every perilous bump, only to find the last vital stretch blocked by swollen3the next transit will be on june 8, 2004, with a second in 2012. there were none in the twentieth century.

    rivers, the result of unusually heavy spring rains, which the locals were swift to blame on himafter they saw him pointing strange instruments at the sky. chappe managed to escape withhis life, but with no useful measurements.

    unluckier still was guillaume le gentil, whose experiences are wonderfully summarizedby timothy ferris in coming of age in the milky way . le gentil set off from france a yearahead of time to observe the transit from india, but various setbacks left him still at sea on theday of the transit—just about the worst place to be since steady measurements wereimpossible on a pitching ship.

    undaunted, le gentil continued on to india to await the next transit in 1769. with eightyears to prepare, he erected a first-rate viewing station, tested and retested his instruments,and had everything in a state of perfect readiness. on the morning of the second transit, june4, 1769, he awoke to a fine day, but, just as venus began its pass, a cloud slid in front of thesun and remained there for almost exactly the duration of the transit: three hours, fourteenminutes, and seven seconds.

    stoically, le gentil packed up his instruments and set off for the nearest port, but en routehe contracted dysentery and was laid up for nearly a year. still weakened, he finally made itonto a ship. it was nearly wrecked in a hurricane off the african coast. when at last hereached home, eleven and a half years after setting off, and having achieved nothing, hediscovered that his relatives had had him declared dead in his absence and hadenthusiastically plundered his estate.

    in comparison, the disappointments experienced by britain’s eighteen scattered observerswere mild. mason found himself paired with a young surveyor named jeremiah dixon andapparently they got along well, for they formed a lasting partnership. their instructions wereto travel to sumatra and chart the transit there, but after just one night at sea their ship wasattacked by a french frigate. (although scientists were in an internationally cooperativemood, nations weren’t.) mason and dixon sent a note to the royal society observing that itseemed awfully dangerous on the high seas and wondering if perhaps the whole thingoughtn’t to be called off. in reply they received a swift and chilly rebuke, noting that they hadalready been paid, that the nation and scientific community were counting on them, and thattheir failure to proceed would result in the irretrievable loss of their reputations. chastened,they sailed on, but en route word reached them that sumatra had fallen to the french and sothey observed the transit inconclusively from the cape of good hope. on the way home theystopped on the lonely atlantic outcrop of st. helena, where they met maskelyne, whoseobservations had been thwarted by cloud cover. mason and maskelyne formed a solidfriendship and spent several happy, and possibly even mildly useful, weeks charting tidalflows.

    soon afterward, maskelyne returned to england where he became astronomer royal, andmason and dixon—now evidently more seasoned—set off for four long and often perilousyears surveying their way through 244 miles of dangerous american wilderness to settle aboundary dispute between the estates of william penn and lord baltimore and theirrespective colonies of pennsylvania and maryland. the result was the famous mason anddixon line, which later took on symbolic importance as the dividing line between the slaveand free states. (although the line was their principal task, they also contributed severalastronomical surveys, including one of the century’s most accurate measurements of a degree
    of meridian—an achievement that brought them far more acclaim in england than the settlingof a boundary dispute between spoiled aristocrats.)back in europe, maskelyne and his counterparts in germany and france were forced to theconclusion that the transit measurements of 1761 were essentially a failure. one of theproblems, ironically, was that there were too many observations, which when broughttogether often proved contradictory and impossible to resolve. the successful charting of avenusian transit fell instead to a little-known yorkshire-born sea captain named james cook,who watched the 1769 transit from a sunny hilltop in tahiti, and then went on to chart andclaim australia for the british crown. upon his return there was now enough information forthe french astronomer joseph lalande to calculate that the mean distance from the earth tothe sun was a little over 150 million kilometers. (two further transits in the nineteenthcentury allowed astronomers to put the figure at 149.59 million kilometers, where it hasremained ever since. the precise distance, we now know, is 149.597870691 millionkilometers.) the earth at last had a position in space.

    as for mason and dixon, they returned to england as scientific heroes and, for reasonsunknown, dissolved their partnership. considering the frequency with which they turn up atseminal events in eighteenth-century science, remarkably little is known about either man. nolikenesses exist and few written references. of dixon the dictionary of national biographynotes intriguingly that he was “said to have been born in a coal mine,” but then leaves it to thereader’s imagination to supply a plausible explanatory circumstance, and adds that he died atdurham in 1777. apart from his name and long association with mason, nothing more isknown.

    mason is only slightly less shadowy. we know that in 1772, at maskelyne’s behest, heaccepted the commission to find a suitable mountain for the gravitational deflectionexperiment, at length reporting back that the mountain they needed was in the central scottishhighlands, just above loch tay, and was called schiehallion. nothing, however, wouldinduce him to spend a summer surveying it. he never returned to the field again. his nextknown movement was in 1786 when, abruptly and mysteriously, he turned up in philadelphiawith his wife and eight children, apparently on the verge of destitution. he had not been backto america since completing his survey there eighteen years earlier and had no known reasonfor being there, or any friends or patrons to greet him. a few weeks later he was dead.

    with mason refusing to survey the mountain, the job fell to maskelyne. so for four monthsin the summer of 1774, maskelyne lived in a tent in a remote scottish glen and spent his daysdirecting a team of surveyors, who took hundreds of measurements from every possibleposition. to find the mass of the mountain from all these numbers required a great deal oftedious calculating, for which a mathematician named charles hutton was engaged. thesurveyors had covered a map with scores of figures, each marking an elevation at some pointon or around the mountain. it was essentially just a confusing mass of numbers, but huttonnoticed that if he used a pencil to connect points of equal height, it all became much moreorderly. indeed, one could instantly get a sense of the overall shape and slope of the mountain.

    he had invented contour lines.

    extrapolating from his schiehallion measurements, hutton calculated the mass of the earthat 5,000 million million tons, from which could reasonably be deduced the masses of all theother major bodies in the solar system, including the sun. so from this one experiment welearned the masses of the earth, the sun, the moon, the other planets and their moons, and gotcontour lines into the bargain—not bad for a summer’s work.

    not everyone was satisfied with the results, however. the shortcoming of the schiehallionexperiment was that it was not possible to get a truly accurate figure without knowing theactual density of the mountain. for convenience, hutton had assumed that the mountain hadthe same density as ordinary stone, about 2.5 times that of water, but this was little more thanan educated guess.

    one improbable-seeming person who turned his mind to the matter was a country parsonnamed john michell, who resided in the lonely yorkshire village of thornhill. despite hisremote and comparatively humble situation, michell was one of the great scientific thinkers ofthe eighteenth century and much esteemed for it.

    among a great deal else, he perceived the wavelike nature of earthquakes, conducted muchoriginal research into magnetism and gravity, and, quite extraordinarily, envisioned thepossibility of black holes two hundred years before anyone else—a leap of intuitive deductionthat not even newton could make. when the german-born musician william herscheldecided his real interest in life was astronomy, it was michell to whom he turned forinstruction in making telescopes, a kindness for which planetary science has been in his debtever since.

    4but of all that michell accomplished, nothing was more ingenious or had greater impactthan a machine he designed and built for measuring the mass of the earth. unfortunately, hedied before he could conduct the experiments and both the idea and the necessary equipmentwere passed on to a brilliant but magnificently retiring london scientist named henrycavendish.

    cavendish is a book in himself. born into a life of sumptuous privilege—his grandfatherswere dukes, respectively, of devonshire and kent—he was the most gifted english scientistof his age, but also the strangest. he suffered, in the words of one of his few biographers,from shyness to a “degree bordering on disease.” any human contact was for him a source ofthe deepest discomfort.

    once he opened his door to find an austrian admirer, freshly arrived from vienna, on thefront step. excitedly the austrian began to babble out praise. for a few moments cavendishreceived the compliments as if they were blows from a blunt object and then, unable to takeany more, fled down the path and out the gate, leaving the front door wide open. it was somehours before he could be coaxed back to the property. even his housekeeper communicatedwith him by letter.

    although he did sometimes venture into society—he was particularly devoted to the weeklyscientific soirées of the great naturalist sir joseph banks—it was always made clear to theother guests that cavendish was on no account to be approached or even looked at. thosewho sought his views were advised to wander into his vicinity as if by accident and to “talk as4in 1781 herschel became the first person in the modern era to discover a planet. he wanted to call it george,after the british monarch, but was overruled. instead it became uranus.

    it were into vacancy.” if their remarks were scientifically worthy they might receive amumbled reply, but more often than not they would hear a peeved squeak (his voice appearsto have been high pitched) and turn to find an actual vacancy and the sight of cavendishfleeing for a more peaceful corner.

    his wealth and solitary inclinations allowed him to turn his house in clapham into a largelaboratory where he could range undisturbed through every corner of the physical sciences—electricity, heat, gravity, gases, anything to do with the composition of matter. the secondhalf of the eighteenth century was a time when people of a scientific bent grew intenselyinterested in the physical properties of fundamental things—gases and electricity inparticular—and began seeing what they could do with them, often with more enthusiasm thansense. in america, benjamin franklin famously risked his life by flying a kite in an electricalstorm. in france, a chemist named pilatre de rozier tested the flammability of hydrogen bygulping a mouthful and blowing across an open flame, proving at a stroke that hydrogen isindeed explosively combustible and that eyebrows are not necessarily a permanent feature ofone’s face. cavendish, for his part, conducted experiments in which he subjected himself tograduated jolts of electrical current, diligently noting the increasing levels of agony until hecould keep hold of his quill, and sometimes his consciousness, no longer.

    in the course of a long life cavendish made a string of signal discoveries—among muchelse he was the first person to isolate hydrogen and the first to combine hydrogen and oxygento form water—but almost nothing he did was entirely divorced from strangeness. to thecontinuing exasperation of his fellow scientists, he often alluded in published work to theresults of contingent experiments that he had not told anyone about. in his secretiveness hedidn’t merely resemble newton, but actively exceeded him. his experiments with electricalconductivity were a century ahead of their time, but unfortunately remained undiscovereduntil that century had passed. indeed the greater part of what he did wasn’t known until thelate nineteenth century when the cambridge physicist james clerk maxwell took on the taskof editing cavendish’s papers, by which time credit had nearly always been given to others.

    among much else, and without telling anyone, cavendish discovered or anticipated the lawof the conservation of energy, ohm’s law, dalton’s law of partial pressures, richter’s lawof reciprocal proportions, charles’s law of gases, and the principles of electricalconductivity. that’s just some of it. according to the science historian j. g. crowther, he alsoforeshadowed “the work of kelvin and g. h. darwin on the effect of tidal friction on slowingthe rotation of the earth, and larmor’s discovery, published in 1915, on the effect of localatmospheric cooling . . . the work of pickering on freezing mixtures, and some of the work ofrooseboom on heterogeneous equilibria.” finally, he left clues that led directly to thediscovery of the group of elements known as the noble gases, some of which are so elusivethat the last of them wasn’t found until 1962. but our interest here is in cavendish’s lastknown experiment when in the late summer of 1797, at the age of sixty-seven, he turned hisattention to the crates of equipment that had been left to him—evidently out of simplescientific respect—by john michell.

    when assembled, michell’s apparatus looked like nothing so much as an eighteenth-century version of a nautilus weight-training machine. it incorporated weights,counterweights, pendulums, shafts, and torsion wires. at the heart of the machine were two350-pound lead balls, which were suspended beside two smaller spheres. the idea was tomeasure the gravitational deflection of the smaller spheres by the larger ones, which would allow the first measurement of the elusive force known as the gravitational constant, and fromwhich the weight (strictly speaking, the mass)5of the earth could be deduced.

    because gravity holds planets in orbit and makes falling objects land with a bang, we tendto think of it as a powerful force, but it is not really. it is only powerful in a kind of collectivesense, when one massive object, like the sun, holds on to another massive object, like theearth. at an elemental level gravity is extraordinarily unrobust. each time you pick up a bookfrom a table or a dime from the floor you effortlessly overcome the combined gravitationalexertion of an entire planet. what cavendish was trying to do was measure gravity at thisextremely featherweight level.

    delicacy was the key word. not a whisper of disturbance could be allowed into the roomcontaining the apparatus, so cavendish took up a position in an adjoining room and made hisobservations with a telescope aimed through a peephole. the work was incredibly exactingand involved seventeen delicate, interconnected measurements, which together took nearly ayear to complete. when at last he had finished his calculations, cavendish announced that theearth weighed a little over 13,000,000,000,000,000,000,000 pounds, or six billion trillionmetric tons, to use the modern measure. (a metric ton is 1,000 kilograms or 2,205 pounds.)today, scientists have at their disposal machines so precise they can detect the weight of asingle bacterium and so sensitive that readings can be disturbed by someone yawning seventy-five feet away, but they have not significantly improved on cavendish’s measurements of1797. the current best estimate for earth’s weight is 5.9725 billion trillion metric tons, adifference of only about 1 percent from cavendish’s finding. interestingly, all of this merelyconfirmed estimates made by newton 110 years before cavendish without any experimentalevidence at all.

    so, by the late eighteenth century scientists knew very precisely the shape and dimensionsof the earth and its distance from the sun and planets; and now cavendish, without evenleaving home, had given them its weight. so you might think that determining the age of theearth would be relatively straightforward. after all, the necessary materials were literally attheir feet. but no. human beings would split the atom and invent television, nylon, and instantcoffee before they could figure out the age of their own planet.

    to understand why, we must travel north to scotland and begin with a brilliant and genialman, of whom few have ever heard, who had just invented a new science called geology.

    5to a physicist, mass and weight are two quite different things. your mass stays the same wherever you go, butyour weight varies depending on how far you are from the center of some other massive object like a planet.

    travel to the moon and you will be much lighter but no less massive. on earth, for all practical purposes, massand weight are the same and so the terms can be treated as synonymous. at least outside the classroom.

    5    THE STONE-BREAKERS

    at just the time that henry cavendish was completing his experiments in london, fourhundred miles away in edinburgh another kind of concluding moment was about to take placewith the death of james hutton. this was bad news for hutton, of course, but good news forscience as it cleared the way for a man named john playfair to rewrite hutton’s work withoutfear of embarrassment.

    hutton was by all accounts a man of the keenest insights and liveliest conversation, a delightin company, and without rival when it came to understanding the mysterious slow processesthat shaped the earth. unfortunately, it was beyond him to set down his notions in a form thatanyone could begin to understand. he was, as one biographer observed with an all but audiblesigh, “almost entirely innocent of rhetorical accomplishments.” nearly every line he pennedwas an invitation to slumber. here he is in his 1795 masterwork, a theory of the earth withproofs and illustrations , discussing . . . something:

    the world which we inhabit is composed of the materials, not of the earth whichwas the immediate predecessor of the present, but of the earth which, in ascendingfrom the present, we consider as the third, and which had preceded the land thatwas above the surface of the sea, while our present land was yet beneath the waterof the ocean.

    yet almost singlehandedly, and quite brilliantly, he created the science of geology andtransformed our understanding of the earth. hutton was born in 1726 into a prosperousscottish family, and enjoyed the sort of material comfort that allowed him to pass much of hislife in a genially expansive round of light work and intellectual betterment. he studiedmedicine, but found it not to his liking and turned instead to farming, which he followed in arelaxed and scientific way on the family estate in berwickshire. tiring of field and flock, in1768 he moved to edinburgh, where he founded a successful business producing salammoniac from coal soot, and busied himself with various scientific pursuits. edinburgh atthat time was a center of intellectual vigor, and hutton luxuriated in its enriching possibilities.

    he became a leading member of a society called the oyster club, where he passed hisevenings in the company of men such as the economist adam smith, the chemist josephblack, and the philosopher david hume, as well as such occasional visiting sparks asbenjamin franklin and james watt.

    in the tradition of the day, hutton took an interest in nearly everything, from mineralogy tometaphysics. he conducted experiments with chemicals, investigated methods of coal miningand canal building, toured salt mines, speculated on the mechanisms of heredity, collectedfossils, and propounded theories on rain, the composition of air, and the laws of motion,among much else. but his particular interest was geology.

    among the questions that attracted interest in that fanatically inquisitive age was one thathad puzzled people for a very long time—namely, why ancient clamshells and other marinefossils were so often found on mountaintops. how on earth did they get there? those whothought they had a solution fell into two opposing camps. one group, known as theneptunists, was convinced that everything on earth, including seashells in improbably lofty places, could be explained by rising and falling sea levels. they believed that mountains,hills, and other features were as old as the earth itself, and were changed only when watersloshed over them during periods of global flooding.

    opposing them were the plutonists, who noted that volcanoes and earthquakes, amongother enlivening agents, continually changed the face of the planet but clearly owed nothing towayward seas. the plutonists also raised awkward questions about where all the water wentwhen it wasn’t in flood. if there was enough of it at times to cover the alps, then where, pray,was it during times of tranquility, such as now? their belief was that the earth was subject toprofound internal forces as well as surface ones. however, they couldn’t convincingly explainhow all those clamshells got up there.

    it was while puzzling over these matters that hutton had a series of exceptional insights.

    from looking at his own farmland, he could see that soil was created by the erosion of rocksand that particles of this soil were continually washed away and carried off by streams andrivers and redeposited elsewhere. he realized that if such a process were carried to its naturalconclusion then earth would eventually be worn quite smooth. yet everywhere around himthere were hills. clearly there had to be some additional process, some form of renewal anduplift, that created new hills and mountains to keep the cycle going. the marine fossils onmountaintops, he decided, had not been deposited during floods, but had risen along with themountains themselves. he also deduced that it was heat within the earth that created newrocks and continents and thrust up mountain chains. it is not too much to say that geologistswouldn’t grasp the full implications of this thought for two hundred years, when finally theyadopted plate tectonics. above all, what hutton’s theories suggested was that earth processesrequired huge amounts of time, far more than anyone had ever dreamed. there were enoughinsights here to transform utterly our understanding of the earth.

    in 1785, hutton worked his ideas up into a long paper, which was read at consecutivemeetings of the royal society of edinburgh. it attracted almost no notice at all. it’s not hardto see why. here, in part, is how he presented it to his audience:

    in the one case, the forming cause is in the body which is separated; for, after thebody has been actuated by heat, it is by the reaction of the proper matter of thebody, that the chasm which constitutes the vein is formed. in the other case, again,the cause is extrinsic in relation to the body in which the chasm is formed. therehas been the most violent fracture and divulsion; but the cause is still to seek; andit appears not in the vein; for it is not every fracture and dislocation of the solidbody of our earth, in which minerals, or the proper substances of mineral veins,are found.

    needless to say, almost no one in the audience had the faintest idea what he was talkingabout. encouraged by his friends to expand his theory, in the touching hope that he mightsomehow stumble onto clarity in a more expansive format, hutton spent the next ten yearspreparing his magnum opus, which was published in two volumes in 1795.

    together the two books ran to nearly a thousand pages and were, remarkably, worse thaneven his most pessimistic friends had feared. apart from anything else, nearly half the completed work now consisted of quotations from french sources, still in the original french.

    a third volume was so unenticing that it wasn’t published until 1899, more than a centuryafter hutton’s death, and the fourth and concluding volume was never published at all.

    hutton’s theory of the earth is a strong candidate for the least read important book in science(or at least would be if there weren’t so many others). even charles lyell, the greatestgeologist of the following century and a man who read everything, admitted he couldn’t getthrough it.

    luckily hutton had a boswell in the form of john playfair, a professor of mathematics atthe university of edinburgh and a close friend, who could not only write silken prose but—thanks to many years at hutton’s elbow—actually understood what hutton was trying to say,most of the time. in 1802, five years after hutton’s death, playfair produced a simplifiedexposition of the huttonian principles, entitled illustrations of the huttonian theory of theearth. the book was gratefully received by those who took an active interest in geology,which in 1802 was not a large number. that, however, was about to change. and how.

    in the winter of 1807, thirteen like-minded souls in london got together at the freemasonstavern at long acre, in covent garden, to form a dining club to be called the geologicalsociety. the idea was to meet once a month to swap geological notions over a glass or two ofmadeira and a convivial dinner. the price of the meal was set at a deliberately hefty fifteenshillings to discourage those whose qualifications were merely cerebral. it soon becameapparent, however, that there was a demand for something more properly institutional, with apermanent headquarters, where people could gather to share and discuss new findings. inbarely a decade membership grew to four hundred—still all gentlemen, of course—and thegeological was threatening to eclipse the royal as the premier scientific society in thecountry.

    the members met twice a month from november until june, when virtually all of themwent off to spend the summer doing fieldwork. these weren’t people with a pecuniary interestin minerals, you understand, or even academics for the most part, but simply gentlemen withthe wealth and time to indulge a hobby at a more or less professional level. by 1830, therewere 745 of them, and the world would never see the like again.

    it is hard to imagine now, but geology excited the nineteenth century—positively grippedit—in a way that no science ever had before or would again. in 1839, when roderickmurchison published the silurian system, a plump and ponderous study of a type of rockcalled greywacke, it was an instant bestseller, racing through four editions, even though it costeight guineas a copy and was, in true huttonian style, unreadable. (as even a murchisonsupporter conceded, it had “a total want of literary attractiveness.”) and when, in 1841, thegreat charles lyell traveled to america to give a series of lectures in boston, selloutaudiences of three thousand at a time packed into the lowell institute to hear his tranquilizingdescriptions of marine zeolites and seismic perturbations in campania.

    throughout the modern, thinking world, but especially in britain, men of learning venturedinto the countryside to do a little “stone-breaking,” as they called it. it was a pursuit takenseriously, and they tended to dress with appropriate gravity, in top hats and dark suits, exceptfor the reverend william buckland of oxford, whose habit it was to do his fieldwork in anacademic gown.

    the field attracted many extraordinary figures, not least the aforementioned murchison,who spent the first thirty or so years of his life galloping after foxes, converting aeronauticallychallenged birds into puffs of drifting feathers with buckshot, and showing no mental agilitywhatever beyond that needed to read the times or play a hand of cards. then he discoveredan interest in rocks and became with rather astounding swiftness a titan of geologicalthinking.

    then there was dr. james parkinson, who was also an early socialist and author of manyprovocative pamphlets with titles like “revolution without bloodshed.” in 1794, he wasimplicated in a faintly lunatic-sounding conspiracy called “the pop-gun plot,” in which it wasplanned to shoot king george iii in the neck with a poisoned dart as he sat in his box at thetheater. parkinson was hauled before the privy council for questioning and came within anace of being dispatched in irons to australia before the charges against him were quietlydropped. adopting a more conservative approach to life, he developed an interest in geologyand became one of the founding members of the geological society and the author of animportant geological text, organic remains of a former world, which remained in print forhalf a century. he never caused trouble again. today, however, we remember him for hislandmark study of the affliction then called the “shaking palsy,” but known ever since asparkinson’s disease. (parkinson had one other slight claim to fame. in 1785, he becamepossibly the only person in history to win a natural history museum in a raffle. the museum,in london’s leicester square, had been founded by sir ashton lever, who had driven himselfbankrupt with his unrestrained collecting of natural wonders. parkinson kept the museum until1805, when he could no longer support it and the collection was broken up and sold.)not quite as remarkable in character but more influential than all the others combined wascharles lyell. lyell was born in the year that hutton died and only seventy miles away, in thevillage of kinnordy. though scottish by birth, he grew up in the far south of england, in thenew forest of hampshire, because his mother was convinced that scots were feckless drunks.

    as was generally the pattern with nineteenth-century gentlemen scientists, lyell came from abackground of comfortable wealth and intellectual vigor. his father, also named charles, hadthe unusual distinction of being a leading authority on the poet dante and on mosses.

    (orthotricium lyelli, which most visitors to the english countryside will at some time have saton, is named for him.) from his father lyell gained an interest in natural history, but it was atoxford, where he fell under the spell of the reverend william buckland—he of the flowinggowns—that the young lyell began his lifelong devotion to geology.

    buckland was a bit of a charming oddity. he had some real achievements, but he isremembered at least as much for his eccentricities. he was particularly noted for a menagerieof wild animals, some large and dangerous, that were allowed to roam through his house andgarden, and for his desire to eat his way through every animal in creation. depending onwhim and availability, guests to buckland’s house might be served baked guinea pig, mice inbatter, roasted hedgehog, or boiled southeast asian sea slug. buckland was able to find meritin them all, except the common garden mole, which he declared disgusting. almostinevitably, he became the leading authority on coprolites—fossilized feces—and had a tablemade entirely out of his collection of specimens.

    even when conducting serious science his manner was generally singular. once mrs.

    buckland found herself being shaken awake in the middle of the night, her husband crying inexcitement: “my dear, i believe that cheirotherium ’s footsteps are undoubtedly testudinal.”

    together they hurried to the kitchen in their nightclothes. mrs. buckland made a flour paste,which she spread across the table, while the reverend buckland fetched the family tortoise.

    plunking it onto the paste, they goaded it forward and discovered to their delight that itsfootprints did indeed match those of the fossil buckland had been studying. charles darwinthought buckland a buffoon—that was the word he used—but lyell appeared to find himinspiring and liked him well enough to go touring with him in scotland in 1824. it was soonafter this trip that lyell decided to abandon a career in law and devote himself to geology full-time.

    lyell was extremely shortsighted and went through most of his life with a pained squint,which gave him a troubled air. (eventually he would lose his sight altogether.) his other slightpeculiarity was the habit, when distracted by thought, of taking up improbable positions onfurniture—lying across two chairs at once or “resting his head on the seat of a chair, whilestanding up” (to quote his friend darwin). often when lost in thought he would slink so lowin a chair that his buttocks would all but touch the floor. lyell’s only real job in life was asprofessor of geology at king’s college in london from 1831 to 1833. it was around this timethat he produced the principles of geology, published in three volumes between 1830 and1833, which in many ways consolidated and elaborated upon the thoughts first voiced byhutton a generation earlier. (although lyell never read hutton in the original, he was a keenstudent of playfair’s reworked version.)between hutton’s day and lyell’s there arose a new geological controversy, which largelysuperseded, but is often confused with, the old neptunian–plutonian dispute. the new battlebecame an argument between catastrophism and uniformitarianism—unattractive terms for animportant and very long-running dispute. catastrophists, as you might expect from the name,believed that the earth was shaped by abrupt cataclysmic events—floods principally, which iswhy catastrophism and neptunism are often wrongly bundled together. catastrophism wasparticularly comforting to clerics like buckland because it allowed them to incorporate thebiblical flood of noah into serious scientific discussions. uniformitarians by contrast believedthat changes on earth were gradual and that nearly all earth processes happened slowly, overimmense spans of time. hutton was much more the father of the notion than lyell, but it waslyell most people read, and so he became in most people’s minds, then and now, the father ofmodern geological thought.

    lyell believed that the earth’s shifts were uniform and steady—that everything that hadever happened in the past could be explained by events still going on today. lyell and hisadherents didn’t just disdain catastrophism, they detested it. catastrophists believed thatextinctions were part of a series in which animals were repeatedly wiped out and replacedwith new sets—a belief that the naturalist t. h. huxley mockingly likened to “a succession ofrubbers of whist, at the end of which the players upset the table and called for a new pack.” itwas too convenient a way to explain the unknown. “never was there a dogma more calculatedto foster indolence, and to blunt the keen edge of curiosity,” sniffed lyell.

    lyell’s  oversights  were  not  inconsiderable. he failed to explain convincingly howmountain ranges were formed and overlooked glaciers as an agent of change. he refused toaccept louis agassiz’s idea of ice ages—“the refrigeration of the globe,” as he dismissivelytermed it—and was confident that mammals “would be found in the oldest fossiliferousbeds.” he rejected the notion that animals and plants suffered sudden annihilations, andbelieved that all the principal animal groups—mammals, reptiles, fish, and so on—hadcoexisted since the dawn of time. on all of these he would ultimately be proved wrong.

    yet it would be nearly impossible to overstate lyell’s influence. the principles of geologywent through twelve editions in lyell’s lifetime and contained notions that shaped geological
    thinking far into the twentieth century. darwin took a first edition with him on thebeaglevoyage and wrote afterward that “the great merit of the principles was that it altered thewhole tone of one’s mind, and therefore that, when seeing a thing never seen by lyell, one yetsaw it partially through his eyes.” in short, he thought him nearly a god, as did many of hisgeneration. it is a testament to the strength of lyell’s sway that in the 1980s when geologistshad to abandon just a part of it to accommodate the impact theory of extinctions, it nearlykilled them. but that is another chapter.

    meanwhile, geology had a great deal of sorting out to do, and not all of it went smoothly.

    from the outset geologists tried to categorize rocks by the periods in which they were laiddown, but there were often bitter disagreements about where to put the dividing lines—nonemore so than a long-running debate that became known as the great devonian controversy.

    the issue arose when the reverend adam sedgwick of cambridge claimed for the cambrianperiod a layer of rock that roderick murchison believed belonged rightly to the silurian. thedispute raged for years and grew extremely heated. “de la beche is a dirty dog,” murchisonwrote to a friend in a typical outburst.

    some sense of the strength of feeling can be gained by glancing through the chapter titlesof martin j. s. rudwick’s excellent and somber account of the issue, the great devoniancontroversy. these begin innocuously enough with headings such as “arenas of gentlemanlydebate” and “unraveling the greywacke,” but then proceed on to “the greywacke defendedand attacked,” “reproofs and recriminations,” “the spread of ugly rumors,” “weaverrecants his heresy,” “putting a provincial in his place,” and (in case there was any doubtthat this was war) “murchison opens the rhineland campaign.” the fight was finally settledin 1879 with the simple expedient of coming up with a new period, the ordovician, to beinserted between the two.

    because the british were the most active in the early years, british names are predominantin the geological lexicon. devonian is of course from the english county of devon. cambriancomes from the roman name for wales, while ordovician and silurian recall ancient welshtribes, the ordovices and silures. but with the rise of geological prospecting elsewhere,names began to creep in from all over.jurassic refers to the jura mountains on the border offrance and switzerland.permian recalls the former russian province of perm in the uralmountains. forcretaceous (from the latin for “chalk”) we are indebted to a belgian geologistwith the perky name of j. j. d’omalius d’halloy.

    originally, geological history was divided into four spans of time: primary, secondary,tertiary, and quaternary. the system was too neat to last, and soon geologists werecontributing additional divisions while eliminating others. primary and secondary fell out ofuse altogether, while quaternary was discarded by some but kept by others. today onlytertiary remains as a common designation everywhere, even though it no longer represents athird period of anything.

    lyell, in his principles, introduced additional units known as epochs or series to cover theperiod since the age of the dinosaurs, among them pleistocene (“most recent”), pliocene(“more recent”), miocene (“moderately recent”), and the rather endearingly vague oligocene(“but a little recent”). lyell originally intended to employ “-synchronous” for his endings,giving us such crunchy designations as meiosynchronous and pleiosynchronous. thereverend william whewell, an influential man, objected on etymological grounds andsuggested instead an “-eous” pattern, producing meioneous, pleioneous, and so on. the “-cene” terminations were thus something of a compromise.

    nowadays, and speaking very generally, geological time is divided first into four greatchunks known as eras: precambrian, paleozoic (from the greek meaning “old life”),mesozoic (“middle life”), and cenozoic (“recent life”). these four eras are further dividedinto anywhere from a dozen to twenty subgroups, usually called periods though sometimesknown as systems. most of these are also reasonably well known: cretaceous, jurassic,triassic, silurian, and so on.

    1then come lyell’s epochs—the pleistocene, miocene, and so on—which apply only to themost recent (but paleontologically busy) sixty-five million years, and finally we have a massof finer subdivisions known as stages or ages. most of these are named, nearly alwaysawkwardly, after places: illinoian, desmoinesian, croixian, kimmeridgian, and so on in likevein. altogether, according to john mcphee, these number in the “tens of dozens.”

    fortunately, unless you take up geology as a career, you are unlikely ever to hear any of themagain.

    further confusing the matter is that the stages or ages in north america have differentnames from the stages in europe and often only roughly intersect in time. thus the northamerican cincinnatian stage mostly corresponds with the ashgillian stage in europe, plus atiny bit of the slightly earlier caradocian stage.

    also, all this changes from textbook to textbook and from person to person, so that someauthorities describe seven recent epochs, while others are content with four. in some books,too, you will find the tertiary and quaternary taken out and replaced by periods of differentlengths called the palaeogene and neogene. others divide the precambrian into two eras, thevery ancient archean and the more recent proterozoic. sometimes too you will see the termphanerozoic used to describe the span encompassing the cenozoic, mesozoic, and paleozoiceras.

    moreover, all this applies only to units of time . rocks are divided into quite separate unitsknown as systems, series, and stages. a distinction is also made between late and early(referring to time) and upper and lower (referring to layers of rock). it can all get terriblyconfusing to nonspecialists, but to a geologist these can be matters of passion. “i have seengrown men glow incandescent with rage over this metaphorical millisecond in life’s history,”

    the british paleontologist richard fortey has written with regard to a long-running twentieth-century dispute over where the boundary lies between the cambrian and ordovician.

    at least today we can bring some sophisticated dating techniques to the table. for most ofthe nineteenth century geologists could draw on nothing more than the most hopefulguesswork. the frustrating position then was that although they could place the various rocksand fossils in order by age, they had no idea how long any of those ages were. whenbuckland speculated on the antiquity of an ichthyosaurus skeleton he could do no better thansuggest that it had lived somewhere between “ten thousand, or more than ten thousand timesten thousand” years earlier.

    although there was no reliable way of dating periods, there was no shortage of peoplewilling to try. the most well known early attempt was in 1650 when archbishop jamesussher of the church of ireland made a careful study of the bible and other historical sourcesand concluded, in a hefty tome called annals of the old testament , that the earth had been1there will be no testing here, but if you are ever required to memorize them you might wish to remember johnwilfords helpful advice to think of the eras (precambrian, paleozoic, mesozoic, an( cenozoic) as seasons in ayear and the periods (permian, triassic jurassic, etc.) as the months.

    created at midday on october 23, 4004b.c. , an assertion that has amused historians andtextbook writers ever since.

    2there is a persistent myth, incidentally—and one propounded in many serious books—thatussher’s views dominated scientific beliefs well into the nineteenth century, and that it waslyell who put everyone straight. stephen jay gould, in time’s arrow, cites as a typicalexample this sentence from a popular book of the 1980s: “until lyell published his book,most thinking people accepted the idea that the earth was young.” in fact, no. as martin j. s.

    rudwick puts it, “no geologist of any nationality whose work was taken seriously by othergeologists advocated a timescale confined within the limits of a literalistic exegesis ofgenesis.” even the reverend buckland, as pious a soul as the nineteenth century produced,noted that nowhere did the bible suggest that god made heaven and earth on the first day,but merely “in the beginning.” that beginning, he reasoned, may have lasted “millions uponmillions of years.” everyone agreed that the earth was ancient. the question was simply howancient.

    one of the better early attempts at dating the planet came from the ever-reliable edmondhalley, who in 1715 suggested that if you divided the total amount of salt in the world’s seasby the amount added each year, you would get the number of years that the oceans had beenin existence, which would give you a rough idea of earth’s age. the logic was appealing, butunfortunately no one knew how much salt was in the sea or by how much it increased eachyear, which rendered the experiment impracticable.

    the first attempt at measurement that could be called remotely scientific was made by thefrenchman georges-louis leclerc, comte de buffon, in the 1770s. it had long been knownthat the earth radiated appreciable amounts of heat—that was apparent to anyone who wentdown a coal mine—but there wasn’t any way of estimating the rate of dissipation. buffon’sexperiment consisted of heating spheres until they glowed white hot and then estimating therate of heat loss by touching them (presumably very lightly at first) as they cooled. from thishe guessed the earth’s age to be somewhere between 75,000 and 168,000 years old. this wasof course a wild underestimate, but a radical notion nonetheless, and buffon found himselfthreatened with excommunication for expressing it. a practical man, he apologized at oncefor his thoughtless heresy, then cheerfully repeated the assertions throughout his subsequentwritings.

    by the middle of the nineteenth century most learned people thought the earth was at leasta few million years old, perhaps even some tens of millions of years old, but probably notmore than that. so it came as a surprise when, in 1859 in on the origin of species , charlesdarwin announced that the geological processes that created the weald, an area of southernengland stretching across kent, surrey, and sussex, had taken, by his calculations,306,662,400 years to complete. the assertion was remarkable partly for being so arrestinglyspecific but even more for flying in the face of accepted wisdom about the age of the earth.

    3itproved so contentious that darwin withdrew it from the third edition of the book. the2although virtually all books find a space for him, there is a striking variability in the details associated withussher. some books say he made his pronouncement in 1650, others in 1654, still others in 1664. many cite thedate of earths reputed beginning as october 26. at least one book of note spells his name “usher.” the matter isinterestingly surveyed in stephen jay goulds eight little piggies.

    3darwin loved an exact number. in a later work, he announced that the number of worms to be found in anaverage acre of english country soil was 53,767.

    problem at its heart remained, however. darwin and his geological friends needed the earth tobe old, but no one could figure out a way to make it so.

    unfortunately for darwin, and for progress, the question came to the attention of the greatlord kelvin (who, though indubitably great, was then still just plain william thomson; hewouldn’t be elevated to the peerage until 1892, when he was sixty-eight years old and nearingthe end of his career, but i shall follow the convention here of using the name retroactively).

    kelvin was one of the most extraordinary figures of the nineteenth century—indeed of anycentury. the german scientist hermann von helmholtz, no intellectual slouch himself, wrotethat kelvin had by far the greatest “intelligence and lucidity, and mobility of thought” of anyman he had ever met. “i felt quite wooden beside him sometimes,” he added, a bit dejectedly.

    the sentiment is understandable, for kelvin really was a kind of victorian superman. hewas born in 1824 in belfast, the son of a professor of mathematics at the royal academicalinstitution who soon after transferred to glasgow. there kelvin proved himself such aprodigy that he was admitted to glasgow university at the exceedingly tender age of ten. bythe time he had reached his early twenties, he had studied at institutions in london and paris,graduated from cambridge (where he won the university’s top prizes for rowing andmathematics, and somehow found time to launch a musical society as well), been elected afellow of peterhouse, and written (in french and english) a dozen papers in pure and appliedmathematics of such dazzling originality that he had to publish them anonymously for fear ofembarrassing his superiors. at the age of twenty-two he returned to glasgow university totake up a professorship in natural philosophy, a position he would hold for the next fifty-threeyears.

    in the course of a long career (he lived till 1907 and the age of eighty-three), he wrote 661papers, accumulated 69 patents (from which he grew abundantly wealthy), and gained renownin nearly every branch of the physical sciences. among much else, he suggested the methodthat led directly to the invention of refrigeration, devised the scale of absolute temperaturethat still bears his name, invented the boosting devices that allowed telegrams to be sentacross oceans, and made innumerable improvements to shipping and navigation, from theinvention of a popular marine compass to the creation of the first depth sounder. and thosewere merely his practical achievements.

    his theoretical work, in electromagnetism, thermodynamics, and the wave theory of light,was equally revolutionary.

    4he had really only one flaw and that was an inability to calculatethe correct age of the earth. the question occupied much of the second half of his career, buthe never came anywhere near getting it right. his first effort, in 1862 for an article in apopular magazine called macmillan’s , suggested that the earth was 98 million years old, butcautiously allowed that the figure could be as low as 20 million years or as high as 400million. with remarkable prudence he acknowledged that his calculations could be wrong if4in particular he elaborated the second law of thermodynamics. a discussion of these laws would be a book initself, but i offer here this crisp summation by the chemist p. w atkins, just to provide a sense of them: “thereare four laws. the third of them, the second law, was recognized first; the first, the zeroth law, wasformulated last; the first law was second; the third law might not even be a law in the same sense as theothers.” in briefest terms, the second la\\ states that a little energy is always wasted. you cant have a perpetualmotion device because no matter how efficient, it will always lose energy and eventually run down. the first lawsays that you cant create energy and the third that you cant reduce temperatures to absolute zero; there willalways be some residual warmth. as dennis overbye notes, the three principal laws are sometimes expressedjocularly as (1) you cant win, (2) you cant break even, and (3) you cant get out of the game.

    “sources now unknown to us are prepared in the great storehouse of creation”—but it wasclear that he thought that unlikely.

    with the passage of time kelvin would become more forthright in his assertions and lesscorrect. he continually revised his estimates downward, from a maximum of 400 millionyears, to 100 million years, to 50 million years, and finally, in 1897, to a mere 24 millionyears. kelvin wasn’t being willful. it was simply that there was nothing in physics that couldexplain how a body the size of the sun could burn continuously for more than a few tens ofmillions of years at most without exhausting its fuel. therefore it followed that the sun and itsplanets were relatively, but inescapably, youthful.

    the problem was that nearly all the fossil evidence contradicted this, and suddenly in thenineteenth century there was a lot of fossil evidence.

    6    SCIENCE RED IN TOOTH AND CLAW

    in 1787, someone in new jersey—exactly who now seems to be forgotten—found anenormous thighbone sticking out of a stream bank at a place called woodbury creek. thebone clearly didn’t belong to any species of creature still alive, certainly not in new jersey.

    from what little is known now, it is thought to have belonged to a hadrosaur, a large duck-billed dinosaur. at the time, dinosaurs were unknown.

    the bone was sent to dr. caspar wistar, the nation’s leading anatomist, who described it ata meeting of the american philosophical society in philadelphia that autumn. unfortunately,wistar failed completely to recognize the bone’s significance and merely made a few cautiousand uninspired remarks to the effect that it was indeed a whopper. he thus missed the chance,half a century ahead of anyone else, to be the discoverer of dinosaurs. indeed, the boneexcited so little interest that it was put in a storeroom and eventually disappeared altogether.

    so the first dinosaur bone ever found was also the first to be lost.

    that the bone didn’t attract greater interest is more than a little puzzling, for its appearancecame at a time when america was in a froth of excitement about the remains of large, ancientanimals. the cause of this froth was a strange assertion by the great french naturalist thecomte de buffon—he of the heated spheres from the previous chapter—that living things inthe new world were inferior in nearly every way to those of the old world. america, buffonwrote in his vast and much-esteemed histoire naturelle , was a land where the water wasstagnant, the soil unproductive, and the animals without size or vigor, their constitutionsweakened by the “noxious vapors” that rose from its rotting swamps and sunless forests. insuch an environment even the native indians lacked virility. “they have no beard or bodyhair,” buffon sagely confided, “and no ardor for the female.” their reproductive organs were“small and feeble.”

    buffon’s observations found surprisingly eager support among other writers, especiallythose whose conclusions were not complicated by actual familiarity with the country. adutchman named comeille de pauw announced in a popular work called recherchesphilosophiques sur les américains that native american males were not only reproductivelyunimposing, but “so lacking in virility that they had milk in their breasts.” such viewsenjoyed an improbable durability and could be found repeated or echoed in european texts tillnear the end of the nineteenth century.

    not surprisingly, such aspersions were indignantly met in america. thomas jeffersonincorporated a furious (and, unless the context is understood, quite bewildering) rebuttal in hisnotes on the state of virginia , and induced his new hampshire friend general john sullivanto send twenty soldiers into the northern woods to find a bull moose to present to buffon asproof of the stature and majesty of american quadrupeds. it took the men two weeks to trackdown a suitable subject. the moose, when shot, unfortunately lacked the imposing horns thatjefferson had specified, but sullivan thoughtfully included a rack of antlers from an elk orstag with the suggestion that these be attached instead. who in france, after all, would know?

    meanwhile in philadelphia—wistar’s city—naturalists had begun to assemble the bones ofa giant elephant-like creature known at first as “the great american incognitum” but lateridentified, not quite correctly, as a mammoth. the first of these bones had been discovered ata place called big bone lick in kentucky, but soon others were turning up all over. america,it appeared, had once been the home of a truly substantial creature—one that would surelydisprove buffon’s foolish gallic contentions.

    in their keenness to demonstrate the incognitum’s bulk and ferocity, the americannaturalists appear to have become slightly carried away. they overestimated its size by afactor of six and gave it frightening claws, which in fact came from a megalonyx, or giantground sloth, found nearby. rather remarkably, they persuaded themselves that the animalhad enjoyed “the agility and ferocity of the tiger,” and portrayed it in illustrations as pouncingwith feline grace onto prey from boulders. when tusks were discovered, they were forced intothe animal’s head in any number of inventive ways. one restorer screwed the tusks in upsidedown, like the fangs of a saber-toothed cat, which gave it a satisfyingly aggressive aspect.

    another arranged the tusks so that they curved backwards on the engaging theory that thecreature had been aquatic and had used them to anchor itself to trees while dozing. the mostpertinent consideration about the incognitum, however, was that it appeared to be extinct—afact that buffon cheerfully seized upon as proof of its incontestably degenerate nature.

    buffon died in 1788, but the controversy rolled on. in 1795 a selection of bones made theirway to paris, where they were examined by the rising star of paleontology, the youthful andaristocratic georges cuvier. cuvier was already dazzling people with his genius for takingheaps of disarticulated bones and whipping them into shapely forms. it was said that he coulddescribe the look and nature of an animal from a single tooth or scrap of jaw, and often namethe species and genus into the bargain. realizing that no one in america had thought to writea formal description of the lumbering beast, cuvier did so, and thus became its officialdiscoverer. he called it a mastodon (which means, a touch unexpectedly, “nipple-teeth”).

    inspired by the controversy, in 1796 cuvier wrote a landmark paper, note on the species ofliving and fossil elephants, in which he put forward for the first time a formal theory ofextinctions. his belief was that from time to time the earth experienced global catastrophes inwhich groups of creatures were wiped out. for religious people, including cuvier himself, theidea raised uncomfortable implications since it suggested an unaccountable casualness on thepart of providence. to what end would god create species only to wipe them out later? thenotion was contrary to the belief in the great chain of being, which held that the world wascarefully ordered and that every living thing within it had a place and purpose, and always hadand always would. jefferson for one couldn’t abide the thought that whole species would everbe permitted to vanish (or, come to that, to evolve). so when it was put to him that theremight be scientific and political value in sending a party to explore the interior of americabeyond the mississippi he leapt at the idea, hoping the intrepid adventurers would find herdsof healthy mastodons and other outsized creatures grazing on the bounteous plains.

    jefferson’s personal secretary and trusted friend meriwether lewis was chosen co-leader andchief naturalist for the expedition. the person selected to advise him on what to look out forwith regard to animals living and deceased was none other than caspar wistar.

    in the same year—in fact, the same month—that the aristocratic and celebrated cuvier waspropounding his extinction theories in paris, on the other side of the english channel a rathermore obscure englishman was having an insight into the value of fossils that would also havelasting ramifications. william smith was a young supervisor of construction on the somersetcoal canal. on the evening of january 5, 1796, he was sitting in a coaching inn in somersetwhen he jotted down the notion that would eventually make his reputation. to interpret rocks,there needs to be some means of correlation, a basis on which you can tell that thosecarboniferous rocks from devon are younger than these cambrian rocks from wales. smith’sinsight was to realize that the answer lay with fossils. at every change in rock strata certainspecies of fossils disappeared while others carried on into subsequent levels. by noting which
    species appeared in which strata, you could work out the relative ages of rocks wherever theyappeared. drawing on his knowledge as a surveyor, smith began at once to make a map ofbritain’s rock strata, which would be published after many trials in 1815 and would become acornerstone of modern geology. (the story is comprehensively covered in simonwinchester’s popular book the map that changed the world .)unfortunately, having had his insight, smith was curiously uninterested in understandingwhy rocks were laid down in the way they were. “i have left off puzzling about the origin ofstrata and content myself with knowing that it is so,” he recorded. “the whys and whereforescannot come within the province of a mineral surveyor.”

    smith’s  revelation  regarding  strata  heightened the moral awkwardness concerningextinctions. to begin with, it confirmed that god had wiped out creatures not occasionally butrepeatedly. this made him seem not so much careless as peculiarly hostile. it also made itinconveniently necessary to explain how some species were wiped out while others continuedunimpeded into succeeding eons. clearly there was more to extinctions than could beaccounted for by a single noachian deluge, as the biblical flood was known. cuvier resolvedthe matter to his own satisfaction by suggesting that genesis applied only to the most recentinundation. god, it appeared, hadn’t wished to distract or alarm moses with news of earlier,irrelevant extinctions.

    so by the early years of the nineteenth century, fossils had taken on a certain inescapableimportance, which makes wistar’s failure to see the significance of his dinosaur bone all themore unfortunate. suddenly, in any case, bones were turning up all over. several otheropportunities arose for americans to claim the discovery of dinosaurs but all were wasted. in1806 the lewis and clark expedition passed through the hell creek formation in montana, anarea where fossil hunters would later literally trip over dinosaur bones, and even examinedwhat was clearly a dinosaur bone embedded in rock, but failed to make anything of it. otherbones and fossilized footprints were found in the connecticut river valley of new englandafter a farm boy named plinus moody spied ancient tracks on a rock ledge at south hadley,massachusetts. some of these at least survive—notably the bones of an anchisaurus, whichare in the collection of the peabody museum at yale. found in 1818, they were the firstdinosaur bones to be examined and saved, but unfortunately weren’t recognized for what theywere until 1855. in that same year, 1818, caspar wistar died, but he did gain a certainunexpected immortality when a botanist named thomas nuttall named a delightful climbingshrub after him. some botanical purists still insist on spelling it wistaria .

    by this time, however, paleontological momentum had moved to england. in 1812, atlyme regis on the dorset coast, an extraordinary child named mary anning—aged eleven,twelve, or thirteen, depending on whose account you read—found a strange fossilized seamonster, seventeen feet long and now known as the ichthyosaurus, embedded in the steep anddangerous cliffs along the english channel.

    it was the start of a remarkable career. anning would spend the next thirty-five yearsgathering fossils, which she sold to visitors. (she is commonly held to be the source for thefamous tongue twister “she sells seashells on the seashore.”) she would also find the firstplesiosaurus, another marine monster, and one of the first and best pterodactyls. though noneof these was technically a dinosaur, that wasn’t terribly relevant at the time since nobody then
    knew what a dinosaur was. it was enough to realize that the world had once held creaturesstrikingly unlike anything we might now find.

    it wasn’t simply that anning was good at spotting fossils—though she was unrivalled atthat—but that she could extract them with the greatest delicacy and without damage. if youever have the chance to visit the hall of ancient marine reptiles at the natural history museumin london, i urge you to take it for there is no other way to appreciate the scale and beauty ofwhat this young woman achieved working virtually unaided with the most basic tools innearly impossible conditions. the plesiosaur alone took her ten years of patient excavation.

    although untrained, anning was also able to provide competent drawings and descriptions forscholars. but even with the advantage of her skills, significant finds were rare and she passedmost of her life in poverty.

    it would be hard to think of a more overlooked person in the history of paleontology thanmary anning, but in fact there was one who came painfully close. his name was gideonalgernon mantell and he was a country doctor in sussex.

    mantell was a lanky assemblage of shortcomings—he was vain, self-absorbed, priggish,neglectful of his family—but never was there a more devoted amateur paleontologist. he wasalso lucky to have a devoted and observant wife. in 1822, while he was making a house callon a patient in rural sussex, mrs. mantell went for a stroll down a nearby lane and in a pile ofrubble that had been left to fill potholes she found a curious object—a curved brown stone,about the size of a small walnut. knowing her husband’s interest in fossils, and thinking itmight be one, she took it to him. mantell could see at once it was a fossilized tooth, and aftera little study became certain that it was from an animal that was herbivorous, reptilian,extremely large—tens of feet long—and from the cretaceous period. he was right on allcounts, but these were bold conclusions since nothing like it had been seen before or evenimagined.

    aware that his finding would entirely upend what was understood about the past, and urgedby his friend the reverend william buckland—he of the gowns and experimental appetite—to proceed with caution, mantell devoted three painstaking years to seeking evidence tosupport his conclusions. he sent the tooth to cuvier in paris for an opinion, but the greatfrenchman dismissed it as being from a hippopotamus. (cuvier later apologized handsomelyfor this uncharacteristic error.) one day while doing research at the hunterian museum inlondon, mantell fell into conversation with a fellow researcher who told him the tooth lookedvery like those of animals he had been studying, south american iguanas. a hastycomparison confirmed the resemblance. and so mantell’s creature became iguanodon , aftera basking tropical lizard to which it was not in any manner related.

    mantell prepared a paper for delivery to the royal society. unfortunately it emerged thatanother dinosaur had been found at a quarry in oxfordshire and had just been formallydescribed—by the reverend buckland, the very man who had urged him not to work in haste.

    it was the megalosaurus, and the name was actually suggested to buckland by his friend dr.

    james parkinson, the would-be radical and eponym for parkinson’s disease. buckland, it maybe recalled, was foremost a geologist, and he showed it with his work on megalosaurus. in hisreport, for the transactions of the geological society of london , he noted that the creature’steeth were not attached directly to the jawbone as in lizards but placed in sockets in themanner of crocodiles. but having noticed this much, buckland failed to realize what it meant:

    megalosaurus was an entirely new type of creature. so although his report demonstrated littleacuity or insight, it was still the first published description of a dinosaur, and so to him rather
    than the far more deserving mantell goes the credit for the discovery of this ancient line ofbeings.

    unaware that disappointment was going to be a continuing feature of his life, mantellcontinued hunting for fossils—he found another giant, the hylaeosaurus, in 1833—andpurchasing others from quarrymen and farmers until he had probably the largest fossilcollection in britain. mantell was an excellent doctor and equally gifted bone hunter, but hewas unable to support both his talents. as his collecting mania grew, he neglected his medicalpractice. soon fossils filled nearly the whole of his house in brighton and consumed much ofhis income. much of the rest went to underwriting the publication of books that few cared toown. illustrations of the geology of sussex , published in 1827, sold only fifty copies and lefthim £300 out of pocket—an uncomfortably substantial sum for the times.

    in some desperation mantell hit on the idea of turning his house into a museum andcharging admission, then belatedly realized that such a mercenary act would ruin his standingas a gentleman, not to mention as a scientist, and so he allowed people to visit the house forfree. they came in their hundreds, week after week, disrupting both his practice and his homelife. eventually he was forced to sell most of his collection to pay off his debts. soon after, hiswife left him, taking their four children with her.

    remarkably, his troubles were only just beginning.

    in the district of sydenham in south london, at a place called crystal palace park, therestands a strange and forgotten sight: the world’s first life-sized models of dinosaurs. not manypeople travel there these days, but once this was one of the most popular attractions inlondon—in effect, as richard fortey has noted, the world’s first theme park. quite a lotabout the models is not strictly correct. the iguanodon’s thumb has been placed on its nose,as a kind of spike, and it stands on four sturdy legs, making it look like a rather stout andawkwardly overgrown dog. (in life, the iguanodon did not crouch on all fours, but wasbipedal.) looking at them now you would scarcely guess that these odd and lumbering beastscould cause great rancor and bitterness, but they did. perhaps nothing in natural history hasbeen at the center of fiercer and more enduring hatreds than the line of ancient beasts knownas dinosaurs.

    at the time of the dinosaurs’ construction, sydenham was on the edge of london and itsspacious park was considered an ideal place to re-erect the famous crystal palace, the glassand cast-iron structure that had been the centerpiece of the great exhibition of 1851, and fromwhich the new park naturally took its name. the dinosaurs, built of concrete, were a kind ofbonus attraction. on new year’s eve 1853 a famous dinner for twenty-one prominentscientists was held inside the unfinished iguanodon. gideon mantell, the man who had foundand identified the iguanodon, was not among them. the person at the head of the table wasthe greatest star of the young science of paleontology. his name was richard owen and bythis time he had already devoted several productive years to making gideon mantell’s lifehell.

    owen had grown up in lancaster, in the north of england, where he had trained as a doctor.

    he was a born anatomist and so devoted to his studies that he sometimes illicitly borrowedlimbs, organs, and other parts from cadavers and took them home for leisurely dissection.

    once while carrying a sack containing the head of a black african sailor that he had just
    removed, owen slipped on a wet cobble and watched in horror as the head bounced awayfrom him down the lane and through the open doorway of a cottage, where it came to rest inthe front parlor. what the occupants had to say upon finding an unattached head rolling to ahalt at their feet can only be imagined. one assumes that they had not formed any terriblyadvanced conclusions when, an instant later, a fraught-looking young man rushed in,wordlessly retrieved the head, and rushed out again.

    in 1825, aged just twenty-one, owen moved to london and soon after was engaged by theroyal college of surgeons to help organize their extensive, but disordered, collections ofmedical and anatomical specimens. most of these had been left to the institution by johnhunter, a distinguished surgeon and tireless collector of medical curiosities, but had neverbeen catalogued or organized, largely because the paperwork explaining the significance ofeach had gone missing soon after hunter’s death.

    owen swiftly distinguished himself with his powers of organization and deduction. at thesame time he showed himself to be a peerless anatomist with instincts for reconstructionalmost on a par with the great cuvier in paris. he become such an expert on the anatomy ofanimals that he was granted first refusal on any animal that died at the london zoologicalgardens, and these he would invariably have delivered to his house for examination. once hiswife returned home to find a freshly deceased rhinoceros filling the front hallway. he quicklybecame a leading expert on all kinds of animals living and extinct—from platypuses,echidnas, and other newly discovered marsupials to the hapless dodo and the extinct giantbirds called moas that had roamed new zealand until eaten out of existence by the maoris. hewas the first to describe the archaeopteryx after its discovery in bavaria in 1861 and the firstto write a formal epitaph for the dodo. altogether he produced some six hundred anatomicalpapers, a prodigious output.

    but it was for his work with dinosaurs that owen is remembered. he coined the termdinosauria in 1841. it means “terrible lizard” and was a curiously inapt name. dinosaurs, aswe now know, weren’t all terrible—some were no bigger than rabbits and probably extremelyretiring—and the one thing they most emphatically were not was lizards, which are actually ofa much older (by thirty million years) lineage. owen was well aware that the creatures werereptilian and had at his disposal a perfectly good greek word, herpeton, but for some reasonchose not to use it. another, more excusable error (given the paucity of specimens at the time)was that dinosaurs constitute not one but two orders of reptiles: the bird-hipped ornithischiansand the lizard-hipped saurischians.

    owen was not an attractive person, in appearance or in temperament. a photograph fromhis late middle years shows him as gaunt and sinister, like the villain in a victorianmelodrama, with long, lank hair and bulging eyes—a face to frighten babies. in manner hewas cold and imperious, and he was without scruple in the furtherance of his ambitions. hewas the only person charles darwin was ever known to hate. even owen’s son (who soonafter killed himself) referred to his father’s “lamentable coldness of heart.”

    his undoubted gifts as an anatomist allowed him to get away with the most barefaceddishonesties. in 1857, the naturalist t. h. huxley was leafing through a new edition ofchurchill’s medical directory when he noticed that owen was listed as professor ofcomparative anatomy and physiology at the government school of mines, which rathersurprised huxley as that was the position he held. upon inquiring how churchill’s had madesuch an elemental error, he was told that the information had been provided to them by dr.

    owen himself. a fellow naturalist named hugh falconer, meanwhile, caught owen taking
    credit for one of his discoveries. others accused him of borrowing specimens, then denyinghe had done so. owen even fell into a bitter dispute with the queen’s dentist over the creditfor a theory concerning the physiology of teeth.

    he did not hesitate to persecute those whom he disliked. early in his career owen used hisinfluence at the zoological society to blackball a young man named robert grant whose onlycrime was to have shown promise as a fellow anatomist. grant was astonished to discover thathe was suddenly denied access to the anatomical specimens he needed to conduct hisresearch. unable to pursue his work, he sank into an understandably dispirited obscurity.

    but no one suffered more from owen’s unkindly attentions than the hapless andincreasingly tragic gideon mantell. after losing his wife, his children, his medical practice,and most of his fossil collection, mantell moved to london. there in 1841—the fateful yearin which owen would achieve his greatest glory for naming and identifying the dinosaurs—mantell was involved in a terrible accident. while crossing clapham common in a carriage,he somehow fell from his seat, grew entangled in the reins, and was dragged at a gallop overrough ground by the panicked horses. the accident left him bent, crippled, and in chronicpain, with a spine damaged beyond repair.

    capitalizing  on  mantell’s  enfeebled  state, owen set about systematically expungingmantell’s contributions from the record, renaming species that mantell had named yearsbefore and claiming credit for their discovery for himself. mantell continued to try to dooriginal research but owen used his influence at the royal society to ensure that most of hispapers were rejected. in 1852, unable to bear any more pain or persecution, mantell took hisown life. his deformed spine was removed and sent to the royal college of surgeonswhere—and now here’s an irony for you—it was placed in the care of richard owen, directorof the college’s hunterian museum.

    but the insults had not quite finished. soon after mantell’s death an arrestingly uncharitableobituary appeared in the literary gazette. in it mantell was characterized as a mediocreanatomist whose modest contributions to paleontology were limited by a “want of exactknowledge.” the obituary even removed the discovery of the iguanodon from him andcredited it instead to cuvier and owen, among others. though the piece carried no byline, thestyle was owen’s and no one in the world of the natural sciences doubted the authorship.

    by this stage, however, owen’s transgressions were beginning to catch up with him. hisundoing began when a committee of the royal society—a committee of which he happenedto be chairman—decided to award him its highest honor, the royal medal, for a paper he hadwritten on an extinct mollusc called the belemnite. “however,” as deborah cadbury notes inher excellent history of the period, terrible lizard, “this piece of work was not quite asoriginal as it appeared.” the belemnite, it turned out, had been discovered four years earlierby an amateur naturalist named chaning pearce, and the discovery had been fully reported ata meeting of the geological society. owen had been at that meeting, but failed to mentionthis when he presented a report of his own to the royal society—in which, not incidentally,he rechristened the creature belemnites owenii in his own honor. although owen was allowedto keep the royal medal, the episode left a permanent tarnish on his reputation, even amonghis few remaining supporters.

    eventually huxley managed to do to owen what owen had done to so many others: he hadhim voted off the councils of the zoological and royal societies. as a final insult huxleybecame the new hunterian professor at the royal college of surgeons.

    owen would never again do important research, but the latter half of his career was devotedto one unexceptionable pursuit for which we can all be grateful. in 1856 he became head ofthe natural history section of the british museum, in which capacity he became the drivingforce behind the creation of london’s natural history museum. the grand and belovedgothic heap in south kensington, opened in 1880, is almost entirely a testament to his vision.

    before owen, museums were designed primarily for the use and edification of the elite, andeven then it was difficult to gain access. in the early days of the british museum, prospectivevisitors had to make a written application and undergo a brief interview to determine if theywere fit to be admitted at all. they then had to return a second time to pick up a ticket—that isassuming they had passed the interview—and finally come back a third time to view themuseum’s treasures. even then they were whisked through in groups and not allowed tolinger. owen’s plan was to welcome everyone, even to the point of encouraging workingmento visit in the evening, and to devote most of the museum’s space to public displays. he evenproposed, very radically, to put informative labels on each display so that people couldappreciate what they were viewing. in this, somewhat unexpectedly, he was opposed by t. h.

    huxley, who believed that museums should be primarily research institutes. by making thenatural history museum an institution for everyone, owen transformed our expectations ofwhat museums are for.

    still, his altruism in general toward his fellow man did not deflect him from more personalrivalries. one of his last official acts was to lobby against a proposal to erect a statue inmemory of charles darwin. in this he failed—though he did achieve a certain belated,inadvertent triumph. today his statue commands a masterly view from the staircase of themain hall in the natural history museum, while darwin and t. h. huxley are consignedsomewhat obscurely to the museum coffee shop, where they stare gravely over peoplesnacking on cups of tea and jam doughnuts.

    it would be reasonable to suppose that richard owen’s petty rivalries marked the low pointof nineteenth-century paleontology, but in fact worse was to come, this time from overseas. inamerica in the closing decades of the century there arose a rivalry even more spectacularlyvenomous, if not quite as destructive. it was between two strange and ruthless men, edwarddrinker cope and othniel charles marsh.

    they had much in common. both were spoiled, driven, self-centered, quarrelsome, jealous,mistrustful, and ever unhappy. between them they changed the world of paleontology.

    they began as mutual friends and admirers, even naming fossil species after each other,and spent a pleasant week together in 1868. however, something then went wrong betweenthem—nobody is quite sure what—and by the following year they had developed an enmitythat would grow into consuming hatred over the next thirty years. it is probably safe to saythat no two people in the natural sciences have ever despised each other more.

    marsh, the elder of the two by eight years, was a retiring and bookish fellow, with a trimbeard and dapper manner, who spent little time in the field and was seldom very good atfinding things when he was there. on a visit to the famous dinosaur fields of como bluff,wyoming, he failed to notice the bones that were, in the words of one historian, “lyingeverywhere like logs.” but he had the means to buy almost anything he wanted. although hecame from a modest background—his father was a farmer in upstate new york—his uncle
    was the supremely rich and extraordinarily indulgent financier george peabody. when marshshowed an interest in natural history, peabody had a museum built for him at yale andprovided funds sufficient for marsh to fill it with almost whatever took his fancy.

    cope was born more directly into privilege—his father was a rich philadelphiabusinessman—and was by far the more adventurous of the two. in the summer of 1876 inmontana while george armstrong custer and his troops were being cut down at little bighorn, cope was out hunting for bones nearby. when it was pointed out to him that this wasprobably not the most prudent time to be taking treasures from indian lands, cope thought fora minute and decided to press on anyway. he was having too good a season. at one point heran into a party of suspicious crow indians, but he managed to win them over by repeatedlytaking out and replacing his false teeth.

    for a decade or so, marsh and cope’s mutual dislike primarily took the form of quietsniping, but in 1877 it erupted into grandiose dimensions. in that year a coloradoschoolteacher named arthur lakes found bones near morrison while out hiking with a friend.

    recognizing the bones as coming from a “gigantic saurian,” lakes thoughtfully dispatchedsome samples to both marsh and cope. a delighted cope sent lakes a hundred dollars for histrouble and asked him not to tell anyone of his discovery, especially marsh. confused, lakesnow asked marsh to pass the bones on to cope. marsh did so, but it was an affront that hewould never forget.

    it also marked the start of a war between the two that became increasingly bitter,underhand, and often ridiculous. they sometimes stooped to one team’s diggers throwingrocks at the other team’s. cope was caught at one point jimmying open crates that belonged tomarsh. they insulted each other in print and each poured scorn on the other’s results.

    seldom—perhaps never—has science been driven forward more swiftly and successfully byanimosity. over the next several years the two men between them increased the number ofknown dinosaur species in america from 9 to almost 150. nearly every dinosaur that theaverage person can name—stegosaurus, brontosaurus, diplodocus, triceratops—was found byone or the other of them.

    1unfortunately, they worked in such reckless haste that they oftenfailed to note that a new discovery was something already known. between them theymanaged to “discover” a species calleduintatheres anceps no fewer than twenty-two times. ittook years to sort out some of the classification messes they made. some are not sorted outyet.

    of the two, cope’s scientific legacy was much the more substantial. in a breathtakinglyindustrious career, he wrote some 1,400 learned papers and described almost 1,300 newspecies of fossil (of all types, not just dinosaurs)—more than double marsh’s output in bothcases. cope might have done even more, but unfortunately he went into a rather precipitatedescent in his later years. having inherited a fortune in 1875, he invested unwisely in silverand lost everything. he ended up living in a single room in a philadelphia boarding house,surrounded by books, papers, and bones. marsh by contrast finished his days in a splendidmansion in new haven. cope died in 1897, marsh two years later.

    in his final years, cope developed one other interesting obsession. it became his earnestwish to be declared the type specimen forhomo sapiens —that is, that his bones would be theofficial set for the human race. normally, the type specimen of a species is the first set of1the notable exception being the tyrannosaurus rex, which was found by barnum brown in 1902.

    bones found, but since no first set of homo sapiens bones exists, there was a vacancy, whichcope desired to fill. it was an odd and vain wish, but no one could think of any grounds tooppose it. to that end, cope willed his bones to the wistar institute, a learned society inphiladelphia endowed by the descendants of the seemingly inescapable caspar wistar.

    unfortunately, after his bones were prepared and assembled, it was found that they showedsigns of incipient syphilis, hardly a feature one would wish to preserve in the type specimenfor one’s own race. so cope’s petition and his bones were quietly shelved. there is still notype specimen for modern humans.

    as for the other players in this drama, owen died in 1892, a few years before cope ormarsh. buckland ended up by losing his mind and finished his days a gibbering wreck in alunatic asylum in clapham, not far from where mantell had suffered his crippling accident.

    mantell’s twisted spine remained on display at the hunterian museum for nearly a centurybefore being mercifully obliterated by a german bomb in the blitz. what remained ofmantell’s collection after his death passed on to his children, and much of it was taken to newzealand by his son walter, who emigrated there in 1840. walter became a distinguished kiwi,eventually attaining the office of minister of native affairs. in 1865 he donated the primespecimens from his father’s collection, including the famous iguanodon tooth, to the colonialmuseum (now the museum of new zealand) in wellington, where they have remained eversince. the iguanodon tooth that started it all—arguably the most important tooth inpaleontology—is no longer on display.

    of course dinosaur hunting didn’t end with the deaths of the great nineteenth-century fossilhunters. indeed, to a surprising extent it had only just begun. in 1898, the year that fellbetween the deaths of cope and marsh, a trove greater by far than anything found before wasdiscovered—noticed, really—at a place called bone cabin quarry, only a few miles frommarsh’s prime hunting ground at como bluff, wyoming. there, hundreds and hundreds offossil bones were to be found weathering out of the hills. they were so numerous, in fact, thatsomeone had built a cabin out of them—hence the name. in just the first two seasons, 100,000pounds of ancient bones were excavated from the site, and tens of thousands of pounds morecame in each of the half dozen years that followed.

    the upshot is that by the turn of the twentieth century, paleontologists had literally tons ofold bones to pick over. the problem was that they still didn’t have any idea how old any ofthese bones were. worse, the agreed ages for the earth couldn’t comfortably support thenumbers of eons and ages and epochs that the past obviously contained. if earth were reallyonly twenty million years old or so, as the great lord kelvin insisted, then whole orders ofancient creatures must have come into being and gone out again practically in the samegeological instant. it just made no sense.

    other scientists besides kelvin turned their minds to the problem and came up with resultsthat only deepened the uncertainty. samuel haughton, a respected geologist at trinity collegein dublin, announced an estimated age for the earth of 2,300 million years—way beyondanything anybody else was suggesting. when this was drawn to his attention, he recalculatedusing the same data and put the figure at 153 million years. john joly, also of trinity, decidedto give edmond halley’s ocean salts idea a whirl, but his method was based on so manyfaulty assumptions that he was hopelessly adrift. he calculated that the earth was 89 millionyears old—an age that fit neatly enough with kelvin’s assumptions but unfortunately not withreality.

    such was the confusion that by the close of the nineteenth century, depending on whichtext you consulted, you could learn that the number of years that stood between us and thedawn of complex life in the cambrian period was 3 million, 18 million, 600 million, 794million, or 2.4 billion—or some other number within that range. as late as 1910, one of themost respected estimates, by the american george becker, put the earth’s age at perhaps aslittle as 55 million years.

    just when matters seemed most intractably confused, along came another extraordinaryfigure with a novel approach. he was a bluff and brilliant new zealand farm boy namedernest rutherford, and he produced pretty well irrefutable evidence that the earth was at leastmany hundreds of millions of years old, probably rather more.

    remarkably, his evidence was based on alchemy—natural, spontaneous, scientificallycredible, and wholly non-occult, but alchemy nonetheless. newton, it turned out, had not beenso wrong after all. and exactly how that came to be is of course another story.

    7    ELEMENTAL MATTERSCHEMISTRY

    as an earnest and respectable science is often said to date from 1661, whenrobert boyle of oxford published the sceptical chymist —the first work to distinguishbetween chemists and alchemists—but it was a slow and often erratic transition. into theeighteenth century scholars could feel oddly comfortable in both camps—like the germanjohann becher, who produced an unexceptionable work on mineralogy called physicasubterranea , but who also was certain that, given the right materials, he could make himselfinvisible.

    perhaps nothing better typifies the strange and often accidental nature of chemical sciencein its early days than a discovery made by a german named hennig brand in 1675. brandbecame convinced that gold could somehow be distilled from human urine. (the similarity ofcolor seems to have been a factor in his conclusion.) he assembled fifty buckets of humanurine, which he kept for months in his cellar. by various recondite processes, he converted theurine first into a noxious paste and then into a translucent waxy substance. none of it yieldedgold, of course, but a strange and interesting thing did happen. after a time, the substancebegan to glow. moreover, when exposed to air, it often spontaneously burst into flame.

    the commercial potential for the stuff—which soon became known as phosphorus, fromgreek and latin roots meaning “light bearing”—was not lost on eager businesspeople, but thedifficulties of manufacture made it too costly to exploit. an ounce of phosphorus retailed forsix guineas—perhaps five hundred dollars in today’s money—or more than gold.

    at first, soldiers were called on to provide the raw material, but such an arrangement washardly conducive to industrial-scale production. in the 1750s a swedish chemist named karl(or carl) scheele devised a way to manufacture phosphorus in bulk without the slop or smellof urine. it was largely because of this mastery of phosphorus that sweden became, andremains, a leading producer of matches.

    scheele was both an extraordinary and extraordinarily luckless fellow. a poor pharmacistwith little in the way of advanced apparatus, he discovered eight elements—chlorine, fluorine,manganese, barium, molybdenum, tungsten, nitrogen, and oxygen—and got credit for none ofthem. in every case, his finds were either overlooked or made it into publication aftersomeone else had made the same discovery independently. he also discovered many usefulcompounds, among them ammonia, glycerin, and tannic acid, and was the first to see thecommercial potential of chlorine as a bleach—all breakthroughs that made other peopleextremely wealthy.

    scheele’s one notable shortcoming was a curious insistence on tasting a little of everythinghe worked with, including such notoriously disagreeable substances as mercury, prussic acid(another of his discoveries), and hydrocyanic acid—a compound so famously poisonous that150 years later erwin schr?dinger chose it as his toxin of choice in a famous thoughtexperiment (see page 146). scheele’s rashness eventually caught up with him. in 1786, agedjust forty-three, he was found dead at his workbench surrounded by an array of toxicchemicals, any one of which could have accounted for the stunned and terminal look on hisface.

    were the world just and swedish-speaking, scheele would have enjoyed universal acclaim.

    instead credit has tended to lodge with more celebrated chemists, mostly from the english-speaking world. scheele discovered oxygen in 1772, but for various heartbreakingly complicated reasons could not get his paper published in a timely manner. instead credit wentto joseph priestley, who discovered the same element independently, but latterly, in thesummer of 1774. even more remarkable was scheele’s failure to receive credit for thediscovery of chlorine. nearly all textbooks still attribute chlorine’s discovery to humphrydavy, who did indeed find it, but thirty-six years after scheele had.

    although chemistry had come a long way in the century that separated newton and boylefrom scheele and priestley and henry cavendish, it still had a long way to go. right up to theclosing years of the eighteenth century (and in priestley’s case a little beyond) scientistseverywhere searched for, and sometimes believed they had actually found, things that justweren’t there: vitiated airs, dephlogisticated marine acids, phloxes, calxes, terraqueousexhalations, and, above all, phlogiston, the substance that was thought to be the active agentin combustion. somewhere in all this, it was thought, there also resided a mysterious élanvital, the force that brought inanimate objects to life. no one knew where this ethereal essencelay, but two things seemed probable: that you could enliven it with a jolt of electricity (anotion mary shelley exploited to full effect in her novel frankenstein ) and that it existed insome substances but not others, which is why we ended up with two branches of chemistry:

    organic (for those substances that were thought to have it) and inorganic (for those that didnot).

    someone of insight was needed to thrust chemistry into the modern age, and it was thefrench who provided him. his name was antoine-laurent lavoisier. born in 1743, lavoisierwas a member of the minor nobility (his father had purchased a title for the family). in 1768,he bought a practicing share in a deeply despised institution called the ferme générale (orgeneral farm), which collected taxes and fees on behalf of the government. althoughlavoisier himself was by all accounts mild and fair-minded, the company he worked for wasneither. for one thing, it did not tax the rich but only the poor, and then often arbitrarily. forlavoisier, the appeal of the institution was that it provided him with the wealth to follow hisprincipal devotion, science. at his peak, his personal earnings reached 150,000 livres a year—perhaps $20 million in today’s money.

    three years after embarking on this lucrative career path, he married the fourteen-year-olddaughter of one of his bosses. the marriage was a meeting of hearts and minds both. madamelavoisier had an incisive intellect and soon was working productively alongside her husband.

    despite the demands of his job and busy social life, they managed to put in five hours ofscience on most days—two in the early morning and three in the evening—as well as thewhole of sunday, which they called their jour de bonheur (day of happiness). somehowlavoisier also found the time to be commissioner of gunpowder, supervise the building of awall around paris to deter smugglers, help found the metric system, and coauthor thehandbook méthode de nomenclature chimique , which became the bible for agreeing on thenames of the elements.

    as a leading member of the académie royale des sciences, he was also required to take aninformed and active interest in whatever was topical—hypnotism, prison reform, therespiration of insects, the water supply of paris. it was in such a capacity in 1780 thatlavoisier made some dismissive remarks about a new theory of combustion that had beensubmitted to the academy by a hopeful young scientist. the theory was indeed wrong, but thescientist never forgave him. his name was jean-paul marat.

    the one thing lavoisier never did was discover an element. at a time when it seemed as ifalmost anybody with a beaker, a flame, and some interesting powders could discover something new—and when, not incidentally, some two-thirds of the elements were yet to befound—lavoisier failed to uncover a single one. it certainly wasn’t for want of beakers.

    lavoisier had thirteen thousand of them in what was, to an almost preposterous degree, thefinest private laboratory in existence.

    instead he took the discoveries of others and made sense of them. he threw out phlogistonand mephitic airs. he identified oxygen and hydrogen for what they were and gave them boththeir modern names. in short, he helped to bring rigor, clarity, and method to chemistry.

    and his fancy equipment did in fact come in very handy. for years, he and madamelavoisier occupied themselves with extremely exacting studies requiring the finestmeasurements. they determined, for instance, that a rusting object doesn’t lose weight, aseveryone had long assumed, but gains weight—an extraordinary discovery. somehow as itrusted the object was attracting elemental particles from the air. it was the first realization thatmatter can be transformed but not eliminated. if you burned this book now, its matter wouldbe changed to ash and smoke, but the net amount of stuff in the universe would be the same.

    this became known as the conservation of mass, and it was a revolutionary concept.

    unfortunately, it coincided with another type of revolution—the french one—and for this onelavoisier was entirely on the wrong side.

    not only was he a member of the hated ferme générale, but he had enthusiastically builtthe wall that enclosed paris—an edifice so loathed that it was the first thing attacked by therebellious citizens. capitalizing on this, in 1791 marat, now a leading voice in the nationalassembly, denounced lavoisier and suggested that it was well past time for his hanging.

    soon afterward the ferme générale was shut down. not long after this marat was murderedin his bath by an aggrieved young woman named charlotte corday, but by this time it was toolate for lavoisier.

    in 1793, the reign of terror, already intense, ratcheted up to a higher gear. in octobermarie antoinette was sent to the guillotine. the following month, as lavoisier and his wifewere making tardy plans to slip away to scotland, lavoisier was arrested. in may he andthirty-one fellow farmers-general were brought before the revolutionary tribunal (in acourtroom presided over by a bust of marat). eight were granted acquittals, but lavoisier andthe others were taken directly to the place de la revolution (now the place de la concorde),site of the busiest of french guillotines. lavoisier watched his father-in-law beheaded, thenstepped up and accepted his fate. less than three months later, on july 27, robespierrehimself was dispatched in the same way and in the same place, and the reign of terrorswiftly ended.

    a hundred years after his death, a statue of lavoisier was erected in paris and muchadmired until someone pointed out that it looked nothing like him. under questioning thesculptor admitted that he had used the head of the mathematician and philosopher the marquisde condorcet—apparently he had a spare—in the hope that no one would notice or, havingnoticed, would care. in the second regard he was correct. the statue of lavoisier-cum-condorcet was allowed to remain in place for another half century until the second worldwar when, one morning, it was taken away and melted down for scrap.

    in the early 1800s there arose in england a fashion for inhaling nitrous oxide, or laughinggas, after it was discovered that its use “was attended by a highly pleasurable thrilling.” for
    the next half century it would be the drug of choice for young people. one learned body, theaskesian society, was for a time devoted to little else. theaters put on “laughing gasevenings” where volunteers could refresh themselves with a robust inhalation and thenentertain the audience with their comical staggerings.

    it wasn’t until 1846 that anyone got around to finding a practical use for nitrous oxide, asan anesthetic. goodness knows how many tens of thousands of people suffered unnecessaryagonies under the surgeon’s knife because no one thought of the gas’s most obvious practicalapplication.

    i mention this to make the point that chemistry, having come so far in the eighteenthcentury, rather lost its bearings in the first decades of the nineteenth, in much the way thatgeology would in the early years of the twentieth. partly it was to do with the limitations ofequipment—there were, for instance, no centrifuges until the second half of the century,severely restricting many kinds of experiments—and partly it was social. chemistry was,generally speaking, a science for businesspeople, for those who worked with coal and potashand dyes, and not gentlemen, who tended to be drawn to geology, natural history, and physics.

    (this was slightly less true in continental europe than in britain, but only slightly.) it isperhaps telling that one of the most important observations of the century, brownian motion,which established the active nature of molecules, was made not by a chemist but by a scottishbotanist, robert brown. (what brown noticed, in 1827, was that tiny grains of pollensuspended in water remained indefinitely in motion no matter how long he gave them tosettle. the cause of this perpetual motion—namely the actions of invisible molecules—waslong a mystery.)things might have been worse had it not been for a splendidly improbable character namedcount von rumford, who, despite the grandeur of his title, began life in woburn,massachusetts, in 1753 as plain benjamin thompson. thompson was dashing and ambitious,“handsome in feature and figure,” occasionally courageous and exceedingly bright, butuntroubled by anything so inconveniencing as a scruple. at nineteen he married a rich widowfourteen years his senior, but at the outbreak of revolution in the colonies he unwisely sidedwith the loyalists, for a time spying on their behalf. in the fateful year of 1776, facing arrest“for lukewarmness in the cause of liberty,” he abandoned his wife and child and fled justahead of a mob of anti-royalists armed with buckets of hot tar, bags of feathers, and anearnest desire to adorn him with both.

    he decamped first to england and then to germany, where he served as a military advisorto the government of bavaria, so impressing the authorities that in 1791 he was named countvon rumford of the holy roman empire. while in munich, he also designed and laid out thefamous park known as the english garden.

    in between these undertakings, he somehow found time to conduct a good deal of solidscience. he became the world’s foremost authority on thermodynamics and the first toelucidate the principles of the convection of fluids and the circulation of ocean currents. healso invented several useful objects, including a drip coffeemaker, thermal underwear, and atype of range still known as the rumford fireplace. in 1805, during a sojourn in france, hewooed and married madame lavoisier, widow of antoine-laurent. the marriage was not asuccess and they soon parted. rumford stayed on in france, where he died, universallyesteemed by all but his former wives, in 1814.

    but our purpose in mentioning him here is that in 1799, during a comparatively briefinterlude in london, he founded the royal institution, yet another of the many learnedsocieties that popped into being all over britain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenthcenturies. for a time it was almost the only institution of standing to actively promote theyoung science of chemistry, and that was thanks almost entirely to a brilliant young mannamed humphry davy, who was appointed the institution’s professor of chemistry shortlyafter its inception and rapidly gained fame as an outstanding lecturer and productiveexperimentalist.

    soon after taking up his position, davy began to bang out new elements one afteranother—potassium, sodium, magnesium, calcium, strontium, and aluminum or aluminium,depending on which branch of english you favor.

    1he discovered so many elements not somuch because he was serially astute as because he developed an ingenious technique ofapplying electricity to a molten substance—electrolysis, as it is known. altogether hediscovered a dozen elements, a fifth of the known total of his day. davy might have done farmore, but unfortunately as a young man he developed an abiding attachment to the buoyantpleasures of nitrous oxide. he grew so attached to the gas that he drew on it (literally) three orfour times a day. eventually, in 1829, it is thought to have killed him.

    fortunately more sober types were at work elsewhere. in 1808, a dour quaker named johndalton became the first person to intimate the nature of an atom (progress that will bediscussed more completely a little further on), and in 1811 an italian with the splendidlyoperatic name of lorenzo romano amadeo carlo avogadro, count of quarequa and cerreto,made a discovery that would prove highly significant in the long term—namely, that twoequal volumes of gases of any type, if kept at the same pressure and temperature, will containidentical numbers of molecules.

    two things were notable about avogadro’s principle, as it became known. first, itprovided a basis for more accurately measuring the size and weight of atoms. usingavogadro’s mathematics, chemists were eventually able to work out, for instance, that atypical atom had a diameter of 0.00000008 centimeters, which is very little indeed. andsecond, almost no one knew about avogadro’s appealingly simple principle for almost fiftyyears.

    2partly this was because avogadro himself was a retiring fellow—he worked alone,corresponded very little with fellow scientists, published few papers, and attended nomeetings—but also it was because there were no meetings to attend and few chemicaljournals in which to publish. this is a fairly extraordinary fact. the industrial revolution was1the confusion over the aluminum/aluminium spelling arose b cause of some uncharacteristic indecisiveness ondavys part. when he first isolated the element in 1808, he called it alumium. for son reason he thought better ofthat and changed it to aluminum four years later. americans dutifully adopted the new term, but mai britishusers disliked aluminum, pointing out that it disrupted the -ium pattern established by sodium, calcium, andstrontium, so they added a vowel and syllable.

    2the principle led to the much later adoption of avogadros number, a basic unit of measure in chemistry, whichwas named for avogadro long after his death. it is the number of molecules found in 2.016 grams of hydrogengas (or an equal volume of any other gas). its value is placed at 6.0221367 x 1023, which is an enormously largenumber. chemistry students have long amused themselves by computing just how large a number it is, so i canreport that it is equivalent to the number of popcorn kernels needed to cover the united states to a depth of ninemiles, or cupfuls of water in the pacific ocean, or soft drink cans that would, evenly stacked, cover the earth to adepth of 200 miles. an equivalent number of american pennies would be enough to make every person on eartha dollar trillionaire. it is a big number.

    driven in large part by developments in chemistry, and yet as an organized science chemistrybarely existed for decades.

    the chemical society of london was not founded until 1841 and didn’t begin to produce aregular journal until 1848, by which time most learned societies in britain—geological,geographical, zoological, horticultural, and linnaean (for naturalists and botanists)—were atleast twenty years old and often much more. the rival institute of chemistry didn’t come intobeing until 1877, a year after the founding of the american chemical society. becausechemistry was so slow to get organized, news of avogadro’s important breakthrough of 1811didn’t begin to become general until the first international chemistry congress, in karlsruhe,in 1860.

    because chemists for so long worked in isolation, conventions were slow to emerge. untilwell into the second half of the century, the formula h2o2might mean water to one chemistbut hydrogen peroxide to another. c2h4could signify ethylene or marsh gas. there was hardlya molecule that was uniformly represented everywhere.

    chemists also used a bewildering variety of symbols and abbreviations, often self-invented.

    sweden’s j. j. berzelius brought a much-needed measure of order to matters by decreeing thatthe elements be abbreviated on the basis of their greek or latin names, which is why theabbreviation for iron is fe (from the latin ferrum ) and that for silver is ag (from the latinargentum ). that so many of the other abbreviations accord with their english names (n fornitrogen, o for oxygen, h for hydrogen, and so on) reflects english’s latinate nature, not itsexalted status. to indicate the number of atoms in a molecule, berzelius employed asuperscript notation, as in h2o. later, for no special reason, the fashion became to render thenumber as subscript: h2o.

    despite the occasional tidyings-up, chemistry by the second half of the nineteenth centurywas in something of a mess, which is why everybody was so pleased by the rise toprominence in 1869 of an odd and crazed-looking professor at the university of st. petersburgnamed dmitri ivanovich mendeleyev.

    mendeleyev (also sometimes spelled mendeleev or mendeléef) was born in 1834 attobolsk, in the far west of siberia, into a well-educated, reasonably prosperous, and verylarge family—so large, in fact, that history has lost track of exactly how many mendeleyevsthere were: some sources say there were fourteen children, some say seventeen. all agree, atany rate, that dmitri was the youngest. luck was not always with the mendeleyevs. whendmitri was small his father, the headmaster of a local school, went blind and his mother hadto go out to work. clearly an extraordinary woman, she eventually became the manager of asuccessful glass factory. all went well until 1848, when the factory burned down and thefamily was reduced to penury. determined to get her youngest child an education, theindomitable mrs. mendeleyev hitchhiked with young dmitri four thousand miles to st.

    petersburg—that’s equivalent to traveling from london to equatorial guinea—and depositedhim at the institute of pedagogy. worn out by her efforts, she died soon after.

    mendeleyev dutifully completed his studies and eventually landed a position at the localuniversity. there he was a competent but not terribly outstanding chemist, known more forhis wild hair and beard, which he had trimmed just once a year, than for his gifts in thelaboratory.

    however, in 1869, at the age of thirty-five, he began to toy with a way to arrange theelements. at the time, elements were normally grouped in two ways—either by atomic weight(using avogadro’s principle) or by common properties (whether they were metals or gases,for instance). mendeleyev’s breakthrough was to see that the two could be combined in asingle table.

    as is often the way in science, the principle had actually been anticipated three yearspreviously by an amateur chemist in england named john newlands. he suggested that whenelements were arranged by weight they appeared to repeat certain properties—in a sense toharmonize—at every eighth place along the scale. slightly unwisely, for this was an ideawhose time had not quite yet come, newlands called it the law of octaves and likened thearrangement to the octaves on a piano keyboard. perhaps there was something in newlands’smanner of presentation, but the idea was considered fundamentally preposterous and widelymocked. at gatherings, droller members of the audience would sometimes ask him if he couldget his elements to play them a little tune. discouraged, newlands gave up pushing the ideaand soon dropped from view altogether.

    mendeleyev used a slightly different approach, placing his elements into groups of seven,but employed fundamentally the same principle. suddenly the idea seemed brilliant andwondrously perceptive. because the properties repeated themselves periodically, the inventionbecame known as the periodic table.

    mendeleyev was said to have been inspired by the card game known as solitaire in northamerica and patience elsewhere, wherein cards are arranged by suit horizontally and bynumber vertically. using a broadly similar concept, he arranged the elements in horizontalrows called periods and vertical columns called groups. this instantly showed one set ofrelationships when read up and down and another when read from side to side. specifically,the vertical columns put together chemicals that have similar properties. thus copper sits ontop of silver and silver sits on top of gold because of their chemical affinities as metals, whilehelium, neon, and argon are in a column made up of gases. (the actual, formal determinant inthe ordering is something called their electron valences, for which you will have to enroll innight classes if you wish an understanding.) the horizontal rows, meanwhile, arrange thechemicals in ascending order by the number of protons in their nuclei—what is known as theiratomic number.

    the structure of atoms and the significance of protons will come in a following chapter, sofor the moment all that is necessary is to appreciate the organizing principle: hydrogen hasjust one proton, and so it has an atomic number of one and comes first on the chart; uraniumhas ninety-two protons, and so it comes near the end and has an atomic number of ninety-two.

    in this sense, as philip ball has pointed out, chemistry really is just a matter of counting.

    (atomic number, incidentally, is not to be confused with atomic weight, which is the numberof protons plus the number of neutrons in a given element.) there was still a great deal thatwasn’t known or understood. hydrogen is the most common element in the universe, and yetno one would guess as much for another thirty years. helium, the second most abundantelement, had only been found the year before—its existence hadn’t even been suspectedbefore that—and then not on earth but in the sun, where it was found with a spectroscopeduring a solar eclipse, which is why it honors the greek sun god helios. it wouldn’t beisolated until 1895. even so, thanks to mendeleyev’s invention, chemistry was now on a firmfooting.

    for most of us, the periodic table is a thing of beauty in the abstract, but for chemists itestablished an immediate orderliness and clarity that can hardly be overstated. “without adoubt, the periodic table of the chemical elements is the most elegant organizational chartever devised,” wrote robert e. krebs in the history and use of our earth’s chemicalelements, and you can find similar sentiments in virtually every history of chemistry in print.

    today we have “120 or so” known elements—ninety-two naturally occurring ones plus acouple of dozen that have been created in labs. the actual number is slightly contentiousbecause the heavy, synthesized elements exist for only millionths of seconds and chemistssometimes argue over whether they have really been detected or not. in mendeleyev’s dayjust sixty-three elements were known, but part of his cleverness was to realize that theelements as then known didn’t make a complete picture, that many pieces were missing. histable predicted, with pleasing accuracy, where new elements would slot in when they werefound.

    no one knows, incidentally, how high the number of elements might go, though anythingbeyond 168 as an atomic weight is considered “purely speculative,” but what is certain is thatanything that is found will fit neatly into mendeleyev’s great scheme.

    the nineteenth century held one last great surprise for chemists. it began in 1896 whenhenri becquerel in paris carelessly left a packet of uranium salts on a wrapped photographicplate in a drawer. when he took the plate out some time later, he was surprised to discoverthat the salts had burned an impression in it, just as if the plate had been exposed to light. thesalts were emitting rays of some sort.

    considering the importance of what he had found, becquerel did a very strange thing: heturned the matter over to a graduate student for investigation. fortunately the student was arecent émigré from poland named marie curie. working with her new husband, pierre, curiefound that certain kinds of rocks poured out constant and extraordinary amounts of energy,yet without diminishing in size or changing in any detectable way. what she and her husbandcouldn’t know—what no one could know until einstein explained things the followingdecade—was that the rocks were converting mass into energy in an exceedingly efficient way.

    marie curie dubbed the effect “radioactivity.” in the process of their work, the curies alsofound two new elements—polonium, which they named after her native country, and radium.

    in 1903 the curies and becquerel were jointly awarded the nobel prize in physics. (mariecurie would win a second prize, in chemistry, in 1911, the only person to win in bothchemistry and physics.)at mcgill university in montreal the young new zealand–born ernest rutherford becameinterested in the new radioactive materials. with a colleague named frederick soddy hediscovered that immense reserves of energy were bound up in these small amounts of matter,and that the radioactive decay of these reserves could account for most of the earth’s warmth.

    they also discovered that radioactive elements decayed into other elements—that one dayyou had an atom of uranium, say, and the next you had an atom of lead. this was trulyextraordinary. it was alchemy, pure and simple; no one had ever imagined that such a thingcould happen naturally and spontaneously.

    ever the pragmatist, rutherford was the first to see that there could be a valuable practicalapplication in this. he noticed that in any sample of radioactive material, it always took the
    same amount of time for half the sample to decay—the celebrated half-life—and that thissteady, reliable rate of decay could be used as a kind of clock. by calculating backwards fromhow much radiation a material had now and how swiftly it was decaying, you could work outits age. he tested a piece of pitchblende, the principal ore of uranium, and found it to be 700million years old—very much older than the age most people were prepared to grant theearth.

    in the spring of 1904, rutherford traveled to london to give a lecture at the royalinstitution—the august organization founded by count von rumford only 105 years before,though that powdery and periwigged age now seemed a distant eon compared with the roll-your-sleeves-up robustness of the late victorians. rutherford was there to talk about his newdisintegration theory of radioactivity, as part of which he brought out his piece of pitchblende.

    tactfully—for the aging kelvin was present, if not always fully awake—rutherford notedthat kelvin himself had suggested that the discovery of some other source of heat wouldthrow his calculations out. rutherford had found that other source. thanks to radioactivity theearth could be—and self-evidently was—much older than the twenty-four million yearskelvin’s calculations allowed.

    kelvin beamed at rutherford’s respectful presentation, but was in fact unmoved. he neveraccepted the revised figures and to his dying day believed his work on the age of the earth hismost astute and important contribution to science—far greater than his work onthermodynamics.

    as  with  most  scientific  revolutions,  rutherford’s new findings were not universallyaccepted. john joly of dublin strenuously insisted well into the 1930s that the earth was nomore than eighty-nine million years old, and was stopped only then by his own death. othersbegan to worry that rutherford had now given them too much time. but even withradiometric dating, as decay measurements became known, it would be decades before we gotwithin a billion years or so of earth’s actual age. science was on the right track, but still wayout.

    kelvin died in 1907. that year also saw the death of dmitri mendeleyev. like kelvin, hisproductive work was far behind him, but his declining years were notably less serene. as heaged, mendeleyev became increasingly eccentric—he refused to acknowledge the existenceof radiation or the electron or anything else much that was new—and difficult. his finaldecades were spent mostly storming out of labs and lecture halls all across europe. in 1955,element 101 was named mendelevium in his honor. “appropriately,” notes paul strathern, “itis an unstable element.”

    radiation, of course, went on and on, literally and in ways nobody expected. in the early1900s pierre curie began to experience clear signs of radiation sickness—notably dull achesin his bones and chronic feelings of malaise—which doubtless would have progressedunpleasantly. we shall never know for certain because in 1906 he was fatally run over by acarriage while crossing a paris street.

    marie curie spent the rest of her life working with distinction in the field, helping to foundthe celebrated radium institute of the university of paris in 1914. despite her two nobelprizes, she was never elected to the academy of sciences, in large part because after the deathof pierre she conducted an affair with a married physicist that was sufficiently indiscreet toscandalize even the french—or at least the old men who ran the academy, which is perhapsanother matter.

    for a long time it was assumed that anything so miraculously energetic as radioactivitymust be beneficial. for years, manufacturers of toothpaste and laxatives put radioactivethorium in their products, and at least until the late 1920s the glen springs hotel in the fingerlakes region of new york (and doubtless others as well) featured with pride the therapeuticeffects of its “radioactive mineral springs.” radioactivity wasn’t banned in consumerproducts until 1938. by this time it was much too late for madame curie, who died ofleukemia in 1934. radiation, in fact, is so pernicious and long lasting that even now herpapers from the 1890s—even her cookbooks—are too dangerous to handle. her lab books arekept in lead-lined boxes, and those who wish to see them must don protective clothing.

    thanks to the devoted and unwittingly high-risk work of the first atomic scientists, by the early years of the twentieth century it was becoming clear that earth was unquestionably venerable, though another half century of science would have to be done before anyone could confidently say quite how venerable. science, meanwhile, was about to get a new age of it sown—the atomic one.

  • Edward Gibbon《History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire》LXIX-LXXI

    Chapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.

    Part I. State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century. – Temporal Dominion Of The Popes. – Seditions Of The City. – Political Heresy Of Arnold Of Brescia. – Restoration Of The Republic. – The Senators. – Pride Of The Romans. – Their Wars. – They Are Deprived Of The Election And Presence Of The Popes, Who Retire To Avignon. – The Jubilee. – Noble Families Of Rome. – Feud Of The Colonna And Ursini.

    In the first ages of the decline and fall of the Roman empire, our eye is invariably fixed on the royal city, which had given laws to the fairest portion of the globe. We contemplate her fortunes, at first with admiration, at length with pity, always with attention, and when that attention is diverted from the capital to the provinces, they are considered as so many branches which have been successively severed from the Imperial trunk. The foundation of a second Rome, on the shores of the Bosphorus, has compelled the historian to follow the successors of Constantine; and our curiosity has been tempted to visit the most remote countries of Europe and Asia, to explore the causes and the authors of the long decay of the Byzantine monarchy. By the conquest of Justinian, we have been recalled to the banks of the Tyber, to the deliverance of the ancient metropolis; but that deliverance was a change, or perhaps an aggravation, of servitude. Rome had been already stripped of her trophies, her gods, and her Caesars; nor was the Gothic dominion more inglorious and oppressive than the tyranny of the Greeks. In the eighth century of the Christian aera, a religious quarrel, the worship of images, provoked the Romans to assert their independence: their bishop became the temporal, as well as the spiritual, father of a free people; and of the Western empire, which was restored by Charlemagne, the title and image still decorate the singular constitution of modern Germany. The name of Rome must yet command our involuntary respect: the climate (whatsoever may be its influence) was no longer the same: ^1 the purity of blood had been contaminated through a thousand channels; but the venerable aspect of her ruins, and the memory of past greatness, rekindled a spark of the national character. The darkness of the middle ages exhibits some scenes not unworthy of our notice. Nor shall I dismiss the present work till I have reviewed the state and revolutions of the Roman City, which acquiesced under the absolute dominion of the popes, about the same time that Constantinople was enslaved by the Turkish arms.

    [Footnote 1: The abbe Dubos, who, with less genius than his successor Montesquieu, has asserted and magnified the influence of climate, objects to himself the degeneracy of the Romans and Batavians. To the first of these examples he replies, 1. That the change is less real than apparent, and that the modern Romans prudently conceal in themselves the virtues of their ancestors. 2. That the air, the soil, and the climate of Rome have suffered a great and visible alteration, (Reflexions sur la Poesie et sur la Peinture, part ii. sect. 16.)

    Note: This question is discussed at considerable length in Dr. Arnold’s History of Rome, ch. xxiii. See likewise Bunsen’s Dissertation on the Aria Cattiva Roms Beschreibung, pp. 82, 108. – M.]

    In the beginning of the twelfth century, ^2 the aera of the first crusade, Rome was revered by the Latins, as the metropolis of the world, as the throne of the pope and the emperor, who, from the eternal city, derived their title, their honors, and the right or exercise of temporal dominion. After so long an interruption, it may not be useless to repeat that the successors of Charlemagne and the Othos were chosen beyond the Rhine in a national diet; but that these princes were content with the humble names of kings of Germany and Italy, till they had passed the Alps and the Apennine, to seek their Imperial crown on the banks of the Tyber. ^3 At some distance from the city, their approach was saluted by a long procession of the clergy and people with palms and crosses; and the terrific emblems of wolves and lions, of dragons and eagles, that floated in the military banners, represented the departed legions and cohorts of the republic. The royal path to maintain the liberties of Rome was thrice reiterated, at the bridge, the gate, and on the stairs of the Vatican; and the distribution of a customary donative feebly imitated the magnificence of the first Caesars. In the church of St. Peter, the coronation was performed by his successor: the voice of God was confounded with that of the people; and the public consent was declared in the acclamations of “Long life and victory to our lord the pope! long life and victory to our lord the emperor! long life and victory to the Roman and Teutonic armies!” ^4 The names of Caesar and Augustus, the laws of Constantine and Justinian, the example of Charlemagne and Otho, established the supreme dominion of the emperors: their title and image was engraved on the papal coins; ^5 and their jurisdiction was marked by the sword of justice, which they delivered to the praefect of the city. But every Roman prejudice was awakened by the name, the language, and the manners, of a Barbarian lord. The Caesars of Saxony or Franconia were the chiefs of a feudal aristocracy; nor could they exercise the discipline of civil and military power, which alone secures the obedience of a distant people, impatient of servitude, though perhaps incapable of freedom. Once, and once only, in his life, each emperor, with an army of Teutonic vassals, descended from the Alps. I have described the peaceful order of his entry and coronation; but that order was commonly disturbed by the clamor and sedition of the Romans, who encountered their sovereign as a foreign invader: his departure was always speedy, and often shameful; and, in the absence of a long reign, his authority was insulted, and his name was forgotten. The progress of independence in Germany and Italy undermined the foundations of the Imperial sovereignty, and the triumph of the popes was the deliverance of Rome.

    [Footnote 2: The reader has been so long absent from Rome, that I would advise him to recollect or review the xlixth chapter of this History.] [Footnote 3: The coronation of the German emperors at Rome, more especially in the xith century, is best represented from the original monuments by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. i. dissertat. ii. p. 99, &c.) and Cenni, (Monument. Domin. Pontif. tom. ii. diss. vi. p. 261,) the latter of whom I only know from the copious extract of Schmidt, (Hist. des Allemands tom. iii. p. 255 – 266.)]

    [Footnote 4: Exercitui Romano et Teutonico! The latter was both seen and felt; but the former was no more than magni nominis umbra.] [Footnote 5: Muratori has given the series of the papal coins, (Antiquitat. tom. ii. diss. xxvii. p. 548 – 554.) He finds only two more early than the year 800: fifty are still extant from Leo III. to Leo IX., with the addition of the reigning emperor none remain of Gregory VII. or Urban II.; but in those of Paschal II. he seems to have renounced this badge of dependence.]

    Of her two sovereigns, the emperor had precariously reigned

    by the right of conquest; but the authority of the pope was founded on the soft, though more solid, basis of opinion and habit. The removal of a foreign influence restored and endeared the shepherd to his flock. Instead of the arbitrary or venal nomination of a German court, the vicar of Christ was freely chosen by the college of cardinals, most of whom were either natives or inhabitants of the city. The applause of the magistrates and people confirmed his election, and the ecclesiastical power that was obeyed in Sweden and Britain had been ultimately derived from the suffrage of the Romans. The same suffrage gave a prince, as well as a pontiff, to the capital. It was universally believed, that Constantine had invested the popes with the temporal dominion of Rome; and the boldest civilians, the most profane skeptics, were satisfied with disputing the right of the emperor and the validity of his gift. The truth of the fact, the authenticity of his donation, was deeply rooted in the ignorance and tradition of four centuries; and the fabulous origin was lost in the real and permanent effects. The name of Dominus or Lord was inscribed on the coin of the bishops: their title was acknowledged by acclamations and oaths of allegiance, and with the free, or reluctant, consent of the German Caesars, they had long exercised a supreme or subordinate jurisdiction over the city and patrimony of St. Peter. The reign of the popes, which gratified the prejudices, was not incompatible with the liberties, of Rome; and a more critical inquiry would have revealed a still nobler source of their power; the gratitude of a nation, whom they had rescued from the heresy and oppression of the Greek tyrant. In an age of superstition, it should seem that the union of the royal and sacerdotal characters would mutually fortify each other; and that the keys of Paradise would be the surest pledge of earthly obedience. The sanctity of the office might indeed be degraded by the personal vices of the man. But the scandals of the tenth century were obliterated by the austere and more dangerous virtues of Gregory the Seventh and his successors; and in the ambitious contests which they maintained for the rights of the church, their sufferings or their success must equally tend to increase the popular veneration. They sometimes wandered in poverty and exile, the victims of persecution; and the apostolic zeal with which they offered themselves to martyrdom must engage the favor and sympathy of every Catholic breast. And sometimes, thundering from the Vatican, they created, judged, and deposed the kings of the world; nor could the proudest Roman be disgraced by submitting to a priest, whose feet were kissed, and whose stirrup was held, by the successors of Charlemagne. ^6 Even the temporal interest of the city should have protected in peace and honor the residence of the popes; from whence a vain and lazy people derived the greatest part of their subsistence and riches.

    The fixed revenue of the popes was probably impaired; many of the old patrimonial estates, both in Italy and the provinces, had been invaded by sacrilegious hands; nor could the loss be compensated by the claim, rather than the possession, of the more ample gifts of Pepin and his descendants. But the Vatican and Capitol were nourished by the incessant and increasing swarms of pilgrims and suppliants: the pale of Christianity was enlarged, and the pope and cardinals were overwhelmed by the judgment of ecclesiastical and secular causes. A new jurisprudence had established in the Latin church the right and practice of appeals; ^7 and from the North and West the bishops and abbots were invited or summoned to solicit, to complain, to accuse, or to justify, before the threshold of the apostles. A rare prodigy is once recorded, that two horses, belonging to the archbishops of Mentz and Cologne, repassed the Alps, yet laden with gold and silver: ^8 but it was soon understood, that the success, both of the pilgrims and clients, depended much less on the justice of their cause than on the value of their offering. The wealth and piety of these strangers were ostentatiously displayed; and their expenses, sacred or profane, circulated in various channels for the emolument of the Romans.

    [Footnote 6: See Ducange, Gloss. mediae et infimae Latinitat. tom. vi. p. 364, 365, Staffa. This homage was paid by kings to archbishops, and by vassals to their lords, (Schmidt, tom. iii. p. 262;) and it was the nicest policy of Rome to confound the marks of filial and of feudal subjection]

    [Footnote 7: The appeals from all the churches to the Roman pontiff are deplored by the zeal of St. Bernard (de Consideratione, l. iii. tom. ii. p. 431 – 442, edit. Mabillon, Venet. 1750) and the judgment of Fleury, (Discours sur l’Hist. Ecclesiastique, iv. et vii.) But the saint, who believed in the false decretals condemns only the abuse of these appeals; the more enlightened historian investigates the origin, and rejects the principles, of this new jurisprudence.]

    [Footnote 8: Germanici . . . . summarii non levatis sarcinis onusti nihilominus repatriant inviti. Nova res! quando hactenus aurum Roma refudit? Et nunc Romanorum consilio id usurpatum non credimus, (Bernard, de Consideratione, l. iii. c. 3, p. 437.) The first words of the passage are obscure, and probably corrupt.]

    Such powerful motives should have firmly attached the voluntary and pious obedience of the Roman people to their spiritual and temporal father. But the operation of prejudice and interest is often disturbed by the sallies of ungovernable passion. The Indian who fells the tree, that he may gather the fruit, ^9 and the Arab who plunders the caravans of commerce, are actuated by the same impulse of savage nature, which overlooks the future in the present, and relinquishes for momentary rapine the long and secure possession of the most important blessings. And it was thus, that the shrine of St. Peter was profaned by the thoughtless Romans; who pillaged the offerings, and wounded the pilgrims, without computing the number and value of similar visits, which they prevented by their inhospitable sacrilege. Even the influence of superstition is fluctuating and precarious; and the slave, whose reason is subdued, will often be delivered by his avarice or pride. A credulous devotion for the fables and oracles of the priesthood most powerfully acts on the mind of a Barbarian; yet such a mind is the least capable of preferring imagination to sense, of sacrificing to a distant motive, to an invisible, perhaps an ideal, object, the appetites and interests of the present world. In the vigor of health and youth, his practice will perpetually contradict his belief; till the pressure of age, or sickness, or calamity, awakens his terrors, and compels him to satisfy the double debt of piety and remorse. I have already observed, that the modern times of religious indifference are the most favorable to the peace and security of the clergy. Under the reign of superstition, they had much to hope from the ignorance, and much to fear from the violence, of mankind. The wealth, whose constant increase must have rendered them the sole proprietors of the earth, was alternately bestowed by the repentant father and plundered by the rapacious son: their persons were adored or violated; and the same idol, by the hands of the same votaries, was placed on the altar, or trampled in the dust. In the feudal system of Europe, arms were the title of distinction and the measure of allegiance; and amidst their tumult, the still voice of law and reason was seldom heard or obeyed. The turbulent Romans disdained the yoke, and insulted the impotence, of their bishop: ^10 nor would his education or character allow him to exercise, with decency or effect, the power of the sword. The motives of his election and the frailties of his life were exposed to their familiar observation; and proximity must diminish the reverence which his name and his decrees impressed on a barbarous world. This difference has not escaped the notice of our philosophic historian: “Though the name and authority of the court of Rome were so terrible in the remote countries of Europe, which were sunk in profound ignorance, and were entirely unacquainted with its character and conduct, the pope was so little revered at home, that his inveterate enemies surrounded the gates of Rome itself, and even controlled his government in that city; and the ambassadors, who, from a distant extremity of Europe, carried to him the humble, or rather abject, submissions of the greatest potentate of the age, found the utmost difficulty to make their way to him, and to throw themselves at his feet.” ^11

    [Footnote 9: Quand les sauvages de la Louisiane veulent avoir du fruit, ils coupent l’arbre au pied et cueillent le fruit. Voila le gouvernement despotique, (Esprit des Loix, l. v. c. 13;) and passion and ignorance are always despotic.]

    [Footnote 10: In a free conversation with his countryman Adrian IV., John of Salisbury accuses the avarice of the pope and clergy: Provinciarum diripiunt spolia, ac si thesauros Croesi studeant reparare. Sed recte cum eis agit Altissimus, quoniam et ipsi aliis et saepe vilissimis hominibus dati sunt in direptionem, (de Nugis Curialium, l. vi. c. 24, p. 387.) In the next page, he blames the rashness and infidelity of the Romans, whom their bishops vainly strove to conciliate by gifts, instead of virtues. It is pity that this miscellaneous writer has not given us less morality and erudition, and more pictures of himself and the times.]

    [Footnote 11: Hume’s History of England, vol. i. p. 419. The same writer has given us, from Fitz-Stephen, a singular act of cruelty perpetrated on the clergy by Geoffrey, the father of Henry II. “When he was master of Normandy, the chapter of Seez presumed, without his consent, to proceed to the election of a bishop: upon which he ordered all of them, with the bishop elect, to be castrated, and made all their testicles be brought him in a platter.” Of the pain and danger they might justly complain; yet since they had vowed chastity he deprived them of a superfluous treasure.]

    Since the primitive times, the wealth of the popes was exposed to envy, their powers to opposition, and their persons to violence. But the long hostility of the mitre and the crown increased the numbers, and inflamed the passions, of their enemies. The deadly factions of the Guelphs and Ghibelines, so fatal to Italy, could never be embraced with truth or constancy by the Romans, the subjects and adversaries both of the bishop and emperor; but their support was solicited by both parties, and they alternately displayed in their banners the keys of St. Peter and the German eagle. Gregory the Seventh, who may be adored or detested as the founder of the papal monarchy, was driven from Rome, and died in exile at Salerno. Six- and-thirty of his successors, ^12 till their retreat to Avignon, maintained an unequal contest with the Romans: their age and dignity were often violated; and the churches, in the solemn rites of religion, were polluted with sedition and murder. A repetition ^13 of such capricious brutality, without connection or design, would be tedious and disgusting; and I shall content myself with some events of the twelfth century, which represent the state of the popes and the city. On Holy Thursday, while Paschal officiated before the altar, he was interrupted by the clamors of the multitude, who imperiously demanded the confirmation of a favorite magistrate. His silence exasperated their fury; his pious refusal to mingle the affairs of earth and heaven was encountered with menaces, and oaths, that he should be the cause and the witness of the public ruin. During the festival of Easter, while the bishop and the clergy, barefooted and in procession, visited the tombs of the martyrs, they were twice assaulted, at the bridge of St. Angelo, and before the Capitol, with volleys of stones and darts. The houses of his adherents were levelled with the ground: Paschal escaped with difficulty and danger; he levied an army in the patrimony of St. Peter; and his last days were embittered by suffering and inflicting the calamities of civil war. The scenes that followed the election of his successor Gelasius the Second were still more scandalous to the church and city. Cencio Frangipani, ^14 a potent and factious baron, burst into the assembly furious and in arms: the cardinals were stripped, beaten, and trampled under foot; and he seized, without pity or respect, the vicar of Christ by the throat. Gelasius was dragged by the hair along the ground, buffeted with blows, wounded with spurs, and bound with an iron chain in the house of his brutal tyrant. An insurrection of the people delivered their bishop: the rival families opposed the violence of the Frangipani; and Cencio, who sued for pardon, repented of the failure, rather than of the guilt, of his enterprise. Not many days had elapsed, when the pope was again assaulted at the altar. While his friends and enemies were engaged in a bloody contest, he escaped in his sacerdotal garments. In this unworthy flight, which excited the compassion of the Roman matrons, his attendants were scattered or unhorsed; and, in the fields behind the church of St. Peter, his successor was found alone and half dead with fear and fatigue. Shaking the dust from his feet, the apostle withdrew from a city in which his dignity was insulted and his person was endangered; and the vanity of sacerdotal ambition is revealed in the involuntary confession, that one emperor was more tolerable than twenty. ^15 These examples might suffice; but I cannot forget the sufferings of two pontiffs of the same age, the second and third of the name of Lucius. The former, as he ascended in battle array to assault the Capitol, was struck on the temple by a stone, and expired in a few days. The latter was severely wounded in the person of his servants. In a civil commotion, several of his priests had been made prisoners; and the inhuman Romans, reserving one as a guide for his brethren, put out their eyes, crowned them with ludicrous mitres, mounted them on asses with their faces towards the tail, and extorted an oath, that, in this wretched condition, they should offer themselves as a lesson to the head of the church. Hope or fear, lassitude or remorse, the characters of the men, and the circumstances of the times, might sometimes obtain an interval of peace and obedience; and the pope was restored with joyful acclamations to the Lateran or Vatican, from whence he had been driven with threats and violence. But the root of mischief was deep and perennial; and a momentary calm was preceded and followed by such tempests as had almost sunk the bark of St. Peter. Rome continually presented the aspect of war and discord: the churches and palaces were fortified and assaulted by the factions and families; and, after giving peace to Europe, Calistus the Second alone had resolution and power to prohibit the use of private arms in the metropolis. Among the nations who revered the apostolic throne, the tumults of Rome provoked a general indignation; and in a letter to his disciple Eugenius the Third, St. Bernard, with the sharpness of his wit and zeal, has stigmatized the vices of the rebellious people. ^16 “Who is ignorant,” says the monk of Clairvaux, “of the vanity and arrogance of the Romans? a nation nursed in sedition, untractable, and scorning to obey, unless they are too feeble to resist. When they promise to serve, they aspire to reign; if they swear allegiance, they watch the opportunity of revolt; yet they vent their discontent in loud clamors, if your doors, or your counsels, are shut against them. Dexterous in mischief, they have never learned the science of doing good. Odious to earth and heaven, impious to God, seditious among themselves, jealous of their neighbors, inhuman to strangers, they love no one, by no one are they beloved; and while they wish to inspire fear, they live in base and continual apprehension. They will not submit; they know not how to govern faithless to their superiors, intolerable to their equals, ungrateful to their benefactors, and alike impudent in their demands and their refusals. Lofty in promise, poor in execution; adulation and calumny, perfidy and treason, are the familiar arts of their policy.” Surely this dark portrait is not colored by the pencil of Christian charity; ^17 yet the features, however harsh or ugly, express a lively resemblance of the Roman of the twelfth century. ^18 [Footnote 12: From Leo IX. and Gregory VII. an authentic and contemporary series of the lives of the popes by the cardinal of Arragon, Pandulphus Pisanus, Bernard Guido, &c., is inserted in the Italian Historians of Muratori, (tom. iii. P. i. p. 277 – 685,) and has been always before my eyes.] [Footnote 13: The dates of years int he in the contents may throughout his this chapter be understood as tacit references to the Annals of Muratori, my ordinary and excellent guide. He uses, and indeed quotes, with the freedom of a master, his great collection of the Italian Historians, in xxviii. volumes; and as that treasure is in my library, I have thought it an amusement, if not a duty, to consult the originals.]

    [Footnote 14: I cannot refrain from transcribing the high-colored words of Pandulphus Pisanus, (p. 384.) Hoc audiens inimicus pacis atque turbator jam fatus Centius Frajapane, more draconis immanissimi sibilans, et ab imis pectoribus trahens longa suspiria, accinctus retro gladio sine more cucurrit, valvas ac fores confregit. Ecclesiam furibundus introiit, inde custode remoto papam per gulam accepit, distraxit pugnis calcibusque percussit, et tanquam brutum animal intra limen ecclesiae acriter calcaribus cruentavit; et latro tantum dominum per capillos et brachia, Jesu bono interim dormiente, detraxit, ad domum usque deduxit, inibi catenavit et inclusit.]

    [Footnote 15: Ego coram Deo et Ecclesia dico, si unquam possibile esset, mallem unum imperatorem quam tot dominos, (Vit. Gelas. II. p. 398.)] [Footnote 16: Quid tam notum seculis quam protervia et cervicositas Romanorum? Gens insueta paci, tumultui assueta, gens immitis et intractabilis usque adhuc, subdi nescia, nisi cum non valet resistere, (de Considerat. l. iv. c. 2, p. 441.) The saint takes breath, and then begins again: Hi, invisi terrae et coelo, utrique injecere manus, &c., (p. 443.)]

    [Footnote 17: As a Roman citizen, Petrarch takes leave to observe, that Bernard, though a saint, was a man; that he might be provoked by resentment, and possibly repent of his hasty passion, &c. (Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. i. p. 330.)]

    [Footnote 18: Baronius, in his index to the xiith volume of his Annals, has found a fair and easy excuse. He makes two heads, of Romani Catholici and Schismatici: to the former he applies all the good, to the latter all the evil, that is told of the city.]

    The Jews had rejected the Christ when he appeared among them in a plebeian character; and the Romans might plead their ignorance of his vicar when he assumed the pomp and pride of a temporal sovereign. In the busy age of the crusades, some sparks of curiosity and reason were rekindled in the Western world: the heresy of Bulgaria, the Paulician sect, was successfully transplanted into the soil of Italy and France; the Gnostic visions were mingled with the simplicity of the gospel; and the enemies of the clergy reconciled their passions with their conscience, the desire of freedom with the profession of piety. ^19 The trumpet of Roman liberty was first sounded by Arnold of Brescia, ^20 whose promotion in the church was confined to the lowest rank, and who wore the monastic habit rather as a garb of poverty than as a uniform of obedience. His adversaries could not deny the wit and eloquence which they severely felt; they confess with reluctance the specious purity of his morals; and his errors were recommended to the public by a mixture of important and beneficial truths. In his theological studies, he had been the disciple of the famous and unfortunate Abelard, ^21 who was likewise involved in the suspicion of heresy: but the lover of Eloisa was of a soft and flexible nature; and his ecclesiastic judges were edified and disarmed by the humility of his repentance. From this master, Arnold most probably imbibed some metaphysical definitions of the Trinity, repugnant to the taste of the times: his ideas of baptism and the eucharist are loosely censured; but a political heresy was the source of his fame and misfortunes. He presumed to quote the declaration of Christ, that his kingdom is not of this world: he boldly maintained, that the sword and the sceptre were intrusted to the civil magistrate; that temporal honors and possessions were lawfully vested in secular persons; that the abbots, the bishops, and the pope himself, must renounce either their state or their salvation; and that after the loss of their revenues, the voluntary tithes and oblations of the faithful would suffice, not indeed for luxury and avarice, but for a frugal life in the exercise of spiritual labors. During a short time, the preacher was revered as a patriot; and the discontent, or revolt, of Brescia against her bishop, was the first fruits of his dangerous lessons. But the favor of the people is less permanent than the resentment of the priest; and after the heresy of Arnold had been condemned by Innocent the Second, ^22 in the general council of the Lateran, the magistrates themselves were urged by prejudice and fear to execute the sentence of the church. Italy could no longer afford a refuge; and the disciple of Abelard escaped beyond the Alps, till he found a safe and hospitable shelter in Zurich, now the first of the Swiss cantons. From a Roman station, ^23 a royal villa, a chapter of noble virgins, Zurich had gradually increased to a free and flourishing city; where the appeals of the Milanese were sometimes tried by the Imperial commissaries. ^24 In an age less ripe for reformation, the precursor of Zuinglius was heard with applause: a brave and simple people imbibed, and long retained, the color of his opinions; and his art, or merit, seduced the bishop of Constance, and even the pope’s legate, who forgot, for his sake, the interest of their master and their order. Their tardy zeal was quickened by the fierce exhortations of St. Bernard; ^25 and the enemy of the church was driven by persecution to the desperate measures of erecting his standard in Rome itself, in the face of the successor of St. Peter.

    [Footnote 19: The heresies of the xiith century may be found in Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 419 – 427,) who entertains a favorable opinion of Arnold of Brescia. In the vth volume I have described the sect of the Paulicians, and followed their migration from Armenia to Thrace and Bulgaria, Italy and France.]

    [Footnote 20: The original pictures of Arnold of Brescia are drawn by Otho, bishop of Frisingen, (Chron. l. vii. c. 31, de Gestis Frederici I. l. i. c. 27, l. ii. c. 21,) and in the iiid book of the Ligurinus, a poem of Gunthur, who flourished A.D. 1200, in the monastery of Paris near Basil, (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Med. et Infimae Aetatis, tom. iii. p. 174, 175.) The long passage that relates to Arnold is produced by Guilliman, (de Rebus Helveticis, l. iii. c. 5, p. 108.)

    Note: Compare Franke, Arnold von Brescia und seine Zeit.

    Zarich, 1828 – M.]

    [Footnote 21: The wicked wit of Bayle was amused in composing, with much levity and learning, the articles of Abelard, Foulkes, Heloise, in his Dictionnaire Critique. The dispute of Abelard and St. Bernard, of scholastic and positive divinity, is well understood by Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 412 – 415.)]

    [Footnote 22: – Damnatus ab illo Praesule,

    qui numeros vetitum contingere nostros Nomen ad innocua ducit laudabile

    vita. We may applaud the dexterity and correctness of Ligurinus, who turns the unpoetical name of Innocent II. into a compliment.]

    [Footnote 23: A Roman inscription of Statio Turicensis has been found at Zurich, (D’Anville, Notice de l’ancienne Gaul, p. 642 – 644;) but it is without sufficient warrant, that the city

    and canton have usurped, and even monopolized, the names of Tigurum and Pagus Tigurinus.]

    [Footnote 24: Guilliman (de Rebus Helveticis, l. iii. c. 5, p. 106) recapitulates the donation (A.D. 833) of the emperor Lewis the Pious to his daughter the abbess Hildegardis. Curtim nostram Turegum in ducatu Alamanniae in pago Durgaugensi, with villages, woods, meadows, waters, slaves, churches, &c.; a noble gift. Charles the Bald gave the jus monetae, the city was walled under Otho I., and the line of the bishop of Frisingen,

    Nobile Turegum multarum copia rerum,

    is repeated with pleasure by the antiquaries of Zurich.]

    [Footnote 25: Bernard, Epistol. cxcv. tom. i. p. 187 – 190. Amidst his invectives he drops a precious acknowledgment, qui, utinam quam sanae esset doctrinae quam districtae est vitae. He owns that Arnold would be a valuable acquisition for the church.]

    Part III.

    While they expected the descent of the tardy angel, the doors were broken with axes; and as the Turks encountered no resistance, their bloodless hands were employed in selecting and securing the multitude of their prisoners. Youth, beauty, and the appearance of wealth, attracted their choice; and the right of property was decided among themselves by a prior seizure, by personal strength, and by the authority of command. In the space of an hour, the male captives were bound with cords, the females with their veils and girdles. The senators were linked with their slaves; the prelates, with the porters of the church; and young men of the plebeian class, with noble maids, whose faces had been invisible to the sun and their nearest kindred. In this common captivity, the ranks of society were confounded; the ties of nature were cut asunder; and the inexorable soldier was careless of the father’s groans, the tears of the mother, and the lamentations of the children. The loudest in their wailings were the nuns, who were torn from the altar with naked bosoms, outstretched hands, and dishevelled hair; and we should piously believe that few could be tempted to prefer the vigils of the harem to those of the monastery. Of these unfortunate Greeks, of these domestic animals, whole strings were rudely driven through the streets; and as the conquerors were eager to return for more prey, their trembling pace was quickened with menaces and blows. At the same hour, a similar rapine was exercised in all the churches and monasteries, in all the palaces and habitations, of the capital; nor could any place, however sacred or sequestered, protect the persons or the property of the Greeks. Above sixty thousand of this devoted people were transported from the city to the camp and fleet; exchanged or sold according to the caprice or interest of their masters, and dispersed in remote servitude through the provinces of the Ottoman empire. Among these we may notice some remarkable characters. The historian Phranza, first chamberlain and principal secretary, was involved with his family in the common lot. After suffering four months the hardships of slavery, he recovered his freedom: in the ensuing winter he ventured to Adrianople, and ransomed his wife from the mir bashi, or master of the horse; but his two children, in the flower of youth and beauty, had been seized for the use of Mahomet himself.

    The daughter of Phranza died in the seraglio, perhaps a virgin: his son, in the fifteenth year of his age, preferred death to infamy, and was stabbed by the hand of the royal lover. ^66 A deed thus inhuman cannot surely be expiated by the taste and liberality with which he released a Grecian matron and her two daughters, on receiving a Latin doe From ode from Philelphus, who had chosen a wife in that noble family. ^67 The pride or cruelty of Mahomet would have been most sensibly gratified by the capture of a Roman legate; but the dexterity of Cardinal Isidore eluded the search, and he escaped from Galata in a plebeian habit. ^68 The chain and entrance of the outward harbor was still occupied by the Italian ships of merchandise and war. They had signalized their valor in the siege: they embraced the moment of retreat, while the Turkish mariners were dissipated in the pillage of the city. When they hoisted sail, the beach was covered with a suppliant and lamentable crowd; but the means of transportation were scanty: the Venetians and Genoese selected their countrymen; and, notwithstanding the fairest promises of the sultan, the inhabitants of Galata evacuated their houses, and embarked with their most precious effects.

    [Footnote 66: See Phranza, l. iii. c. 20, 21. His expressions are positive: Ameras sua manu jugulavit . . . . volebat enim eo turpiter et nefarie abuti. Me miserum et infelicem! Yet he could only learn from report the bloody or impure scenes that were acted in the dark recesses of the seraglio.] [Footnote 67: See Tiraboschi (tom. vi. P. i. p. 290) and Lancelot, (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 718.) I should be curious to learn how he could praise the public enemy, whom he so often reviles as the most corrupt and inhuman of tyrants.]

    [Footnote 68: The commentaries of Pius II. suppose that he craftily placed his cardinal’s hat on the head of a corpse which was cut off and exposed in triumph, while the legate himself was bought and delivered as a captive of no value. The great Belgic Chronicle adorns his escape with new adventures, which he suppressed (says Spondanus, A.D. 1453, No. 15) in his own letters, lest he should lose the merit and reward of suffering for Christ.

    Note: He was sold as a slave in Galata, according to Von Hammer, p. 175. See the somewhat vague and declamatory letter of Cardinal Isidore, in the appendix to Clarke’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 653. – M.]

    In the fall and the sack of great cities, an historian is condemned to repeat the tale of uniform calamity: the same effects must be produced by the same passions; and when those passions may be indulged without control, small, alas! is the difference between civilized and savage man. Amidst the vague exclamations of bigotry and hatred, the Turks are not accused of a wanton or immoderate effusion of Christian blood: but according to their maxims, (the maxims of antiquity,) the lives of the vanquished were forfeited; and the legitimate reward of the conqueror was derived from the service, the sale, or the ransom, of his captives of both sexes. ^69 The wealth of Constantinople had been granted by the sultan to his victorious troops; and the rapine of an hour is more productive than the industry of years. But as no regular division was attempted of the spoil, the respective shares were not determined by merit; and the rewards of valor were stolen away by the followers of the camp, who had declined the toil and danger of the battle. The narrative of their depredations could not afford either amusement or instruction: the total amount, in the last poverty of the empire, has been valued at four millions of ducats; ^70 and of this sum a small part was the property of the Venetians, the Genoese, the Florentines, and the merchants of Ancona. Of these foreigners, the stock was improved in quick and perpetual circulation: but the riches of the Greeks were displayed in the idle ostentation of palaces and wardrobes, or deeply buried in treasures of ingots and old coin, lest it should be demanded at their hands for the defence of their country. The profanation and plunder of the monasteries and churches excited the most tragic complaints. The dome of St. Sophia itself, the earthly heaven, the second firmament, the vehicle of the cherubim, the throne of the glory of God, ^71 was despoiled of the oblation of ages; and the gold and silver, the pearls and jewels, the vases and sacerdotal ornaments, were most wickedly converted to the service of mankind. After the divine images had been stripped of all that could be valuable to a profane eye, the canvas, or the wood, was torn, or broken, or burnt, or trod under foot, or applied, in the stables or the kitchen, to the vilest uses. The example of sacrilege was imitated, however, from the Latin conquerors of Constantinople; and the treatment which Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, had sustained from the guilty Catholic, might be inflicted by the zealous Mussulman on the monuments of idolatry. Perhaps, instead of joining the public clamor, a philosopher will observe, that in the decline of the arts the workmanship could not be more valuable than the work, and that a fresh supply of visions and miracles would speedily be renewed by the craft of the priests and the credulity of the people. He will more seriously deplore the loss of the Byzantine libraries, which were destroyed or scattered in the general confusion: one hundred and twenty thousand manuscripts are said to have disappeared; ^72 ten volumes might be purchased for a single ducat; and the same ignominious price, too high perhaps for a shelf of theology, included the whole works of Aristotle and Homer, the noblest productions of the science and literature of ancient Greece. We may reflect with pleasure that an inestimable portion of our classic treasures was safely deposited in Italy; and that the mechanics of a German town had invented an art which derides the havoc of time and barbarism. [Footnote 69: Busbequius expatiates with pleasure and applause on the rights of war, and the use of slavery, among the ancients and the Turks, (de Legat. Turcica, epist. iii. p. 161.)]

    [Footnote 70: This sum is specified in a marginal note of Leunclavius, (Chalcondyles, l. viii. p. 211,) but in the distribution to Venice, Genoa, Florence, and Ancona, of 50, 20, and 15,000 ducats, I suspect that a figure has been dropped. Even with the restitution, the foreign property would scarcely exceed one fourth.]

    [Footnote 71: See the enthusiastic praises and lamentations of Phranza, (l. iii. c. 17.)]

    [Footnote 72: See Ducas, (c. 43,) and an epistle, July 15th, 1453, from Laurus Quirinus to Pope Nicholas V., (Hody de Graecis, p. 192, from a MS. in the Cotton library.)]

    From the first hour ^73 of the memorable twenty-ninth of May, disorder and rapine prevailed in Constantinople, till the eighth hour of the same day; when the sultan himself passed in triumph through the gate of St. Romanus. He was attended by his viziers, bashaws, and guards, each of whom (says a Byzantine historian) was robust as Hercules, dexterous as Apollo, and equal in battle to any ten of the race of ordinary mortals. The conqueror ^74 gazed with satisfaction and wonder on the strange, though splendid, appearance of the domes and palaces, so dissimilar from the style of Oriental architecture. In the hippodrome, or atmeidan, his eye was attracted by the twisted column of the three serpents; and, as a trial of his strength, he shattered with his iron mace or battle-axe the under jaw of one of these monsters, ^75 which in the eyes of the Turks were the idols or talismans of the city. ^* At the principal door of St. Sophia, he alighted from his horse, and entered the dome; and such was his jealous regard for that monument of his glory, that on observing a zealous Mussulman in the act of breaking the marble pavement, he admonished him with his cimeter, that, if the spoil and captives were granted to the soldiers, the public and private buildings had been reserved for the prince. By his command the metropolis of the Eastern church was transformed into a mosque: the rich and portable instruments of superstition had been removed; the crosses were thrown down; and the walls, which were covered with images and mosaics, were washed and purified, and restored to a state of naked simplicity. On the same day, or on the ensuing Friday, the muezin, or crier, ascended the most lofty turret, and proclaimed the ezan, or public invitation in the name of God and his prophet; the imam preached; and Mahomet and Second performed the namaz of prayer and thanksgiving on the great altar, where the Christian mysteries had so lately been celebrated before the last of the Caesars. ^76 From St. Sophia he proceeded to the august, but desolate mansion of a hundred successors of the great Constantine, but which in a few hours had been stripped of the pomp of royalty. A melancholy reflection on the vicissitudes of human greatness forced itself on his mind; and he repeated an elegant distich of Persian poetry: “The spider has wove his web in the Imperial palace; and the owl hath sung her watch-song on the towers of Afrasiab.” ^77

    [Footnote 73: The Julian Calendar, which reckons the days and hours from midnight, was used at Constantinople. But Ducas seems to understand the natural hours from sunrise.]

    [Footnote 74: See the Turkish Annals, p. 329, and the Pandects of Leunclarius, p. 448.]

    [Footnote 75: I have had occasion (vol. ii. p. 100) to mention this curious relic of Grecian antiquity.]

    [Footnote *: Von Hammer passes over this circumstance, which is treated by Dr. Clarke (Travels, vol. ii. p. 58, 4to. edit,) as a fiction of Thevenot. Chishull states that the monument was broken by some attendants of the Polish ambassador. – M.]

    [Footnote 76: We are obliged to Cantemir (p. 102) for the Turkish account of the conversion of St. Sophia, so bitterly deplored by Phranza and Ducas. It is amusing enough to observe, in what opposite lights the same object appears to a Mussulman and a Christian eye.]

    [Footnote 77: This distich, which Cantemir gives in the original, derives new beauties from the application. It was thus that Scipio repeated, in the sack of Carthage, the famous prophecy of Homer. The same generous feeling carried the mind of the conqueror to the past or the future.]

    Yet his mind was not satisfied, nor did the victory seem complete, till he was informed of the fate of Constantine; whether he had escaped, or been made prisoner, or had fallen in the battle. Two Janizaries claimed the honor and reward of his death: the body, under a heap of slain, was discovered by the golden eagles embroidered on his shoes; the Greeks acknowledged, with tears, the head of their late emperor; and, after exposing the bloody trophy, ^78 Mahomet bestowed on his rival the honors of a decent funeral. After his decease,

    Lucas Notaras, great duke, ^79 and first minister of the empire, was the most important prisoner. When he offered his person and his treasures at the foot of the throne, “And why,” said the indignant sultan, “did you not employ these treasures in the defence of your prince and country?” – “They were yours,” answered the slave; “God had reserved them for your hands.” – “If he reserved them for me,” replied the despot, “how have you presumed to withhold them so long by a fruitless and fatal resistance?” The great duke alleged the obstinacy of the strangers, and some secret encouragement from the Turkish vizier; and from this perilous interview he was at length dismissed with the assurance of pardon and protection. Mahomet condescended to visit his wife, a venerable princess oppressed with sickness and grief; and his consolation for her misfortunes was in the most tender strain of humanity and filial reverence. A similar clemency was extended to the principal officers of state, of whom several were ransomed at his expense; and during some days he declared himself the friend and father of the vanquished people. But the scene was soon changed; and before his departure, the hippodrome streamed with the blood of his noblest captives. His perfidious cruelty is execrated by the Christians: they adorn with the colors of heroic martyrdom the execution of the great duke and his two sons; and his death is ascribed to the generous refusal of delivering his children to the tyrant’s lust. ^* Yet a Byzantine historian has dropped an unguarded word of conspiracy, deliverance, and Italian succor: such treason may be glorious; but the rebel who bravely ventures, has justly forfeited his life; nor should we blame a conqueror for destroying the enemies whom he can no longer trust. On the eighteenth of June the victorious sultan returned to Adrianople; and smiled at the base and hollow embassies of the Christian princes, who viewed their approaching ruin in the fall of the Eastern empire.

    [Footnote 78: I cannot believe with Ducas (see Spondanus, A.D. 1453, No. 13) that Mahomet sent round Persia, Arabia, &c., the head of the Greek emperor: he would surely content himself with a trophy less inhuman.]

    [Footnote 79: Phranza was the personal enemy of the great duke; nor could time, or death, or his own retreat to a monastery, extort a feeling of sympathy or forgiveness. Ducas is inclined to praise and pity the martyr; Chalcondyles is neuter, but we are indebted to him for the hint of the Greek conspiracy.]

    [Footnote *: Von Hammer relates this undoubtingly, apparently on good authority, p. 559. – M.]

    Constantinople had been left naked and desolate, without a prince or a people. But she could not be despoiled of the incomparable situation which marks her for the metropolis of a great empire; and the genius of the place will ever triumph over the accidents of time and fortune. Boursa and Adrianople, the ancient seats of the Ottomans, sunk into provincial towns; and Mahomet the Second established his own residence, and that of his successors, on the same commanding spot which had been chosen by Constantine. ^80 The fortifications of Galata, which might afford a shelter to the Latins, were prudently destroyed; but the damage of the Turkish cannon was soon repaired; and before the month of August, great quantities of lime had been burnt for the restoration of the walls of the capital. As the entire property of the soil and buildings, whether public or private, or profane or sacred, was now transferred to the conqueror, he first separated a space of eight furlongs from the point of the triangle for the establishment of his seraglio or palace. It is here, in the bosom of luxury, that the Grand Signor (as he has been emphatically named by the Italians) appears to reign over Europe and Asia; but his person on the shores of the Bosphorus may not always be secure from the insults of a hostile navy. In the new character of a mosque, the cathedral of St. Sophia was endowed with an ample revenue, crowned with lofty minarets, and surrounded with groves and fountains, for the devotion and refreshment of the Moslems. The same model was imitated in the jami, or royal mosques; and the first of these was built, by Mahomet himself, on the ruins of the church of

    the holy apostles, and the tombs of the Greek emperors. On the third day after the conquest, the grave of Abu Ayub, or Job, who had fallen in the first siege of the Arabs, was revealed in a vision; and it is before the sepulchre of the martyr that the new sultans are girded with the sword of empire. ^81 Constantinople no longer appertains to the Roman historian; nor shall I enumerate the civil and religious edifices that were profaned or erected by its Turkish masters: the population was speedily renewed; and before the end of September, five thousand families of Anatolia and Romania had obeyed the royal mandate, which enjoined them, under pain of death, to occupy their new habitations in the capital. The throne of Mahomet was guarded by the numbers and fidelity of his Moslem subjects: but his rational policy aspired to collect the remnant of the Greeks; and they returned in crowds, as soon as they were assured of their lives, their liberties, and the free exercise of their religion. In the election and investiture of a patriarch, the ceremonial of the Byzantine court was revived and imitated. With a mixture of satisfaction and horror, they beheld the sultan on his throne; who delivered into the hands of Gennadius the crosier or pastoral staff, the symbol of his ecclesiastical office; who conducted the patriarch to the gate of the seraglio, presented him with a horse richly caparisoned, and directed the viziers and bashaws to lead him to the palace which had been allotted for his residence. ^82 The churches of Constantinople were shared between the two religions: their limits were marked; and, till it was infringed by Selim, the grandson of Mahomet, the Greeks ^83 enjoyed above sixty years the benefit of this equal partition. Encouraged by the ministers of the divan, who wished to elude the fanaticism of the sultan, the Christian advocates presumed to allege that this division had been an act, not of generosity, but of justice; not a concession, but a compact; and that if one half of the city had been taken by storm, the other moiety had surrendered on the faith of a sacred capitulation. The original grant had indeed been consumed by fire: but the loss was supplied by the testimony of three aged Janizaries who remembered the transaction; and their venal oaths are of more weight in the opinion of

    Cantemir, than the positive and unanimous consent of the history of the times. ^84

    [Footnote 80: For the restitution of Constantinople and the Turkish foundations, see Cantemir, (p. 102 – 109,) Ducas, (c. 42,) with Thevenot, Tournefort, and the rest of our modern travellers. From a gigantic picture of the greatness, population, &c., of Constantinople and the Ottoman empire, (Abrege de l’Histoire Ottomane, tom. i. p. 16 – 21,) we may learn, that in the year 1586 the Moslems were less numerous in the capital than the Christians, or even the Jews.]

    [Footnote 81: The Turbe, or sepulchral monument of Abu Ayub, is described and engraved in the Tableau Generale de l’Empire Ottoman, (Paris 1787, in large folio,) a work of less use, perhaps, than magnificence, (tom. i. p. 305, 306.)]

    [Footnote 82: Phranza (l. iii. c. 19) relates the ceremony, which has possibly been adorned in the Greek reports to each other, and to the Latins. The fact is confirmed by Emanuel Malaxus, who wrote, in vulgar Greek, the History of the Patriarchs after the taking of Constantinople, inserted in the Turco-Graecia of Crusius, (l. v. p. 106 – 184.) But the most patient reader will not believe that Mahomet adopted the Catholic form, “Sancta Trinitas quae mihi donavit imperium te in patriarcham novae Romae deligit.”] [Footnote 83: From the Turco-Graecia of Crusius, &c. Spondanus (A.D. 1453, No. 21, 1458, No. 16) describes the slavery and domestic quarrels of the Greek church. The patriarch who succeeded Gennadius threw himself in despair into a well.]

    [Footnote 84: Cantemir (p. 101 – 105) insists on the unanimous consent of the Turkish historians, ancient as well as modern, and argues, that they would not have violated the truth to diminish their national glory, since it is esteemed more honorable to take a city by force than by composition. But, 1. I doubt this consent, since he quotes no particular historian, and the Turkish Annals of Leunclavius affirm, without exception, that Mahomet took Constantinople per vim,

    (p. 329.) 2 The same argument may be turned in favor of the Greeks of the times, who would not have forgotten this honorable and salutary treaty. Voltaire, as usual, prefers the Turks to the Christians.]

    The remaining fragments of the Greek kingdom in Europe and Asia I shall abandon to the Turkish arms; but the final extinction of the two last dynasties ^85 which have reigned in Constantinople should terminate the decline and fall of the Roman empire in the East. The despots of the Morea, Demetrius and Thomas, ^86 the two surviving brothers of the name of Palaeologus, were astonished by the death of the emperor Constantine, and the ruin of the monarchy. Hopeless of defence, they prepared, with the noble Greeks who adhered to their fortune, to seek a refuge in Italy, beyond the reach of the Ottoman thunder. Their first apprehensions were dispelled by the victorious sultan, who contented himself with a tribute of twelve thousand ducats; and while his ambition explored the continent and the islands, in search of prey, he indulged the Morea in a respite of seven years. But this respite was a period of grief, discord, and misery. The hexamilion, the rampart of the Isthmus, so often raised and so often subverted, could not long be defended by three hundred Italian archers: the keys of Corinth were seized by the Turks: they returned from their summer excursions with a train of captives and spoil; and the complaints of the injured Greeks were heard with indifference and disdain. The Albanians, a vagrant tribe of shepherds and robbers, filled the peninsula with rapine and murder: the two despots implored the dangerous and humiliating aid of a neighboring bashaw; and when he had quelled the revolt, his lessons inculcated the rule of their future conduct. Neither the ties of blood, nor the oaths which they repeatedly pledged in the communion and before the altar, nor the stronger pressure of necessity, could reconcile or suspend their domestic quarrels. They ravaged each other’s patrimony with fire and sword: the alms and succors of the West were consumed in civil hostility; and their power was only exerted in savage and arbitrary executions.

    The distress and revenge of the weaker rival invoked their supreme lord; and, in the season of maturity and revenge, Mahomet declared himself the friend of Demetrius, and marched into the Morea with an irresistible force. When he had taken possession of Sparta, “You are too weak,” said the sultan, “to control this turbulent province: I will take your daughter to my bed; and you shall pass the remainder of your life in security and honor.” Demetrius sighed and obeyed; surrendered his daughter and his castles; followed to Adrianople his sovereign and his son; and received for his own maintenance, and that of his followers, a city in Thrace and the adjacent isles of Imbros, Lemnos, and Samothrace. He was joined the next year by a companion ^* of misfortune, the last of the Comnenian race, who, after the taking of Constantinople by the Latins, had founded a new empire on the coast of the Black Sea. ^87 In the progress of his Anatolian conquest, Mahomet invested with a fleet and army the capital of David, who presumed to style himself emperor of Trebizond; ^88 and the negotiation was comprised in a short and peremptory question, “Will you secure your life and treasures by resigning your kingdom? or had you rather forfeit your kingdom, your treasures, and your life?” The feeble Comnenus was subdued by his own fears, ^! and the example of a Mussulman neighbor, the prince of Sinope, ^89 who, on a similar summons, had yielded a fortified city, with four hundred cannon and ten or twelve thousand soldiers. The capitulation of Trebizond was faithfully performed: ^* and the emperor, with his family, was transported to a castle in Romania; but on a slight suspicion of corresponding with the Persian king, David, and the whole Comnenian race, were sacrificed to the jealousy or avarice of the conqueror. ^!! Nor could the name of father long protect the unfortunate Demetrius from exile and confiscation; his abject submission moved the pity and contempt of the sultan; his followers were transplanted to Constantinople; and his poverty was alleviated by a pension of fifty thousand aspers, till a monastic habit and a tardy death released Palaeologus from an earthly master. It is not easy to pronounce whether the servitude of Demetrius, or the exile of his brother Thomas, ^90 be the most inglorious. On the conquest of the Morea, the despot escaped to Corfu, and from thence to Italy, with some naked adherents: his name, his sufferings, and the head of the apostle St. Andrew, entitled him to the hospitality of the Vatican; and his misery was prolonged by a pension of six thousand ducats from the pope and cardinals. His two sons, Andrew and Manuel, were educated in Italy; but the eldest, contemptible to his enemies and burdensome to his friends, was degraded by the baseness of his life and marriage. A title was his sole inheritance; and that inheritance he successively sold to the kings of France and Arragon. ^91 During his transient prosperity, Charles the Eighth was ambitious of joining the empire of the East with the kingdom of Naples: in a public festival, he assumed the appellation and the purple of Augustus: the Greeks rejoiced and the Ottoman already trembled, at the approach of the French chivalry. ^92 Manuel Palaeologus, the second son, was tempted to revisit his native country: his return might be grateful, and could not be dangerous, to the Porte: he was maintained at Constantinople in safety and ease; and an honorable train of Christians and Moslems attended him to the grave. If there be some animals of so generous a nature that they refuse to propagate in a domestic state, the last of the Imperial race must be ascribed to an inferior kind: he accepted from the sultan’s liberality two beautiful females; and his surviving son was lost in the habit and religion of a Turkish slave.

    [Footnote 85: For the genealogy and fall of the Comneni of Trebizond, see Ducange, (Fam. Byzant. p. 195;) for the last Palaeologi, the same accurate antiquarian, (p. 244, 247, 248.) The Palaeologi of Montferrat were not extinct till the next century; but they had forgotten their Greek origin and kindred.] [Footnote 86: In the worthless story of the disputes and misfortunes of the two brothers, Phranza (l. iii. c. 21 – 30) is too partial on the side of Thomas Ducas (c. 44, 45) is too brief, and Chalcondyles (l. viii. ix. x.) too diffuse and digressive.]

    [Footnote *: Kalo-Johannes, the predecessor of David his brother, the last emperor of Trebizond, had attempted to organize a confederacy against Mahomet it comprehended Hassan Bei, sultan of Mesopotamia, the Christian princes of Georgia and Iberia, the emir of Sinope, and the sultan of Caramania. The negotiations were interrupted by his sudden death, A.D. 1458. Fallmerayer, p. 257 – 260. – M.]

    [Footnote 87: See the loss or conquest of Trebizond in Chalcondyles, (l. ix. p. 263 – 266,) Ducas, (c. 45,) Phranza, (l. iii. c. 27,) and Cantemir, (p. 107.)]

    [Footnote 88: Though Tournefort (tom. iii. lettre xvii. p. 179) speaks of Trebizond as mal peuplee, Peysonnel, the latest and most accurate observer, can find 100,000 inhabitants, (Commerce de la Mer Noire, tom. ii. p. 72, and for the province, p. 53 – 90.) Its prosperity and trade are perpetually disturbed by the factious quarrels of two odas of Janizaries, in one which 30,000 Lazi are commonly enrolled, (Memoires de Tott, tom. iii. p. 16, 17.)] [Footnote !: According to the Georgian account of these transactions, (translated by M. Brosset, additions to Le Beau, vol. xxi. p. 325,) the emperor of Trebizond humbly entreated the sultan to have the goodness to marry one of his daughters. – M.]

    [Footnote 89: Ismael Beg, prince of Sinope or Sinople, was possessed (chiefly from his copper mines) of a revenure of 200,000 ducats, (Chalcond. l. ix. p. 258, 259.) Peysonnel (Commerce de la Mer Noire, tom. ii. p. 100) ascribes to the modern city 60,000 inhabitants. This account seems enormous; yet it is by trading with people that we become acquainted with their wealth and numbers.] [Footnote *: M. Boissonade has published, in the fifth volume of his Anecdota Graeca (p. 387, 401.) a very interesting letter from George Amiroutzes, protovestia rius of Trebizond, to Bessarion, describing the surrender of Trebizond, and the fate of its chief inhabitants. – M.]

    [Footnote !!: See in Von Hammer, vol. ii. p. 60, the striking account of the mother, the empress Helena the Cantacuzene, who, in defiance of the edict, like that of Creon in the Greek

    tragedy, dug the grave for her murdered children with her own hand, and sank into it herself. – M.] [Footnote 90: Spondanus (from Gobelin Comment. Pii II. l. v.) relates the arrival and reception of of the despot Thomas at Rome,. (A.D. 1461 No. NO. 3.)]

    [Footnote 91: By an act dated A.D. 1494, Sept. 6, and lately transmitted from the archives of the Capitol to the royal library of Paris, the despot Andrew Palaeologus, reserving the Morea, and stipulating some private advantages, conveys to Charles VIII., king of France, the empires of Constantinople and Trebizond, (Spondanus, A.D. 1495, No. 2.) M. D. Foncemagne (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xvii. p. 539 – 578) has bestowed a dissertation on his national title, of which he had obtained a copy from Rome.] [Footnote 92: See Philippe de Comines, (l. vii. c. 14,) who reckons with pleasure the number of Greeks who were prepared to rise, 60 miles of an easy navigation, eighteen days’ journey from Valona to Constantinople, &c. On this occasion the Turkish empire was saved by the policy of Venice.]

    The importance of Constantinople was felt and magnified in

    its loss: the pontificate of Nicholas the Fifth, however peaceful and prosperous, was dishonored by the fall of the Eastern empire; and the grief and terror of the Latins revived, or seemed to revive, the old enthusiasm of the crusades. In one of the most distant countries of the West, Philip duke of Burgundy entertained, at Lisle in Flanders, an assembly of his nobles; and the pompous pageants of the feast were skilfully adapted to their fancy and feelings. ^93 In the midst of the banquet a gigantic Saracen entered the hall, leading a fictitious elephant with a castle on his back: a matron in a mourning robe, the symbol of religion, was seen to issue from the castle: she deplored her oppression, and accused the slowness of her champions: the principal herald of the golden fleece advanced, bearing on his fist a live pheasant, which, according to the rites of chivalry, he presented to the duke. At this extraordinary summons, Philip, a wise and aged prince,

    engaged his person and powers in the holy war against the Turks: his example was imitated by the barons and knights of the assembly: they swore to God, the Virgin, the ladies and the pheasant; and their particular vows were not less extravagant than the general sanction of their oath. But the performance was made to depend on some future and foreign contingency; and during twelve years, till the last hour of his life, the duke of Burgundy might be scrupulously, and perhaps sincerely, on the eve of his departure. Had every breast glowed with the same ardor; had the union of the Christians corresponded with their bravery; had every country, from Sweden ^94 to Naples, supplied a just proportion of cavalry and infantry, of men and money, it is indeed probable that Constantinople would have been delivered, and that the Turks might have been chased beyond the Hellespont or the Euphrates. But the secretary of the emperor, who composed every epistle, and attended every meeting, Aeneas Sylvius, ^95 a statesman and orator, describes from his own experience the repugnant state and spirit of Christendom. “It is a body,” says he, “without a head; a republic without laws or magistrates. The pope and the emperor may shine as lofty titles, as splendid images; but they are unable to command, and none are willing to obey: every state has a separate prince, and every prince has a separate interest. What eloquence could unite so many discordant and hostile powers under the same standard? Could they be assembled in arms, who would dare to assume the office of general? What order could be maintained? – what military discipline? Who would undertake to feed such an enormous multitude? Who would understand their various languages, or direct their stranger and incompatible manners? What mortal could reconcile the English with the French, Genoa with Arragon the Germans with the natives of Hungary and Bohemia?

    If a small number enlisted in the holy war, they must be overthrown by the infidels; if many, by their own weight and confusion.” Yet the same Aeneas, when he was raised to the papal throne, under the name of Pius the Second, devoted his life to the prosecution of the Turkish war. In the council of

    Mantua he excited some sparks of a false or feeble enthusiasm; but when the pontiff appeared at Ancona, to embark in person with the troops, engagements vanished in excuses; a precise day was adjourned to an indefinite term; and his effective army consisted of some German pilgrims, whom he was obliged to disband with indulgences and arms. Regardless of futurity, his successors and the powers of Italy were involved in the schemes of present and domestic ambition; and the distance or proximity of each object determined in their eyes its apparent magnitude. A more enlarged view of their interest would have taught them to maintain a defensive and naval war against the common enemy; and the support of Scanderbeg and his brave Albanians might have prevented the subsequent invasion of the kingdom of Naples. The siege and sack of Otranto by the Turks diffused a general consternation; and Pope Sixtus was preparing to fly beyond the Alps, when the storm was instantly dispelled by the death of Mahomet the Second, in the fifty-first year of his age. ^96 His lofty genius aspired to the conquest of Italy: he was possessed of a strong city and a capacious harbor; and the same reign might have been decorated with the trophies of the New and the Ancient Rome. ^97 [Footnote 93: See the original feast in Olivier de la Marche, (Memoires, P. i. c. 29, 30,) with the abstract and observations of M. de Ste. Palaye, (Memoires sur la Chevalerie, tom. i. P. iii. p. 182 – 185.) The peacock and the pheasant were distinguished as royal birds.]

    [Footnote 94: It was found by an actual enumeration, that Sweden, Gothland, and Finland, contained 1,800,000 fighting men, and consequently were far more populous than at present.]

    [Footnote 95: In the year 1454, Spondanus has given, from Aeneas Sylvius, a view of the state of Europe, enriched with his own observations. That valuable annalist, and the Italian Muratori, will continue the series of events from the year 1453 to 1481, the end of Mahomet’s life, and of this chapter.]

    [Footnote 96: Besides the two annalists, the reader may consult Giannone (Istoria Civile, tom. iii. p. 449 – 455) for the Turkish invasion of the kingdom of Naples. For the reign and conquests of Mahomet II., I have occasionally used the Memorie Istoriche de Monarchi Ottomanni di Giovanni Sagredo, (Venezia, 1677, in 4to.) In peace and war, the Turks have ever engaged the attention of the republic of Venice. All her despatches and archives were open to a procurator of St. Mark, and Sagredo is not contemptible either in sense or style. Yet he too bitterly hates the infidels: he is ignorant of their language and manners; and his narrative, which allows only 70 pages to Mahomet II., (p. 69 – 140,) becomes more copious and authentic as he approaches the years 1640 and 1644, the term of the historic labors of John Sagredo.]

    [Footnote 97: As I am now taking an everlasting farewell of the Greek empire, I shall briefly mention the great collection of Byzantine writers whose names and testimonies have been successively repeated in this work. The Greeks presses of Aldus and the Italians were confined to the classics of a better age; and the first rude editions of Procopius, Agathias, Cedrenus, Zonaras, &c., were published by the learned diligence of the Germans. The whole Byzantine series (xxxvi. volumes in folio) has gradually issued (A.D. 1648, &c.) from the royal press of the Louvre, with some collateral aid from Rome and Leipsic; but the Venetian edition, (A.D. 1729,) though cheaper and more copious, is not less inferior in correctness than in magnificence to that of Paris. The merits of the French editors are various; but the value of Anna Comnena, Cinnamus, Villehardouin, &c., is enhanced by the historical notes of Charles de Fresne du Cange. His supplemental works, the Greek Glossary, the Constantinopolis Christiana, the Familiae Byzantinae, diffuse a steady light over the darkness of the Lower Empire.

    Note: The new edition of the Byzantines, projected by

    Niebuhr, and continued under the patronage of the Prussian government, is the most convenient in size, and contains some

    authors (Leo Diaconus, Johannes Lydus, Corippus, the new fragment of Dexippus, Eunapius, &c., discovered by Mai) which could not be comprised in the former collections; but the names of such editors as Bekker, the Dindorfs, &c., raised hopes of something more than the mere republication of the text, and the notes of former editors. Little, I regret to say, has been added of annotation, and in some cases, the old incorrect versions have been retained. – M.]

    Chapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.Part II.

    Yet the courage of Arnold was not devoid of discretion: he

    was protected, and had perhaps been invited, by the nobles and people; and in the service of freedom, his eloquence thundered over the seven hills. Blending in the same discourse the texts of Livy and St. Paul, uniting the motives of gospel, and of classic, enthusiasm, he admonished the Romans, how strangely their patience and the vices of the clergy had degenerated from the primitive times of the church and the city. He exhorted them to assert the inalienable rights of men and Christians; to restore the laws and magistrates of the republic; to respect the name of the emperor; but to confine their shepherd to the spiritual government of his flock. ^26 Nor could his spiritual government escape the censure and control of the reformer; and the inferior clergy were taught by his lessons to resist the cardinals, who had usurped a despotic command over the twenty-eight regions or parishes of Rome. ^27 The revolution was not accomplished without rapine and violence, the diffusion of blood and the demolition of houses: the victorious faction was enriched with the spoils of the clergy and the adverse nobles. Arnold of Brescia enjoyed, or deplored, the effects of his mission: his reign continued above ten years, while two popes, Innocent the

    Second and Anastasius the Fourth, either trembled in the Vatican, or wandered as exiles in the adjacent cities. They were succeeded by a more vigorous and fortunate pontiff. Adrian the Fourth, ^28 the only Englishman who has ascended the throne of St. Peter; and whose merit emerged from the mean condition of a monk, and almost a beggar, in the monastery of St. Albans. On the first provocation, of a cardinal killed or wounded in the streets, he cast an interdict on the guilty people; and from Christmas to Easter, Rome was deprived of the real or imaginary comforts of religious worship. The Romans had despised their temporal prince: they submitted with grief and terror to the censures of their spiritual father: their guilt was expiated by penance, and the banishment of the seditious preacher was the price of their absolution. But the revenge of Adrian was yet unsatisfied, and the approaching coronation of Frederic Barbarossa was fatal to the bold reformer, who had offended, though not in an equal degree, the heads of the church and state.

    In their interview at Viterbo, the pope represented to the emperor the furious, ungovernable spirit of the Romans; the insults, the injuries, the fears, to which his person and his clergy were continually exposed; and the pernicious tendency of the heresy of Arnold, which must subvert the principles of civil, as well as ecclesiastical, subordination. Frederic was convinced by these arguments, or tempted by the desire of the Imperial crown: in the balance of ambition, the innocence or life of an individual is of small account; and their common enemy was sacrificed to a moment of political concord. After his retreat from Rome, Arnold had been protected by the viscounts of Campania, from whom he was extorted by the power of Caesar: the praefect of the city pronounced his sentence: the martyr of freedom was burned alive in the presence of a careless and ungrateful people; and his ashes were cast into the Tyber, lest the heretics should collect and worship the relics of their master. ^29 The clergy triumphed in his death: with his ashes, his sect was dispersed; his memory still lived in the minds of the Romans. From his school they had probably derived a new article of faith, that the metropolis

    of the Catholic church is exempt from the penalties of excommunication and interdict. Their bishops might argue, that the supreme jurisdiction, which they exercised over kings and nations, more especially embraced the city and diocese of the prince of the apostles. But they preached to the winds, and the same principle that weakened the effect, must temper the abuse, of the thunders of the Vatican.

    [Footnote 26: He advised the Romans,

    Consiliis armisque sua moderamina summa Arbitrio tractare suo: nil juris in hac re Pontifici summo, modicum concedere regi Suadebat populo. Sic laesa stultus utraque Majestate, reum geminae se fecerat aulae.

    Nor is the poetry of Gunther different from the prose of Otho.] [Footnote 27: See Baronius (A.D. 1148, No. 38, 39) from the Vatican MSS. He loudly condemns Arnold (A.D. 1141, No. 3) as the father of the political heretics, whose influence then hurt him in France.]

    [Footnote 28: The English reader may consult the Biographia Britannica, Adrian IV.; but our own writers have added nothing to the fame or merits of their countrymen.]

    [Footnote 29: Besides the historian and poet already quoted, the last adventures of Arnold are related by the biographer of Adrian IV. (Muratori. Script. Rerum Ital. tom. iii. P. i. p. 441, 442.)]

    The love of ancient freedom has encouraged a belief that as

    early as the tenth century, in their first struggles against the Saxon Othos, the commonwealth was vindicated and restored by the senate and people of Rome; that two consuls were annually elected among the nobles, and that ten or twelve plebeian magistrates revived the name and office of the tribunes of the commons. ^30 But this venerable structure disappears before the light of criticism. In the darkness of the middle ages, the appellations of senators, of consuls, of the

    sons of consuls, may sometimes be discovered. ^31 They were bestowed by the emperors, or assumed by the most powerful citizens, to denote their rank, their honors, ^32 and perhaps the claim of a pure and patrician descent: but they float on the surface, without a series or a substance, the titles of men, not the orders of government; ^33 and it is only from the year of Christ one thousand one hundred and forty-four that the establishment of the senate is dated, as a glorious aera, in the acts of the city. A new constitution was hastily framed by private ambition or popular enthusiasm; nor could Rome, in the twelfth century, produce an antiquary to explain, or a legislator to restore, the harmony and proportions of the ancient model. The assembly of a free, of an armed, people, will ever speak in loud and weighty acclamations. But the regular distribution of the thirty-five tribes, the nice balance of the wealth and numbers of the centuries, the debates of the adverse orators, and the slow operations of votes and ballots, could not easily be adapted by a blind multitude, ignorant of the arts, and insensible of the benefits, of legal government. It was proposed by Arnold to revive and discriminate the equestrian order; but what could be the motive or measure of such distinction? ^34 The pecuniary qualification of the knights must have been reduced to the poverty of the times: those times no longer required their civil functions of judges and farmers of the revenue; and their primitive duty, their military service on horseback, was more nobly supplied by feudal tenures and the spirit of chivalry. The jurisprudence of the republic was useless and unknown: the nations and families of Italy who lived under the Roman and Barbaric laws were insensibly mingled in a common mass; and some faint tradition, some imperfect fragments, preserved the memory of the Code and Pandects of Justinian. With their liberty the Romans might doubtless have restored the appellation and office of consuls; had they not disdained a title so promiscuously adopted in the Italian cities, that it has finally settled on the humble station of the agents of commerce in a foreign land. But the rights of the tribunes, the formidable word that arrested the public counsels, suppose or must produce a legitimate democracy. The old patricians were the

    subjects, the modern barons the tyrants, of the state; nor would the enemies of peace and order, who insulted the vicar of Christ, have long respected the unarmed sanctity of a plebeian magistrate. ^35

    [Footnote 30: Ducange (Gloss. Latinitatis Mediae et Infimae Aetatis, Decarchones, tom. ii. p. 726) gives me a quotation from Blondus, (Decad. ii. l. ii.:) Duo consules ex nobilitate quotannis fiebant, qui ad vetustum consulum exemplar summaererum praeessent. And in Sigonius (de Regno Italiae, l. v. Opp. tom. ii. p. 400) I read of the consuls and tribunes of the xth century. Both Blondus, and even Sigonius, too freely copied the classic method of supplying from reason or fancy the deficiency of records.] [Footnote 31: In the panegyric of Berengarius (Muratori, Script. Rer. Ital. tom. ii. P. i. p. 408) a Roman is mentioned as consulis natus in the beginning of the xth century. Muratori (Dissert. v.) discovers, in the years 952 and 956, Gratianus in Dei nomine consul et dux, Georgius consul et dux; and in 1015, Romanus, brother of Gregory VIII., proudly, but vaguely, styles himself consul et dux et omnium Roma norum senator.]

    [Footnote 32: As late as the xth century, the Greek emperors conferred on the dukes of Venice, Naples, Amalphi, &c., the title of consuls, (see Chron. Sagornini, passim;) and the successors of Charlemagne would not abdicate any of their prerogative. But in general the names of consul and senator, which may be found among the French and Germans, signify no more than count and lord, (Signeur, Ducange Glossar.) The monkish writers are often ambitious of fine classic words.]

    [Footnote 33: The most constitutional form is a diploma of Otho III., (A. D 998,) consulibus senatus populique Romani; but the act is probably spurious. At the coronation of Henry I., A.D. 1014, the historian Dithmar (apud Muratori, Dissert. xxiii.) describes him, a senatoribus duodecem vallatum, quorum sex rasi barba, alii prolixa, mystice incedebant cum baculis. The senate is mentioned in the panegyric of Berengarius, (p. 406.)] [Footnote 34: In ancient Rome the equestrian order was not ranked with the senate and people as

    a third branch of the republic till the consulship of Cicero, who assumes the merit of the establishment, (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 3. Beaufort, Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 144 – 155.)] [Footnote 35: The republican plan of Arnold of Brescia is thus stated by Gunther: –

    Quin etiam titulos urbis renovare vetustos; Nomine plebeio secernere nomen equestre, Jura tribunorum, sanctum reparare senatum, Et senio fessas mutasque reponere leges. Lapsa ruinosis, et adhuc pendentia muris Reddere primaevo Capitolia prisca nitori.

    But of these reformations, some were no more than ideas, others no more than words.]

    In the revolution of the twelfth century, which gave a new

    existence and aera to Rome, we may observe the real and important events that marked or confirmed her political independence. I. The Capitoline hill, one of her seven eminences, ^36 is about four hundred yards in length, and two hundred in breadth. A flight of a hundred steps led to the summit of the Tarpeian rock; and far steeper was the ascent before the declivities had been smoothed and the precipices filled by the ruins of fallen edifices. From the earliest ages, the Capitol had been used as a temple in peace, a fortress in war: after the loss of the city, it maintained a siege against the victorious Gauls, and the sanctuary of the empire was occupied, assaulted, and burnt, in the civil wars of Vitellius and Vespasian. ^37 The temples of Jupiter and his kindred deities had crumbled into dust; their place was supplied by monasteries and houses; and the solid walls, the long and shelving porticos, were decayed or ruined by the lapse of time. It was the first act of the Romans, an act of freedom, to restore the strength, though not the beauty, of the Capitol; to fortify the seat of their arms and counsels; and as often as they ascended the hill, the coldest minds must have glowed with the remembrance of their ancestors. II. The first Caesars had

    been invested with the exclusive coinage of the gold and silver; to the senate they abandoned the baser metal of bronze or copper: ^38 the emblems and legends were inscribed on a more ample field by the genius of flattery; and the prince was relieved from the care of celebrating his own virtues. The successors of Diocletian despised even the flattery of the senate: their royal officers at Rome, and in the provinces, assumed the sole direction of the mint; and the same prerogative was inherited by the Gothic kings of Italy, and the long series of the Greek, the French, and the German dynasties. After an abdication of eight hundred years, the Roman senate asserted this honorable and lucrative privilege; which was tacitly renounced by the popes, from Paschal the Second to the establishment of their residence beyond the Alps. Some of these republican coins of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are shown in the cabinets of the curious. On one of these, a gold medal, Christ is depictured holding in his left hand a book with this inscription: “The vow of the Roman senate and people: Rome the capital of the world;” on the reverse, St. Peter delivering a banner to a kneeling senator in his cap and gown, with the name and arms of his family impressed on a shield. ^39 III. With the empire, the praefect of the city had declined to a municipal officer; yet he still exercised in the last appeal the civil and criminal jurisdiction; and a drawn sword, which he received from the successors of Otho, was the mode of his investiture and the emblem of his functions. ^40 The dignity was confined to the noble families of Rome: the choice of the people was ratified by the pope; but a triple oath of fidelity must have often embarrassed the praefect in the conflict of adverse duties. ^41 A servant, in whom they possessed but a third share, was dismissed by the independent Romans: in his place they elected a patrician; but this title, which Charlemagne had not disdained, was too lofty for a citizen or a subject; and, after the first fervor of rebellion, they consented without reluctance to the restoration of the praefect. About fifty years after this event, Innocent the Third, the most ambitious, or at least the most fortunate, of the Pontiffs, delivered the Romans and himself from this badge of foreign dominion: he invested the praefect with a banner

    instead of a sword, and absolved him from all dependence of oaths or service to the German emperors. ^42 In his place an ecclesiastic, a present or future cardinal, was named by the pope to the civil government of Rome; but his jurisdiction has been reduced to a narrow compass; and in the days of freedom, the right or exercise was derived from the senate and people. IV. After the revival of the senate, ^43 the conscript fathers (if I may use the expression) were invested with the legislative and executive power; but their views seldom reached beyond the present day; and that day was most frequently disturbed by violence and tumult. In its utmost plenitude, the order or assembly consisted of fifty-six senators, ^44 the most eminent of whom were distinguished by the title of counsellors: they were nominated, perhaps annually, by the people; and a previous choice of their electors, ten persons in each region, or parish, might afford a basis for a free and permanent constitution. The popes, who in this tempest submitted rather to bend than to break, confirmed by treaty the establishment and privileges of the senate, and expected from time, peace, and religion, the restoration of their government. The motives of public and private interest might sometimes draw from the Romans an occasional and temporary sacrifice of their claims; and they renewed their oath of allegiance to the successor of St. Peter and Constantine, the lawful head of the church and the republic. ^45

    [Footnote 36: After many disputes among the antiquaries of Rome, it seems determined, that the summit of the Capitoline hill next the river is strictly the Mons Tarpeius, the Arx; and that on the other summit, the church and convent of Araceli, the barefoot friars of St. Francis occupy the temple of Jupiter, (Nardini, Roma Antica, l. v. c. 11 – 16.)

    Note: The authority of Nardini is now vigorously impugned,

    and the question of the Arx and the Temple of Jupiter revived, with new arguments by Niebuhr and his accomplished

    follower, M. Bunsen. Roms Beschreibung, vol. iii. p. 12, et seqq – M.]

    [Footnote 37: Tacit. Hist. iii. 69, 70.]

    [Footnote 38: This partition of the noble and baser metals between the emperor and senate must, however, be adopted, not as a positive fact, but as the probable opinion of the best antiquaries, (see the Science des Medailles of the Pere Joubert, tom. ii. p. 208 – 211, in the improved and scarce edition of the Baron de la Bastie.)

    Note: Dr Cardwell (Lecture on Ancient Coins, p. 70, et seq.)

    assigns convincing reasons in support of this opinion. – M.]

    [Footnote 39: In his xxviith dissertation on the Antiquities of Italy, (tom. ii. p. 559 – 569,) Muratori exhibits a series of the senatorian coins, which bore the obscure names of Affortiati, Infortiati, Provisini, Paparini. During this period, all the popes, without excepting Boniface VIII, abstained from the right of coining, which was resumed by his successor Benedict XI., and regularly exercised in the court of Avignon.]

    [Footnote 40: A German historian, Gerard of Reicherspeg (in Baluz. Miscell. tom. v. p. 64, apud Schmidt, Hist. des Allemands, tom. iii. p. 265) thus describes the constitution of Rome in the xith century: Grandiora urbis et orbis negotia spectant ad Romanum pontificem itemque ad Romanum Imperatorem, sive illius vicarium urbis praefectum, qui de sua dignitate respicit utrumque, videlicet dominum papam cui facit hominum, et dominum imperatorem a quo accipit suae potestatis insigne, scilicet gladium exertum.] [Footnote 41: The words of a contemporary writer (Pandulph. Pisan. in Vit. Paschal. II. p. 357, 358) describe the election and oath of the praefect in 1118, inconsultis patribus …. loca praefectoria …. Laudes praefectoriae …. comitiorum applausum …. juraturum populo in ambonem sublevant …. confirmari eum in urbe praefectum petunt.]

    [Footnote 42: Urbis praefectum ad ligiam fidelitatem recepit, et per mantum quod illi donavit de praefectura eum publice investivit, qui usque ad id tempus juramento fidelitatis imperatori fuit obligatus et ab eo praefecturae tenuit honorem, (Gesta Innocent. III. in Muratori, tom. iii. P. i. p. 487.)] [Footnote 43: See Otho Frising. Chron. vii. 31, de Gest. Frederic. I., l. i. c. 27]

    [Footnote 44: Cur countryman, Roger Hoveden, speaks of the single senators, of the Capuzzi family, &c., quorum temporibus melius regebatur Roma quam nunc (A.D. 1194) est temporibus lvi. senatorum, (Ducange, Gloss. tom. vi. p. 191, Senatores.)]

    [Footnote 45: Muratori (dissert. xlii. tom. iii. p. 785 – 788) has published an original treaty: Concordia inter D. nostrum papam Clementem III. et senatores populi Romani super regalibus et aliis dignitatibus urbis, &c., anno 44 Degrees senatus. The senate speaks, and speaks with authority: Reddimus ad praesens …. habebimus …. dabitis presbyteria …. jurabimus pacem et fidelitatem, &c. A chartula de Tenementis Tusculani, dated in the 47th year of the same aera, and confirmed decreto amplissimi ordinis senatus, acclamatione P. R. publice Capitolio consistentis. It is there we find the difference of senatores consiliarii and simple senators, (Muratori, dissert. xlii. tom. iii. p. 787 – 789.)]

    The union and vigor of a public council was dissolved in a

    lawless city; and the Romans soon adopted a more strong and simple mode of administration. They condensed the name and authority of the senate in a single magistrate, or two colleagues; and as they were changed at the end of a year, or of six months, the greatness of the trust was compensated by the shortness of the term. But in this transient reign, the senators of Rome indulged their avarice and ambition: their justice was perverted by the interest of their family and faction; and as they punished only their enemies, they were obeyed only by their adherents. Anarchy, no longer tempered

    by the pastoral care of their bishop, admonished the Romans that they were incapable of governing themselves; and they sought abroad those blessings which they were hopeless of finding at home. In the same age, and from the same motives, most of the Italian republics were prompted to embrace a measure, which, however strange it may seem, was adapted to their situation, and productive of the most salutary effects. ^46 They chose, in some foreign but friendly city, an impartial magistrate of noble birth and unblemished character, a soldier and a statesman, recommended by the voice of fame and his country, to whom they delegated for a time the supreme administration of peace and war. The compact between the governor and the governed was sealed with oaths and subscriptions; and the duration of his power, the measure of his stipend, the nature of their mutual obligations, were defined with scrupulous precision. They swore to obey him as their lawful superior: he pledged his faith to unite the indifference of a stranger with the zeal of a patriot. At his choice, four or six knights and civilians, his assessors in arms and justice, attended the Podesta, ^47 who maintained at his own expense a decent retinue of servants and horses: his wife, his son, his brother, who might bias the affections of the judge, were left behind: during the exercise of his office he was not permitted to purchase land, to contract an alliance, or even to accept an invitation in the house of a citizen; nor could he honorably depart till he had satisfied the complaints that might be urged against his government.

    [Footnote 46: Muratori (dissert. xlv. tom. iv. p. 64 – 92) has fully explained this mode of government; and the Occulus Pastoralis, which he has given at the end, is a treatise or sermon on the duties of these foreign magistrates.]

    [Footnote 47: In the Latin writers, at least of the silver age, the title of Potestas was transferred from the office to the magistrate: –

    Hujus qui trahitur praetextam sumere mavis; An Fidenarum Gabiorumque esse Potestas.

    Juvenal. Satir. x. 99.]

    Chapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.Part III.

    It was thus, about the middle of the thirteenth century,

    that the Romans called from Bologna the senator Brancaleone, ^48 whose fame and merit have been rescued from oblivion by the pen of an English historian. A just anxiety for his reputation, a clear foresight of the difficulties of the task, had engaged him to refuse the honor of their choice: the statutes of Rome were suspended, and his office prolonged to the term of three years. By the guilty and licentious he was accused as cruel; by the clergy he was suspected as partial; but the friends of peace and order applauded the firm and upright magistrate by whom those blessings were restored. No criminals were so powerful as to brave, so obscure as to elude, the justice of the senator. By his sentence two nobles of the Annibaldi family were executed on a gibbet; and he inexorably demolished, in the city and neighborhood, one hundred and forty towers, the strong shelters of rapine and mischief. The bishop, as a simple bishop, was compelled to reside in his diocese; and the standard of Brancaleone was displayed in the field with terror and effect. His services were repaid by the ingratitude of a people unworthy of the happiness which they enjoyed. By the public robbers, whom he had provoked for their sake, the Romans were excited to depose and imprison their benefactor; nor would his life have been spared, if Bologna had not possessed a pledge for his safety. Before his departure, the prudent senator had required the exchange of thirty hostages of the noblest families of Rome: on the news of his danger, and at the prayer of his wife, they were more strictly guarded; and Bologna, in the cause of honor, sustained the thunders of a papal interdict. This generous

    resistance allowed the Romans to compare the present with the past; and Brancaleone was conducted from the prison to the Capitol amidst the acclamations of a repentant people. The remainder of his government was firm and fortunate; and as soon as envy was appeased by death, his head, enclosed in a precious vase, was deposited on a lofty column of marble. ^49 [Footnote 48: See the life and death of Brancaleone, in the Historia Major of Matthew Paris, p. 741, 757, 792, 797, 799, 810, 823, 833, 836, 840. The multitude of pilgrims and suitors connected Rome and St. Albans, and the resentment of the English clergy prompted them to rejoice when ever the popes were humbled and oppressed.]

    [Footnote 49: Matthew Paris thus ends his account: Caput vero ipsius Branca leonis in vase pretioso super marmoream columnam collocatum, in signum sui valoris et probitatis, quasi reliquias, superstitiose nimis et pompose sustulerunt. Fuerat enim superborum potentum et malefactorum urbis malleus et extirpator, et populi protector et defensor veritatis et justitiae imitator et amator, (p. 840.) A biographer of Innocent IV. (Muratori, Script. tom. iii. P. i. p. 591, 592) draws a less favorable portrait of this Ghibeline senator.]

    The impotence of reason and virtue recommended in Italy a

    more effectual choice: instead of a private citizen, to whom they yielded a voluntary and precarious obedience, the Romans elected for their senator some prince of independent power, who could defend them from their enemies and themselves. Charles of Anjou and Provence, the most ambitious and warlike monarch of the age, accepted at the same time the kingdom of Naples from the pope, and the office of senator from the Roman people. ^50 As he passed through the city, in his road to victory, he received their oath of allegiance, lodged in the Lateran palace, and smoothed in a short visit the harsh features of his despotic character. Yet even Charles was exposed to the inconstancy of the people, who saluted with the same acclamations the passage of his rival, the unfortunate Conradin; and a powerful avenger, who

    reigned in the Capitol, alarmed the fears and jealousy of the popes. The absolute term of his life was superseded by a renewal every third year; and the enmity of Nicholas the Third obliged the Sicilian king to abdicate the government of Rome. In his bull, a perpetual law, the imperious pontiff asserts the truth, validity, and use of the donation of Constantine, not less essential to the peace of the city than to the independence of the church; establishes the annual election of the senator; and formally disqualifies all emperors, kings, princes, and persons of an eminent and conspicuous rank. ^51 This prohibitory clause was repealed in his own behalf by Martin the Fourth, who humbly solicited the suffrage of the Romans. In the presence, and by the authority, of the people, two electors conferred, not on the pope, but on the noble and faithful Martin, the dignity of senator, and the supreme administration of the republic, ^52 to hold during his natural life, and to exercise at pleasure by himself or his deputies. About fifty years afterwards, the same title was granted to the emperor Lewis of Bavaria; and the liberty of Rome was acknowledged by her two sovereigns, who accepted a municipal office in the government of their own metropolis.

    [Footnote 50: The election of Charles of Anjou to the office of perpetual senator of Rome is mentioned by the historians in the viiith volume of the Collection of Muratori, by Nicholas de Jamsilla, (p. 592,) the monk of Padua, (p. 724,) Sabas Malaspina, (l. ii. c. 9, p. 308,) and Ricordano Malespini, (c. 177, p. 999.)]

    [Footnote 51: The high-sounding bull of Nicholas III., which founds his temporal sovereignty on the donation of Constantine, is still extant; and as it has been inserted by Boniface VIII. in the Sexte of the Decretals, it must be received by the Catholics, or at least by the Papists, as a sacred and perpetual law.]

    [Footnote 52: I am indebted to Fleury (Hist. Eccles. tom. xviii. p. 306) for an extract of this Roman act, which he has taken from the Ecclesiastical Annals of Odericus Raynaldus, A.D. 1281, No. 14, 15]

    In the first moments of rebellion, when Arnold of Brescia

    had inflamed their minds against the church, the Romans artfully labored to conciliate the favor of the empire, and to recommend their merit and services in the cause of Caesar. The style of their ambassadors to Conrad the Third and Frederic the First is a mixture of flattery and pride, the tradition and the ignorance of their own history. ^53 After some complaint of his silence and neglect, they exhort the former of these princes to pass the Alps, and assume from their hands the Imperial crown. “We beseech your majesty not to disdain the humility of your sons and vassals, not to listen to the accusations of our common enemies; who calumniate the senate as hostile to your throne, who sow the seeds of discord, that they may reap the harvest of destruction. The pope and the Sicilian are united in an impious league to oppose our liberty and your coronation. With the blessing of God, our zeal and courage has hitherto defeated their attempts. Of their powerful and factious adherents, more especially the Frangipani, we have taken by assault the houses and turrets: some of these are occupied by our troops, and some are levelled with the ground. The Milvian bridge, which they had broken, is restored and fortified for your safe passage; and your army may enter the city without being annoyed from the castle of St. Angelo. All that we have done, and all that we design, is for your honor and service, in the loyal hope, that you will speedily appear in person, to vindicate those rights which have been invaded by the clergy, to revive the dignity of the empire, and to surpass the fame and glory of your predecessors. May you fix your residence in Rome, the capital of the world; give laws to Italy, and the Teutonic kingdom; and imitate the example of Constantine and Justinian, ^54 who, by the vigor of the senate and people, obtained the sceptre of the earth.” ^55 But these splendid and fallacious wishes were not cherished by Conrad the Franconian, whose eyes were fixed on the Holy Land, and who died without visiting Rome soon after his return from the Holy Land.

    [Footnote 53: These letters and speeches are preserved by Otho bishop of Frisingen, (Fabric. Bibliot. Lat. Med. et Infim. tom. v. p. 186, 187,) perhaps the noblest of historians: he was son of Leopold marquis of Austria; his mother, Agnes, was daughter of the emperor Henry IV., and he was half- brother and uncle to Conrad III. and Frederic I. He has left, in seven books, a Chronicle of the Times; in two, the Gesta Frederici I., the last of which is inserted in the vith volume of Muratori’s historians.]

    [Footnote 54: We desire (said the ignorant Romans) to restore the empire in um statum, quo fuit tempore Constantini et Justiniani, qui totum orbem vigore senatus et populi Romani suis tenuere manibus.]

    [Footnote 55: Otho Frising. de Gestis Frederici I. l. i. c. 28, p. 662 – 664.]

    His nephew and successor, Frederic Barbarossa, was more

    ambitious of the Imperial crown; nor had any of the successors of Otho acquired such absolute sway over the kingdom of Italy. Surrounded by his ecclesiastical and secular princes, he gave audience in his camp at Sutri to the ambassadors of Rome, who thus addressed him in a free and florid oration: “Incline your ear to the queen of cities; approach with a peaceful and friendly mind the precincts of Rome, which has cast away the yoke of the clergy, and is impatient to crown her legitimate emperor. Under your auspicious influence, may the primitive times be restored. Assert the prerogatives of the eternal city, and reduce under her monarchy the insolence of the world. You are not ignorant, that, in former ages, by the wisdom of the senate, by the valor and discipline of the equestrian order, she extended her victorious arms to the East and West, beyond the Alps, and over the islands of the ocean. By our sins, in the absence of our princes, the noble institution of the senate has sunk in oblivion; and with our prudence, our strength has likewise decreased. We have revived the senate, and the equestrian

    order: the counsels of the one, the arms of the other, will be devoted to your person and the service of the empire. Do you not hear the language of the Roman matron? You were a guest, I have adopted you as a citizen; a Transalpine stranger, I have elected you for my sovereign; ^56 and given you myself, and all that is mine. Your first and most sacred duty is to swear and subscribe, that you will shed your blood for the republic; that you will maintain in peace and justice the laws of the city and the charters of your predecessors; and that you will reward with five thousand pounds of silver the faithful senators who shall proclaim your titles in the Capitol. With the name, assume the character, of Augustus.” The flowers of Latin rhetoric were not yet exhausted; but Frederic, impatient of their vanity, interrupted the orators in the high tone of royalty and conquest. “Famous indeed have been the fortitude and wisdom of the ancient Romans; but your speech is not seasoned with wisdom, and I could wish that fortitude were conspicuous in your actions. Like all sublunary things, Rome has felt the vicissitudes of time and fortune. Your noblest families were translated to the East, to the royal city of Constantine; and the remains of your strength and freedom have long since been exhausted by the Greeks and Franks. Are you desirous of beholding the ancient glory of Rome, the gravity of the senate, the spirit of the knights, the discipline of the camp, the valor of the legions? you will find them in the German republic. It is not empire, naked and alone, the ornaments and virtues of empire have likewise migrated beyond the Alps to a more deserving people: ^57 they will be employed in your defence, but they claim your obedience. You pretend that myself or my predecessors have been invited by the Romans: you mistake the word; they were not invited, they were implored. From its foreign and domestic tyrants, the city was rescued by Charlemagne and Otho, whose ashes repose in our country; and their dominion was the price of your deliverance. Under that dominion your ancestors lived and died. I claim by the right of inheritance and possession, and who shall dare to extort you from my hands? Is the hand of the Franks ^58 and Germans enfeebled by age? Am I vanquished? Am I a captive? Am I not encompassed with the

    banners of a potent and invincible army? You impose conditions on your master; you require oaths: if the conditions are just, an oath is superfluous; if unjust, it is criminal. Can you doubt my equity?

    It is extended to the meanest of my subjects. Will not my sword be unsheathed in the defence of the Capitol? By that sword the northern kingdom of Denmark has been restored to the Roman empire. You prescribe the measure and the objects of my bounty, which flows in a copious but a voluntary stream. All will be given to patient merit; all will be denied to rude importunity.” ^59 Neither the emperor nor the senate could maintain these lofty pretensions of dominion and liberty. United with the pope, and suspicious of the Romans, Frederic continued his march to the Vatican; his coronation was disturbed by a sally from the Capitol; and if the numbers and valor of the Germans prevailed in the bloody conflict, he could not safely encamp in the presence of a city of which he styled himself the sovereign. About twelve years afterwards, he besieged Rome, to seat an antipope in the chair of St. Peter; and twelve Pisan galleys were introduced into the Tyber: but the senate and people were saved by the arts of negotiation and the progress of disease; nor did Frederic or his successors reiterate the hostile attempt. Their laborious reigns were exercised by the popes, the crusades, and the independence of Lombardy and Germany: they courted the alliance of the Romans; and Frederic the Second offered in the Capitol the great standard, the Caroccio of Milan. ^60 After the extinction of the house of Swabia, they were banished beyond the Alps: and their last coronations betrayed the impotence and poverty of the Teutonic Caesars. ^61

    [Footnote 56: Hospes eras, civem feci. Advena fuisti ex Transalpinis partibus principem constitui.]

    [Footnote 57: Non cessit nobis nudum imperium, virtute sua amictum venit, ornamenta sua secum traxit. Penes nos sunt consules tui, &c. Cicero or Livy would not have rejected these images, the eloquence of a Barbarian born and educated in the Hercynian forest.]

    [Footnote 58: Otho of Frisingen, who surely understood the language of the court and diet of Germany, speaks of the Franks in the xiith century as the reigning nation, (Proceres Franci, equites Franci, manus Francorum:) he adds, however, the epithet of Teutonici.]

    [Footnote 59: Otho Frising. de Gestis Frederici I., l. ii. c. 22, p. 720 – 733. These original and authentic acts I have translated and abridged with freedom, yet with fidelity.]

    [Footnote 60: From the Chronicles of Ricobaldo and Francis Pipin, Muratori (dissert. xxvi. tom. ii. p. 492) has translated this curious fact with the doggerel verses that accompanied the gift: –

    Ave decus orbis, ave! victus tibi destinor, ave! Currus ab Augusto Frederico Caesare justo. Vae Mediolanum! jam sentis spernere vanum Imperii vires, proprias tibi tollere vires. Ergo triumphorum urbs potes memor esse priorum Quos tibi mittebant reges qui bella gerebant.

    Ne si dee tacere (I now use the Italian Dissertations, tom.

    1. p. 444) che nell’ anno 1727, una copia desso Caroccio in marmo dianzi ignoto si scopri, nel campidoglio, presso alle carcere di quel luogo, dove Sisto V. l’avea falto rinchiudere. Stava esso posto sopra quatro colonne di marmo fino colla sequente inscrizione, &c.; to the same purpose as the old inscription.] [Footnote 61: The decline of the Imperial arms and authority in Italy is related with impartial learning in the Annals of Muratori, (tom. x. xi. xii.;) and the reader may compare his narrative with the Histoires des Allemands (tom. iii. iv.) by Schmidt, who has deserved the esteem of his countrymen.]

    Under the reign of Adrian, when the empire extended from the

    Euphrates to the ocean, from Mount Atlas to the Grampian hills, a fanciful historian ^62 amused the Romans with the

    picture of their ancient wars. “There was a time,” says Florus, “when Tibur and Praeneste, our summer retreats, were the objects of hostile vows in the Capitol, when we dreaded the shades of the Arician groves, when we could triumph without a blush over the nameless villages of the Sabines and Latins, and even Corioli could afford a title not unworthy of a victorious general.” The pride of his contemporaries was gratified by the contrast of the past and the present: they would have been humbled by the prospect of futurity; by the prediction, that after a thousand years, Rome, despoiled of empire, and contracted to her primaeval limits, would renew the same hostilities, on the same ground which was then decorated with her villas and gardens. The adjacent territory on either side of the Tyber was always claimed, and sometimes possessed, as the patrimony of St. Peter; but the barons assumed a lawless independence, and the cities too faithfully copied the revolt and discord of the metropolis. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Romans incessantly labored to reduce or destroy the contumacious vassals of the church and senate; and if their headstrong and selfish ambition was moderated by the pope, he often encouraged their zeal by the alliance of his spiritual arms. Their warfare was that of the first consuls and dictators, who were taken from the plough. The assembled in arms at the foot of the Capitol; sallied from the gates, plundered or burnt the harvests of their neighbors, engaged in tumultuary conflict, and returned home after an expedition of fifteen or twenty days. Their sieges were tedious and unskilful: in the use of victory, they indulged the meaner passions of jealousy and revenge; and instead of adopting the valor, they trampled on the misfortunes, of their adversaries. The captives, in their shirts, with a rope round their necks, solicited their pardon: the fortifications, and even the buildings, of the rival cities, were demolished, and the inhabitants were scattered in the adjacent villages. It was thus that the seats of the cardinal bishops, Porto, Ostia, Albanum, Tusculum, Praeneste, and Tibur or Tivoli, were successively overthrown by the ferocious hostility of the Romans. ^63 Of these, ^64 Porto and Ostia, the two keys of the Tyber, are still vacant and desolate: the marshy and unwholesome banks are

    peopled with herds of buffaloes, and the river is lost to every purpose of navigation and trade. The hills, which afford a shady retirement from the autumnal heats, have again smiled with the blessings of peace; Frescati has arisen near the ruins of Tusculum; Tibur or Tivoli has resumed the honors of a city, ^65 and the meaner towns of Albano and Palestrina are decorated with the villas of the cardinals and princes of Rome. In the work of destruction, the ambition of the Romans was often checked and repulsed by the neighboring cities and their allies: in the first siege of Tibur, they were driven from their camp; and the battles of Tusculum ^66 and Viterbo ^67 might be compared in their relative state to the memorable fields of Thrasymene and Cannae. In the first of these petty wars, thirty thousand Romans were overthrown by a thousand German horse, whom Frederic Barbarossa had detached to the relief of Tusculum: and if we number the slain at three, the prisoners at two, thousand, we shall embrace the most authentic and moderate account. Sixty- eight years afterwards they marched against Viterbo in the ecclesiastical state with the whole force of the city; by a rare coalition the Teutonic eagle was blended, in the adverse banners, with the keys of St. Peter; and the pope’s auxiliaries were commanded by a count of Thoulouse and a bishop of Winchester. The Romans were discomfited with shame and slaughter: but the English prelate must have indulged the vanity of a pilgrim, if he multiplied their numbers to one hundred, and their loss in the field to thirty, thousand men. Had the policy of the senate and the discipline of the legions been restored with the Capitol, the divided condition of Italy would have offered the fairest opportunity of a second conquest. But in arms, the modern Romans were not above, and in arts, they were far below, the common level of the neighboring republics. Nor was their warlike spirit of any long continuance; after some irregular sallies, they subsided in the national apathy, in the neglect of military institutions, and in the disgraceful and dangerous use of foreign mercenaries. [Footnote 62: Tibur nunc suburbanum, et aestivae Praeneste deliciae, nuncupatia in Capitolio votis petebantur. The whole passage of Florus (l. i. c. 11) may be read with pleasure, and

    has deserved the praise of a man of genius, (Oeuvres de Montesquieu, tom. iii. p. 634, 635, quarto edition)] [Footnote 63: Ne a feritate Romanorum, sicut fuerant Hostienses, Portuenses, Tusculanenses, Albanenses, Labicenses, et nuper Tiburtini destruerentur, (Matthew Paris, p. 757.) These events are marked in the Annals and Index (the xviiith volume) of Muratori.]

    [Footnote 64: For the state or ruin of these suburban cities, the banks of the Tyber, &c., see the lively picture of the P. Labat, (Voyage en Espagne et en Italiae,) who had long resided in the neighborhood of Rome, and the more accurate description of which P. Eschinard (Roma, 1750, in octavo) has added to the topographical map of Cingolani.]

    [Footnote 65: Labat (tom. iii. p. 233) mentions a recent decree of the Roman government, which has severely mortified the pride and poverty of Tivoli: in civitate Tiburtina non vivitur civiliter.]

    [Footnote 66: I depart from my usual method, of quoting only by the date the Annals of Muratori, in consideration of the critical balance in which he has weighed nine contemporary writers who mention the battle of Tusculum, (tom. x. p. 42 – 44.)]

    [Footnote 67: Matthew Paris, p. 345. This bishop of Winchester was Peter de Rupibus, who occupied the see thirty-two years, (A.D. 1206 – 1238.) and is described, by the English historian, as a soldier and a statesman. (p. 178, 399.)]

    Ambition is a weed of quick and early vegetation in the

    vineyard of Christ. Under the first Christian princes, the chair of St. Peter was disputed by the votes, the venality, the violence, of a popular election: the sanctuaries of Rome were polluted with blood; and, from the third to the twelfth century, the church was distracted by the mischief of frequent schisms. As long as the final appeal was determined by the civil magistrate, these mischiefs were transient and local: the

    merits were tried by equity or favor; nor could the unsuccessful competitor long disturb the triumph of his rival. But after the emperors had been divested of their prerogatives, after a maxim had been established that the vicar of Christ is amenable to no earthly tribunal, each vacancy of the holy see might involve Christendom in controversy and war. The claims of the cardinals and inferior clergy, of the nobles and people, were vague and litigious: the freedom of choice was overruled by the tumults of a city that no longer owned or obeyed a superior. On the decease of a pope, two factions proceeded in different churches to a double election: the number and weight of votes, the priority of time, the merit of the candidates, might balance each other: the most respectable of the clergy were divided; and the distant princes, who bowed before the spiritual throne, could not distinguish the spurious, from the legitimate, idol. The emperors were often the authors of the schism, from the political motive of opposing a friendly to a hostile pontiff; and each of the competitors was reduced to suffer the insults of his enemies, who were not awed by conscience, and to purchase the support of his adherents, who were instigated by avarice or ambition a peaceful and perpetual succession was ascertained by Alexander the Third, ^68 who finally abolished the tumultuary votes of the clergy and people, and defined the right of election in the sole college of cardinals. ^69 The three orders of bishops, priests, and deacons, were assimilated to each other by this important privilege; the parochial clergy of Rome obtained the first rank in the hierarchy: they were indifferently chosen among the nations of Christendom; and the possession of the richest benefices, of the most important bishoprics, was not incompatible with their title and office. The senators of the Catholic church, the coadjutors and legates of the supreme pontiff, were robed in purple, the symbol of martyrdom or royalty; they claimed a proud equality with kings; and their dignity was enhanced by the smallness of their number, which, till the reign of Leo the Tenth, seldom exceeded twenty or twenty-five persons. By this wise regulation, all doubt and scandal were removed, and the root of schism was so effectually destroyed, that in a period of six hundred years a

    double choice has only once divided the unity of the sacred college. But as the concurrence of two thirds of the votes had been made necessary, the election was often delayed by the private interest and passions of the cardinals; and while they prolonged their independent reign, the Christian world was left destitute of a head. A vacancy of almost three years had preceded the elevation of George the Tenth, who resolved to prevent the future abuse; and his bull, after some opposition, has been consecrated in the code of the canon law. ^70 Nine days are allowed for the obsequies of the deceased pope, and the arrival of the absent cardinals; on the tenth, they are imprisoned, each with one domestic, in a common apartment or conclave, without any separation of walls or curtains: a small window is reserved for the introduction of necessaries; but the door is locked on both sides and guarded by the magistrates of the city, to seclude them from all correspondence with the world.

    If the election be not consummated in three days, the luxury of their table is contracted to a single dish at dinner and supper; and after the eighth day, they are reduced to a scanty allowance of bread, water, and wine. During the vacancy of the holy see, the cardinals are prohibited from touching the revenues, or assuming, unless in some rare emergency, the government of the church: all agreements and promises among the electors are formally annulled; and their integrity is fortified by their solemn oath and the prayers of the Catholics. Some articles of inconvenient or superfluous rigor have been gradually relaxed, but the principle of confinement is vigorous and entire: they are still urged, by the personal motives of health and freedom, to accelerate the moment of their deliverance; and the improvement of ballot or secret votes has wrapped the struggles of the conclave ^71 in the silky veil of charity and politeness. ^72 By these institutions the Romans were excluded from the election of their prince and bishop; and in the fever of wild and precarious liberty, they seemed insensible of the loss of this inestimable privilege. The emperor Lewis of Bavaria revived the example of the great Otho. After some negotiation with the magistrates, the Roman people were

    assembled ^73 in the square before St. Peter’s: the pope of Avignon, John the Twenty-second, was deposed: the choice of his successor was ratified by their consent and applause. They freely voted for a new law, that their bishop should never be absent more than three months in the year, and two days’ journey from the city; and that if he neglected to return on the third summons, the public servant should be degraded and dismissed. ^74 But Lewis forgot his own debility and the prejudices of the times: beyond the precincts of a German camp, his useless phantom was rejected; the Romans despised their own workmanship; the antipope implored the mercy of his lawful sovereign; ^75 and the exclusive right of the cardinals was more firmly established by this unseasonable attack.

    [Footnote 68: See Mosheim, Institut. Histor. Ecclesiast. p. 401, 403. Alexander himself had nearly been the victim of a contested election; and the doubtful merits of Innocent had only preponderated by the weight of genius and learning which St. Bernard cast into the scale, (see his life and writings.)] [Footnote 69: The origin, titles, importance, dress, precedency, &c., of the Roman cardinals, are very ably discussed by Thomassin, (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1262 – 1287;) but their purple is now much faded. The sacred college was raised to the definite number of seventy-two, to represent, under his vicar, the disciples of Christ.]

    [Footnote 70: See the bull of Gregory X. approbante sacro concilio, in the Sexts of the Canon Law, (l. i. tit. 6, c. 3,) a supplement to the Decretals, which Boniface VIII. promulgated at Rome in 1298, and addressed in all the universities of Europe.]

    [Footnote 71: The genius of Cardinal de Retz had a right to paint a conclave, (of 1665,) in which he was a spectator and an actor, (Memoires, tom. iv. p. 15 – 57;) but I am at a loss to appreciate the knowledge or authority of an anonymous Italian, whose history (Conclavi de’ Pontifici Romani, in 4to. 1667) has been continued since the reign of Alexander VII. The accidental form of the work furnishes a lesson, though not an

    antidote, to ambition. From a labyrinth of intrigues, we emerge to the adoration of the successful candidate; but the next page opens with his funeral.]

    [Footnote 72: The expressions of Cardinal de Retz are positive and picturesque: On y vecut toujours ensemble avec le meme respect, et la meme civilite que l’on observe dans le cabinet des rois, avec la meme politesse qu’on avoit dans la cour de Henri III., avec la meme familiarite que l’on voit dans les colleges; avec la meme modestie, qui se remarque dans les noviciats; et avec la meme charite, du moins en apparence, qui pourroit otre entre des freres parfaitement unis.]

    [Footnote 73: Richiesti per bando (says John Villani) sanatori di Roma, e 52 del popolo, et capitani de’ 25, e consoli, (consoli?) et 13 buone huomini, uno per rione. Our knowledge is too imperfect to pronounce how much of this constitution was temporary, and how much ordinary and permanent. Yet it is faintly illustrated by the ancient statutes of Rome.]

    [Footnote 74: Villani (l. x. c. 68 – 71, in Muratori, Script. tom. xiii. p. 641 – 645) relates this law, and the whole transaction, with much less abhorrence than the prudent Muratori.

    Any one conversant with the darker ages must have observed how much the sense (I mean the nonsense) of superstition is fluctuating and inconsistent.]

    [Footnote 75: In the first volume of the Popes of Avignon, see the second original Life of John XXII. p. 142 – 145, the confession of the antipope p. 145 – 152, and the laborious notes of Baluze, p. 714, 715.]

    Had the election been always held in the Vatican, the rights

    of the senate and people would not have been violated with impunity. But the Romans forgot, and were forgotten. in the absence of the successors of Gregory the Seventh, who did not keep as a divine precept their ordinary residence in the city and diocese. The care of that diocese was less important than the government of the universal church; nor could the popes

    delight in a city in which their authority was always opposed, and their person was often endangered. From the persecution of the emperors, and the wars of Italy, they escaped beyond the Alps into the hospitable bosom of France; from the tumults of Rome they prudently withdrew to live and die in the more tranquil stations of Anagni, Perugia, Viterbo, and the adjacent cities. When the flock was offended or impoverished by the absence of the shepherd, they were recalled by a stern admonition, that St. Peter had fixed his chair, not in an obscure village, but in the capital of the world; by a ferocious menace, that the Romans would march in arms to destroy the place and people that should dare to afford them a retreat. They returned with timorous obedience; and were saluted with the account of a heavy debt, of all the losses which their desertion had occasioned, the hire of lodgings, the sale of provisions, and the various expenses of servants and strangers who attended the court. ^76 After a short interval of peace, and perhaps of authority, they were again banished by new tumults, and again summoned by the imperious or respectful invitation of the senate. In these occasional retreats, the exiles and fugitives of the Vatican were seldom long, or far, distant from the metropolis; but in the beginning of the fourteenth century, the apostolic throne was transported, as it might seem forever, from the Tyber to the Rhone; and the cause of the transmigration may be deduced from the furious contest between Boniface the Eighth and the king of France. ^77 The spiritual arms of excommunication and interdict were repulsed by the union of the three estates, and the privileges of the Gallican church; but the pope was not prepared against the carnal weapons which Philip the Fair had courage to employ. As the pope resided at Anagni, without the suspicion of danger, his palace and person were assaulted by three hundred horse, who had been secretly levied by William of Nogaret, a French minister, and Sciarra Colonna, of a noble but hostile family of Rome. The cardinals fled; the inhabitants of Anagni were seduced from their allegiance and gratitude; but the dauntless Boniface, unarmed and alone, seated himself in his chair, and awaited, like the conscript fathers of old, the swords of the Gauls. Nogaret, a foreign adversary, was

    content to execute the orders of his master: by the domestic enmity of Colonna, he was insulted with words and blows; and during a confinement of three days his life was threatened by the hardships which they inflicted on the obstinacy which they provoked. Their strange delay gave time and courage to the adherents of the church, who rescued him from sacrilegious violence; but his imperious soul was wounded in the vital part; and Boniface expired at Rome in a frenzy of rage and revenge. His memory is stained with the glaring vices of avarice and pride; nor has the courage of a martyr promoted this ecclesiastical champion to the honors of a saint; a magnanimous sinner, (say the chronicles of the times,) who entered like a fox, reigned like a lion, and died like a dog. He was succeeded by Benedict the Eleventh, the mildest of mankind. Yet he excommunicated the impious emissaries of Philip, and devoted the city and people of Anagni by a tremendous curse, whose effects are still visible to the eyes of superstition. ^78 [Footnote 76: Romani autem non valentes nec volentes ultra suam celare cupiditatem gravissimam, contra papam movere coeperunt questionem, exigentes ab eo urgentissime omnia quae subierant per ejus absentiam damna et jacturas, videlicet in hispitiis locandis, in mercimoniis, in usuris, in redditibus, in provisionibus, et in aliis modis innumerabilibus. Quod cum audisset papa, praecordialiter ingemuit, et se comperiens muscipulatum, &c., Matt. Paris, p. 757. For the ordinary history of the popes, their life and death, their residence and absence, it is enough to refer to the ecclesiastical annalists, Spondanus and Fleury.]

    [Footnote 77: Besides the general historians of the church of Italy and of France, we possess a valuable treatise composed by a learned friend of Thuanus, which his last and best editors have published in the appendix (Histoire particuliere du grand Differend entre Boniface VIII et Philippe le Bel, par Pierre du Puis, tom. vii. P. xi. p. 61 – 82.)]

    [Footnote 78: It is difficult to know whether Labat (tom. iv. p. 53 – 57) be in jest or in earnest, when he supposes that Anagni still feels the weight of this curse, and that the cornfields, or

    vineyards, or olive-trees, are annually blasted by Nature, the obsequious handmaid of the popes.]

    Chapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.

    Part IV.

    After his decease, the tedious and equal suspense of the

    conclave was fixed by the dexterity of the French faction. A specious offer was made and accepted, that, in the term of forty days, they would elect one of the three candidates who should be named by their opponents. The archbishop of Bourdeaux, a furious enemy of his king and country, was the first on the list; but his ambition was known; and his conscience obeyed the calls of fortune and the commands of a benefactor, who had been informed by a swift messenger that the choice of a pope was now in his hands. The terms were regulated in a private interview; and with such speed and secrecy was the business transacted, that the unanimous conclave applauded the elevation of Clement the Fifth. ^79 The cardinals of both parties were soon astonished by a summons to attend him beyond the Alps; from whence, as they soon discovered, they must never hope to return. He was engaged, by promise and affection, to prefer the residence of France; and, after dragging his court through Poitou and Gascony, and devouring, by his expense, the cities and convents on the road, he finally reposed at Avignon, ^80 which flourished above seventy years ^81 the seat of the Roman pontiff and the metropolis of Christendom. By land, by sea, by the Rhone, the position of Avignon was on all sides accessible; the southern provinces of France do not yield to Italy itself; new palaces arose for the accommodation of the pope and cardinals; and the arts of luxury were soon attracted by the treasures of the church. They were already possessed of the adjacent territory, the Venaissin county, ^82 a populous and

    fertile spot; and the sovereignty of Avignon was afterwards purchased from the youth and distress of Jane, the first queen of Naples and countess of Provence, for the inadequate price of fourscore thousand florins. ^83 Under the shadow of a French monarchy, amidst an obedient people, the popes enjoyed an honorable and tranquil state, to which they long had been strangers: but Italy deplored their absence; and Rome, in solitude and poverty, might repent of the ungovernable freedom which had driven from the Vatican the successor of St. Peter. Her repentance was tardy and fruitless: after the death of the old members, the sacred college was filled with French cardinals, ^84 who beheld Rome and Italy with abhorrence and contempt, and perpetuated a series of national, and even provincial, popes, attached by the most indissoluble ties to their native country.

    [Footnote 79: See, in the Chronicle of Giovanni Villani, (l. viii. c. 63, 64, 80, in Muratori, tom. xiii.,) the imprisonment of Boniface VIII., and the election of Clement V., the last of which, like most anecdotes, is embarrassed with some difficulties.]

    [Footnote 80: The original lives of the eight popes of Avignon, Clement V., John XXII., Benedict XI., Clement VI., Innocent VI., Urban V., Gregory XI., and Clement VII., are published by Stephen Baluze, (Vitae Paparum Avenionensium; Paris, 1693, 2 vols. in 4to.,) with copious and elaborate notes, and a second volume of acts and documents. With the true zeal of an editor and a patriot, he devoutly justifies or excuses the characters of his countrymen.]

    [Footnote 81: The exile of Avignon is compared by the Italians with Babylon, and the Babylonish captivity. Such furious metaphors, more suitable to the ardor of Petrarch than to the judgment of Muratori, are gravely refuted in Baluze’s preface. The abbe de Sade is distracted between the love of Petrarch and of his country. Yet he modestly pleads, that many of the local inconveniences of Avignon are now removed; and many of the vices against which the poet declaims, had been imported

    with the Roman court by the strangers of Italy, (tom. i. p. 23 – 28.)]

    [Footnote 82: The comtat Venaissin was ceded to the popes in 1273 by Philip III. king of France, after he had inherited the dominions of the count of Thoulouse. Forty years before, the heresy of Count Raymond had given them a pretence of seizure, and they derived some obscure claim from the xith century to some lands citra Rhodanum, (Valesii Notitia Galliarum, p. 495, 610. Longuerue, Description de la France, tom. i. p. 376 – 381.)] [Footnote 83: If a possession of four centuries were not itself a title, such objections might annul the bargain; but the purchase money must be refunded, for indeed it was paid. Civitatem Avenionem emit . . . per ejusmodi venditionem pecunia redundates, &c., (iida Vita Clement. VI. in Baluz. tom. i. p. 272. Muratori, Script. tom. iii. P. ii. p. 565.) The only temptation for Jane and her second husband was ready money, and without it they could not have returned to the throne of Naples.]

    [Footnote 84: Clement V immediately promoted ten cardinals, nine French and one English, (Vita ivta, p. 63, et Baluz. p. 625, &c.) In 1331, the pope refused two candidates recommended by the king of France, quod xx. Cardinales, de quibus xvii. de regno Fraciae originem traxisse noscuntur in memorato collegio existant, (Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1281.)]

    The progress of industry had produced and enriched the

    Italian republics: the aera of their liberty is the most flourishing period of population and agriculture, of manufactures and commerce; and their mechanic labors were gradually refined into the arts of elegance and genius. But the position of Rome was less favorable, the territory less fruitful: the character of the inhabitants was debased by indolence and elated by pride; and they fondly conceived that the tribute of subjects must forever nourish the metropolis of the church and empire. This prejudice was encouraged in some degree by

    the resort of pilgrims to the shrines of the apostles; and the last legacy of the popes, the institution of the holy year, ^85 was not less beneficial to the people than to the clergy. Since the loss of Palestine, the gift of plenary indulgences, which had been applied to the crusades, remained without an object; and the most valuable treasure of the church was sequestered above eight years from public circulation.

    A new channel was opened by the diligence of Boniface the Eighth, who reconciled the vices of ambition and avarice; and the pope had sufficient learning to recollect and revive the secular games which were celebrated in Rome at the conclusion of every century.

    To sound without danger the depth of popular credulity, a sermon was seasonably pronounced, a report was artfully scattered, some aged witnesses were produced; and on the first of January of the year thirteen hundred, the church of St. Peter was crowded with the faithful, who demanded the customary indulgence of the holy time. The pontiff, who watched and irritated their devout impatience, was soon persuaded by ancient testimony of the justice of their claim; and he proclaimed a plenary absolution to all Catholics who, in the course of that year, and at every similar period, should respectfully visit the apostolic churches of St. Peter and St. Paul. The welcome sound was propagated through Christendom; and at first from the nearest provinces of Italy, and at length from the remote kingdoms of Hungary and Britain, the highways were thronged with a swarm of pilgrims who sought to expiate their sins in a journey, however costly or laborious, which was exempt from the perils of military service. All exceptions of rank or sex, of age or infirmity, were forgotten in the common transport; and in the streets and churches many persons were trampled to death by the eagerness of devotion. The calculation of their numbers could not be easy nor accurate; and they have probably been magnified by a dexterous clergy, well apprised of the contagion of example: yet we are assured by a judicious historian, who assisted at the ceremony, that Rome was never replenished with less than two hundred thousand strangers; and another

    spectator has fixed at two millions the total concourse of the year. A trifling oblation from each individual would accumulate a royal treasure; and two priests stood night and day, with rakes in their hands, to collect, without counting, the heaps of gold and silver that were poured on the altar of St. Paul. ^86 It was fortunately a season of peace and plenty; and if forage was scarce, if inns and lodgings were extravagantly dear, an inexhaustible supply of bread and wine, of meat and fish, was provided by the policy of Boniface and the venal hospitality of the Romans. From a city without trade or industry, all casual riches will speedily evaporate: but the avarice and envy of the next generation solicited Clement the Sixth ^87 to anticipate the distant period of the century. The gracious pontiff complied with their wishes; afforded Rome this poor consolation for his loss; and justified the change by the name and practice of the Mosaic Jubilee. ^88 His summons was obeyed; and the number, zeal, and liberality of the pilgrims did not yield to the primitive festival. But they encountered the triple scourge of war, pestilence, and famine: many wives and virgins were violated in the castles of Italy; and many strangers were pillaged or murdered by the savage Romans, no longer moderated by the presence of their bishops. ^89 To the impatience of the popes we may ascribe the successive reduction to fifty, thirty-three, and twenty-five years; although the second of these terms is commensurate with the life of Christ. The profusion of indulgences, the revolt of the Protestants, and the decline of superstition, have much diminished the value of the jubilee; yet even the nineteenth and last festival was a year of pleasure and profit to the Romans; and a philosophic smile will not disturb the triumph of the priest or the happiness of the people. ^90 [Footnote 85: Our primitive account is from Cardinal James Caietan, (Maxima Bibliot. Patrum, tom. xxv.;) and I am at a loss to determine whether the nephew of Boniface VIII. be a fool or a knave: the uncle is a much clearer character.]

    [Footnote 86: See John Villani (l. viii. c. 36) in the xiith, and the Chronicon Astense, in the xith volume (p. 191, 192) of

    Muratori’s Collection Papa innumerabilem pecuniam abeisdem accepit, nam duo clerici, cum rastris, &c.]

    [Footnote 87: The two bulls of Boniface VIII. and Clement VI. are inserted on the Corpus Juris Canonici, Extravagant. Commun. l. v. tit. ix c 1, 2.)] [Footnote 88: The sabbatic years and jubilees of the Mosaic law, (Car. Sigon. de Republica Hebraeorum, Opp. tom. iv. l. iii. c. 14, 14, p. 151, 152,) the suspension of all care and labor, the periodical release of lands, debts, servitude, &c., may seem a noble idea, but the execution would be impracticable in a profane republic; and I should be glad to learn that this ruinous festival was observed by the Jewish people.]

    [Footnote 89: See the Chronicle of Matteo Villani, (l. i. c. 56,) in the xivth vol. of Muratori, and the Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 75 – 89.]

    [Footnote 90: The subject is exhausted by M. Chais, a French minister at the Hague, in his Lettres Historiques et Dogmatiques, sur les Jubiles et es Indulgences; la Haye, 1751, 3 vols. in 12mo.; an elaborate and pleasing work, had not the author preferred the character of a polemic to that of a philosopher.]

    In the beginning of the eleventh century, Italy was exposed

    to the feudal tyranny, alike oppressive to the sovereign and the people. The rights of human nature were vindicated by her numerous republics, who soon extended their liberty and dominion from the city to the adjacent country. The sword of the nobles was broken; their slaves were enfranchised; their castles were demolished; they assumed the habits of society and obedience; their ambition was confined to municipal honors, and in the proudest aristocracy of Venice on Genoa, each patrician was subject to the laws. ^91 But the feeble and disorderly government of Rome was unequal to the task of curbing her rebellious sons, who scorned the authority of the magistrate within and without the walls. It was no longer a civil contention between the nobles and plebeians for the

    government of the state: the barons asserted in arms their personal independence; their palaces and castles were fortified against a siege; and their private quarrels were maintained by the numbers of their vassals and retainers. In origin and affection, they were aliens to their country: ^92 and a genuine Roman, could such have been produced, might have renounced these haughty strangers, who disdained the appellation of citizens, and proudly styled themselves the princes, of Rome. ^93 After a dark series of revolutions, all records of pedigree were lost; the distinction of surnames was abolished; the blood of the nations was mingled in a thousand channels; and the Goths and Lombards, the Greeks and Franks, the Germans and Normans, had obtained the fairest possessions by royal bounty, or the prerogative of valor. These examples might be readily presumed; but the elevation of a Hebrew race to the rank of senators and consuls is an event without a parallel in the long captivity of these miserable exiles. ^94 In the time of Leo the Ninth, a wealthy and learned Jew was converted to Christianity, and honored at his baptism with the name of his godfather, the reigning Pope. The zeal and courage of Peter the son of Leo were signalized in the cause of Gregory the Seventh, who intrusted his faithful adherent with the government of Adrian’s mole, the tower of Crescentius, or, as it is now called, the castle of St. Angelo. Both the father and the son were the parents of a numerous progeny: their riches, the fruits of usury, were shared with the noblest families of the city; and so extensive was their alliance, that the grandson of the proselyte was exalted by the weight of his kindred to the throne of St. Peter. A majority of the clergy and people supported his cause: he reigned several years in the Vatican; and it is only the eloquence of St. Bernard, and the final triumph of Innocence the Second, that has branded Anacletus with the epithet of antipope. After his defeat and death, the posterity of Leo is no longer conspicuous; and none will be found of the modern nobles ambitious of descending from a Jewish stock. It is not my design to enumerate the Roman families which have failed at different periods, or those which are continued in different degrees of splendor to the present time. ^95 The old consular line of the Frangipani

    discover their name in the generous act of breaking or dividing bread in a time of famine; and such benevolence is more truly glorious than to have enclosed, with their allies the Corsi, a spacious quarter of the city in the chains of their fortifications; the Savelli, as it should seem a Sabine race, have maintained their original dignity; the obsolete surname of the Capizucchi is inscribed on the coins of the first senators; the Conti preserve the honor, without the estate, of the counts of Signia; and the Annibaldi must have been very ignorant, or very modest, if they had not descended from the Carthaginian hero. ^96

    [Footnote 91: Muratori (Dissert. xlvii.) alleges the Annals of Florence, Padua, Genoa, &c., the analogy of the rest, the evidence of Otho of Frisingen, (de Gest. Fred. I. l. ii. c. 13,) and the submission of the marouis of Este.] [Footnote 92: As early as the year 824, the emperor Lothaire I. found it expedient to interrogate the Roman people, to learn from each individual by what national law he chose to be governed. (Muratori, Dissertat xxii.)] [Footnote 93: Petrarch attacks these foreigners, the tyrants of Rome, in a declamation or epistle, full of bold truths and absurd pedantry, in which he applies the maxims, and even prejudices, of the old republic to the state of the xivth century, (Memoires, tom. iii. p. 157 – 169.)]

    [Footnote 94: The origin and adventures of the Jewish family are noticed by Pagi, (Critica, tom. iv. p. 435, A.D. 1124, No. 3, 4,) who draws his information from the Chronographus Maurigniacensis, and Arnulphus Sagiensis de Schismate, (in Muratori, Script. Ital. tom. iii. P. i. p. 423 – 432.) The fact must in some degree be true; yet I could wish that it had been coolly related, before it was turned into a reproach against the antipope.] [Footnote 95: Muratori has given two dissertations (xli. and xlii.) to the names, surnames, and families of Italy. Some nobles, who glory in their domestic fables, may be offended with his firm and temperate criticism; yet surely some ounces of pure gold are of more value than many pounds of base metal.]

    [Footnote 96: The cardinal of St. George, in his poetical, or rather metrical history of the election and coronation of Boniface VIII., (Muratori Script. Ital. tom. iii. P. i. p. 641, &c.,) describes the state and families of Rome at the coronation of Boniface VIII., (A.D. 1295.)

    Interea titulis redimiti sanguine et armis Illustresque viri Romana a stirpe trahentes Nomen in emeritos tantae virtutis honores Insulerant sese medios festumque colebant Aurata fulgente toga, sociante caterva. Ex ipsis devota domus praestantis ab Ursa Ecclesiae, vultumque gerens demissius altum Festa Columna jocis, necnon Sabellia mitis; Stephanides senior, Comites Annibalica proles, Praefectusque urbis magnum sine viribus nomen.

    (l. ii. c. 5, 100, p. 647, 648.)

    The ancient statutes of Rome (l. iii. c. 59, p. 174, 175)

    distinguish eleven families of barons, who are obliged to swear in concilio communi, before the senator, that they would not harbor or protect any malefactors, outlaws, &c. – a feeble security!]

    But among, perhaps above, the peers and princes of the city,

    I distinguish the rival houses of Colonna and Ursini, whose private story is an essential part of the annals of modern Rome. I. The name and arms of Colonna ^97 have been the theme of much doubtful etymology; nor have the orators and antiquarians overlooked either Trajan’s pillar, or the columns of Hercules, or the pillar of Christ’s flagellation, or the luminous column that guided the Israelites in the desert. Their first historical appearance in the year eleven hundred and four attests the power and antiquity, while it explains the simple meaning, of the name.

    By the usurpation of Cavae, the Colonna provoked the arms of Paschal the Second; but they lawfully held in the Campagna of Rome the hereditary fiefs of Zagarola and Colonna; and the

    latter of these towns was probably adorned with some lofty pillar, the relic of a villa or temple. ^98 They likewise possessed one moiety of the neighboring city of Tusculum, a strong presumption of their descent from the counts of Tusculum, who in the tenth century were the tyrants of the apostolic see. According to their own and the public opinion, the primitive and remote source was derived from the banks of the Rhine; ^99 and the sovereigns of Germany were not ashamed of a real or fabulous affinity with a noble race, which in the revolutions of seven hundred years has been often illustrated by merit and always by fortune. ^100 About the end of the thirteenth century, the most powerful branch was composed of an uncle and six bothers, all conspicuous in arms, or in the honors of the church. Of these, Peter was elected senator of Rome, introduced to the Capitol in a triumphal car, and hailed in some vain acclamations with the title of Caesar; while John and Stephen were declared marquis of Ancona and count of Romagna, by Nicholas the Fourth, a patron so partial to their family, that he has been delineated in satirical portraits, imprisoned as it were in a hollow pillar. ^101 After his decease their haughty behavior provoked the displeasure of the most implacable of mankind. The two cardinals, the uncle and the nephew, denied the election of Boniface the Eighth; and the Colonna were oppressed for a moment by his temporal and spiritual arms. ^102 He proclaimed a crusade against his personal enemies; their estates were confiscated; their fortresses on either side of the Tyber were besieged by the troops of St. Peter and those of the rival nobles; and after the ruin of Palestrina or Praeneste, their principal seat, the ground was marked with a ploughshare, the emblem of perpetual desolation. Degraded, banished, proscribed, the six brothers, in disguise and danger, wandered over Europe without renouncing the hope of deliverance and revenge. In this double hope, the French court was their surest asylum; they prompted and directed the enterprise of Philip; and I should praise their magnanimity, had they respected the misfortune and courage of the captive tyrant. His civil acts were annulled by the Roman people, who restored the honors and possessions of the Colonna; and some

    estimate may be formed of their wealth by their losses, of their losses by the damages of one hundred thousand gold florins which were granted them against the accomplices and heirs of the deceased pope. All the spiritual censures and disqualifications were abolished ^103 by his prudent successors; and the fortune of the house was more firmly established by this transient hurricane. The boldness of Sciarra Colonna was signalized in the captivity of Boniface, and long afterwards in the coronation of Lewis of Bavaria; and by the gratitude of the emperor, the pillar in their arms was encircled with a royal crown. But the first of the family in fame and merit was the elder Stephen, whom Petrarch loved and esteemed as a hero superior to his own times, and not unworthy of ancient Rome. Persecution and exile displayed to the nations his abilities in peace and war; in his distress he was an object, not of pity, but of reverence; the aspect of danger provoked him to avow his name and country; and when he was asked, “Where is now your fortress?” he laid his hand on his heart, and answered, “Here.” He supported with the same virtue the return of prosperity; and, till the ruin of his declining age, the ancestors, the character, and the children of Stephen Colonna, exalted his dignity in the Roman republic, and at the court of Avignon. II. The Ursini migrated from Spoleto; ^104 the sons of Ursus, as they are styled in the twelfth century, from some eminent person, who is only known as the father of their race. But they were soon distinguished among the nobles of Rome, by the number and bravery of their kinsmen, the strength of their towers, the honors of the senate and sacred college, and the elevation of two popes, Celestin the Third and Nicholas the Third, of their name and lineage. ^105 Their riches may be accused as an early abuse of nepotism: the estates of St. Peter were alienated in their favor by the liberal Celestin; ^106 and Nicholas was ambitious for their sake to solicit the alliance of monarchs; to found new kingdoms in Lombardy and Tuscany; and to invest them with the perpetual office of senators of Rome. All that has been observed of the greatness of the Colonna will likewise redeemed to the glory of the Ursini, their constant and equal antagonists in the long hereditary feud, which distracted

    above two hundred and fifty years the ecclesiastical state. The jealously of preeminence and power was the true ground of their quarrel; but as a specious badge of distinction, the Colonna embraced the name of Ghibelines and the party of the empire; the Ursini espoused the title of Guelphs and the cause of the church.

    The eagle and the keys were displayed in their adverse banners; and the two factions of Italy most furiously raged when the origin and nature of the dispute were long since forgotten. ^107 After the retreat of the popes to Avignon they disputed in arms the vacant republic; and the mischiefs of discord were perpetuated by the wretched compromise of electing each year two rival senators. By their private hostilities the city and country were desolated, and the fluctuating balance inclined with their alternate success. But none of either family had fallen by the sword, till the most renowned champion of the Ursini was surprised and slain by the younger Stephen Colonna. ^108 His triumph is stained with the reproach of violating the truce; their defeat was basely avenged by the assassination, before the church door, of an innocent boy and his two servants. Yet the victorious Colonna, with an annual colleague, was declared senator of Rome during the term of five years. And the muse of Petrarch inspired a wish, a hope, a prediction, that the generous youth, the son of his venerable hero, would restore Rome and Italy to their pristine glory; that his justice would extirpate the wolves and lions, the serpents and bears, who labored to subvert the eternal basis of the marble column. ^109

    [Footnote 97: It is pity that the Colonna themselves have not favored the world with a complete and critical history of their illustrious house. I adhere to Muratori, (Dissert. xlii. tom. iii. p. 647, 648.)] [Footnote 98: Pandulph. Pisan. in Vit. Paschal. II. in Muratori, Script. Ital. tom. iii. P. i. p. 335. The family has still great possessions in the Campagna of Rome; but they have alienated to the Rospigliosi this original fief of Colonna, Eschinard, p. 258, 259.)]

    [Footnote 99: Te longinqua dedit tellus et pascua Rheni, says Petrarch; and, in 1417, a duke of Guelders and Juliers acknowledges (Lenfant, Hist. du Concile de Constance, tom. ii. p. 539) his descent from the ancestors of Martin V., (Otho Colonna:) but the royal author of the Memoirs of Brandenburg observes, that the sceptre in his arms has been confounded with the column. To maintain the Roman origin of the Colonna, it was ingeniously supposed (Diario di Monaldeschi, in the Script. Ital. tom. xii. p. 533) that a cousin of the emperor Nero escaped from the city, and founded Mentz in Germany] [Footnote 100: I cannot overlook the Roman triumph of ovation on Marce Antonio Colonna, who had commanded the pope’s galleys at the naval victory of Lepanto, (Thuan. Hist. l. 7, tom. iii. p. 55, 56. Muret. Oratio x. Opp. tom. i. p. 180 – 190.)]

    [Footnote 101: Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. x. p. 216, 220.] [Footnote 102: Petrarch’s attachment to the Colonna has authorized the abbe de Sade to expatiate on the state of the family in the fourteenth century, the persecution of Boniface VIII., the character of Stephen and his sons, their quarrels with the Ursini, &c., (Memoires sur Petrarque, tom. i. p. 98 – 110, 146 – 148, 174 – 176, 222 – 230, 275 – 280.) His criticism often rectifies the hearsay stories of Villani, and the errors of the less diligent moderns. I understand the branch of Stephen to be now extinct.]

    [Footnote 103: Alexander III. had declared the Colonna who adhered to the emperor Frederic I. incapable of holding any ecclesiastical benefice, (Villani, l. v. c. 1;) and the last stains of annual excommunication were purified by Sixtus V., (Vita di Sisto V. tom. iii. p. 416.) Treason, sacrilege, and proscription are often the best titles of ancient nobility.] [Footnote 104: – Vallis te proxima misit,

    Appenninigenae qua prata virentia sylvae Spoletana metunt armenta gregesque protervi.

    Monaldeschi (tom. xii. Script. Ital. p. 533) gives the Ursini a French origin, which may be remotely true.]

    [Footnote 105: In the metrical life of Celestine V. by the cardinal of St. George (Muratori, tom. iii. P. i. p. 613, &c.,) we find a luminous, and not inelegant, passage, (l. i. c. 3, p. 203 &c.:) –

    – genuit quem nobilis Ursae (Ursi?) Progenies, Romana domus, veterataque magnis Fascibus in clero, pompasque experta senatus, Bellorumque manu grandi stipata parentum Cardineos apices necnon fastigia dudum Papatus iterata tenens.

    Muratori (Dissert. xlii. tom. iii.) observes, that the first Ursini pontificate of Celestine III. was unknown: he is inclined to read Ursi progenies.]

    [Footnote 106: Filii Ursi, quondam Coelestini papae nepotes, de bonis ecclesiae Romanae ditati, (Vit. Innocent. III. in Muratori, Script. tom. iii. P. i.) The partial prodigality of Nicholas III. is more conspicuous in Villani and Muratori. Yet the Ursini would disdain the nephews of a modern pope.]

    [Footnote 107: In his fifty-first Dissertation on the Italian Antiquities, Muratori explains the factions of the Guelphs and Ghibelines.]

    [Footnote 108: Petrarch (tom. i. p. 222 – 230) has celebrated this victory according to the Colonna; but two contemporaries, a Florentine (Giovanni Villani, l. x. c. 220) and a Roman, (Ludovico Monaldeschi, p. 532 – 534,) are less favorable to their arms.]

    [Footnote 109: The abbe de Sade (tom. i. Notes, p. 61 – 66) has applied the vith Canzone of Petrarch, Spirto Gentil, &c., to Stephen Colonna the younger:

    Orsi, lupi, leoni, aquile e serpi Al una gran marmorea colonna Fanno noja sovente e a se danno]

    Chapter LXX:

    Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.

    Part I.

    Character And Coronation Of Petrarch. – Restoration Of The

    Freedom And Government Of Rome By The Tribune Rienzi. – His Virtues And Vices, His Expulsion And Death. – Return Of The Popes From Avignon. – Great Schism Of The West. – Reunion Of The Latin Church. – Last Struggles Of Roman Liberty. – Statutes Of Rome. – Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.

    In the apprehension of modern times, Petrarch ^1 is the

    Italian songster of Laura and love. In the harmony of his Tuscan rhymes, Italy applauds, or rather adores, the father of her lyric poetry; and his verse, or at least his name, is repeated by the enthusiasm, or affectation, of amorous sensibility. Whatever may be the private taste of a stranger, his slight and superficial knowledge should humbly acquiesce in the judgment of a learned nation; yet I may hope or presume, that the Italians do not compare the tedious uniformity of sonnets and elegies with the sublime compositions of their epic muse, the original wildness of Dante, the regular beauties of Tasso, and the boundless variety of the incomparable Ariosto. The merits of the lover I am still less qualified to appreciate: nor am I deeply interested in a metaphysical passion for a nymph so shadowy, that her existence has been questioned; ^2 for a matron so prolific, ^3

    that she was delivered of eleven legitimate children, ^4 while her amorous swain sighed and sung at the fountain of Vaucluse. ^5 But in the eyes of Petrarch, and those of his graver contemporaries, his love was a sin, and Italian verse a frivolous amusement. His Latin works of philosophy, poetry, and eloquence, established his serious reputation, which was soon diffused from Avignon over France and Italy: his friends and disciples were multiplied in every city; and if the ponderous volume of his writings ^6 be now abandoned to a long repose, our gratitude must applaud the man, who by precept and example revived the spirit and study of the Augustan age. From his earliest youth, Petrarch aspired to the poetic crown. The academical honors of the three faculties had introduced a royal degree of master or doctor in the art of poetry; ^7 and the title of poet- laureate, which custom, rather than vanity, perpetuates in the English court, ^8 was first invented by the Caesars of Germany. In the musical games of antiquity, a prize was bestowed on the victor: ^9 the belief that Virgil and Horace had been crowned in the Capitol inflamed the emulation of a Latin bard; ^10 and the laurel ^11 was endeared to the lover by a verbal resemblance with the name of his mistress. The value of either object was enhanced by the difficulties of the pursuit; and if the virtue or prudence of Laura was inexorable, ^12 he enjoyed, and might boast of enjoying, the nymph of poetry. His vanity was not of the most delicate kind, since he applauds the success of his own labors; his name was popular; his friends were active; the open or secret opposition of envy and prejudice was surmounted by the dexterity of patient merit. In the thirty-sixth year of his age, he was solicited to accept the object of his wishes; and on the same day, in the solitude of Vaucluse, he received a similar and solemn invitation from the senate of Rome and the university of Paris. The learning of a theological school, and the ignorance of a lawless city, were alike unqualified to bestow the ideal though immortal wreath which genius may obtain from the free applause of the public and of posterity: but the candidate dismissed this troublesome reflection; and after some moments of complacency and suspense, preferred the summons of the metropolis of the world.

    [Footnote 1: The Memoires sur la Vie de Francois Petrarque, (Amsterdam, 1764, 1767, 3 vols. in 4to.,) form a copious, original, and entertaining work, a labor of love, composed from the accurate study of Petrarch and his contemporaries; but the hero is too often lost in the general history of the age, and the author too often languishes in the affectation of politeness and gallantry. In the preface to his first volume, he enumerates and weighs twenty Italian biographers, who have professedly treated of the same subject.] [Footnote 2: The allegorical interpretation prevailed in the xvth century; but the wise commentators were not agreed whether they should understand by Laura, religion, or virtue, or the blessed virgin, or – see the prefaces to the first and second volume.]

    [Footnote 3: Laure de Noves, born about the year 1307, was married in January 1325, to Hugues de Sade, a noble citizen of Avignon, whose jealousy was not the effect of love, since he married a second wife within seven months of her death, which happened the 6th of April, 1348, precisely one-and-twenty years after Petrarch had seen and loved her.]

    [Footnote 4: Corpus crebris partubus exhaustum: from one of these is issued, in the tenth degree, the abbe de Sade, the fond and grateful biographer of Petrarch; and this domestic motive most probably suggested the idea of his work, and urged him to inquire into every circumstance that could affect the history and character of his grandmother, (see particularly tom. i. p. 122 – 133, notes, p. 7 – 58, tom. ii. p. 455 – 495 not. p. 76 – 82.)] [Footnote 5: Vaucluse, so familiar to our English travellers, is described from the writings of Petrarch, and the local knowledge of his biographer, (Memoires, tom. i. p. 340 – 359.) It was, in truth, the retreat of a hermit; and the moderns are much mistaken, if they place Laura and a happy lover in the grotto.]

    [Footnote 6: Of 1250 pages, in a close print, at Basil in the xvith century, but without the date of the year. The abbe de Sade calls aloud for a new edition of Petrarch’s Latin works; but I much doubt whether it would redound to the profit of the

    bookseller, or the amusement of the public.] [Footnote 7: Consult Selden’s Titles of Honor, in his works, (vol. iii. p. 457 – 466.) A hundred years before Petrarch, St. Francis received the visit of a poet, qui ab imperatore fuerat coronatus et exinde rex versuum dictus.] [Footnote 8: From Augustus to Louis, the muse has too often been false and venal: but I much doubt whether any age or court can produce a similar establishment of a stipendiary poet, who in every reign, and at all events, is bound to furnish twice a year a measure of praise and verse, such as may be sung in the chapel, and, I believe, in the presence, of the sovereign. I speak the more freely, as the best time for abolishing this ridiculous custom is while the prince is a man of virtue and the poet a man of genius.] [Footnote 9: Isocrates (in Panegyrico, tom. i. p. 116, 117, edit. Battie, Cantab. 1729) claims for his native Athens the glory of first instituting and recommending. The example of the Panathenaea was imitated at Delphi; but the Olympic games were ignorant of a musical crown, till it was extorted by the vain tyranny of Nero, (Sueton. in Nerone, c. 23; Philostrat. apud Casaubon ad locum; Dion Cassius, or Xiphilin, l. lxiii. p. 1032, 1041. Potter’s Greek Antiquities, vol. i. p. 445, 450.)]

    [Footnote 10: The Capitoline games (certamen quinquenale, musicum, equestre, gymnicum) were instituted by Domitian (Sueton. c. 4) in the year of Christ 86, (Censorin. de Die Natali, c. 18, p. 100, edit. Havercamp.) and were not abolished in the ivth century, (Ausonius de Professoribus Burdegal. V.) If the crown were given to superior merit, the exclusion of Statius (Capitolia nostrae inficiata lyrae, Sylv. l. iii. v. 31) may do honor to the games of the Capitol; but the Latin poets who lived before Domitian were crowned only in the public opinion.]

    [Footnote 11: Petrarch and the senators of Rome were ignorant that the laurel was not the Capitoline, but the Delphic crown, (Plin. Hist. Natur p. 39. Hist. Critique de la Republique des Lettres, tom. i. p. 150 – 220.) The victors in the Capitol were crowned with a garland of oak eaves, (Martial, l. iv. epigram 54.)]

    [Footnote 12: The pious grandson of Laura has labored, and not without success, to vindicate her immaculate chastity against the censures of the grave and the sneers of the profane, (tom. ii. notes, p. 76 – 82.)]

    The ceremony of his coronation ^13 was performed in the

    Capitol, by his friend and patron the supreme magistrate of the republic. Twelve patrician youths were arrayed in scarlet; six representatives of the most illustrious families, in green robes, with garlands of flowers, accompanied the procession; in the midst of the princes and nobles, the senator, count of Anguillara, a kinsman of the Colonna, assumed his throne; and at the voice of a herald Petrarch arose. After discoursing on a text of Virgil, and thrice repeating his vows for the prosperity of Rome, he knelt before the throne, and received from the senator a laurel crown, with a more precious declaration, “This is the reward of merit.” The people shouted, “Long life to the Capitol and the poet!” A sonnet in praise of Rome was accepted as the effusion of genius and gratitude; and after the whole procession had visited the Vatican, the profane wreath was suspended before the shrine of St. Peter. In the act or diploma ^14 which was presented to Petrarch, the title and prerogatives of poet-laureate are revived in the Capitol, after the lapse of thirteen hundred years; and he receives the perpetual privilege of wearing, at his choice, a crown of laurel, ivy, or myrtle, of assuming the poetic habit, and of teaching, disputing, interpreting, and composing, in all places whatsoever, and on all subjects of literature. The grant was ratified by the authority of the senate and people; and the character of citizen was the recompense of his affection for the Roman name. They did him honor, but they did him justice. In the familiar society of Cicero and Livy, he had imbibed the ideas of an ancient patriot; and his ardent fancy kindled every idea to a sentiment, and every sentiment to a passion. The aspect of the seven hills and their majestic ruins confirmed these lively impressions; and he loved a country by whose liberal spirit he had been crowned and adopted. The poverty and debasement of Rome excited the indignation and pity of

    her grateful son; he dissembled the faults of his fellow-citizens; applauded with partial fondness the last of their heroes and matrons; and in the remembrance of the past, in the hopes of the future, was pleased to forget the miseries of the present time. Rome was still the lawful mistress of the world: the pope and the emperor, the bishop and general, had abdicated their station by an inglorious retreat to the Rhone and the Danube; but if she could resume her virtue, the republic might again vindicate her liberty and dominion. Amidst the indulgence of enthusiasm and eloquence, ^15 Petrarch, Italy, and Europe, were astonished by a revolution which realized for a moment his most splendid visions. The rise and fall of the tribune Rienzi will occupy the following pages: ^16 the subject is interesting, the materials are rich, and the glance of a patriot bard ^17 will sometimes vivify the copious, but simple, narrative of the Florentine, ^18 and more especially of the Roman, historian. ^19 [Footnote 13: The whole process of Petrarch’s coronation is accurately described by the abbe de Sade, (tom. i. p. 425 – 435, tom. ii. p. 1 – 6, notes, p. 1 – 13,) from his own writings, and the Roman diary of Ludovico, Monaldeschi, without mixing in this authentic narrative the more recent fables of Sannuccio Delbene.]

    [Footnote 14: The original act is printed among the Pieces Justificatives in the Memoires sur Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 50 – 53.]

    [Footnote 15: To find the proofs of his enthusiasm for Rome, I need only request that the reader would open, by chance, either Petrarch, or his French biographer. The latter has described the poet’s first visit to Rome, (tom. i. p. 323 – 335.) But in the place of much idle rhetoric and morality, Petrarch might have amused the present and future age with an original account of the city and his coronation.]

    [Footnote 16: It has been treated by the pen of a Jesuit, the P. de Cerceau whose posthumous work (Conjuration de Nicolas Gabrini, dit de Rienzi, Tyran de Rome, en 1347) was published at Paris, 1748, in 12mo. I am indebted to him for some facts

    and documents in John Hocsemius, canon of Liege, a contemporary historian, (Fabricius Bibliot. Lat. Med. Aevi, tom. iii. p. 273, tom. iv. p. 85.)]

    [Footnote 17: The abbe de Sade, who so freely expatiates on the history of the xivth century, might treat, as his proper subject, a revolution in which the heart of Petrarch was so deeply engaged, (Memoires, tom. ii. p. 50, 51, 320 – 417, notes, p. 70 – 76, tom. iii. p. 221 – 243, 366 – 375.) Not an idea or a fact in the writings of Petrarch has probably escaped him.] [Footnote 18: Giovanni Villani, l. xii. c. 89, 104, in Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, tom. xiii. p. 969, 970, 981 – 983.] [Footnote 19: In his third volume of Italian antiquities, (p. 249 – 548,) Muratori has inserted the Fragmenta Historiae Romanae ab Anno 1327 usque ad Annum 1354, in the original dialect of Rome or Naples in the xivth century, and a Latin version for the benefit of strangers. It contains the most particular and authentic life of Cola (Nicholas) di Rienzi; which had been printed at Bracciano, 1627, in 4to., under the name of Tomaso Fortifiocca, who is only mentioned in this work as having been punished by the tribune for forgery. Human nature is scarcely capable of such sublime or stupid impartiality: but whosoever in the author of these Fragments, he wrote on the spot and at the time, and paints, without design or art, the manners of Rome and the character of the tribune.

    Note: Since the publication of my first edition of Gibbon,

    some new and very remarkable documents have been brought to light in a life of Nicolas Rienzi, – Cola di Rienzo und seine Zeit, – by Dr. Felix Papencordt. The most important of these documents are letters from Rienzi to Charles the Fourth, emperor and king of Bohemia, and to the archbishop of Praque; they enter into the whole history of his adventurous career during its first period, and throw a strong light upon his extraordinary character. These documents were first discovered and made use of, to a certain extent, by Pelzel, the historian of Bohemia. The originals have disappeared, but a

    copy made by Pelzel for his own use is now in the library of Count Thun at Teschen. There seems no doubt of their authenticity. Dr. Papencordt has printed the whole in his i:Urkunden, with the exception of one long theological paper. – M. 1845.]

    In a quarter of the city which was inhabited only by

    mechanics and Jews, the marriage of an innkeeper and a washer woman produced the future deliverer of Rome. ^20 ^! From such parents Nicholas Rienzi Gabrini could inherit neither dignity nor fortune; and the gift of a liberal education, which they painfully bestowed, was the cause of his glory and untimely end. The study of history and eloquence, the writings of Cicero, Seneca, Livy, Caesar, and Valerius Maximus, elevated above his equals and contemporaries the genius of the young plebeian: he perused with indefatigable diligence the manuscripts and marbles of antiquity; loved to dispense his knowledge in familiar language; and was often provoked to exclaim, “Where are now these Romans? their virtue, their justice, their power? why was I not born in those happy times?” ^21 When the republic addressed to the throne of Avignon an embassy of the three orders, the spirit and eloquence of Rienzi recommended him to a place among the thirteen deputies of the commons. The orator had the honor of haranguing Pope Clement the Sixth, and the satisfaction of conversing with Petrarch, a congenial mind: but his aspiring hopes were chilled by disgrace and poverty and the patriot was reduced to a single garment and the charity of the hospital. ^* From this misery he was relieved by the sense of merit or the smile of favor; and the employment of apostolic notary afforded him a daily stipend of five gold florins, a more honorable and extensive connection, and the right of contrasting, both in words and actions, his own integrity with the vices of the state. The eloquence of Rienzi was prompt and persuasive: the multitude is always prone to envy and censure: he was stimulated by the loss of a brother and the impunity of the assassins; nor was it possible to excuse or exaggerate the public calamities. The blessings of peace and justice, for which civil society has been instituted, were banished from Rome:

    the jealous citizens, who might have endured every personal or pecuniary injury, were most deeply wounded in the dishonor of their wives and daughters: ^22 they were equally oppressed by the arrogance of the nobles and the corruption of the magistrates; ^!! and the abuse of arms or of laws was the only circumstance that distinguished the lions from the dogs and serpents of the Capitol. These allegorical emblems were variously repeated in the pictures which Rienzi exhibited in the streets and churches; and while the spectators gazed with curious wonder, the bold and ready orator unfolded the meaning, applied the satire, inflamed their passions, and announced a distant hope of comfort and deliverance. The privileges of Rome, her eternal sovereignty over her princes and provinces, was the theme of his public and private discourse; and a monument of servitude became in his hands a title and incentive of liberty. The decree of the senate, which granted the most ample prerogatives to the emperor Vespasian, had been inscribed on a copper plate still extant in the choir of the church of St. John Lateran. ^23 A numerous assembly of nobles and plebeians was invited to this political lecture, and a convenient theatre was erected for their reception. The notary appeared in a magnificent and mysterious habit, explained the inscription by a version and commentary, ^24 and descanted with eloquence and zeal on the ancient glories of the senate and people, from whom all legal authority was derived. The supine ignorance of the nobles was incapable of discerning the serious tendency of such representations: they might sometimes chastise with words and blows the plebeian reformer; but he was often suffered in the Colonna palace to amuse the company with his threats and predictions; and the modern Brutus ^25 was concealed under the mask of folly and the character of a buffoon. While they indulged their contempt, the restoration of the good estate, his favorite expression, was entertained among the people as a desirable, a possible, and at length as an approaching, event; and while all had the disposition to applaud, some had the courage to assist, their promised deliverer.

    [Footnote 20: The first and splendid period of Rienzi, his tribunitian government, is contained in the xviiith chapter of the Fragments, (p. 399 – 479,) which, in the new division, forms the iid book of the history in xxxviii. smaller chapters or sections.]

    [Footnote !: But see in Dr. Papencordt’s work, and in Rienzi’s own words, his claim to be a bastard son of the emperor Henry the Seventh, whose intrigue with his mother Rienzi relates with a sort of proud shamelessness. Compare account by the editor of Dr. Papencordt’s work in Quarterly Review vol. lxix. – M. 1845.]

    [Footnote 21: The reader may be pleased with a specimen of the original idiom: Fo da soa juventutine nutricato di latte de eloquentia, bono gramatico, megliore rettuorico, autorista bravo.

    Deh como et quanto era veloce leitore! moito usava Tito Livio, Seneca, et Tullio, et Balerio Massimo, moito li dilettava le magnificentie di Julio Cesare raccontare. Tutta la die se speculava negl’ intagli di marmo lequali iaccio intorno Roma. Non era altri che esso, che sapesse lejere li antichi pataffii. Tutte scritture antiche vulgarizzava; quesse fiure di marmo justamente interpretava. On come spesso diceva, “Dove suono quelli buoni Romani? dove ene loro somma justitia? poleramme trovare in tempo che quessi fiuriano!”]

    [Footnote *: Sir J. Hobhouse published (in his Illustrations of Childe Harold) Rienzi’s joyful letter to the people of Rome on the apparently favorable termination of this mission. – M. 1845.]

    [Footnote 22: Petrarch compares the jealousy of the Romans with the easy temper of the husbands of Avignon, (Memoires, tom. i. p. 330.)] [Footnote !!: All this Rienzi, writing at a later period to the archbishop of Prague, attributed to the criminal abandonment of his flock by the supreme pontiff. See Urkunde apud Papencordt, p. xliv. Quarterly Review, p. 255. – M. 1845.]

    [Footnote 23: The fragments of the Lex regia may be found in the Inscriptions of Gruter, tom. i. p. 242, and at the end of the Tacitus of Ernesti, with some learned notes of the editor, tom. ii.]

    [Footnote 24: I cannot overlook a stupendous and laughable blunder of Rienzi. The Lex regia empowers Vespasian to enlarge the Pomoerium, a word familiar to every antiquary. It was not so to the tribune; he confounds it with pomarium, an orchard, translates lo Jardino de Roma cioene Italia, and is copied by the less excusable ignorance of the Latin translator (p. 406) and the French historian, (p. 33.) Even the learning of Muratori has slumbered over the passage.]

    [Footnote 25: Priori (Bruto) tamen similior, juvenis uterque, longe ingenic quam cujus simulationem induerat, ut sub hoc obtentu liberator ille P R. aperiretur tempore suo …. Ille regibus, hic tyrannis contemptus, (Opp (Opp. p. 536.)

    Note: Fatcor attamen quod – nunc fatuum. nunc hystrionem,

    nunc gravem nunc simplicem, nunc astutum, nunc fervidum, nunc timidum simulato rem, et dissimulatorem ad hunc caritativum finem, quem dixi, constitusepius memet ipsum. Writing to an archbishop, (of Prague,) Rienzi alleges scriptural examples. Saltator coram archa David et insanus apparuit coram Rege; blanda, astuta, et tecta Judith astitit Holoferni; et astate Jacob meruit benedici, Urkunde xlix. – M. 1845.]

    A prophecy, or rather a summons, affixed on the church door

    of St. George, was the first public evidence of his designs; a nocturnal assembly of a hundred citizens on Mount Aventine, the first step to their execution. After an oath of secrecy and aid, he represented to the conspirators the importance and facility of their enterprise; that the nobles, without union or resources, were strong only in the fear nobles, of their imaginary strength; that all power, as well as right, was in the hands of the people; that the revenues of the apostolical

    chamber might relieve the public distress; and that the pope himself would approve their victory over the common enemies of government and freedom. After securing a faithful band to protect his first declaration, he proclaimed through the city, by sound of trumpet, that on the evening of the following day, all persons should assemble without arms before the church of St. Angelo, to provide for the reestablishment of the good estate. The whole night was employed in the celebration of thirty masses of the Holy Ghost; and in the morning, Rienzi, bareheaded, but in complete armor, issued from the church, encompassed by the hundred conspirators. The pope’s vicar, the simple bishop of Orvieto, who had been persuaded to sustain a part in this singular ceremony, marched on his right hand; and three great standards were borne aloft as the emblems of their design. In the first, the banner of liberty, Rome was seated on two lions, with a palm in one hand and a globe in the other; St. Paul, with a drawn sword, was delineated in the banner of justice; and in the third, St. Peter held the keys of concord and peace. Rienzi was encouraged by the presence and applause of an innumerable crowd, who understood little, and hoped much; and the procession slowly rolled forwards from the castle of St. Angelo to the Capitol. His triumph was disturbed by some secret emotions which he labored to suppress: he ascended without opposition, and with seeming confidence, the citadel of the republic; harangued the people from the balcony; and received the most flattering confirmation of his acts and laws. The nobles, as if destitute of arms and counsels, beheld in silent consternation this strange revolution; and the moment had been prudently chosen, when the most formidable, Stephen Colonna, was absent from the city. On the first rumor, he returned to his palace, affected to despise this plebeian tumult, and declared to the messenger of Rienzi, that at his leisure he would cast the madman from the windows of the Capitol. The great bell instantly rang an alarm, and so rapid was the tide, so urgent was the danger, that Colonna escaped with precipitation to the suburb of St. Laurence: from thence, after a moment’s refreshment, he continued the same speedy career till he reached in safety his castle of Palestrina; lamenting his own imprudence, which had

    not trampled the spark of this mighty conflagration. A general and peremptory order was issued from the Capitol to all the nobles, that they should peaceably retire to their estates: they obeyed; and their departure secured the tranquillity of the free and obedient citizens of Rome.

    But such voluntary obedience evaporates with the first

    transports of zeal; and Rienzi felt the importance of justifying his usurpation by a regular form and a legal title. At his own choice, the Roman people would have displayed their attachment and authority, by lavishing on his head the names of senator or consul, of king or emperor: he preferred the ancient and modest appellation of tribune; ^* the protection of the commons was the essence of that sacred office; and they were ignorant, that it had never been invested with any share in the legislative or executive powers of the republic. In this character, and with the consent of the Roman, the tribune enacted the most salutary laws for the restoration and maintenance of the good estate. By the first he fulfils the wish of honesty and inexperience, that no civil suit should be protracted beyond the term of fifteen days. The danger of frequent perjury might justify the pronouncing against a false accuser the same penalty which his evidence would have inflicted: the disorders of the times might compel the legislator to punish every homicide with death, and every injury with equal retaliation. But the execution of justice was hopeless till he had previously abolished the tyranny of the nobles. It was formally provided, that none, except the supreme magistrate, should possess or command the gates, bridges, or towers of the state; that no private garrisons should be introduced into the towns or castles of the Roman territory; that none should bear arms, or presume to fortify their houses in the city or country; that the barons should be responsible for the safety of the highways, and the free passage of provisions; and that the protection of malefactors and robbers should be expiated by a fine of a thousand marks of silver. But these regulations would have been impotent and nugatory, had not the licentious nobles been awed by the sword of the civil power. A

    sudden alarm from the bell of the Capitol could still summon to the standard above twenty thousand volunteers: the support of the tribune and the laws required a more regular and permanent force. In each harbor of the coast a vessel was stationed for the assurance of commerce; a standing militia of three hundred and sixty horse and thirteen hundred foot was levied, clothed, and paid in the thirteen quarters of the city: and the spirit of a commonwealth may be traced in the grateful allowance of one hundred florins, or pounds, to the heirs of every soldier who lost his life in the service of his country. For the maintenance of the public defence, for the establishment of granaries, for the relief of widows, orphans, and indigent convents, Rienzi applied, without fear of sacrilege, the revenues of the apostolic chamber: the three branches of hearth-money, the salt-duty, and the customs, were each of the annual produce of one hundred thousand florins; ^26 and scandalous were the abuses, if in four or five months the amount of the salt-duty could be trebled by his judicious economy. After thus restoring the forces and finances of the republic, the tribune recalled the nobles from their solitary independence; required their personal appearance in the Capitol; and imposed an oath of allegiance to the new government, and of submission to the laws of the good estate. Apprehensive for their safety, but still more apprehensive of the danger of a refusal, the princes and barons returned to their houses at Rome in the garb of simple and peaceful citizens: the Colonna and Ursini, the Savelli and Frangipani, were confounded before the tribunal of a plebeian, of the vile buffoon whom they had so often derided, and their disgrace was aggravated by the indignation which they vainly struggled to disguise. The same oath was successively pronounced by the several orders of society, the clergy and gentlemen, the judges and notaries, the merchants and artisans, and the gradual descent was marked by the increase of sincerity and zeal. They swore to live and die with the republic and the church, whose interest was artfully united by the nominal association of the bishop of Orvieto, the pope’s vicar, to the office of tribune. It was the boast of Rienzi, that he had delivered the throne and patrimony of St. Peter from a

    rebellious aristocracy; and Clement the Sixth, who rejoiced in its fall, affected to believe the professions, to applaud the merits, and to confirm the title, of his trusty servant. The speech, perhaps the mind, of the tribune, was inspired with a lively regard for the purity of the faith: he insinuated his claim to a supernatural mission from the Holy Ghost; enforced by a heavy forfeiture the annual duty of confession and communion; and strictly guarded the spiritual as well as temporal welfare of his faithful people. ^27 [Footnote *: Et ego, Deo semper auctore, ipsa die pristina (leg. prima) Tribunatus, quae quidem dignitas a tempore deflorati Imperii, et per annos Vo et ultra sub tyrannica occupatione vacavit, ipsos omnes potentes indifferenter Deum at justitiam odientes, a mea, ymo a Dei facie fugiendo vehementi Spiritu dissipavi, et nullo effuso cruore trementes expuli, sine ictu remanents Romane terre facie renovata. Libellus Tribuni ad Caesarem, p. xxxiv – M. 1845.] [Footnote 26: In one MS. I read (l. ii. c. 4, p. 409) perfumante quatro solli, in another, quatro florini, an important variety, since the florin was worth ten Roman solidi, (Muratori, dissert. xxviii.) The former reading would give us a population of 25,000, the latter of 250,000 families; and I much fear, that the former is more consistent with the decay of Rome and her territory.] [Footnote 27: Hocsemius, p. 498, apud du Cerceau, Hist. de Rienzi, p. 194. The fifteen tribunitian laws may be found in the Roman historian (whom for brevity I shall name) Fortifiocca, l. ii. c. 4]

    Chapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.

    Part II.

    Never perhaps has the energy and effect of a single mind

    been more remarkably felt than in the sudden, though transient, reformation of Rome by the tribune Rienzi. A den of

    robbers was converted to the discipline of a camp or convent: patient to hear, swift to redress, inexorable to punish, his tribunal was always accessible to the poor and stranger; nor could birth, or dignity, or the immunities of the church, protect the offender or his accomplices. The privileged houses, the private sanctuaries in Rome, on which no officer of justice would presume to trespass, were abolished; and he applied the timber and iron of their barricades in the fortifications of the Capitol. The venerable father of the Colonna was exposed in his own palace to the double shame of being desirous, and of being unable, to protect a criminal. A mule, with a jar of oil, had been stolen near Capranica; and the lord of the Ursini family was condemned to restore the damage, and to discharge a fine of four hundred florins for his negligence in guarding the highways. Nor were the persons of the barons more inviolate than their lands or houses; and, either from accident or design, the same impartial rigor was exercised against the heads of the adverse factions. Peter Agapet Colonna, who had himself been senator of Rome, was arrested in the street for injury or debt; and justice was appeased by the tardy execution of Martin Ursini, who, among his various acts of violence and rapine, had pillaged a shipwrecked vessel at the mouth of the Tyber. ^28 His name, the purple of two cardinals, his uncles, a recent marriage, and a mortal disease were disregarded by the inflexible tribune, who had chosen his victim. The public officers dragged him from his palace and nuptial bed: his trial was short and satisfactory: the bell of the Capitol convened the people: stripped of his mantle, on his knees, with his hands bound behind his back, he heard the sentence of death; and after a brief confession, Ursini was led away to the gallows. After such an example, none who were conscious of guilt could hope for impunity, and the flight of the wicked, the licentious, and the idle, soon purified the city and territory of Rome. In this time (says the historian,) the woods began to rejoice that they were no longer infested with robbers; the oxen began to plough; the pilgrims visited the sanctuaries; the roads and inns were replenished with travellers; trade, plenty, and good faith, were restored in the markets; and a purse of gold might be exposed without danger

    in the midst of the highway. As soon as the life and property of the subject are secure, the labors and rewards of industry spontaneously revive: Rome was still the metropolis of the Christian world; and the fame and fortunes of the tribune were diffused in every country by the strangers who had enjoyed the blessings of his government.

    [Footnote 28: Fortifiocca, l. ii. c. 11. From the account of this shipwreck, we learn some circumstances of the trade and navigation of the age. 1. The ship was built and freighted at Naples for the ports of Marseilles and Avignon. 2. The sailors were of Naples and the Isle of Oenaria less skilful than those of Sicily and Genoa. 3. The navigation from Marseilles was a coasting voyage to the mouth of the Tyber, where they took shelter in a storm; but, instead of finding the current, unfortunately ran on a shoal: the vessel was stranded, the mariners escaped. 4. The cargo, which was pillaged, consisted of the revenue of Provence for the royal treasury, many bags of pepper and cinnamon, and bales of French cloth, to the value of 20,000 florins; a rich prize.]

    The deliverance of his country inspired Rienzi with a vast,

    and perhaps visionary, idea of uniting Italy in a great federative republic, of which Rome should be the ancient and lawful head, and the free cities and princes the members and associates. His pen was not less eloquent than his tongue; and his numerous epistles were delivered to swift and trusty messengers. On foot, with a white wand in their hand, they traversed the forests and mountains; enjoyed, in the most hostile states, the sacred security of ambassadors; and reported, in the style of flattery or truth, that the highways along their passage were lined with kneeling multitudes, who implored Heaven for the success of their undertaking. Could passion have listened to reason; could private interest have yielded to the public welfare; the supreme tribunal and confederate union of the Italian republic might have healed their intestine discord, and closed the Alps against the Barbarians of the North. But the propitious season had

    elapsed; and if Venice, Florence, Sienna, Perugia, and many inferior cities offered their lives and fortunes to the good estate, the tyrants of Lombardy and Tuscany must despise, or hate, the plebeian author of a free constitution. From them, however, and from every part of Italy, the tribune received the most friendly and respectful answers: they were followed by the ambassadors of the princes and republics; and in this foreign conflux, on all the occasions of pleasure or business, the low born notary could assume the familiar or majestic courtesy of a sovereign. ^29 The most glorious circumstance of his reign was an appeal to his justice from Lewis, king of Hungary, who complained, that his brother and her husband had been perfidiously strangled by Jane, queen of Naples: ^30 her guilt or innocence was pleaded in a solemn trial at Rome; but after hearing the advocates, ^31 the tribune adjourned this weighty and invidious cause, which was soon determined by the sword of the Hungarian. Beyond the Alps, more especially at Avignon, the revolution was the theme of curiosity, wonder, and applause. ^* Petrarch had been the private friend, perhaps the secret counsellor, of Rienzi: his writings breathe the most ardent spirit of patriotism and joy; and all respect for the pope, all gratitude for the Colonna, was lost in the superior duties of a Roman citizen. The poet-laureate of the Capitol maintains the act, applauds the hero, and mingles with some apprehension and advice, the most lofty hopes of the permanent and rising greatness of the republic. ^32

    [Footnote 29: It was thus that Oliver Cromwell’s old acquaintance, who remembered his vulgar and ungracious entrance into the House of Commons, were astonished at the ease and majesty of the protector on his throne, (See Harris’s Life of Cromwell, p. 27 – 34, from Clarendon Warwick, Whitelocke, Waller, &c.) The consciousness of merit and power will sometimes elevate the manners to the station.]

    [Footnote 30: See the causes, circumstances, and effects of the death of Andrew in Giannone, (tom. iii. l. xxiii. p. 220 – 229,) and the Life of Petrarch (Memoires, tom. ii. p. 143 – 148, 245 –

    250, 375 – 379, notes, p. 21 – 37.) The abbe de Sade wishes to extenuate her guilt.]

    [Footnote 31: The advocate who pleaded against Jane could add nothing to the logical force and brevity of his master’s epistle.

    Johanna! inordinata vita praecedens, retentio potestatis in regno, neglecta vindicta, vir alter susceptus, et excusatio subsequens, necis viri tui te probant fuisse participem et consortem. Jane of Naples, and Mary of Scotland, have a singular conformity.]

    [Footnote *: In his letter to the archbishop of Prague, Rienzi thus describes the effect of his elevation on Italy and on the world: “Did I not restore real peace among the cities which were distracted by factions? did I not cause all the citizens, exiled by party violence, with their wretched wives and children, to be readmitted? had I not begun to extinguish the factious names (scismatica nomina) of Guelf and Ghibelline, for which countless thousands had perished body and soul, under the eyes of their pastors, by the reduction of the city of Rome and all Italy into one amicable, peaceful, holy, and united confederacy? the consecrated standards and banners having been by me collected and blended together, and, in witness to our holy association and perfect union, offered up in the presence of the ambassadors of all the cities of Italy, on the day of the assumption of our Blessed Lady.” p. xlvii.

    In the Libellus ad Caesarem: “I received the homage and

    submission of all the sovereigns of Apulia, the barons and counts, and almost all the people of Italy. I was honored by solemn embassies and letters by the emperor of Constantinople and the king of England. The queen of Naples submitted herself and her kingdom to the protection of the tribune. The king of Hungary, by two solemn embassies, brought his cause against his queen and his nobles before my tribunal; and I venture to say further, that the fame of the tribune alarmed the soldan of Babylon. When the Christian

    pilgrims to the sepulchre of our Lord related to the Christian and Jewish inhabitants of Jerusalem all the yet unheard-of and wonderful circumstances of the reformation in Rome, both Jews and Christians celebrated the event with unusual festivities. When the soldan inquired the cause of these rejoicings, and received this intelligence about Rome, he ordered all the havens and cities on the coast to be fortified, and put in a state of defence,” p. xxxv. – M. 1845.]

    [Footnote 32: See the Epistola Hortatoria de Capessenda Republica, from Petrarch to Nicholas Rienzi, (Opp. p. 535 – 540,) and the vth eclogue or pastoral, a perpetual and obscure allegory.]

    While Petrarch indulged these prophetic visions, the Roman

    hero was fast declining from the meridian of fame and power; and the people, who had gazed with astonishment on the ascending meteor, began to mark the irregularity of its course, and the vicissitudes of light and obscurity. More eloquent than judicious, more enterprising than resolute, the faculties of Rienzi were not balanced by cool and commanding reason: he magnified in a tenfold proportion the objects of hope and fear; and prudence, which could not have erected, did not presume to fortify, his throne. In the blaze of prosperity, his virtues were insensibly tinctured with the adjacent vices; justice with cruelly, cruelty, liberality with profusion, and the desire of fame with puerile and ostentatious vanity. ^* He might have learned, that the ancient tribunes, so strong and sacred in the public opinion, were not distinguished in style, habit, or appearance, from an ordinary plebeian; ^33 and that as often as they visited the city on foot, a single viator, or meadle, attended the exercise of their office. The Gracchi would have frowned or smiled, could they have read the sonorous titles and epithets of their successor, “Nicholas, severe and merciful; deliverer of Rome; defender of Italy; ^34 friend of mankind, and of liberty, peace, and justice; tribune august:” his theatrical pageants had prepared the revolution; but Rienzi abused, in luxury and pride, the political maxim of speaking to

    the eyes, as well as the understanding, of the multitude. From nature he had received the gift of a handsome person, ^35 till it was swelled and disfigured by intemperance: and his propensity to laughter was corrected in the magistrate by the affectation of gravity and sternness. He was clothed, at least on public occasions, in a party-colored robe of velvet or satin, lined with fur, and embroidered with gold: the rod of justice, which he carried in his hand, was a sceptre of polished steel, crowned with a globe and cross of gold, and enclosing a small fragment of the true and holy wood. In his civil and religious processions through the city, he rode on a white steed, the symbol of royalty: the great banner of the republic, a sun with a circle of stars, a dove with an olive branch, was displayed over his head; a shower of gold and silver was scattered among the populace, fifty guards with halberds encompassed his person; a troop of horse preceded his march; and their tymbals and trumpets were of massy silver.

    [Footnote *: An illustrious female writer has drawn, with a single stroke, the character of Rienzi, Crescentius, and Arnold of Brescia, the fond restorers of Roman liberty: ‘Qui ont pris les souvenirs pour les esperances.’ Corinne, tom. i. p. 159. Could Tacitus have excelled this?” Hallam, vol i p. 418. – M.] [Footnote 33: In his Roman Questions, Plutarch (Opuscul. tom. i. p. 505, 506, edit. Graec. Hen. Steph.) states, on the most constitutional principles, the simple greatness of the tribunes, who were not properly magistrates, but a check on magistracy. It was their duty and interest. Rienzi, and Petrarch himself, were incapable perhaps of reading a Greek philosopher; but they might have imbibed the same modest doctrines from their favorite Latins, Livy and Valerius Maximus.]

    [Footnote 34: I could not express in English the forcible, though barbarous, title of Zelator Italiae, which Rienzi assumed.]

    [Footnote 35: Era bell’ homo, (l. ii. c. l. p. 399.) It is remarkable, that the riso sarcastico of the Bracciano edition is

    wanting in the Roman MS., from which Muratori has given the text.

    In his second reign, when he is painted almost as a monster, Rienzi travea una ventresca tonna trionfale, a modo de uno Abbate Asiano, or Asinino, (l. iii. c. 18, p. 523.)]

    The ambition of the honors of chivalry ^36 betrayed the

    meanness of his birth, and degraded the importance of his office; and the equestrian tribune was not less odious to the nobles, whom he adopted, than to the plebeians, whom he deserted. All that yet remained of treasure, or luxury, or art, was exhausted on that solemn day. Rienzi led the procession from the Capitol to the Lateran; the tediousness of the way was relieved with decorations and games; the ecclesiastical, civil, and military orders marched under their various banners; the Roman ladies attended his wife; and the ambassadors of Italy might loudly applaud or secretly deride the novelty of the pomp. In the evening, which they had reached the church and palace of Constantine, he thanked and dismissed the numerous assembly, with an invitation to the festival of the ensuing day. From the hands of a venerable knight he received the order of the Holy Ghost; the purification of the bath was a previous ceremony; but in no step of his life did Rienzi excite such scandal and censure as by the profane use of the porphyry vase, in which Constantine (a foolish legend) had been healed of his leprosy by Pope Sylvester. ^37 With equal presumption the tribune watched or reposed within the consecrated precincts of the baptistery; and the failure of his state-bed was interpreted as an omen of his approaching downfall. At the hour of worship, he showed himself to the returning crowds in a majestic attitude, with a robe of purple, his sword, and gilt spurs; but the holy rites were soon interrupted by his levity and insolence. Rising from his throne, and advancing towards the congregation, he proclaimed in a loud voice: “We summon to our tribunal Pope Clement: and command him to reside in his diocese of Rome: we also summon the sacred college of cardinals. ^38 We again

    summon the two pretenders, Charles of Bohemia and Lewis of Bavaria, who style themselves emperors: we likewise summon all the electors of Germany, to inform us on what pretence they have usurped the inalienable right of the Roman people, the ancient and lawful sovereigns of the empire.” ^39 Unsheathing his maiden sword, he thrice brandished it to the three parts of the world, and thrice repeated the extravagant declaration, “And this too is mine!” The pope’s vicar, the bishop of Orvieto, attempted to check this career of folly; but his feeble protest was silenced by martial music; and instead of withdrawing from the assembly, he consented to dine with his brother tribune, at a table which had hitherto been reserved for the supreme pontiff. A banquet, such as the Caesars had given, was prepared for the Romans. The apartments, porticos, and courts of the Lateran were spread with innumerable tables for either sex, and every condition; a stream of wine flowed from the nostrils of Constantine’s brazen horse; no complaint, except of the scarcity of water, could be heard; and the licentiousness of the multitude was curbed by discipline and fear. A subsequent day was appointed for the coronation of Rienzi; ^40 seven crowns of different leaves or metals were successively placed on his head by the most eminent of the Roman clergy; they represented the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost; and he still professed to imitate the example of the ancient tribunes. ^* These extraordinary spectacles might deceive or flatter the people; and their own vanity was gratified in the vanity of their leader. But in his private life he soon deviated from the strict rule of frugality and abstinence; and the plebeians, who were awed by the splendor of the nobles, were provoked by the luxury of their equal. His wife, his son, his uncle, (a barber in name and profession,) exposed the contrast of vulgar manners and princely expense; and without acquiring the majesty, Rienzi degenerated into the vices, of a king.

    [Footnote 36: Strange as it may seem, this festival was not without a precedent. In the year 1327, two barons, a Colonna and an Ursini, the usual balance, were created knights by the Roman people: their bath was of rose- water, their beds were

    decked with royal magnificence, and they were served at St. Maria of Araceli in the Capitol, by the twenty-eight buoni huomini. They afterwards received from Robert, king of Naples, the sword of chivalry, (Hist. Rom. l. i. c. 2, p. 259.)]

    [Footnote 37: All parties believed in the leprosy and bath of Constantine (Petrarch. Epist. Famil. vi. 2,) and Rienzi justified his own conduct by observing to the court of Avignon, that a vase which had been used by a Pagan could not be profaned by a pious Christian. Yet this crime is specified in the bull of excommunication, (Hocsemius, apud du Cerceau, p. 189, 190.)] [Footnote 38: This verbal summons of Pope Clement VI., which rests on the authority of the Roman historian and a Vatican Ms., is disputed by the biographer of Petrarch, (tom. ii. not. p. 70 – 76, with arguments rather of decency than of weight. The court of Avignon might not choose to agitate this delicate question.]

    [Footnote 39: The summons of the two rival emperors, a monument of freedom and folly, is extant in Hocsemius, (Cerceau, p. 163 – 166.)]

    [Footnote 40: It is singular, that the Roman historian should have overlooked this sevenfold coronation, which is sufficiently proved by internal evidence, and the testimony of Hocsemius, and even of Rienzi, (Cercean p. 167 – 170, 229.)]

    [Footnote *: It was on this occasion that he made the profane comparison between himself and our Lord; and the striking circumstance took place which he relates in his letter to the archbishop of Prague. In the midst of all the wild and joyous exultation of the people, one of his most zealous supporters, a monk, who was in high repute for his sanctity, stood apart in a corner of the church and wept bitterly! A domestic chaplain of Rienzi’s inquired the cause of his grief. “Now,” replied the man of God, “is thy master cast down from heaven – never saw I man so proud. By the aid of the Holy Ghost he has driven the tyrants from the city without drawing a sword; the cities and the sovereigns of Italy have submitted to his power. Why is he so arrogant and ungrateful towards the Most High? Why does

    he seek earthly and transitory rewards for his labors, and in his wanton speech liken himself to the Creator? Tell thy master that he can only atone for this offence by tears of penitence.” In the evening the chaplain communicated this solemn rebuke to the tribune: it appalled him for the time, but was soon forgotten in the tumult and hurry of business. – M. 1845.]

    A simple citizen describes with pity, or perhaps with

    pleasure, the humiliation of the barons of Rome. “Bareheaded, their hands crossed on their breast, they stood with downcast looks in the presence of the tribune; and they trembled, good God, how they trembled!” ^41 As long as the yoke of Rienzi was that of justice and their country, their conscience forced them to esteem the man, whom pride and interest provoked them to hate: his extravagant conduct soon fortified their hatred by contempt; and they conceived the hope of subverting a power which was no longer so deeply rooted in the public confidence. The old animosity of the Colonna and Ursini was suspended for a moment by their common disgrace: they associated their wishes, and perhaps their designs; an assassin was seized and tortured; he accused the nobles; and as soon as Rienzi deserved the fate, he adopted the suspicions and maxims, of a tyrant. On the same day, under various pretences, he invited to the Capitol his principal enemies, among whom were five members of the Ursini and three of the Colonna name. But instead of a council or a banquet, they found themselves prisoners under the sword of despotism or justice; and the consciousness of innocence or guilt might inspire them with equal apprehensions of danger. At the sound of the great bell the people assembled; they were arraigned for a conspiracy against the tribune’s life; and though some might sympathize in their distress, not a hand, nor a voice, was raised to rescue the first of the nobility from their impending doom. Their apparent boldness was prompted by despair; they passed in separate chambers a sleepless and painful night; and the venerable hero, Stephen Colonna, striking against the door of his prison, repeatedly urged his guards to deliver him by a speedy death from such

    ignominious servitude. In the morning they understood their sentence from the visit of a confessor and the tolling of the bell. The great hall of the Capitol had been decorated for the bloody scene with red and white hangings: the countenance of the tribune was dark and severe; the swords of the executioners were unsheathed; and the barons were interrupted in their dying speeches by the sound of trumpets. But in this decisive moment, Rienzi was not less anxious or apprehensive than his captives: he dreaded the splendor of their names, their surviving kinsmen, the inconstancy of the people the reproaches of the world, and, after rashly offering a mortal injury, he vainly presumed that, if he could forgive, he might himself be forgiven. His elaborate oration was that of a Christian and a suppliant; and, as the humble minister of the commons, he entreated his masters to pardon these noble criminals, for whose repentance and future service he pledged his faith and authority.

    “If you are spared,” said the tribune, “by the mercy of the Romans, will you not promise to support the good estate with your lives and fortunes?” Astonished by this marvellous clemency, the barons bowed their heads; and while they devoutly repeated the oath of allegiance, might whisper a secret, and more sincere, assurance of revenge. A priest, in the name of the people, pronounced their absolution: they received the communion with the tribune, assisted at the banquet, followed the procession; and, after every spiritual and temporal sign of reconciliation, were dismissed in safety to their respective homes, with the new honors and titles of generals, consuls, and patricians. ^42

    [Footnote 41: Puoi se faceva stare denante a se, mentre sedeva, li baroni tutti in piedi ritti co le vraccia piecate, e co li capucci tratti. Deh como stavano paurosi! (Hist. Rom. l. ii. c. 20, p. 439.) He saw them, and we see them.]

    [Footnote 42: The original letter, in which Rienzi justifies his treatment of the Colonna, (Hocsemius, apud du Cerceau, p. 222 – 229,) displays, in genuine colors, the mixture of the knave and the madman.]

    During some weeks they were checked by the memory of their

    danger, rather than of their deliverance, till the most powerful of the Ursini, escaping with the Colonna from the city, erected at Marino the standard of rebellion. The fortifications of the castle were instantly restored; the vassals attended their lord; the outlaws armed against the magistrate; the flocks and herds, the harvests and vineyards, from Marino to the gates of Rome, were swept away or destroyed; and the people arraigned Rienzi as the author of the calamities which his government had taught them to forget. In the camp, Rienzi appeared to less advantage than in the rostrum; and he neglected the progress of the rebel barons till their numbers were strong, and their castles impregnable. From the pages of Livy he had not imbibed the art, or even the courage, of a general: an army of twenty thousand Romans returned without honor or effect from the attack of Marino; and his vengeance was amused by painting his enemies, their heads downwards, and drowning two dogs (at least they should have been bears) as the representatives of the Ursini. The belief of his incapacity encouraged their operations: they were invited by their secret adherents; and the barons attempted, with four thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse, to enter Rome by force or surprise. The city was prepared for their reception; the alarm-bell rung all night; the gates were strictly guarded, or insolently open; and after some hesitation they sounded a retreat. The two first divisions had passed along the walls, but the prospect of a free entrance tempted the headstrong valor of the nobles in the rear; and after a successful skirmish, they were overthrown and massacred without quarter by the crowds of the Roman people. Stephen Colonna the younger, the noble spirit to whom Petrarch ascribed the restoration of Italy, was preceded or accompanied in death by his son John, a gallant youth, by his brother Peter, who might regret the ease and honors of the church, by a nephew of legitimate birth, and by two bastards of the Colonna race; and the number of seven, the seven crowns, as Rienzi styled them, of the Holy Ghost, was completed by the agony of the deplorable parent, and the

    veteran chief, who had survived the hope and fortune of his house. The vision and prophecies of St. Martin and Pope Boniface had been used by the tribune to animate his troops: ^43 he displayed, at least in the pursuit, the spirit of a hero; but he forgot the maxims of the ancient Romans, who abhorred the triumphs of civil war. The conqueror ascended the Capitol; deposited his crown and sceptre on the altar; and boasted, with some truth, that he had cut off an ear, which neither pope nor emperor had been able to amputate. ^44 His base and implacable revenge denied the honors of burial; and the bodies of the Colonna, which he threatened to expose with those of the vilest malefactors, were secretly interred by the holy virgins of their name and family. ^45 The people sympathized in their grief, repented of their own fury, and detested the indecent joy of Rienzi, who visited the spot where these illustrious victims had fallen. It was on that fatal spot that he conferred on his son the honor of knighthood: and the ceremony was accomplished by a slight blow from each of the horsemen of the guard, and by a ridiculous and inhuman ablution from a pool of water, which was yet polluted with patrician blood. ^46

    [Footnote 43: Rienzi, in the above-mentioned letter, ascribes to St. Martin the tribune, Boniface VIII. the enemy of Colonna, himself, and the Roman people, the glory of the day, which Villani likewise (l. 12, c. 104) describes as a regular battle. The disorderly skirmish, the flight of the Romans, and the cowardice of Rienzi, are painted in the simple and minute narrative of Fortifiocca, or the anonymous citizen, (l. i. c. 34 – 37.)] [Footnote 44: In describing the fall of the Colonna, I speak only of the family of Stephen the elder, who is often confounded by the P. du Cerceau with his son. That family was extinguished, but the house has been perpetuated in the collateral branches, of which I have not a very accurate knowledge. Circumspice (says Petrarch) familiae tuae statum, Columniensium domos: solito pauciores habeat columnas. Quid ad rem modo fundamentum stabile, solidumque permaneat.]

    [Footnote 45: The convent of St. Silvester was founded, endowed, and protected by the Colonna cardinals, for the daughters of the family who embraced a monastic life, and who, in the year 1318, were twelve in number. The others were allowed to marry with their kinsmen in the fourth degree, and the dispensation was justified by the small number and close alliances of the noble families of Rome, (Memoires sur Petrarque, tom. i. p. 110, tom. ii. p. 401.)]

    [Footnote 46: Petrarch wrote a stiff and pedantic letter of consolation, (Fam. l. vii. epist. 13, p. 682, 683.) The friend was lost in the patriot. Nulla toto orbe principum familia carior; carior tamen respublica, carior Roma, carior Italia.

    Je rends graces aux Dieux de n’etre pas Romain.]

    A short delay would have saved the Colonna, the delay of a

    single month, which elapsed between the triumph and the exile of Rienzi. In the pride of victory, he forfeited what yet remained of his civil virtues, without acquiring the fame of military prowess. A free and vigorous opposition was formed in the city; and when the tribune proposed in the public council ^47 to impose a new tax, and to regulate the government of Perugia, thirty-nine members voted against his measures; repelled the injurious charge of treachery and corruption; and urged him to prove, by their forcible exclusion, that if the populace adhered to his cause, it was already disclaimed by the most respectable citizens. The pope and the sacred college had never been dazzled by his specious professions; they were justly offended by the insolence of his conduct; a cardinal legate was sent to Italy, and after some fruitless treaty, and two personal interviews, he fulminated a bull of excommunication, in which the tribune is degraded from his office, and branded with the guilt of rebellion, sacrilege, and heresy. ^48 The surviving barons of Rome were now humbled to a sense of allegiance; their interest and revenge engaged them in the service of the church; but as the fate of the Colonna was before their eyes, they abandoned to a private

    adventurer the peril and glory of the revolution. John Pepin, count of Minorbino, ^49 in the kingdom of Naples, had been condemned for his crimes, or his riches, to perpetual imprisonment; and Petrarch, by soliciting his release, indirectly contributed to the ruin of his friend. At the head of one hundred and fifty soldiers, the count of Minorbino introduced himself into Rome; barricaded the quarter of the Colonna: and found the enterprise as easy as it had seemed impossible. From the first alarm, the bell of the Capitol incessantly tolled; but, instead of repairing to the well-known sound, the people were silent and inactive; and the pusillanimous Rienzi, deploring their ingratitude with sighs and tears, abdicated the government and palace of the republic.

    [Footnote 47: This council and opposition is obscurely mentioned by Pollistore, a contemporary writer, who has preserved some curious and original facts, (Rer. Italicarum, tom. xxv. c. 31, p. 798 – 804.)]

    [Footnote 48: The briefs and bulls of Clement VI. against Rienzi are translated by the P. du Cerceau, (p. 196, 232,) from the Ecclesiastical Annals of Odericus Raynaldus, (A.D. 1347, No. 15, 17, 21, &c.,) who found them in the archives of the Vatican.]

    [Footnote 49: Matteo Villani describes the origin, character, and death of this count of Minorbino, a man da natura inconstante e senza fede, whose grandfather, a crafty notary, was enriched and ennobled by the spoils of the Saracens of Nocera, (l. vii. c. 102, 103.) See his imprisonment, and the efforts of Petrarch, tom. ii. p. 149 – 151)]

    Chapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.

    Part III.

    Without drawing his sword, count Pepin restored the

    aristocracy and the church; three senators were chosen, and the legate, assuming the first rank, accepted his two colleagues from the rival families of Colonna and Ursini. The acts of the tribune were abolished, his head was proscribed; yet such was the terror of his name, that the barons hesitated three days before they would trust themselves in the city, and Rienzi was left above a month in the castle of St. Angelo, from whence he peaceably withdrew, after laboring, without effect, to revive the affection and courage of the Romans. The vision of freedom and empire had vanished: their fallen spirit would have acquiesced in servitude, had it been smoothed by tranquillity and order; and it was scarcely observed, that the new senators derived their authority from the Apostolic See; that four cardinals were appointed to reform, with dictatorial power, the state of the republic. Rome was again agitated by the bloody feuds of the barons, who detested each other, and despised the commons: their hostile fortresses, both in town and country, again rose, and were again demolished: and the peaceful citizens, a flock of sheep, were devoured, says the Florentine historian, by these rapacious wolves. But when their pride and avarice had exhausted the patience of the Romans, a confraternity of the Virgin Mary protected or avenged the republic: the bell of the Capitol was again tolled, the nobles in arms trembled in the presence of an unarmed multitude; and of the two senators, Colonna escaped from the window of the palace, and Ursini was stoned at the foot of the altar. The dangerous office of tribune was successively occupied by two plebeians, Cerroni and Baroncelli. The mildness of Cerroni was unequal to the times; and after a faint struggle, he retired with a fair reputation and a decent fortune to the comforts of rural life. Devoid of eloquence or genius, Baroncelli was distinguished by a resolute spirit: he spoke the language of a patriot, and trod in the footsteps of tyrants; his suspicion was a sentence of death, and his own death was the reward of his cruelties. Amidst the public misfortunes, the

    faults of Rienzi were forgotten; and the Romans sighed for the peace and prosperity of their good estate. ^50

    [Footnote 50: The troubles of Rome, from the departure to the return of Rienzi, are related by Matteo Villani (l. ii. c. 47, l. iii. c. 33, 57, 78) and Thomas Fortifiocca, (l. iii. c. 1 – 4.) I have slightly passed over these secondary characters, who imitated the original tribune.]

    After an exile of seven years, the first deliverer was again

    restored to his country. In the disguise of a monk or a pilgrim, he escaped from the castle of St. Angelo, implored the friendship of the king of Hungary at Naples, tempted the ambition of every bold adventurer, mingled at Rome with the pilgrims of the jubilee, lay concealed among the hermits of the Apennine, and wandered through the cities of Italy, Germany, and Bohemia. His person was invisible, his name was yet formidable; and the anxiety of the court of Avignon supposes, and even magnifies, his personal merit. The emperor Charles the Fourth gave audience to a stranger, who frankly revealed himself as the tribune of the republic; and astonished an assembly of ambassadors and princes, by the eloquence of a patriot and the visions of a prophet, the downfall of tyranny and the kingdom of the Holy Ghost. ^51 Whatever had been his hopes, Rienzi found himself a captive; but he supported a character of independence and dignity, and obeyed, as his own choice, the irresistible summons of the supreme pontiff. The zeal of Petrarch, which had been cooled by the unworthy conduct, was rekindled by the sufferings and the presence, of his friend; and he boldly complains of the times, in which the savior of Rome was delivered by her emperor into the hands of her bishop. Rienzi was transported slowly, but in safe custody, from Prague to Avignon: his entrance into the city was that of a malefactor; in his prison he was chained by the leg; and four cardinals were named to inquire into the crimes of heresy and rebellion. But his trial and condemnation would have involved some questions, which it was more prudent to leave under the veil of mystery: the temporal supremacy of the popes; the duty

    of residence; the civil and ecclesiastical privileges of the clergy and people of Rome. The reigning pontiff well deserved the appellation of Clement: the strange vicissitudes and magnanimous spirit of the captive excited his pity and esteem; and Petrarch believes that he respected in the hero the name and sacred character of a poet. ^52 Rienzi was indulged with an easy confinement and the use of books; and in the assiduous study of Livy and the Bible, he sought the cause and the consolation of his misfortunes.

    [Footnote 51: These visions, of which the friends and enemies of Rienzi seem alike ignorant, are surely magnified by the zeal of Pollistore, a Dominican inquisitor, (Rer. Ital. tom. xxv. c. 36, p. 819.) Had the tribune taught, that Christ was succeeded by the Holy Ghost, that the tyranny of the pope would be abolished, he might have been convicted of heresy and treason, without offending the Roman people.

    Note: So far from having magnified these visions, Pollistore

    is more than confirmed by the documents published by Papencordt. The adoption of all the wild doctrines of the Fratricelli, the Spirituals, in which, for the time at least, Rienzi appears to have been in earnest; his magnificent offers to the emperor, and the whole history of his life, from his first escape from Rome to his imprisonment at Avignon, are among the most curious chapters of his eventful life. – M. 1845.]

    [Footnote 52: The astonishment, the envy almost, of Petrarch is a proof, if not of the truth of this incredible fact, at least of his own veracity. The abbe de Sade (Memoires, tom. iii. p. 242) quotes the vith epistle of the xiiith book of Petrarch, but it is of the royal Ms., which he consulted, and not of the ordinary Basil edition, (p. 920.)]

    The succeeding pontificate of Innocent the Sixth opened a

    new prospect of his deliverance and restoration; and the court of Avignon was persuaded, that the successful rebel could

    alone appease and reform the anarchy of the metropolis. After a solemn profession of fidelity, the Roman tribune was sent into Italy, with the title of senator; but the death of Baroncelli appeared to supersede the use of his mission; and the legate, Cardinal Albornoz, ^53 a consummate statesman, allowed him with reluctance, and without aid, to undertake the perilous experiment. His first reception was equal to his wishes: the day of his entrance was a public festival; and his eloquence and authority revived the laws of the good estate. But this momentary sunshine was soon clouded by his own vices and those of the people: in the Capitol, he might often regret the prison of Avignon; and after a second administration of four months, Rienzi was massacred in a tumult which had been fomented by the Roman barons. In the society of the Germans and Bohemians, he is said to have contracted the habits of intemperance and cruelty: adversity had chilled his enthusiasm, without fortifying his reason or virtue; and that youthful hope, that lively assurance, which is the pledge of success, was now succeeded by the cold impotence of distrust and despair. The tribune had reigned with absolute dominion, by the choice, and in the hearts, of the Romans: the senator was the servile minister of a foreign court; and while he was suspected by the people, he was abandoned by the prince. The legate Albornoz, who seemed desirous of his ruin, inflexibly refused all supplies of men and money; a faithful subject could no longer presume to touch the revenues of the apostolical chamber; and the first idea of a tax was the signal of clamor and sedition. Even his justice was tainted with the guilt or reproach of selfish cruelty: the most virtuous citizen of Rome was sacrificed to his jealousy; and in the execution of a public robber, from whose purse he had been assisted, the magistrate too much forgot, or too much remembered, the obligations of the debtor. ^54 A civil war exhausted his treasures, and the patience of the city: the Colonna maintained their hostile station at Palestrina; and his mercenaries soon despised a leader whose ignorance and fear were envious of all subordinate merit. In the death, as in the life, of Rienzi, the hero and the coward were strangely mingled. When the Capitol was invested by a furious multitude, when

    he was basely deserted by his civil and military servants, the intrepid senator, waving the banner of liberty, presented himself on the balcony, addressed his eloquence to the various passions of the Romans, and labored to persuade them, that in the same cause himself and the republic must either stand or fall. His oration was interrupted by a volley of imprecations and stones; and after an arrow had transpierced his hand, he sunk into abject despair, and fled weeping to the inner chambers, from whence he was let down by a sheet before the windows of the prison. Destitute of aid or hope, he was besieged till the evening: the doors of the Capitol were destroyed with axes and fire; and while the senator attempted to escape in a plebeian habit, he was discovered and dragged to the platform of the palace, the fatal scene of his judgments and executions. A whole hour, without voice or motion, he stood amidst the multitude half naked and half dead: their rage was hushed into curiosity and wonder: the last feelings of reverence and compassion yet struggled in his favor; and they might have prevailed, if a bold assassin had not plunged a dagger in his breast. He fell senseless with the first stroke: the impotent revenge of his enemies inflicted a thousand wounds: and the senator’s body was abandoned to the dogs, to the Jews, and to the flames. Posterity will compare the virtues and failings of this extraordinary man; but in a long period of anarchy and servitude, the name of Rienzi has often been celebrated as the deliverer of his country, and the last of the Roman patriots. ^55

    [Footnote 53: Aegidius, or Giles Albornoz, a noble Spaniard, archbishop of Toledo, and cardinal legate in Italy, (A.D. 1353 -1367,) restored, by his arms and counsels, the temporal dominion of the popes. His life has been separately written by Sepulveda; but Dryden could not reasonably suppose, that his name, or that of Wolsey, had reached the ears of the Mufti in Don Sebastian.]

    [Footnote 54: From Matteo Villani and Fortifiocca, the P. du Cerceau (p. 344 – 394) has extracted the life and death of the chevalier Montreal, the life of a robber and the death of a hero. At the head of a free company, the first that desolated Italy, he

    became rich and formidable be had money in all the banks, – 60,000 ducats in Padua alone.]

    [Footnote 55: The exile, second government, and death of Rienzi, are minutely related by the anonymous Roman, who appears neither his friend nor his enemy, (l. iii. c. 12 – 25.) Petrarch, who loved the tribune, was indifferent to the fate of the senator.]

    The first and most generous wish of Petrarch was the

    restoration of a free republic; but after the exile and death of his plebeian hero, he turned his eyes from the tribune, to the king, of the Romans. The Capitol was yet stained with the blood of Rienzi, when Charles the Fourth descended from the Alps to obtain the Italian and Imperial crowns. In his passage through Milan he received the visit, and repaid the flattery, of the poet-laureate; accepted a medal of Augustus; and promised, without a smile, to imitate the founder of the Roman monarchy. A false application of the name and maxims of antiquity was the source of the hopes and disappointments of Petrarch; yet he could not overlook the difference of times and characters; the immeasurable distance between the first Caesars and a Bohemian prince, who by the favor of the clergy had been elected the titular head of the German aristocracy. Instead of restoring to Rome her glory and her provinces, he had bound himself by a secret treaty with the pope, to evacuate the city on the day of his coronation; and his shameful retreat was pursued by the reproaches of the patriot bard. ^56

    [Footnote 56: The hopes and the disappointment of Petrarch are agreeably described in his own words by the French biographer, (Memoires, tom. iii. p. 375 – 413;) but the deep, though secret, wound was the coronation of Zanubi, the poet-laureate, by Charles IV.]

    After the loss of liberty and empire, his third and more

    humble wish was to reconcile the shepherd with his flock; to recall the Roman bishop to his ancient and peculiar diocese. In the fervor of youth, with the authority of age, Petrarch addressed his exhortations to five successive popes, and his eloquence was always inspired by the enthusiasm of sentiment and the freedom of language. ^57 The son of a citizen of Florence invariably preferred the country of his birth to that of his education; and Italy, in his eyes, was the queen and garden of the world. Amidst her domestic factions, she was doubtless superior to France both in art and science, in wealth and politeness; but the difference could scarcely support the epithet of barbarous, which he promiscuously bestows on the countries beyond the Alps. Avignon, the mystic Babylon, the sink of vice and corruption, was the object of his hatred and contempt; but he forgets that her scandalous vices were not the growth of the soil, and that in every residence they would adhere to the power and luxury of the papal court. He confesses that the successor of St. Peter is the bishop of the universal church; yet it was not on the banks of the Rhone, but of the Tyber, that the apostle had fixed his everlasting throne; and while every city in the Christian world was blessed with a bishop, the metropolis alone was desolate and forlorn. Since the removal of the Holy See, the sacred buildings of the Lateran and the Vatican, their altars and their saints, were left in a state of poverty and decay; and Rome was often painted under the image of a disconsolate matron, as if the wandering husband could be reclaimed by the homely portrait of the age and infirmities of his weeping spouse. ^58 But the cloud which hung over the seven hills would be dispelled by the presence of their lawful sovereign: eternal fame, the prosperity of Rome, and the peace of Italy, would be the recompense of the pope who should dare to embrace this generous resolution. Of the five whom Petrarch exhorted, the three first, John the Twenty-second, Benedict the Twelfth, and Clement the Sixth, were importuned or amused by the boldness of the orator; but the memorable change which had been attempted by Urban the Fifth was finally accomplished by Gregory the Eleventh. The execution of their design was opposed by weighty and almost insuperable obstacles. A king of France,

    who has deserved the epithet of wise, was unwilling to release them from a local dependence: the cardinals, for the most part his subjects, were attached to the language, manners, and climate of Avignon; to their stately palaces; above all, to the wines of Burgundy. In their eyes, Italy was foreign or hostile; and they reluctantly embarked at Marseilles, as if they had been sold or banished into the land of the Saracens. Urban the Fifth resided three years in the Vatican with safety and honor: his sanctity was protected by a guard of two thousand horse; and the king of Cyprus, the queen of Naples, and the emperors of the East and West, devoutly saluted their common father in the chair of St. Peter. But the joy of Petrarch and the Italians was soon turned into grief and indignation. Some reasons of public or private moment, his own impatience or the prayers of the cardinals, recalled Urban to France; and the approaching election was saved from the tyrannic patriotism of the Romans. The powers of heaven were interested in their cause: Bridget of Sweden, a saint and pilgrim, disapproved the return, and foretold the death, of Urban the Fifth: the migration of Gregory the Eleventh was encouraged by St. Catharine of Sienna, the spouse of Christ and ambassadress of the Florentines; and the popes themselves, the great masters of human credulity, appear to have listened to these visionary females. ^59 Yet those celestial admonitions were supported by some arguments of temporal policy. The residents of Avignon had been invaded by hostile violence: at the head of thirty thousand robbers, a hero had extorted ransom and absolution from the vicar of Christ and the sacred college; and the maxim of the French warriors, to spare the people and plunder the church, was a new heresy of the most dangerous import. ^60 While the pope was driven from Avignon, he was strenuously invited to Rome. The senate and people acknowledged him as their lawful sovereign, and laid at his feet the keys of the gates, the bridges, and the fortresses; of the quarter at least beyond the Tyber. ^61 But this loyal offer was accompanied by a declaration, that they could no longer suffer the scandal and calamity of his absence; and that his obstinacy would finally provoke them to revive and assert the primitive right of election. The abbot of Mount Cassin had

    been consulted, whether he would accept the triple crown ^62 from the clergy and people: “I am a citizen of Rome,” ^63 replied that venerable ecclesiastic, “and my first law is, the voice of my country.” ^64

    [Footnote 57: See, in his accurate and amusing biographer, the application of Petrarch and Rome to Benedict XII. in the year 1334, (Memoires, tom. i. p. 261 – 265,) to Clement VI. in 1342, (tom. ii. p. 45 – 47,) and to Urban V. in 1366, (tom. iii. p. 677 – 691:) his praise (p. 711 – 715) and excuse (p. 771) of the last of these pontiffs. His angry controversy on the respective merits of France and Italy may be found, Opp. p. 1068 – 1085.]

    [Footnote 58: Squalida sed quoniam facies, neglectaque cultu

    Caesaries; multisque malis lassata senectus Eripuit solitam effigiem: vetus accipe nomen;

    Roma vocor.

    (Carm. l. 2, p. 77.)

    He spins this allegory beyond all measure or patience. The Epistles to Urban V in prose are more simple and persuasive, (Senilium, l. vii. p. 811 – 827 l. ix. epist. i. p. 844 – 854.)]

    [Footnote 59: I have not leisure to expatiate on the legends of St. Bridget or St. Catharine, the last of which might furnish some amusing stories. Their effect on the mind of Gregory XI. is attested by the last solemn words of the dying pope, who admonished the assistants, ut caverent ab hominibus, sive viris, sive mulieribus, sub specie religionis loquentibus visiones sui capitis, quia per tales ipse seductus, &c., (Baluz. Not ad Vit. Pap. Avenionensium, tom. i. p. 1224.)]

    [Footnote 60: This predatory expedition is related by Froissard, (Chronique, tom. i. p. 230,) and in the life of Du Guesclin, (Collection Generale des Memoires Historiques, tom. iv. c. 16, p. 107 – 113.) As early as the year 1361, the court of Avignon had been molested by similar freebooters, who afterwards passed the Alps, (Memoires sur Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 563 – 569.)] [Footnote 61: Fleury alleges, from the annals of

    Odericus Raynaldus, the original treaty which was signed the 21st of December, 1376, between Gregory XI. and the Romans, (Hist. Eccles. tom. xx. p. 275.)]

    [Footnote 62: The first crown or regnum (Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. v. p. 702) on the episcopal mitre of the popes, is ascribed to the gift of Constantine, or Clovis. The second was added by Boniface VIII., as the emblem not only of a spiritual, but of a temporal, kingdom. The three states of the church are represented by the triple crown which was introduced by John XXII. or Benedict XII., (Memoires sur Petrarque, tom. i. p. 258, 259.)] [Footnote 63: Baluze (Not. ad Pap. Avenion. tom. i. p. 1194, 1195) produces the original evidence which attests the threats of the Roman ambassadors, and the resignation of the abbot of Mount Cassin, qui, ultro se offerens, respondit se civem Romanum esse, et illud velle quod ipsi vellent.] [Footnote 64: The return of the popes from Avignon to Rome, and their reception by the people, are related in the original lives of Urban V. and Gregory XI., in Baluze (Vit. Paparum Avenionensium, tom. i. p. 363 – 486) and Muratori, (Script. Rer. Italicarum, tom. iii. P. i. p. 613 – 712.) In the disputes of the schism, every circumstance was severely, though partially, scrutinized; more especially in the great inquest, which decided the obedience of Castile, and to which Baluze, in his notes, so often and so largely appeals from a Ms. volume in the Harley library, (p. 1281, &c.)]

    If superstition will interpret an untimely death, ^65 if the

    merit of counsels be judged from the event, the heavens may seem to frown on a measure of such apparent season and propriety. Gregory the Eleventh did not survive above fourteen months his return to the Vatican; and his decease was followed by the great schism of the West, which distracted the Latin church above forty years. The sacred college was then composed of twenty-two cardinals: six of these had remained at Avignon; eleven Frenchmen, one Spaniard, and four Italians, entered the conclave in the usual form. Their choice

    was not yet limited to the purple; and their unanimous votes acquiesced in the archbishop of Bari, a subject of Naples, conspicuous for his zeal and learning, who ascended the throne of St. Peter under the name of Urban the Sixth. The epistle of the sacred college affirms his free, and regular, election; which had been inspired, as usual, by the Holy Ghost; he was adored, invested, and crowned, with the customary rites; his temporal authority was obeyed at Rome and Avignon, and his ecclesiastical supremacy was acknowledged in the Latin world.

    During several weeks, the cardinals attended their new master with the fairest professions of attachment and loyalty; till the summer heats permitted a decent escape from the city. But as soon as they were united at Anagni and Fundi, in a place of security, they cast aside the mask, accused their own falsehood and hypocrisy, excommunicated the apostate and antichrist of Rome, and proceeded to a new election of Robert of Geneva, Clement the Seventh, whom they announced to the nations as the true and rightful vicar of Christ. Their first choice, an involuntary and illegal act, was annulled by fear of death and the menaces of the Romans; and their complaint is justified by the strong evidence of probability and fact. The twelve French cardinals, above two thirds of the votes, were masters of the election; and whatever might be their provincial jealousies, it cannot fairly be presumed that they would have sacrificed their right and interest to a foreign candidate, who would never restore them to their native country. In the various, and often inconsistent, narratives, ^66 the shades of popular violence are more darkly or faintly colored: but the licentiousness of the seditious Romans was inflamed by a sense of their privileges, and the danger of a second emigration. The conclave was intimidated by the shouts, and encompassed by the arms, of thirty thousand rebels; the bells of the Capitol and St. Peter’s rang an alarm: “Death, or an Italian pope!” was the universal cry; the same threat was repeated by the twelve bannerets or chiefs of the quarters, in the form of charitable advice; some preparations were made for burning the obstinate cardinals; and had they chosen a

    Transalpine subject, it is probable that they would never have departed alive from the Vatican. The same constraint imposed the necessity of dissembling in the eyes of Rome and of the world; the pride and cruelty of Urban presented a more inevitable danger; and they soon discovered the features of the tyrant, who could walk in his garden and recite his breviary, while he heard from an adjacent chamber six cardinals groaning on the rack. His inflexible zeal, which loudly censured their luxury and vice, would have attached them to the stations and duties of their parishes at Rome; and had he not fatally delayed a new promotion, the French cardinals would have been reduced to a helpless minority in the sacred college. For these reasons, and the hope of repassing the Alps, they rashly violated the peace and unity of the church; and the merits of their double choice are yet agitated in the Catholic schools. ^67 The vanity, rather than the interest, of the nation determined the court and clergy of France. ^68 The states of Savoy, Sicily, Cyprus, Arragon, Castille, Navarre, and Scotland were inclined by their example and authority to the obedience of Clement the Seventh, and after his decease, of Benedict the Thirteenth. Rome and the principal states of Italy, Germany, Portugal, England, ^69 the Low Countries, and the kingdoms of the North, adhered to the prior election of Urban the Sixth, who was succeeded by Boniface the Ninth, Innocent the Seventh, and Gregory the Twelfth. [Footnote 65: Can the death of a good man be esteemed a punishment by those who believe in the immortality of the soul? They betray the instability of their faith. Yet as a mere philosopher, I cannot agree with the Greeks (Brunck, Poetae Gnomici, p. 231.) See in Herodotus (l. i. c. 31) the moral and pleasing tale of the Argive youths.]

    [Footnote 66: In the first book of the Histoire du Concile de Pise, M. Lenfant has abridged and compared the original narratives of the adherents of Urban and Clement, of the Italians and Germans, the French and Spaniards. The latter appear to be the most active and loquacious, and every fact and word in the original lives of Gregory XI. and Clement VII. are supported in the notes of their editor Baluze.]

    [Footnote 67: The ordinal numbers of the popes seems to decide the question against Clement VII. and Benedict XIII., who are boldly stigmatized as antipopes by the Italians, while the French are content with authorities and reasons to plead the cause of doubt and toleration, (Baluz. in Praefat.) It is singular, or rather it is not singular, that saints, visions and miracles should be common to both parties.]

    [Footnote 68: Baluze strenuously labors (Not. p. 1271 – 1280) to justify the pure and pious motives of Charles V. king of France: he refused to hear the arguments of Urban; but were not the Urbanists equally deaf to the reasons of Clement, &c.?]

    [Footnote 69: An epistle, or declamation, in the name of Edward III., (Baluz. Vit. Pap. Avenion. tom. i. p. 553,) displays the zeal of the English nation against the Clementines. Nor was their zeal confined to words: the bishop of Norwich led a crusade of 60,000 bigots beyond sea, (Hume’s History, vol. iii. p. 57, 58.)]

    From the banks of the Tyber and the Rhone, the hostile

    pontiffs encountered each other with the pen and the sword: the civil and ecclesiastical order of society was disturbed; and the Romans had their full share of the mischiefs of which they may be arraigned as the primary authors. ^70 They had vainly flattered themselves with the hope of restoring the seat of the ecclesiastical monarchy, and of relieving their poverty with the tributes and offerings of the nations; but the separation of France and Spain diverted the stream of lucrative devotion; nor could the loss be compensated by the two jubilees which were crowded into the space of ten years. By the avocations of the schism, by foreign arms, and popular tumults, Urban the Sixth and his three successors were often compelled to interrupt their residence in the Vatican. The Colonna and Ursini still exercised their deadly feuds: the bannerets of Rome asserted and abused the privileges of a republic: the vicars of Christ, who had levied a military force, chastised their rebellion with the gibbet, the sword, and the dagger; and, in a

    friendly conference, eleven deputies of the people were perfidiously murdered and cast into the street. Since the invasion of Robert the Norman, the Romans had pursued their domestic quarrels without the dangerous interposition of a stranger. But in the disorders of the schism, an aspiring neighbor, Ladislaus king of Naples, alternately supported and betrayed the pope and the people; by the former he was declared gonfalonier, or general, of the church, while the latter submitted to his choice the nomination of their magistrates. Besieging Rome by land and water, he thrice entered the gates as a Barbarian conqueror; profaned the altars, violated the virgins, pillaged the merchants, performed his devotions at St. Peter’s, and left a garrison in the castle of St. Angelo. His arms were sometimes unfortunate, and to a delay of three days he was indebted for his life and crown: but Ladislaus triumphed in his turn; and it was only his premature death that could save the metropolis and the ecclesiastical state from the ambitious conqueror, who had assumed the title, or at least the powers, of king of Rome. ^71

    [Footnote 70: Besides the general historians, the Diaries of Delphinus Gentilia Peter Antonius, and Stephen Infessura, in the great collection of Muratori, represented the state and misfortunes of Rome.]

    [Footnote 71: It is supposed by Giannone (tom. iii. p. 292) that he styled himself Rex Romae, a title unknown to the world since the expulsion of Tarquin. But a nearer inspection has justified the reading of Rex Ramae, of Rama, an obscure kingdom annexed to the crown of Hungary.]

    I have not undertaken the ecclesiastical history of the

    schism; but Rome, the object of these last chapters, is deeply interested in the disputed succession of her sovereigns. The first counsels for the peace and union of Christendom arose from the university of Paris, from the faculty of the Sorbonne, whose doctors were esteemed, at least in the Gallican church, as the most consummate masters of theological science. ^72

    Prudently waiving all invidious inquiry into the origin and merits of the dispute, they proposed, as a healing measure, that the two pretenders of Rome and Avignon should abdicate at the same time, after qualifying the cardinals of the adverse factions to join in a legitimate election; and that the nations should subtract ^73 their obedience, if either of the competitor preferred his own interest to that of the public. At each vacancy, these physicians of the church deprecated the mischiefs of a hasty choice; but the policy of the conclave and the ambition of its members were deaf to reason and entreaties; and whatsoever promises were made, the pope could never be bound by the oaths of the cardinal. During fifteen years, the pacific designs of the university were eluded by the arts of the rival pontiffs, the scruples or passions of their adherents, and the vicissitudes of French factions, that ruled the insanity of Charles the Sixth. At length a vigorous resolution was embraced; and a solemn embassy, of the titular patriarch of Alexandria, two archbishops, five bishops, five abbots, three knights, and twenty doctors, was sent to the courts of Avignon and Rome, to require, in the name of the church and king, the abdication of the two pretenders, of Peter de Luna, who styled himself Benedict the Thirteenth, and of Angelo Corrario, who assumed the name of Gregory the Twelfth. For the ancient honor of Rome, and the success of their commission, the ambassadors solicited a conference with the magistrates of the city, whom they gratified by a positive declaration, that the most Christian king did not entertain a wish of transporting the holy see from the Vatican, which he considered as the genuine and proper seat of the successor of St. Peter. In the name of the senate and people, an eloquent Roman asserted their desire to cooperate in the union of the church, deplored the temporal and spiritual calamities of the long schism, and requested the protection of France against the arms of the king of Naples. The answers of Benedict and Gregory were alike edifying and alike deceitful; and, in evading the demand of their abdication, the two rivals were animated by a common spirit. They agreed on the necessity of a previous interview; but the time, the place, and the manner, could never be ascertained by mutual consent. “If the one advances,”

    says a servant of Gregory, “the other retreats; the one appears an animal fearful of the land, the other a creature apprehensive of the water. And thus, for a short remnant of life and power, will these aged priests endanger the peace and salvation of the Christian world.” ^74

    [Footnote 72: The leading and decisive part which France assumed in the schism is stated by Peter du Puis in a separate history, extracted from authentic records, and inserted in the seventh volume of the last and best edition of his friend Thuanus, (P. xi. p. 110 – 184.)]

    [Footnote 73: Of this measure, John Gerson, a stout doctor, was the author of the champion. The proceedings of the university of Paris and the Gallican church were often prompted by his advice, and are copiously displayed in his theological writings, of which Le Clerc (Bibliotheque Choisie, tom. x. p. 1 – 78) has given a valuable extract. John Gerson acted an important part in the councils of Pisa and Constance.]

    [Footnote 74: Leonardus Brunus Aretinus, one of the revivers of classic learning in Italy, who, after serving many years as secretary in the Roman court, retired to the honorable office of chancellor of the republic of Florence, (Fabric. Bibliot. Medii Aevi, tom. i. p. 290.) Lenfant has given the version of this curious epistle, (Concile de Pise, tom. i. p. 192 – 195.)]

    The Christian world was at length provoked by their

    obstinacy and fraud: they were deserted by their cardinals, who embraced each other as friends and colleagues; and their revolt was supported by a numerous assembly of prelates and ambassadors.

    With equal justice, the council of Pisa deposed the popes of Rome and Avignon; the conclave was unanimous in the choice of Alexander the Fifth, and his vacant seat was soon filled by a similar election of John the Twenty-third, the most profligate of mankind. But instead of extinguishing the schism, the rashness of the French and Italians had given a third

    pretender to the chair of St. Peter. Such new claims of the synod and conclave were disputed; three kings, of Germany, Hungary, and Naples, adhered to the cause of Gregory the Twelfth; and Benedict the Thirteenth, himself a Spaniard, was acknowledged by the devotion and patriotism of that powerful nation. The rash proceedings of Pisa were corrected by the council of Constance; the emperor Sigismond acted a conspicuous part as the advocate or protector of the Catholic church; and the number and weight of civil and ecclesiastical members might seem to constitute the states-general of Europe. Of the three popes, John the Twenty-third was the first victim: he fled and was brought back a prisoner: the most scandalous charges were suppressed; the vicar of Christ was only accused of piracy, murder, rape, sodomy, and incest; and after subscribing his own condemnation, he expiated in prison the imprudence of trusting his person to a free city beyond the Alps. Gregory the Twelfth, whose obedience was reduced to the narrow precincts of Rimini, descended with more honor from the throne; and his ambassador convened the session, in which he renounced the title and authority of lawful pope. To vanquish the obstinacy of Benedict the Thirteenth or his adherents, the emperor in person undertook a journey from Constance to Perpignan. The kings of Castile, Arragon, Navarre, and Scotland, obtained an equal and honorable treaty; with the concurrence of the Spaniards, Benedict was deposed by the council; but the harmless old man was left in a solitary castle to excommunicate twice each day the rebel kingdoms which had deserted his cause. After thus eradicating the remains of the schism, the synod of Constance proceeded with slow and cautious steps to elect the sovereign of Rome and the head of the church. On this momentous occasion, the college of twenty-three cardinals was fortified with thirty deputies; six of whom were chosen in each of the five great nations of Christendom, – the Italian, the German, the French, the Spanish, and the English: ^75 the interference of strangers was softened by their generous preference of an Italian and a Roman; and the hereditary, as well as personal, merit of Otho Colonna recommended him to the conclave. Rome accepted with joy and obedience the noblest of her sons;

    the ecclesiastical state was defended by his powerful family; and the elevation of Martin the Fifth is the aera of the restoration and establishment of the popes in the Vatican. ^76

    [Footnote 75: I cannot overlook this great national cause, which was vigorously maintained by the English ambassadors against those of France. The latter contended, that Christendom was essentially distributed into the four great nations and votes, of Italy, Germany, France, and Spain, and that the lesser kingdoms (such as England, Denmark, Portugal, &c.) were comprehended under one or other of these great divisions. The English asserted, that the British islands, of which they were the head, should be considered as a fifth and coordinate nation, with an equal vote; and every argument of truth or fable was introduced to exalt the dignity of their country. Including England, Scotland, Wales, the four kingdoms of Ireland, and the Orkneys, the British Islands are decorated with eight royal crowns, and discriminated by four or five languages, English, Welsh, Cornish, Scotch, Irish, &c. The greater island from north to south measures 800 miles, or 40 days’ journey; and England alone contains 32 counties and 52,000 parish churches, (a bold account!) besides cathedrals, colleges, priories, and hospitals. They celebrate the mission of St. Joseph of Arimathea, the birth of Constantine, and the legatine powers of the two primates, without forgetting the testimony of Bartholomey de Glanville, (A.D. 1360,) who reckons only four Christian kingdoms, 1. of Rome, 2. of Constantinople, 3. of Ireland, which had been transferred to the English monarchs, and 4, of Spain. Our countrymen prevailed in the council, but the victories of Henry V. added much weight to their arguments. The adverse pleadings were found at Constance by Sir Robert Wingfield, ambassador of Henry VIII. to the emperor Maximilian I., and by him printed in 1517 at Louvain. From a Leipsic Ms. they are more correctly published in the collection of Von der Hardt, tom. v.; but I have only seen Lenfant’s abstract of these acts, (Concile de Constance, tom. ii. p. 447, 453, &c.)]

    [Footnote 76: The histories of the three successive councils, Pisa, Constance, and Basil, have been written with a tolerable

    degree of candor, industry, and elegance, by a Protestant minister, M. Lenfant, who retired from France to Berlin. They form six volumes in quarto; and as Basil is the worst, so Constance is the best, part of the Collection.]

    Chapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.

    Part IV.

    The royal prerogative of coining money, which had been

    exercised near three hundred years by the senate, was first resumed by Martin the Fifth, ^77 and his image and superscription introduce the series of the papal medals. Of his two immediate successors, Eugenius the Fourth was the last pope expelled by the tumults of the Roman people, ^78 and Nicholas the Fifth, the last who was importuned by the presence of a Roman emperor. ^79 I. The conflict of Eugenius with the fathers of Basil, and the weight or apprehension of a new excise, emboldened and provoked the Romans to usurp the temporal government of the city. They rose in arms, elected seven governors of the republic, and a constable of the Capitol; imprisoned the pope’s nephew; besieged his person in the palace; and shot volleys of arrows into his bark as he escaped down the Tyber in the habit of a monk. But he still possessed in the castle of St. Angelo a faithful garrison and a train of artillery: their batteries incessantly thundered on the city, and a bullet more dexterously pointed broke down the barricade of the bridge, and scattered with a single shot the heroes of the republic. Their constancy was exhausted by a rebellion of five months. Under the tyranny of the Ghibeline nobles, the wisest patriots regretted the dominion of the church; and their repentance was unanimous and effectual. The troops of St. Peter again occupied the Capitol; the magistrates departed to their homes; the most guilty were executed or exiled; and the legate, at the head of two thousand

    foot and four thousand horse, was saluted as the father of the city. The synods of Ferrara and Florence, the fear or resentment of Eugenius, prolonged his absence: he was received by a submissive people; but the pontiff understood from the acclamations of his triumphal entry, that to secure their loyalty and his own repose, he must grant without delay the abolition of the odious excise. II. Rome was restored, adorned, and enlightened, by the peaceful reign of Nicholas the Fifth. In the midst of these laudable occupations, the pope was alarmed by the approach of Frederic the Third of Austria; though his fears could not be justified by the character or the power of the Imperial candidate. After drawing his military force to the metropolis, and imposing the best security of oaths ^80 and treaties, Nicholas received with a smiling countenance the faithful advocate and vassal of the church. So tame were the times, so feeble was the Austrian, that the pomp of his coronation was accomplished with order and harmony: but the superfluous honor was so disgraceful to an independent nation, that his successors have excused themselves from the toilsome pilgrimage to the Vatican; and rest their Imperial title on the choice of the electors of Germany.

    [Footnote 77: See the xxviith Dissertation of the Antiquities of Muratori, and the 1st Instruction of the Science des Medailles of the Pere Joubert and the Baron de la Bastie. The Metallic History of Martin V. and his successors has been composed by two monks, Moulinet, a Frenchman, and Bonanni, an Italian: but I understand, that the first part of the series is restored from more recent coins.]

    [Footnote 78: Besides the Lives of Eugenius IV., (Rerum Italic. tom. iii. P. i. p. 869, and tom. xxv. p. 256,) the Diaries of Paul Petroni and Stephen Infessura are the best original evidence for the revolt of the Romans against Eugenius IV. The former, who lived at the time and on the spot, speaks the language of a citizen, equally afraid of priestly and popular tyranny.] [Footnote 79: The coronation of Frederic III. is described by Lenfant, (Concile de Basle, tom. ii. p. 276 – 288,) from Aeneas Sylvius, a spectator and actor in that splendid scene.]

    [Footnote 80: The oath of fidelity imposed on the emperor by the pope is recorded and sanctified in the Clementines, (l. ii. tit. ix.;) and Aeneas Sylvius, who objects to this new demand, could not foresee, that in a few years he should ascend the throne, and imbibe the maxims, of Boniface VIII.] A citizen has remarked, with pride and pleasure, that the king of the Romans, after passing with a slight salute the cardinals and prelates who met him at the gate, distinguished the dress and person of the senator of Rome; and in this last farewell, the pageants of the empire and the republic were clasped in a friendly embrace. ^81 According to the laws of Rome, ^82 her first magistrate was required to be a doctor of laws, an alien, of a place at least forty miles from the city; with whose inhabitants he must not be connected in the third canonical degree of blood or alliance. The election was annual: a severe scrutiny was instituted into the conduct of the departing senator; nor could he be recalled to the same office till after the expiration of two years. A liberal salary of three thousand florins was assigned for his expense and reward; and his public appearance represented the majesty of the republic. His robes were of gold brocade or crimson velvet, or in the summer season of a lighter silk: he bore in his hand an ivory sceptre; the sound of trumpets announced his approach; and his solemn steps were preceded at least by four lictors or attendants, whose red wands were enveloped with bands or streamers of the golden color or livery of the city. His oath in the Capitol proclaims his right and duty to observe and assert the laws, to control the proud, to protect the poor, and to exercise justice and mercy within the extent of his jurisdiction. In these useful functions he was assisted by three learned strangers; the two collaterals, and the judge of criminal appeals: their frequent trials of robberies, rapes, and murders, are attested by the laws; and the weakness of these laws connives at the licentiousness of private feuds and armed associations for mutual defence. But the senator was confined to the administration of justice: the Capitol, the treasury, and the government of the city and its territory, were intrusted to the three conservators, who were changed four times in each year: the militia of the thirteen regions assembled under the

    banners of their respective chiefs, or caporioni; and the first of these was distinguished by the name and dignity of the prior. The popular legislature consisted of the secret and the common councils of the Romans. The former was composed of the magistrates and their immediate predecessors, with some fiscal and legal officers, and three classes of thirteen, twenty-six, and forty, counsellors: amounting in the whole to about one hundred and twenty persons. In the common council all male citizens had a right to vote; and the value of their privilege was enhanced by the care with which any foreigners were prevented from usurping the title and character of Romans. The tumult of a democracy was checked by wise and jealous precautions: except the magistrates, none could propose a question; none were permitted to speak, except from an open pulpit or tribunal; all disorderly acclamations were suppressed; the sense of the majority was decided by a secret ballot; and their decrees were promulgated in the venerable name of the Roman senate and people. It would not be easy to assign a period in which this theory of government has been reduced to accurate and constant practice, since the establishment of order has been gradually connected with the decay of liberty. But in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty the ancient statutes were collected, methodized in three books, and adapted to present use, under the pontificate, and with the approbation, of Gregory the Thirteenth: ^83 this civil and criminal code is the modern law of the city; and, if the popular assemblies have been abolished, a foreign senator, with the three conservators, still resides in the palace of the Capitol. ^84 The policy of the Caesars has been repeated by the popes; and the bishop of Rome affected to maintain the form of a republic, while he reigned with the absolute powers of a temporal, as well as a spiritual, monarch. [Footnote 81: Lo senatore di Roma, vestito di brocarto con quella beretta, e con quelle maniche, et ornamenti di pelle, co’ quali va alle feste di Testaccio e Nagone, might escape the eye of Aeneas Sylvius, but he is viewed with admiration and complacency by the Roman citizen, (Diario di Stephano Infessura, p. 1133.)]

    [Footnote 82: See, in the statutes of Rome, the senator and three judges, (l. i. c. 3 – 14,) the conservators, (l. i. c. 15, 16, 17, l. iii. c. 4,) the caporioni (l. i. c. 18, l. iii. c. 8,) the secret council, (l. iii. c. 2,) the common council, (l. iii. c. 3.) The title of feuds, defiances, acts of violence, &c., is spread through many a chapter (c. 14 – 40) of the second book.]

    [Footnote 83: Statuta almoe Urbis Romoe Auctoritate S. D. N. Gregorii XIII Pont. Max. a Senatu Populoque Rom. reformata et edita. Romoe, 1580, in folio. The obsolete, repugnant statutes of antiquity were confounded in five books, and Lucas Paetus, a lawyer and antiquarian, was appointed to act as the modern Tribonian. Yet I regret the old code, with the rugged crust of freedom and barbarism.]

    [Footnote 84: In my time (1765) and in M. Grosley’s, (Observations sur l’Italie torn. ii. p. 361,) the senator of Rome was M. Bielke, a noble Swede and a proselyte to the Catholic faith. The pope’s right to appoint the senator and the conservator is implied, rather than affirmed, in the statutes.]

    It is an obvious truth, that the times must be suited to

    extraordinary characters, and that the genius of Cromwell or Retz might now expire in obscurity. The political enthusiasm of Rienzi had exalted him to a throne; the same enthusiasm, in the next century, conducted his imitator to the gallows. The birth of Stephen Porcaro was noble, his reputation spotless: his tongue was armed with eloquence, his mind was enlightened with learning; and he aspired, beyond the aim of vulgar ambition, to free his country and immortalize his name. The dominion of priests is most odious to a liberal spirit: every scruple was removed by the recent knowledge of the fable and forgery of Constantine’s donation; Petrarch was now the oracle of the Italians; and as often as Porcaro revolved the ode which describes the patriot and hero of Rome, he applied to himself the visions of the prophetic bard. His first trial of the popular feelings was at the funeral of Eugenius the Fourth: in an elaborate speech he called the Romans to liberty and arms;

    and they listened with apparent pleasure, till Porcaro was interrupted and answered by a grave advocate, who pleaded for the church and state. By every law the seditious orator was guilty of treason; but the benevolence of the new pontiff, who viewed his character with pity and esteem, attempted by an honorable office to convert the patriot into a friend. The inflexible Roman returned from Anagni with an increase of reputation and zeal; and, on the first opportunity, the games of the place Navona, he tried to inflame the casual dispute of some boys and mechanics into a general rising of the people. Yet the humane Nicholas was still averse to accept the forfeit of his life; and the traitor was removed from the scene of temptation to Bologna, with a liberal allowance for his support, and the easy obligation of presenting himself each day before the governor of the city. But Porcaro had learned from the younger Brutus, that with tyrants no faith or gratitude should be observed: the exile declaimed against the arbitrary sentence; a party and a conspiracy were gradually formed: his nephew, a daring youth, assembled a band of volunteers; and on the appointed evening a feast was prepared at his house for the friends of the republic. Their leader, who had escaped from Bologna, appeared among them in a robe of purple and gold: his voice, his countenance, his gestures, bespoke the man who had devoted his life or death to the glorious cause. In a studied oration, he expiated on the motives and the means of their enterprise; the name and liberties of Rome; the sloth and pride of their ecclesiastical tyrants; the active or passive consent of their fellow-citizens; three hundred soldiers, and four hundred exiles, long exercised in arms or in wrongs; the license of revenge to edge their swords, and a million of ducats to reward their victory. It would be easy, (he said,) on the next day, the festival of the Epiphany, to seize the pope and his cardinals, before the doors, or at the altar, of St. Peter’s; to lead them in chains under the walls of St. Angelo; to extort by the threat of their instant death a surrender of the castle; to ascend the vacant Capitol; to ring the alarm bell; and to restore in a popular assembly the ancient republic of Rome. While he triumphed, he was already betrayed. The senator, with a strong guard,

    invested the house: the nephew of Porcaro cut his way through the crowd; but the unfortunate Stephen was drawn from a chest, lamenting that his enemies had anticipated by three hours the execution of his design. After such manifest and repeated guilt, even the mercy of Nicholas was silent. Porcaro, and nine of his accomplices, were hanged without the benefit of the sacraments; and, amidst the fears and invectives of the papal court, the Romans pitied, and almost applauded, these martyrs of their country. ^85 But their applause was mute, their pity ineffectual, their liberty forever extinct; and, if they have since risen in a vacancy of the throne or a scarcity of bread, such accidental tumults may be found in the bosom of the most abject servitude. [Footnote 85: Besides the curious, though concise, narrative of Machiavel, (Istoria Florentina, l. vi. Opere, tom. i. p. 210, 211, edit. Londra, 1747, in 4to.) the Porcarian conspiracy is related in the Diary of Stephen Infessura, (Rer. Ital. tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1134, 1135,) and in a separate tract by Leo Baptista Alberti, (Rer. Ital. tom. xxv. p. 609 – 614.) It is amusing to compare the style and sentiments of the courtier and citizen. Facinus profecto quo …. neque periculo horribilius, neque audacia detestabilius, neque crudelitate tetrius, a quoquam perditissimo uspiam excogitatum sit …. Perdette la vita quell’ huomo da bene, e amatore dello bene e liberta di Roma.]

    But the independence of the nobles, which was fomented by

    discord, survived the freedom of the commons, which must be founded in union. A privilege of rapine and oppression was long maintained by the barons of Rome; their houses were a fortress and a sanctuary: and the ferocious train of banditti and criminals whom they protected from the law repaid the hospitality with the service of their swords and daggers. The private interest of the pontiffs, or their nephews, sometimes involved them in these domestic feuds. Under the reign of Sixtus the Fourth, Rome was distracted by the battles and sieges of the rival houses: after the conflagration of his palace, the prothonotary Colonna was tortured and beheaded; and Savelli, his captive friend, was murdered on the spot, for

    refusing to join in the acclamations of the victorious Ursini. ^86 But the popes no longer trembled in the Vatican: they had strength to command, if they had resolution to claim, the obedience of their subjects; and the strangers, who observed these partial disorders, admired the easy taxes and wise administration of the ecclesiastical state. ^87

    [Footnote 86: The disorders of Rome, which were much inflamed by the partiality of Sixtus IV. are exposed in the Diaries of two spectators, Stephen Infessura, and an anonymous citizen. See the troubles of the year 1484, and the death of the prothonotary Colonna, in tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1083, 1158.] [Footnote 87: Est toute la terre de l’eglise troublee pour cette partialite (des Colonnes et des Ursins) come nous dirions Luce et Grammont, ou en Hollande Houc et Caballan; et quand ce ne seroit ce differend la terre de l’eglise seroit la plus heureuse habitation pour les sujets qui soit dans toute le monde (car ils ne payent ni tailles ni gueres autres choses,) et seroient toujours bien conduits, (car toujours les papes sont sages et bien consellies;) mais tres souvent en advient de grands et cruels meurtres et pilleries.]

    The spiritual thunders of the Vatican depend on the force of

    opinion; and if that opinion be supplanted by reason or passion, the sound may idly waste itself in the air; and the helpless priest is exposed to the brutal violence of a noble or a plebeian adversary. But after their return from Avignon, the keys of St. Peter were guarded by the sword of St. Paul. Rome was commanded by an impregnable citadel: the use of cannon is a powerful engine against popular seditions: a regular force of cavalry and infantry was enlisted under the banners of the pope: his ample revenues supplied the resources of war: and, from the extent of his domain, he could bring down on a rebellious city an army of hostile neighbors and loyal subjects. ^88 Since the union of the duchies of Ferrara and Urbino, the ecclesiastical state extends from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, and from the confines of Naples to the banks of the Po; and as early as the sixteenth century, the greater part of

    that spacious and fruitful country acknowledged the lawful claims and temporal sovereignty of the Roman pontiffs. Their claims were readily deduced from the genuine, or fabulous, donations of the darker ages: the successive steps of their final settlement would engage us too far in the transactions of Italy, and even of Europe; the crimes of Alexander the Sixth, the martial operations of Julius the Second, and the liberal policy of Leo the Tenth, a theme which has been adorned by the pens of the noblest historians of the times. ^89 In the first period of their conquests, till the expedition of Charles the Eighth, the popes might successfully wrestle with the adjacent princes and states, whose military force was equal, or inferior, to their own. But as soon as the monarchs of France, Germany and Spain, contended with gigantic arms for the dominion of Italy, they supplied with art the deficiency of strength; and concealed, in a labyrinth of wars and treaties, their aspiring views, and the immortal hope of chasing the Barbarians beyond the Alps. The nice balance of the Vatican was often subverted by the soldiers of the North and West, who were united under the standard of Charles the Fifth: the feeble and fluctuating policy of Clement the Seventh exposed his person and dominions to the conqueror; and Rome was abandoned seven months to a lawless army, more cruel and rapacious than the Goths and Vandals. ^90 After this severe lesson, the popes contracted their ambition, which was almost satisfied, resumed the character of a common parent, and abstained from all offensive hostilities, except in a hasty quarrel, when the vicar of Christ and the Turkish sultan were armed at the same time against the kingdom of Naples. ^91 The French and Germans at length withdrew from the field of battle: Milan, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, and the sea-coast of Tuscany, were firmly possessed by the Spaniards; and it became their interest to maintain the peace and dependence of Italy, which continued almost without disturbance from the middle of the sixteenth to the opening of the eighteenth century. The Vatican was swayed and protected by the religious policy of the Catholic king: his prejudice and interest disposed him in every dispute to support the prince against the people; and instead of the encouragement, the aid, and the asylum, which

    they obtained from the adjacent states, the friends of liberty, or the enemies of law, were enclosed on all sides within the iron circle of despotism. The long habits of obedience and education subdued the turbulent spirit of the nobles and commons of Rome. The barons forgot the arms and factions of their ancestors, and insensibly became the servants of luxury and government. Instead of maintaining a crowd of tenants and followers, the produce of their estates was consumed in the private expenses which multiply the pleasures, and diminish the power, of the lord. ^92 The Colonna and Ursini vied with each other in the decoration of their palaces and chapels; and their antique splendor was rivalled or surpassed by the sudden opulence of the papal families. In Rome the voice of freedom and discord is no longer heard; and, instead of the foaming torrent, a smooth and stagnant lake reflects the image of idleness and servitude.

    [Footnote 88: By the oeconomy of Sixtus V. the revenue of the ecclesiastical state was raised to two millions and a half of Roman crowns, (Vita, tom. ii. p. 291 – 296;) and so regular was the military establishment, that in one month Clement VIII. could invade the duchy of Ferrara with three thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, (tom. iii. p. 64) Since that time (A.D. 1597) the papal arms are happily rusted: but the revenue must have gained some nominal increase.

    Note: On the financial measures of Sixtus V. see Ranke, Dio

    Romischen Papste, i. p. 459. – M.]

    [Footnote 89: More especially by Guicciardini and Machiavel; in the general history of the former, in the Florentine history, the Prince, and the political discourses of the latter. These, with their worthy successors, Fra Paolo and Davila, were justly esteemed the first historians of modern languages, till, in the present age, Scotland arose, to dispute the prize with Italy herself.]

    [Footnote 90: In the history of the Gothic siege, I have compared the Barbarians with the subjects of Charles V., (vol.

    iii. p. 289, 290;) an anticipation, which, like that of the Tartar conquests, I indulged with the less scruple, as I could scarcely hope to reach the conclusion of my work.] [Footnote 91: The ambitious and feeble hostilities of the Caraffa pope, Paul IV. may be seen in Thuanus (l. xvi. – xviii.) and Giannone, (tom. iv p. 149 – 163.) Those Catholic bigots, Philip II. and the duke of Alva, presumed to separate the Roman prince from the vicar of Christ, yet the holy character, which would have sanctified his victory was decently applied to protect his defeat.

    Note: But compare Ranke, Die Romischen Papste, i. p. 289. –

    M] [Footnote 92: This gradual change of manners and expense is admirably explained by Dr. Adam Smith, (Wealth of Nations, vol. i. p. 495 – 504,) who proves, perhaps too severely, that the most salutary effects have flowed from the meanest and most selfish causes.]

    A Christian, a philosopher, ^93 and a patriot, will be

    equally scandalized by the temporal kingdom of the clergy; and the local majesty of Rome, the remembrance of her consuls and triumphs, may seem to imbitter the sense, and aggravate the shame, of her slavery. If we calmly weigh the merits and defects of the ecclesiastical government, it may be praised in its present state, as a mild, decent, and tranquil system, exempt from the dangers of a minority, the sallies of youth, the expenses of luxury, and the calamities of war. But these advantages are overbalanced by a frequent, perhaps a septennial, election of a sovereign, who is seldom a native of the country; the reign of a young statesman of threescore, in the decline of his life and abilities, without hope to accomplish, and without children to inherit, the labors of his transitory reign. The successful candidate is drawn from the church, and even the convent; from the mode of education and life the most adverse to reason, humanity, and freedom. In the trammels of servile faith, he has learned to believe because it

    is absurd, to revere all that is contemptible, and to despise whatever might deserve the esteem of a rational being; to punish error as a crime, to reward mortification and celibacy as the first of virtues; to place the saints of the calendar ^94 above the heroes of Rome and the sages of Athens; and to consider the missal, or the crucifix, as more useful instruments than the plough or the loom. In the office of nuncio, or the rank of cardinal, he may acquire some knowledge of the world, but the primitive stain will adhere to his mind and manners: from study and experience he may suspect the mystery of his profession; but the sacerdotal artist will imbibe some portion of the bigotry which he inculcates. The genius of Sixtus the Fifth ^95 burst from the gloom of a Franciscan cloister. In a reign of five years, he exterminated the outlaws and banditti, abolished the profane sanctuaries of Rome, ^96 formed a naval and military force, restored and emulated the monuments of antiquity, and after a liberal use and large increase of the revenue, left five millions of crowns in the castle of St. Angelo. But his justice was sullied with cruelty, his activity was prompted by the ambition of conquest: after his decease the abuses revived; the treasure was dissipated; he entailed on posterity thirty-five new taxes and the venality of offices; and, after his death, his statue was demolished by an ungrateful, or an injured, people. ^97 The wild and original character of Sixtus the Fifth stands alone in the series of the pontiffs; the maxims and effects of their temporal government may be collected from the positive and comparative view of the arts and philosophy, the agriculture and trade, the wealth and population, of the ecclesiastical state. For myself, it is my wish to depart in charity with all mankind, nor am I willing, in these last moments, to offend even the pope and clergy of Rome. ^98

    [Footnote 93: Mr. Hume (Hist. of England, vol. i. p. 389) too hastily conclude that if the civil and ecclesiastical powers be united in the same person, it is of little moment whether he be styled prince or prelate since the temporal character will always predominate.]

    [Footnote 94: A Protestant may disdain the unworthy preference of St. Francis or St. Dominic, but he will not rashly condemn the zeal or judgment of Sixtus V., who placed the statues of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul on the vacant columns of Trajan and Antonine.]

    [Footnote 95: A wandering Italian, Gregorio Leti, has given the Vita di Sisto-Quinto, (Amstel. 1721, 3 vols. in 12mo.,) a copious and amusing work, but which does not command our absolute confidence. Yet the character of the man, and the principal facts, are supported by the annals of Spondanus and Muratori, (A.D. 1585 – 1590,) and the contemporary history of the great Thuanus, (l. lxxxii. c. 1, 2, l. lxxxiv c. 10, l. c. c. 8.)

    Note: The industry of M. Ranke has discovered the document,

    a kind of scandalous chronicle of the time, from which Leti wrought up his amusing romances. See also M. Ranke’s observations on the Life of Sixtus. by Tempesti, b. iii. p. 317, 324. – M.]

    [Footnote 96: These privileged places, the quartieri or franchises, were adopted from the Roman nobles by the foreign ministers. Julius II. had once abolished the abominandum et detestandum franchitiarum hujusmodi nomen: and after Sixtus V. they again revived. I cannot discern either the justice or magnanimity of Louis XIV., who, in 1687, sent his ambassador, the marquis de Lavardin, to Rome, with an armed force of a thousand officers, guards, and domestics, to maintain this iniquitous claim, and insult Pope Innocent XI. in the heart of his capital, (Vita di Sisto V. tom. iii. p. 260 – 278. Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xv. p. 494 – 496, and Voltaire, Siccle de Louis XIV. tom. i. c. 14, p. 58, 59.)]

    [Footnote 97: This outrage produced a decree, which was inscribed on marble, and placed in the Capitol. It is expressed in a style of manly simplicity and freedom: Si quis, sive privatus, sive magistratum gerens de collocanda vivo pontifici statua mentionem facere ausit, legitimo S. P. Q. R. decreto in

    perpetuum infamis et publicorum munerum expers esto. MDXC. mense Augusto, (Vita di Sisto V. tom. iii. p. 469.) I believe that this decree is still observed, and I know that every monarch who deserves a statue should himself impose the prohibition.]

    [Footnote 98: The histories of the church, Italy, and Christendom, have contributed to the chapter which I now conclude. In the original Lives of the Popes, we often discover the city and republic of Rome: and the events of the xivth and xvth centuries are preserved in the rude and domestic chronicles which I have carefully inspected, and shall recapitulate in the order of time.

    1. Monaldeschi (Ludovici Boncomitis) Fragmenta Annalium

    Roman. A.D. 1328, in the Scriptores Rerum Italicarum of Muratori, tom. xii. p. 525. N. B. The credit of this fragment is somewhat hurt by a singular interpolation, in which the author relates his own death at the age of 115 years.

    1. Fragmenta Historiae Romanae (vulgo Thomas Fortifioccae)

    in Romana Dialecto vulgari, (A.D. 1327 – 1354, in Muratori, Antiquitat. Medii Aevi Italiae, tom. iii. p. 247 – 548;) the authentic groundwork of the history of Rienzi.

    1. Delphini (Gentilis) Diarium Romanum, (A.D. 1370 – 1410,)

    in the Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 846. 4. Antonii (Petri) Diarium Rom, (A.D. 1404 – 1417,) tom. xxiv. p. 699.

    1. Petroni (Pauli) Miscellanea Historica Romana, (A.D. 1433

    – 1446,) tom. xxiv. p. 1101.

    1. Volaterrani (Jacob.) Diarium Rom., (A.D. 1472 – 1484,)

    tom. xxiii p. 81.

    1. Anonymi Diarium Urbis Romae, (A.D. 1481 – 1492,) tom.

    iii. P. ii. p. 1069.

    1. Infessurae (Stephani) Diarium Romanum, (A.D. 1294, or

    1378 – 1494,) tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1109.

    1. Historia Arcana Alexandri VI. sive Excerpta ex Diario

    Joh. Burcardi, (A.D. 1492 – 1503,) edita a Godefr. Gulielm. Leibnizio, Hanover, 697, in 4to. The large and valuable Journal of Burcard might be completed from the MSS. in different libraries of Italy and France, (M. de Foncemagne, in the Memoires de l’Acad. des Inscrip. tom. xvii. p. 597 – 606.)

    Except the last, all these fragments and diaries are inserted in the Collections of Muratori, my guide and master in the history of Italy. His country, and the public, are indebted to him for the following works on that subject: 1. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, (A.D. 500 – 1500,) quorum potissima pars nunc primum in lucem prodit, &c., xxviii. vols. in folio, Milan, 1723 – 1738, 1751. A volume of chronological and alphabetical tables is still wanting as a key to this great work, which is yet in a disorderly and defective state. 2. Antiquitates Italiae Medii Aevi, vi. vols. in folio, Milan, 1738 – 1743, in lxxv. curious dissertations, on the manners, government, religion, &c., of the Italians of the darker ages, with a large supplement of charters, chronicles, &c. 3. Dissertazioni sopra le Antiquita Italiane, iii. vols. in 4to., Milano, 1751, a free version by the author, which may be quoted with the same confidence as the Latin text of the Antiquities. Annali d’ Italia, xviii. vols. in octavo, Milan, 1753 – 1756, a dry, though accurate and useful, abridgment of the history of Italy, from the birth of Christ to the middle of the xviiith century. 5. Dell’ Antichita Estense ed Italiane, ii. vols, in folio, Modena, 1717, 1740. In the history of this illustrious race, the parent of our Brunswick kings, the

    critic is not seduced by the loyalty or gratitude of the subject. In all his works, Muratori approves himself a diligent and laborious writer, who aspires above the prejudices of a Catholic priest. He was born in the year 1672, and died in the year 1750, after passing near 60 years in the libraries of Milan and Modena, (Vita del Proposto Ludovico Antonio Muratori, by his nephew and successor Gian. Francesco Soli Muratori Venezia, 1756 m 4to.)]

    Chapter LXXI:

    Prospect Of The Ruins Of Rome In The Fifteenth

    Century.

    Part I.

    Prospect Of The Ruins Of Rome In The Fifteenth Century. –

    Four Causes Of Decay And Destruction. – Example Of The Coliseum. – Renovation Of The City. – Conclusion Of The Whole Work.

    In the last days of Pope Eugenius the Fourth, ^* two of his

    servants, the learned Poggius ^1 and a friend, ascended the Capitoline hill; reposed themselves among the ruins of columns and temples; and viewed from that commanding spot the wide and various prospect of desolation. ^2 The place and the object gave ample scope for moralizing on the vicissitudes of fortune, which spares neither man nor the proudest of his works, which buries empires and cities in a common grave; and it was agreed, that in proportion to her former greatness, the fall of Rome was the more awful and deplorable. “Her primeval state, such as she might appear in a remote age, when Evander entertained the stranger of Troy, ^3 has been delineated by the fancy of Virgil. This Tarpeian rock was then a savage and solitary thicket: in the time of the poet, it was crowned with the golden roofs of a temple; the temple is overthrown, the gold has been pillaged, the wheel of fortune has accomplished her revolution, and the sacred ground is

    again disfigured with thorns and brambles. The hill of the Capitol, on which we sit, was formerly the head of the Roman empire, the citadel of the earth, the terror of kings; illustrated by the footsteps of so many triumphs, enriched with the spoils and tributes of so many nations. This spectacle of the world, how is it fallen! how changed! how defaced! The path of victory is obliterated by vines, and the benches of the senators are concealed by a dunghill. Cast your eyes on the Palatine hill, and seek among the shapeless and enormous fragments the marble theatre, the obelisks, the colossal statues, the porticos of Nero’s palace: survey the other hills of the city, the vacant space is interrupted only by ruins and gardens. The forum of the Roman people, where they assembled to enact their laws and elect their magistrates, is now enclosed for the cultivation of pot-herbs, or thrown open for the reception of swine and buffaloes. The public and private edifices, that were founded for eternity, lie prostrate, naked, and broken, like the limbs of a mighty giant; and the ruin is the more visible, from the stupendous relics that have survived the injuries of time and fortune.” ^4

    [Footnote *: It should be Pope Martin the Fifth. See Gibbon’s own note, ch. lxv, note 51 and Hobhouse, Illustrations of Childe Harold, p. 155. – M.] [Footnote 1: I have already (notes 50, 51, on chap. lxv.) mentioned the age, character, and writings of Poggius; and particularly noticed the date of this elegant moral lecture on the varieties of fortune.]

    [Footnote 2: Consedimus in ipsis Tarpeiae arcis ruinis, pone ingens portae cujusdam, ut puto, templi, marmoreum limen, plurimasque passim confractas columnas, unde magna ex parte prospectus urbis patet, (p. 5.)] [Footnote 3: Aeneid viii. 97 – 369. This ancient picture, so artfully introduced, and so exquisitely finished, must have been highly interesting to an inhabitant of Rome; and our early studies allow us to sympathize in the feelings of a Roman.]

    [Footnote 4: Capitolium adeo . . . . immutatum ut vineae in senatorum subellia successerint, stercorum ac

    purgamentorum receptaculum factum. Respice ad Palatinum montem . . . . . vasta rudera . . . . caeteroscolles perlustra omnia vacua aedificiis, ruinis vineisque oppleta conspicies, (Poggius, de Varietat. Fortunae p. 21.)]

    These relics are minutely described by Poggius, one of the

    first who raised his eyes from the monuments of legendary, to those of classic, superstition. ^5 1. Besides a bridge, an arch, a sepulchre, and the pyramid of Cestius, he could discern, of the age of the republic, a double row of vaults, in the salt-office of the Capitol, which were inscribed with the name and munificence of Catulus. 2. Eleven temples were visible in some degree, from the perfect form of the Pantheon, to the three arches and a marble column of the temple of Peace, which Vespasian erected after the civil wars and the Jewish triumph. 3. Of the number, which he rashly defines, of seven thermoe, or public baths, none were sufficiently entire to represent the use and distribution of the several parts: but those of Diocletian and Antoninus Caracalla still retained the titles of the founders, and astonished the curious spectator, who, in observing their solidity and extent, the variety of marbles, the size and multitude of the columns, compared the labor and expense with the use and importance. Of the baths of Constantine, of Alexander, of Domitian, or rather of Titus, some vestige might yet be found. 4. The triumphal arches of Titus, Severus, and Constantine, were entire, both the structure and the inscriptions; a falling fragment was honored with the name of Trajan; and two arches, then extant, in the Flaminian way, have been ascribed to the baser memory of Faustina and Gallienus. ^* 5. After the wonder of the Coliseum, Poggius might have overlooked small amphitheatre of brick, most probably for the use of the praetorian camp: the theatres of Marcellus and Pompey were occupied in a great measure by public and private buildings; and in the Circus, Agonalis and Maximus, little more than the situation and the form could be investigated. 6. The columns of Trajan and Antonine were still erect; but the Egyptian obelisks were broken or buried. A people of gods and heroes, the

    workmanship of art, was reduced to one equestrian figure of gilt brass, and to five marble statues, of which the most conspicuous were the two horses of Phidias and Praxiteles. 7. The two mausoleums or sepulchres of Augustus and Hadrian could not totally be lost: but the former was only visible as a mound of earth; and the latter, the castle of St. Angelo, had acquired the name and appearance of a modern fortress. With the addition of some separate and nameless columns, such were the remains of the ancient city; for the marks of a more recent structure might be detected in the walls, which formed a circumference of ten miles, included three hundred and seventy-nine turrets, and opened into the country by thirteen gates.

    [Footnote 5: See Poggius, p. 8 – 22.]

    [Footnote *: One was in the Via Nomentana; est alter praetevea Gallieno principi dicatus, ut superscriptio indicat, Via Nomentana. Hobhouse, p. 154. Poggio likewise mentions the building which Gibbon ambiguously says be “might have overlooked.” – M.]

    This melancholy picture was drawn above nine hundred years

    after the fall of the Western empire, and even of the Gothic kingdom of Italy. A long period of distress and anarchy, in which empire, and arts, and riches had migrated from the banks of the Tyber, was incapable of restoring or adorning the city; and, as all that is human must retrograde if it do not advance, every successive age must have hastened the ruin of the works of antiquity. To measure the progress of decay, and to ascertain, at each aera, the state of each edifice, would be an endless and a useless labor; and I shall content myself with two observations, which will introduce a short inquiry into the general causes and effects. 1. Two hundred years before the eloquent complaint of Poggius, an anonymous writer composed a description of Rome. ^6 His ignorance may repeat the same objects under strange and fabulous names. Yet this barbarous topographer had eyes and ears; he could observe

    the visible remains; he could listen to the tradition of the people; and he distinctly enumerates seven theatres, eleven baths, twelve arches, and eighteen palaces, of which many had disappeared before the time of Poggius. It is apparent, that many stately monuments of antiquity survived till a late period, ^7 and that the principles of destruction acted with vigorous and increasing energy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 2. The same reflection must be applied to the three last ages; and we should vainly seek the Septizonium of Severus; ^8 which is celebrated by Petrarch and the antiquarians of the sixteenth century. While the Roman edifices were still entire, the first blows, however weighty and impetuous, were resisted by the solidity of the mass and the harmony of the parts; but the slightest touch would precipitate the fragments of arches and columns, that already nodded to their fall.

    [Footnote 6: Liber de Mirabilibus Romae ex Registro Nicolai Cardinalis de Amagonia in Bibliotheca St. Isidori Armario IV., No. 69. This treatise, with some short but pertinent notes, has been published by Montfaucon, (Diarium Italicum, p. 283 – 301,) who thus delivers his own critical opinion: Scriptor xiiimi. circiter saeculi, ut ibidem notatur; antiquariae rei imperitus et, ut ab illo aevo, nugis et anilibus fabellis refertus: sed, quia monumenta, quae iis temporibus Romae supererant pro modulo recenset, non parum inde lucis mutuabitur qu Romanis antiquitatibus indagandis operam navabit, (p. 283.)] [Footnote 7: The Pere Mabillon (Analecta, tom. iv. p. 502) has published an anonymous pilgrim of the ixth century, who, in his visit round the churches and holy places at Rome, touches on several buildings, especially porticos, which had disappeared before the xiiith century.]

    [Footnote 8: On the Septizonium, see the Memoires sur Petrarque, (tom. i. p. 325,) Donatus, (p. 338,) and Nardini, (p. 117, 414.)]

    After a diligent inquiry, I can discern four principal

    causes of the ruin of Rome, which continued to operate in a period of more than a thousand years. I. The injuries of time and nature. II. The hostile attacks of the Barbarians and Christians. III. The use and abuse of the materials. And, IV. The domestic quarrels of the Romans.

    1. The art of man is able to construct monuments far more

    permanent than the narrow span of his own existence; yet these monuments, like himself, are perishable and frail; and in the boundless annals of time, his life and his labors must equally be measured as a fleeting moment. Of a simple and solid edifice, it is not easy, however, to circumscribe the duration. As the wonders of ancient days, the pyramids ^9 attracted the curiosity of the ancients: a hundred generations, the leaves of autumn, have dropped ^10 into the grave; and after the fall of the Pharaohs and Ptolemies, the Caesars and caliphs, the same pyramids stand erect and unshaken above the floods of the Nile. A complex figure of various and minute parts to more accessible to injury and decay; and the silent lapse of time is often accelerated by hurricanes and earthquakes, by fires and inundations. The air and earth have doubtless been shaken; and the lofty turrets of Rome have tottered from their foundations; but the seven hills do not appear to be placed on the great cavities of the globe; nor has the city, in any age, been exposed to the convulsions of nature, which, in the climate of Antioch, Lisbon, or Lima, have crumbled in a few moments the works of ages into dust. Fire is the most powerful agent of life and death: the rapid mischief may be kindled and propagated by the industry or negligence of mankind; and every period of the Roman annals is marked by the repetition of similar calamities. A memorable conflagration, the guilt or misfortune of Nero’s reign, continued, though with unequal fury, either six or nine days. ^11 Innumerable buildings, crowded in close and crooked streets, supplied perpetual fuel for the flames; and when they ceased, four only of the fourteen regions were left entire; three were totally destroyed, and seven were deformed by the relics of smoking and lacerated edifices. ^12 In the full meridian of

    empire, the metropolis arose with fresh beauty from her ashes; yet the memory of the old deplored their irreparable losses, the arts of Greece, the trophies of victory, the monuments of primitive or fabulous antiquity. In the days of distress and anarchy, every wound is mortal, every fall irretrievable; nor can the damage be restored either by the public care of government, or the activity of private interest. Yet two causes may be alleged, which render the calamity of fire more destructive to a flourishing than a decayed city. 1. The more combustible materials of brick, timber, and metals, are first melted or consumed; but the flames may play without injury or effect on the naked walls, and massy arches, that have been despoiled of their ornaments. 2. It is among the common and plebeian habitations, that a mischievous spark is most easily blown to a conflagration; but as soon as they are devoured, the greater edifices, which have resisted or escaped, are left as so many islands in a state of solitude and safety. From her situation, Rome is exposed to the danger of frequent inundations. Without excepting the Tyber, the rivers that descend from either side of the Apennine have a short and irregular course; a shallow stream in the summer heats; an impetuous torrent, when it is swelled in the spring or winter, by the fall of rain, and the melting of the snows. When the current is repelled from the sea by adverse winds, when the ordinary bed is inadequate to the weight of waters, they rise above the banks, and overspread, without limits or control, the plains and cities of the adjacent country. Soon after the triumph of the first Punic war, the Tyber was increased by unusual rains; and the inundation, surpassing all former measure of time and place, destroyed all the buildings that were situated below the hills of Rome. According to the variety of ground, the same mischief was produced by different means; and the edifices were either swept away by the sudden impulse, or dissolved and undermined by the long continuance, of the flood. ^13 Under the reign of Augustus, the same calamity was renewed: the lawless river overturned the palaces and temples on its banks; ^14 and, after the labors of the emperor in cleansing and widening the bed that was encumbered with ruins, ^15 the vigilance of his

    successors was exercised by similar dangers and designs. The project of diverting into new channels the Tyber itself, or some of the dependent streams, was long opposed by superstition and local interests; ^16 nor did the use compensate the toil and cost of the tardy and imperfect execution. The servitude of rivers is the noblest and most important victory which man has obtained over the licentiousness of nature; ^17 and if such were the ravages of the Tyber under a firm and active government, what could oppose, or who can enumerate, the injuries of the city, after the fall of the Western empire? A remedy was at length produced by the evil itself: the accumulation of rubbish and the earth, that has been washed down from the hills, is supposed to have elevated the plain of Rome, fourteen or fifteen feet, perhaps, above the ancient level; ^18 and the modern city is less accessible to the attacks of the river. ^19

    [Footnote 9: The age of the pyramids is remote and unknown, since Diodorus Siculus (tom. i l. i. c. 44, p. 72) is unable to decide whether they were constructed 1000, or 3400, years before the clxxxth Olympiad. Sir John Marsham’s contracted scale of the Egyptian dynasties would fix them about 2000 years before Christ, (Canon. Chronicus, p. 47.)]

    [Footnote 10: See the speech of Glaucus in the Iliad, (Z. 146.) This natural but melancholy image is peculiar to Homer.]

    [Footnote 11: The learning and criticism of M. des Vignoles (Histoire Critique de la Republique des Lettres, tom. viii. p. 47 – 118, ix. p. 172 – 187) dates the fire of Rome from A.D. 64, July 19, and the subsequent persecution of the Christians from November 15 of the same year.]

    [Footnote 12: Quippe in regiones quatuordecim Roma dividitur, quarum quatuor integrae manebant, tres solo tenus dejectae: septem reliquis pauca testorum vestigia supererant, lacera et semiusta. Among the old relics that were irreparably lost, Tacitus enumerates the temple of the moon of Servius Tullius; the fane and altar consecrated by Evander praesenti Herculi; the temple of Jupiter Stator, a vow of Romulus; the

    palace of Numa; the temple of Vesta cum Penatibus populi Romani. He then deplores the opes tot victoriis quaesitae et Graecarum artium decora . . . . multa quae seniores meminerant, quae reparari nequibant, (Annal. xv. 40, 41.)]

    [Footnote 13: A. U. C. 507, repentina subversio ipsius Romae praevenit triumphum Romanorum. . . . . diversae ignium aquarumque cladespene absumsere urbem Nam Tiberis insolitis auctus imbribus et ultra opinionem, vel diuturnitate vel maguitudine redundans omnia Romae aedificia in plano posita delevit. Diversae qualitate locorum ad unam convenere perniciem: quoniam et quae segniori inundatio tenuit madefacta dissolvit, et quae cursus torrentis invenit impulsa dejecit, (Orosius, Hist. l. iv. c. 11, p. 244, edit. Havercamp.) Yet we may observe, that it is the plan and study of the Christian apologist to magnify the calamities of the Pagan world.]

    [Footnote 14: Vidimus flavum Tiberim, retortis

    Littore Etrusco violenter undis, Ire dejectum monumenta Regis Templaque Vestae.

    (Horat. Carm. I. 2.)

    If the palace of Numa and temple of Vesta were thrown down in Horace’s time, what was consumed of those buildings by Nero’s fire could hardly deserve the epithets of vetustissima or incorrupta.]

    [Footnote 15: Ad coercendas inundationes alveum Tiberis laxavit, ac repurgavit, completum olim ruderibus, et aedificiorum prolapsionibus coarctatum, (Suetonius in Augusto, c. 30.)]

    [Footnote 16: Tacitus (Annal. i. 79) reports the petitions of the different towns of Italy to the senate against the measure; and we may applaud the progress of reason. On a similar occasion, local interests would undoubtedly be consulted: but an English House of Commons would reject with contempt the arguments of superstition, “that nature had assigned to the rivers their proper course,” &c.]

    [Footnote 17: See the Epoques de la Nature of the eloquent and philosophic Buffon. His picture of Guyana, in South America, is that of a new and savage land, in which the waters are abandoned to themselves without being regulated by human industry, (p. 212, 561, quarto edition.)]

    [Footnote 18: In his travels in Italy, Mr. Addison (his works, vol. ii. p. 98, Baskerville’s edition) has observed this curious and unquestionable fact.] [Footnote 19: Yet in modern times, the Tyber has sometimes damaged the city, and in the years 1530, 1557, 1598, the annals of Muratori record three mischievous and memorable inundations, (tom. xiv. p. 268, 429, tom. xv. p. 99, &c.)

    Note: The level of the Tyber was at one time supposed to be

    considerably raised: recent investigations seem to be conclusive against this supposition. See a brief, but satisfactory statement of the question in Bunsen and Platner, Roms Beschreibung. vol. i. p. 29. – M.]

    1. The crowd of writers of every nation, who impute the

    destruction of the Roman monuments to the Goths and the Christians, have neglected to inquire how far they were animated by a hostile principle, and how far they possessed the means and the leisure to satiate their enmity. In the preceding volumes of this History, I have described the triumph of barbarism and religion; and I can only resume, in a few words, their real or imaginary connection with the ruin of ancient Rome. Our fancy may create, or adopt, a pleasing romance, that the Goths and Vandals sallied from Scandinavia, ardent to avenge the flight of Odin; ^20 to break the chains, and to chastise the oppressors, of mankind; that they wished to burn the records of classic literature, and to found their national architecture on the broken members of the Tuscan and Corinthian orders. But in simple truth, the northern conquerors were neither sufficiently savage, nor sufficiently refined, to entertain such aspiring ideas of

    destruction and revenge. The shepherds of Scythia and Germany had been educated in the armies of the empire, whose discipline they acquired, and whose weakness they invaded: with the familiar use of the Latin tongue, they had learned to reverence the name and titles of Rome; and, though incapable of emulating, they were more inclined to admire, than to abolish, the arts and studies of a brighter period. In the transient possession of a rich and unresisting capital, the soldiers of Alaric and Genseric were stimulated by the passions of a victorious army; amidst the wanton indulgence of lust or cruelty, portable wealth was the object of their search; nor could they derive either pride or pleasure from the unprofitable reflection, that they had battered to the ground the works of the consuls and Caesars. Their moments were indeed precious; the Goths evacuated Rome on the sixth, ^21 the Vandals on the fifteenth, day: ^22 and, though it be far more difficult to build than to destroy, their hasty assault would have made a slight impression on the solid piles of antiquity. We may remember, that both Alaric and Genseric affected to spare the buildings of the city; that they subsisted in strength and beauty under the auspicious government of Theodoric; ^23 and that the momentary resentment of Totila ^24 was disarmed by his own temper and the advice of his friends and enemies. From these innocent Barbarians, the reproach may be transferred to the Catholics of Rome. The statues, altars, and houses, of the daemons, were an abomination in their eyes; and in the absolute command of the city, they might labor with zeal and perseverance to erase the idolatry of their ancestors. The demolition of the temples in the East ^25 affords to them an example of conduct, and to us an argument of belief; and it is probable that a portion of guilt or merit may be imputed with justice to the Roman proselytes. Yet their abhorrence was confined to the monuments of heathen superstition; and the civil structures that were dedicated to the business or pleasure of society might be preserved without injury or scandal. The change of religion was accomplished, not by a popular tumult, but by the decrees of the emperors, of the senate, and of time. Of the Christian hierarchy, the bishops of Rome were commonly the

    most prudent and least fanatic; nor can any positive charge be opposed to the meritorious act of saving or converting the majestic structure of the Pantheon. ^26 ^* [Footnote 20: I take this opportunity of declaring, that in the course of twelve years, I have forgotten, or renounced, the flight of Odin from Azoph to Sweden, which I never very seriously believed, (vol. i. p. 283.) The Goths are apparently Germans: but all beyond Caesar and Tacitus is darkness or fable, in the antiquities of Germany.]

    [Footnote 21: History of the Decline, &c., vol. iii. p. 291.] [Footnote 22: – vol. iii. p. 464.]

    [Footnote 23: – vol. iv. p. 23 – 25.]

    [Footnote 24: – vol. iv. p. 258.]

    [Footnote 25: – vol. iii. c. xxviii. p. 139 – 148.]

    [Footnote 26: Eodem tempore petiit a Phocate principe templum, quod appellatur Pantheon, in quo fecit ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae semper Virginis, et omnium martyrum; in qua ecclesiae princeps multa bona obtulit, (Anastasius vel potius Liber Pontificalis in Bonifacio IV., in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. i. p. 135.) According to the anonymous writer in Montfaucon, the Pantheon had been vowed by Agrippa to Cybele and Neptune, and was dedicated by Boniface IV., on the calends of November, to the Virgin, quae est mater omnium sanctorum, (p. 297, 298.)]

    [Footnote *: The popes, under the dominion of the emperor and of the exarcha, according to Feas’s just observation, did not possess the power of disposing of the buildings and monuments of the city according to their own will. Bunsen and Platner, vol. i. p. 241. – M.]

    III. The value of any object that supplies the wants or

    pleasures of mankind is compounded of its substance and its form, of the materials and the manufacture. Its price must depend on the number of persons by whom it may be acquired

    and used; on the extent of the market; and consequently on the ease or difficulty of remote exportation, according to the nature of the commodity, its local situation, and the temporary circumstances of the world. The Barbarian conquerors of Rome usurped in a moment the toil and treasure of successive ages; but, except the luxuries of immediate consumption, they must view without desire all that could not be removed from the city in the Gothic wagons or the fleet of the Vandals. ^27 Gold and silver were the first objects of their avarice; as in every country, and in the smallest compass, they represent the most ample command of the industry and possessions of mankind. A vase or a statue of those precious metals might tempt the vanity of some Barbarian chief; but the grosser multitude, regardless of the form, was tenacious only of the substance; and the melted ingots might be readily divided and stamped into the current coin of the empire. The less active or less fortunate robbers were reduced to the baser plunder of brass, lead, iron, and copper: whatever had escaped the Goths and Vandals was pillaged by the Greek tyrants; and the emperor Constans, in his rapacious visit, stripped the bronze tiles from the roof of the Pantheon. ^28 The edifices of Rome might be considered as a vast and various mine; the first labor of extracting the materials was already performed; the metals were purified and cast; the marbles were hewn and polished; and after foreign and domestic rapine had been satiated, the remains of the city, could a purchaser have been found, were still venal. The monuments of antiquity had been left naked of their precious ornaments; but the Romans would demolish with their own hands the arches and walls, if the hope of profit could surpass the cost of the labor and exportation. If Charlemagne had fixed in Italy the seat of the Western empire, his genius would have aspired to restore, rather than to violate, the works of the Caesars; but policy confined the French monarch to the forests of Germany; his taste could be gratified only by destruction; and the new palace of Aix la Chapelle was decorated with the marbles of Ravenna ^29 and Rome. ^30 Five hundred years after Charlemagne, a king of Sicily, Robert, the wisest and most liberal sovereign of the age, was supplied with the same materials by the easy navigation

    of the Tyber and the sea; and Petrarch sighs an indignant complaint, that the ancient capital of the world should adorn from her own bowels the slothful luxury of Naples. ^31 But these examples of plunder or purchase were rare in the darker ages; and the Romans, alone and unenvied, might have applied to their private or public use the remaining structures of antiquity, if in their present form and situation they had not been useless in a great measure to the city and its inhabitants. The walls still described the old circumference, but the city had descended from the seven hills into the Campus Martius; and some of the noblest monuments which had braved the injuries of time were left in a desert, far remote from the habitations of mankind. The palaces of the senators were no longer adapted to the manners or fortunes of their indigent successors: the use of baths ^32 and porticos was forgotten: in the sixth century, the games of the theatre, amphitheatre, and circus, had been interrupted: some temples were devoted to the prevailing worship; but the Christian churches preferred the holy figure of the cross; and fashion, or reason, had distributed after a peculiar model the cells and offices of the cloister. Under the ecclesiastical reign, the number of these pious foundations was enormously multiplied; and the city was crowded with forty monasteries of men, twenty of women, and sixty chapters and colleges of canons and priests, ^33 who aggravated, instead of relieving, the depopulation of the tenth century. But if the forms of ancient architecture were disregarded by a people insensible of their use and beauty, the plentiful materials were applied to every call of necessity or superstition; till the fairest columns of the Ionic and Corinthian orders, the richest marbles of Paros and Numidia, were degraded, perhaps to the support of a convent or a stable. The daily havoc which is perpetrated by the Turks in the cities of Greece and Asia may afford a melancholy example; and in the gradual destruction of the monuments of Rome, Sixtus the Fifth may alone be excused for employing the stones of the Septizonium in the glorious edifice of St. Peter’s. ^34 A fragment, a ruin, howsoever mangled or profaned, may be viewed with pleasure and regret; but the greater part of the marble was deprived of substance,

    as well as of place and proportion; it was burnt to lime for the purpose of cement. ^* Since the arrival of Poggius, the temple of Concord, ^35 and many capital structures, had vanished from his eyes; and an epigram of the same age expresses a just and pious fear, that the continuance of this practice would finally annihilate all the monuments of antiquity. ^36 The smallness of their numbers was the sole check on the demands and depredations of the Romans. The imagination of Petrarch might create the presence of a mighty people; ^37 and I hesitate to believe, that, even in the fourteenth century, they could be reduced to a contemptible list of thirty-three thousand inhabitants. From that period to the reign of Leo the Tenth, if they multiplied to the amount of eighty-five thousand, ^38 the increase of citizens was in some degree pernicious to the ancient city.

    [Footnote 27: Flaminius Vacca (apud Montfaucon, p. 155, 156. His memoir is likewise printed, p. 21, at the end of the Roman Antica of Nardini) and several Romans, doctrina graves, were persuaded that the Goths buried their treasures at Rome, and bequeathed the secret marks filiis nepotibusque. He relates some anedotes to prove, that in his own time, these places were visited and rifled by the Transalpine pilgrims, the heirs of the Gothic conquerors.]

    [Footnote 28: Omnia quae erant in aere ad ornatum civitatis deposuit, sed e ecclesiam B. Mariae ad martyres quae de tegulis aereis cooperta discooperuit, (Anast. in Vitalian. p. 141.) The base and sacrilegious Greek had not even the poor pretence of plundering a heathen temple, the Pantheon was already a Catholic church.]

    [Footnote 29: For the spoils of Ravenna (musiva atque marmora) see the original grant of Pope Adrian I. to Charlemagne, (Codex Carolin. epist. lxvii. in Muratori, Script. Ital. tom. iii. P. ii. p. 223.)]

    [Footnote 30: I shall quote the authentic testimony of the

    Saxon poet, (A.D. 887 – 899,) de Rebus gestis Caroli magni, l.

    1. 437 – 440, in the Historians of France, (tom. v. p. 180:)

    Ad quae marmoreas praestabat Roma columnas, Quasdam praecipuas pul hra Ravenna dedit. De tam longinqua poterit regiona vetustas Illius ornatum, Francia, ferre tibi.

    And I shall add from the Chronicle of Sigebert, (Historians of France, tom. v. p. 378,) extruxit etiam Aquisgrani basilicam plurimae pulchritudinis, ad cujus structuram a Roma et Ravenna columnas et marmora devehi fecit.] [Footnote 31: I cannot refuse to transcribe a long passage of Petrarch (Opp. p. 536, 537) in Epistola hortatoria ad Nicolaum Laurentium; it is so strong and full to the point: Nec pudor aut pietas continuit quominus impii spoliata Dei templa, occupatas arces, opes publicas, regiones urbis, atque honores magistratuum inter se divisos; (habeant?) quam una in re, turbulenti ac seditiosi homines et totius reliquae vitae consiliis et rationibus discordes, inhumani foederis stupenda societate convenirent, in pontes et moenia atque immeritos lapides desaevirent. Denique post vi vel senio collapsa palatia, quae quondam ingentes tenuerunt viri, post diruptos arcus triumphales, (unde majores horum forsitan corruerunt,) de ipsius vetustatis ac propriae impietatis fragminibus vilem quaestum turpi mercimonio captare non puduit. Itaque nunc, heu dolor! heu scelus indignum!

    de vestris marmoreis columnis, de liminibus templorum, (ad quae nuper ex orbe toto concursus devotissimus fiebat,) de imaginibus sepulchrorum sub quibus patrum vestrorum venerabilis civis (cinis?) erat, ut reliquas sileam, desidiosa Neapolis adornatur. Sic paullatim ruinae ipsae deficiunt. Yet King Robert was the friend of Petrarch.]

    [Footnote 32: Yet Charlemagne washed and swam at Aix la Chapelle with a hundred of his courtiers, (Eginhart, c. 22, p. 108, 109,) and Muratori describes, as late as the year 814, the public baths which were built at Spoleto in Italy, (Annali, tom. vi. p. 416.)]

    [Footnote 33: See the Annals of Italy, A.D. 988. For this and the preceding fact, Muratori himself is indebted to the Benedictine history of Pere Mabillon.]

    [Footnote 34: Vita di Sisto Quinto, da Gregorio Leti, tom. iii. p. 50.] [Footnote *: From the quotations in Bunsen’s Dissertation, it may be suspected that this slow but continual process of destruction was the most fatal. – M] [Footnote 35: Porticus aedis Concordiae, quam cum primum ad urbem accessi vidi fere integram opere marmoreo admodum specioso: Romani postmodum ad calcem aedem totam et porticus partem disjectis columnis sunt demoliti, (p. 12.) The temple of Concord was therefore not destroyed by a sedition in the xiiith century, as I have read in a MS. treatise del’ Governo civile di Rome, lent me formerly at Rome, and ascribed (I believe falsely) to the celebrated Gravina. Poggius likewise affirms that the sepulchre of Caecilia Metella was burnt for lime, (p. 19, 20.)]

    [Footnote 36: Composed by Aeneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II., and published by Mabillon, from a Ms. of the queen of Sweden, (Musaeum Italicum, tom. i. p. 97.)

    Oblectat me, Roma, tuas spectare ruinas: Ex cujus lapsu gloria prisca patet. Sed tuus hic populus muris defossa vetustis Calcis in obsequium marmora dura coquit. Impia tercentum si sic gens egerit annos Nullum hinc indicium nobilitatis erit.]

    [Footnote 37: Vagabamur pariter in illa urbe tam magna; quae, cum propter spatium vacua videretur, populum habet immensum, (Opp p. 605 Epist. Familiares, ii. 14.)]

    [Footnote 38: These states of the population of Rome at different periods are derived from an ingenious treatise of the physician Lancisi, de Romani Coeli Qualitatibus, (p. 122.)]

    1. I have reserved for the last, the most potent and

    forcible cause of destruction, the domestic hostilities of the Romans themselves. Under the dominion of the Greek and

    French emperors, the peace of the city was disturbed by accidental, though frequent, seditions: it is from the decline of the latter, from the beginning of the tenth century, that we may date the licentiousness of private war, which violated with impunity the laws of the Code and the Gospel, without respecting the majesty of the absent sovereign, or the presence and person of the vicar of Christ. In a dark period of five hundred years, Rome was perpetually afflicted by the sanguinary quarrels of the nobles and the people, the Guelphs and Ghibelines, the Colonna and Ursini; and if much has escaped the knowledge, and much is unworthy of the notice, of history, I have exposed in the two preceding chapters the causes and effects of the public disorders. At such a time, when every quarrel was decided by the sword, and none could trust their lives or properties to the impotence of law, the powerful citizens were armed for safety, or offence, against the domestic enemies whom they feared or hated. Except Venice alone, the same dangers and designs were common to all the free republics of Italy; and the nobles usurped the prerogative of fortifying their houses, and erecting strong towers, ^39 that were capable of resisting a sudden attack. The cities were filled with these hostile edifices; and the example of Lucca, which contained three hundred towers; her law, which confined their height to the measure of fourscore feet, may be extended with suitable latitude to the more opulent and populous states. The first step of the senator Brancaleone in the establishment of peace and justice, was to demolish (as we have already seen) one hundred and forty of the towers of Rome; and, in the last days of anarchy and discord, as late as the reign of Martin the Fifth, forty-four still stood in one of the thirteen or fourteen regions of the city. To this mischievous purpose the remains of antiquity were most readily adapted: the temples and arches afforded a broad and solid basis for the new structures of brick and stone; and we can name the modern turrets that were raised on the triumphal monuments of Julius Caesar, Titus, and the Antonines. ^40 With some slight alterations, a theatre, an amphitheatre, a mausoleum, was transformed into a strong and spacious citadel. I need not repeat, that the mole of Adrian has assumed the title and form of the castle of St.

    Angelo; ^41 the Septizonium of Severus was capable of standing against a royal army; ^42 the sepulchre of Metella has sunk under its outworks; ^43 ^* the theatres of Pompey and Marcellus were occupied by the Savelli and Ursini families; ^44 and the rough fortress has been gradually softened to the splendor and elegance of an Italian palace. Even the churches were encompassed with arms and bulwarks, and the military engines on the roof of St. Peter’s were the terror of the Vatican and the scandal of the Christian world. Whatever is fortified will be attacked; and whatever is attacked may be destroyed. Could the Romans have wrested from the popes the castle of St. Angelo, they had resolved by a public decree to annihilate that monument of servitude. Every building of defence was exposed to a siege; and in every siege the arts and engines of destruction were laboriously employed. After the death of Nicholas the Fourth, Rome, without a sovereign or a senate, was abandoned six months to the fury of civil war. “The houses,” says a cardinal and poet of the times, ^45 “were crushed by the weight and velocity of enormous stones; ^46 the walls were perforated by the strokes of the battering-ram; the towers were involved in fire and smoke; and the assailants were stimulated by rapine and revenge.” The work was consummated by the tyranny of the laws; and the factions of Italy alternately exercised a blind and thoughtless vengeance on their adversaries, whose houses and castles they razed to the ground. ^47 In comparing the days of foreign, with the ages of domestic, hostility, we must pronounce, that the latter have been far more ruinous to the city; and our opinion is confirmed by the evidence of Petrarch. “Behold,” says the laureate, “the relics of Rome, the image of her pristine greatness! neither time nor the Barbarian can boast the merit of this stupendous destruction: it was perpetrated by her own citizens, by the most illustrious of her sons; and your ancestors (he writes to a noble Annabaldi) have done with the battering-ram what the Punic hero could not accomplish with the sword.” ^48 The influence of the two last principles of decay must in some degree be multiplied by each other; since the houses and towers, which were subverted by

    civil war, required by a new and perpetual supply from the monuments of antiquity. ^*

    [Footnote 39: All the facts that relate to the towers at Rome, and in other free cities of Italy, may be found in the laborious and entertaining compilation of Muratori, Antiquitates Italiae Medii Aevi, dissertat. xxvi., (tom. ii. p. 493 – 496, of the Latin, tom. . p. 446, of the Italian work.)] [Footnote 40: As for instance, templum Jani nunc dicitur, turris Centii Frangipanis; et sane Jano impositae turris lateritiae conspicua hodieque vestigia supersunt, (Montfaucon Diarium Italicum, p. 186.) The anonymous writer (p. 285) enumerates, arcus Titi, turris Cartularia; arcus Julii Caesaris et Senatorum, turres de Bratis; arcus Antonini, turris de Cosectis, &c.]

    [Footnote 41: Hadriani molem . . . . magna ex parte Romanorum injuria . . disturbavit; quod certe funditus evertissent, si eorum manibus pervia, absumptis grandibus saxis, reliqua moles exstisset, (Poggius de Varietate Fortunae, p. 12.)]

    [Footnote 42: Against the emperor Henry IV., (Muratori, Annali d’ Italia, tom. ix. p. 147.)]

    [Footnote 43: I must copy an important passage of Montfaucon: Turris ingens rotunda . . . . Caeciliae Metellae . . . . sepulchrum erat, cujus muri tam solidi, ut spatium perquam minimum intus vacuum supersit; et Torre di Bove dicitur, a boum capitibus muro inscriptis. Huic sequiori aevo, tempore intestinorum bellorum, ceu urbecula adjuncta fuit, cujus moenia et turres etiamnum visuntur; ita ut sepulchrum Metellae quasi arx oppiduli fuerit. Ferventibus in urbe partibus, cum Ursini atque Colum nenses mutuis cladibus perniciem inferrent civitati, in utriusve partia ditionem cederet magni momenti erat, (p. 142.)]

    [Footnote *: This is inaccurately expressed. The sepulchre is still standing See Hobhouse, p. 204. – M.]

    [Footnote 44: See the testimonies of Donatus, Nardini, and Montfaucon. In the Savelli palace, the remains of the theatre of Marcellus are still great and conspicuous.]

    [Footnote 45: James, cardinal of St. George, ad velum aureum, in his metrical life of Pope Celestin V., (Muratori, Script. Ital. tom. i. P. iii. p. 621, l. i. c. l. ver. 132, &c.)

    Hoc dixisse sat est, Romam caruisee Senatu Mensibus exactis heu sex; belloque vocatum (vocatos) In scelus, in socios fraternaque vulnera patres; Tormentis jecisse viros immania saxa; Perfodisse domus trabibus, fecisse ruinas Ignibus; incensas turres, obscuraque fumo Lumina vicino, quo sit spoliata supellex.] [Footnote 46: Muratori (Dissertazione sopra le Antiquita Italiane, tom. i. p. 427 – 431) finds that stone bullets of two or three hundred pounds’ weight were not uncommon; and they are sometimes computed at xii. or xviii cantari of Genoa, each cantaro weighing 150 pounds.]

    [Footnote 47: The vith law of the Visconti prohibits this common and mischievous practice; and strictly enjoins, that the houses of banished citizens should be preserved pro communi utilitate, (Gualvancus de la Flamma in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xii. p. 1041.)] [Footnote 48: Petrarch thus addresses his friend, who, with shame and tears had shown him the moenia, lacerae specimen miserable Romae, and declared his own intention of restoring them, (Carmina Latina, l. ii. epist. Paulo Annibalensi, xii. p. 97, 98.)

    Nec te parva manet servatis fama ruinis Quanta quod integrae fuit olim gloria Romae Reliquiae testantur adhuc; quas longior aetas Frangere non valuit; non vis aut ira cruenti Hostis, ab egregiis franguntur civibus, heu! heu’ – Quod ille nequivit (Hannibal.) Perficit hic aries.]

    [Footnote *: Bunsen has shown that the hostile attacks of the emperor Henry the Fourth, but more particularly that of Robert Guiscard, who burned down whole districts, inflicted the worst damage on the ancient city Vol. i. p. 247. – M.]

    Chapter LXXI: Prospect Of The Ruins Of Rome In The Fifteenth Century.

    Part II.

    These general observations may be separately applied to the amphitheatre of Titus, which has obtained the name of the Coliseum, ^49 either from its magnitude, or from Nero’s colossal statue; an edifice, had it been left to time and nature, which might perhaps have claimed an eternal duration. The curious antiquaries, who have computed the numbers and seats, are disposed to believe, that above the upper row of stone steps the amphitheatre was encircled and elevated with several stages of wooden galleries, which were repeatedly consumed by fire, and restored by the emperors. Whatever was precious, or portable, or profane, the statues of gods and heroes, and the costly ornaments of sculpture which were cast in brass, or overspread with leaves of silver and gold, became the first prey of conquest or fanaticism, of the avarice of the Barbarians or the Christians. In the massy stones of the Coliseum, many holes are discerned; and the two most probable conjectures represent the various accidents of its decay. These stones were connected by solid links of brass or iron, nor had the eye of rapine overlooked the value of the baser metals; ^50 the vacant space was converted into a fair or market; the artisans of the Coliseum are mentioned in an ancient survey; and the chasms were perforated or enlarged to receive the poles that supported the shops or tents of the mechanic trades. ^51 Reduced to its naked majesty, the Flavian amphitheatre was contemplated with awe and admiration by the pilgrims of the North; and their rude enthusiasm broke forth in a sublime proverbial expression, which is recorded in the eighth century, in the fragments of the venerable Bede: “As long as the Coliseum stands, Rome shall stand; when the Coliseum falls, Rome will fall; when Rome falls, the world will fall.” ^52 In the modern system of war, a situation commanded by three hills would not be chosen for a fortress; but the strength of the walls and arches could resist the engines of assault; a numerous garrison might be lodged in the enclosure; and while one faction occupied the Vatican and the Capitol, the other was intrenched in the Lateran and the Coliseum. ^53

    [Footnote 49: The fourth part of the Verona Illustrata of the marquis Maffei professedly treats of amphitheatres, particularly those of Rome and Verona, of their dimensions, wooden galleries, &c. It is from magnitude that he derives the name of Colosseum, or Coliseum; since the same appellation was applied to the amphitheatre of Capua, without the aid of a colossal statue; since that of Nero was erected in the court (in atrio) of his palace, and not in the Coliseum, (P. iv. p. 15 – 19, l. i. c. 4.)]

    [Footnote 50: Joseph Maria Suares, a learned bishop, and the author of a history of Praeneste, has composed a separate dissertation on the seven or eight probable causes of these holes, which has been since reprinted in the Roman Thesaurus of Sallengre. Montfaucon (Diarium, p. 233) pronounces the rapine of the Barbarians to be the unam germanamque causam foraminum.

    Note: The improbability of this theory is shown by Bunsen, vol. i. p. 239 – M.]

    [Footnote 51: Donatus, Roma Vetus et Nova, p. 285.

    Note: Gibbon has followed Donatus, who supposes that a silk manufactory was established in the xiith century in the Coliseum.

    The Bandonarii, or Bandererii, were the officers who carried the standards of their school before the pope. Hobhouse, p. 269. – M.]

    [Footnote 52: Quamdiu stabit Colyseus, stabit et Roma; quando cadet Coly seus, cadet Roma; quando cadet Roma, cadet et mundus, (Beda in Excerptis seu Collectaneis apud Ducange Glossar. Med. et Infimae Latinitatis, tom. ii. p. 407, edit. Basil.) This saying must be ascribed to the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims who visited Rome before the year 735 the aera of Bede’s death; for I do not believe that our venerable monk ever passed the sea.]

    [Footnote 53: I cannot recover, in Muratori’s original Lives of the Popes, (Script Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. i.,) the passage that attests this hostile partition, which must be applied to the end of the xiith or the beginning of the xiith century.

    Note: “The division is mentioned in Vit. Innocent. Pap. II.

    ex Cardinale Aragonio, (Script. Rer. Ital. vol. iii. P. i. p. 435,) and Gibbon might have found frequent other records of it at other dates.” Hobhouse’s Illustrations of Childe Harold. p. 130. – M.]

    The abolition at Rome of the ancient games must be understood with some latitude; and the carnival sports, of the Testacean mount and the Circus Agonalis, ^54 were regulated by the law ^55 or custom of the city. The senator presided with dignity and pomp to adjudge and distribute the prizes, the gold ring, or the pallium, ^56 as it was styled, of cloth or silk. A tribute on the Jews supplied the annual expense; ^57 and the races, on foot, on horseback, or in chariots, were ennobled by a tilt and tournament of seventy-two of the Roman youth. In the year one thousand three hundred and thirty-two, a bull-feast, after the fashion of the Moors and Spaniards, was celebrated in the Coliseum itself; and the living manners are painted in a diary of the times. ^58 A convenient order of benches was restored; and a general proclamation, as far as Rimini and Ravenna, invited the nobles to exercise their skill and courage in this perilous adventure. The Roman ladies were marshalled in three squadrons, and seated in three balconies, which, on this day, the third of September, were lined with scarlet cloth. The fair Jacova di Rovere led the matrons from beyond the Tyber, a pure and native race, who still represent the features and character of antiquity. The remainder of the city was divided as usual between the Colonna and Ursini: the two factions were proud of the number and beauty of their female bands: the charms of Savella Ursini are mentioned with praise; and the Colonna regretted the absence of the youngest of their house, who had sprained her ankle in the garden of Nero’s tower. The lots of the champions were drawn by an old and respectable citizen; and they descended into the arena, or pit, to encounter the wild bulls, on foot as it should seem, with a single spear. Amidst the crowd, our annalist has selected the names, colors, and devices, of twenty of the most conspicuous knights. Several of the names are the most illustrious of Rome and the ecclesiastical state: Malatesta, Polenta, della Valle, Cafarello, Savelli, Capoccio, Conti, Annibaldi, Altieri, Corsi: the colors were adapted to their taste and situation; the devices are expressive of hope or despair, and breathe the spirit of gallantry and arms.

    “I am alone, like the youngest of the Horatii,” the confidence of an intrepid stranger: “I live disconsolate,” a weeping widower: “I burn under the ashes,” a discreet lover: “I adore Lavinia, or Lucretia,” the ambiguous declaration of a modern passion: “My faith is as pure,” the motto of a white livery: “Who is stronger than myself?” of a lion’s hide: “If am drowned in blood, what a pleasant death!” the wish of ferocious courage. The pride or prudence of the Ursini restrained them from the field, which was occupied by three of their hereditary rivals, whose inscriptions denoted the lofty greatness of the Colonna name: “Though sad, I am strong:” “Strong as I am great:” “If I fall,” addressing himself to the spectators, “you fall with me;” – intimating (says the contemporary writer) that while the other families were the subjects of the Vatican, they alone were the supporters of the Capitol. The combats of the amphitheatre were dangerous and bloody. Every champion successively encountered a wild bull; and the victory may be ascribed to the quadrupeds, since no more than eleven were left on the field, with the loss of nine wounded and eighteen killed on the side of their adversaries. Some of the noblest families might mourn, but the pomp of the funerals, in the churches of St. John Lateran and St. Maria Maggiore, afforded a second holiday to the people. Doubtless it was not in such conflicts that the blood of the Romans should have been shed; yet, in blaming their rashness, we are compelled to applaud their gallantry; and the noble volunteers, who display their magnificence, and risk their lives, under the balconies of the fair, excite a more generous sympathy than the thousands of captives and malefactors who were reluctantly dragged to the scene of slaughter. ^59

    [Footnote 54: Although the structure of the circus Agonalis be destroyed, it still retains its form and name, (Agona, Nagona, Navona;) and the interior space affords a sufficient level for the purpose of racing. But the Monte Testaceo, that strange pile of broken pottery, seems only adapted for the annual practice of hurling from top to bottom some wagon-loads of live hogs for the diversion of the populace, (Statuta Urbis Romae, p. 186.)] [Footnote 55: See the Statuta Urbis Romae, l. iii. c. 87, 88, 89, p. 185, 186. I have already given an idea of this municipal code.

    The races of Nagona and Monte Testaceo are likewise mentioned in the Diary of Peter Antonius from 1404 to 1417, (Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xxiv. p. 1124.)] [Footnote 56: The Pallium, which Menage so foolishly derives from Palmarius, is an easy extension of the idea and the words, from the robe or cloak, to the materials, and from thence to their application as a prize, (Muratori, dissert. xxxiii.)]

    [Footnote 57: For these expenses, the Jews of Rome paid each year 1130 florins, of which the odd thirty represented the pieces of silver for which Judas had betrayed his Master to their ancestors. There was a foot-race of Jewish as well as of Christian youths, (Statuta Urbis, ibidem.)] [Footnote 58: This extraordinary bull-feast in the Coliseum is described, from tradition rather than memory, by Ludovico Buonconte Monaldesco, on the most ancient fragments of Roman annals, (Muratori, Script Rerum Italicarum, tom. xii. p. 535, 536;) and however fanciful they may seem, they are deeply marked with the colors of truth and nature.]

    [Footnote 59: Muratori has given a separate dissertation (the xxixth) to the games of the Italians in the Middle Ages.]

    This use of the amphitheatre was a rare, perhaps a singular, festival: the demand for the materials was a daily and continual want which the citizens could gratify without restraint or remorse. In the fourteenth century, a scandalous act of concord secured to both factions the privilege of extracting stones from the free and common quarry of the Coliseum; ^60 and Poggius laments, that the greater part of these stones had been burnt to lime by the folly of the Romans. ^61 To check this abuse, and to prevent the nocturnal crimes that might be perpetrated in the vast and gloomy recess, Eugenius the Fourth surrounded it with a wall; and, by a charter long extant, granted both the ground and edifice to the monks of an adjacent convent. ^62 After his death, the wall was overthrown in a tumult of the people; and had they themselves respected the noblest monument of their fathers, they might have justified the resolve that it should never be degraded to private property. The inside was damaged: but in the middle of the sixteenth century, an aera of taste and learning, the exterior circumference of one thousand six hundred and twelve feet was still entire and inviolate; a triple elevation of fourscore arches, which rose to the height of one hundred and eight feet. Of the present ruin, the nephews of Paul the Third are the guilty agents; and every traveller who views the Farnese palace may curse the sacrilege and luxury of these upstart princes. ^63 A similar reproach is applied to the Barberini; and the repetition of injury might be dreaded from every reign, till the Coliseum was placed under the safeguard of religion by the most liberal of the pontiffs, Benedict the Fourteenth, who consecrated a spot which persecution and fable had stained with the blood of so many Christian martyrs. ^64 [Footnote 60: In a concise but instructive memoir, the abbe Barthelemy (Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 585) has mentioned this agreement of the factions of the xivth century de Tiburtino faciendo in the Coliseum, from an original act in the archives of Rome.] [Footnote 61: Coliseum . . . . ob stultitiam Romanorum majori ex parte ad cal cem deletum, says the indignant Poggius, (p. 17:) but his expression too strong for the present age, must be very tenderly applied to the xvth century.]

    [Footnote 62: Of the Olivetan monks. Montfaucon (p. 142) affirms this fact from the memorials of Flaminius Vacca, (No. 72.) They still hoped on some future occasion, to revive and vindicate their grant.]

    [Footnote 63: After measuring the priscus amphitheatri gyrus, Montfaucon (p. 142) only adds that it was entire under Paul III.; tacendo clamat. Muratori (Annali d’Italia, tom. xiv. p. 371) more freely reports the guilt of the Farnese pope, and the indignation of the Roman people. Against the nephews of Urban VIII. I have no other evidence than the vulgar saying, “Quod non fecerunt Barbari, fecere Barberini,” which was perhaps suggested by the resemblance of the words.]

    [Footnote 64: As an antiquarian and a priest, Montfaucon thus deprecates the ruin of the Coliseum: Quod si non suopte merito atque pulchritudine dignum fuisset quod improbas arceret manus, indigna res utique in locum tot martyrum cruore sacrum tantopere saevitum esse.]

    When Petrarch first gratified his eyes with a view of those monuments, whose scattered fragments so far surpass the most eloquent descriptions, he was astonished at the supine indifference ^65 of the Romans themselves; ^66 he was humbled rather than elated by the discovery, that, except his friend Rienzi, and one of the Colonna, a stranger of the Rhone was more conversant with these antiquities than the nobles and natives of the metropolis. ^67 The ignorance and credulity of the Romans are elaborately displayed in the old survey of the city which was composed about the beginning of the thirteenth century; and, without dwelling on the manifold errors of name and place, the legend of the Capitol ^68 may provoke a smile of contempt and indignation. “The Capitol,” says the anonymous writer, “is so named as being the head of the world; where the consuls and senators formerly resided for the government of the city and the globe. The strong and lofty walls were covered with glass and gold, and crowned with a roof of the richest and most curious carving. Below the citadel stood a palace, of gold for the greatest part, decorated with precious stones, and whose value might be esteemed at one third of the world itself. The statues of all the provinces were arranged in order, each with a small bell suspended from its neck; and such was the contrivance of art magic, ^69 that if the province rebelled against Rome, the statue turned round to that quarter of the heavens, the bell rang, the prophet of the Capitol repeated the prodigy, and the senate was admonished of the impending danger.” A second example, of less importance, though of equal absurdity, may be drawn from the two marble horses, led by two naked youths, who have since been transported from the baths of Constantine to the Quirinal hill. The groundless application of the names of Phidias and Praxiteles may perhaps be excused; but these Grecian sculptors should not have been removed above four hundred years from the age of Pericles to that of Tiberius; they should not have been transferred into two philosophers or magicians, whose nakedness was the symbol of truth or knowledge, who revealed to the emperor his most secret actions; and, after refusing all pecuniary recompense, solicited the honor of leaving this eternal monument of themselves. ^70 Thus awake to the power of magic, the Romans were insensible to the beauties of art: no more than five statues were visible to the eyes of Poggius; and of the multitudes which chance or design had buried under the ruins, the resurrection was fortunately delayed till a safer and more enlightened age. ^71 The Nile which now adorns the Vatican, had been explored by some laborers in digging a vineyard near the temple, or convent, of the Minerva; but the impatient proprietor, who was tormented by some visits of curiosity, restored the unprofitable marble to its former grave. ^72 The discovery of a statue of Pompey, ten feet in length, was the occasion of a lawsuit. It had been found under a partition wall: the equitable judge had pronounced, that the head should be separated from the body to satisfy the claims of the contiguous owners; and the sentence would have been executed, if the intercession of a cardinal, and the liberality of a pope, had not rescued the Roman hero from the hands of his barbarous countrymen. ^73

    [Footnote 65: Yet the statutes of Rome (l. iii. c. 81, p. 182) impose a fine of 500 aurei on whosoever shall demolish any ancient edifice, ne ruinis civitas deformetur, et ut antiqua aedificia decorem urbis perpetuo representent.]

    [Footnote 66: In his first visit to Rome (A.D. 1337. See Memoires sur Petrarque, tom. i. p. 322, &c.) Petrarch is struck mute miraculo rerumtantarum, et stuporis mole obrutus . . . . Praesentia vero, mirum dictu nihil imminuit: vere major fuit Roma majoresque sunt reliquiae quam rebar. Jam non orbem ab hac urbe domitum, sed tam sero domitum, miror, (Opp. p. 605, Familiares, ii. 14, Joanni Columnae.)]

    [Footnote 67: He excepts and praises the rare knowledge of John Colonna. Qui enim hodie magis ignari rerum Romanarum, quam Romani cives! Invitus dico, nusquam minus Roma cognoscitur quam Romae.]

    [Footnote 68: After the description of the Capitol, he adds, statuae erant quot sunt mundi provinciae; et habebat quaelibet tintinnabulum ad collum. Et erant ita per magicam artem dispositae, ut quando aliqua regio Romano Imperio rebellis erat, statim imago illius provinciae vertebat se contra illam; unde tintinnabulum resonabat quod pendebat ad collum; tuncque vates Capitolii qui erant custodes senatui,

    &c. He mentions an example of the Saxons and Suevi, who, after they had been subdued by Agrippa, again rebelled: tintinnabulum sonuit; sacerdos qui erat in speculo in hebdomada senatoribus nuntiavit: Agrippa marched back and reduced the – Persians, (Anonym. in Montfaucon, p. 297, 298.)]

    [Footnote 69: The same writer affirms, that Virgil captus a Romanis invisibiliter exiit, ivitque Neapolim. A Roman magician, in the xith century, is introduced by William of Malmsbury, (de Gestis Regum Anglorum, l. ii. p. 86;) and in the time of Flaminius Vacca (No. 81, 103) it was the vulgar belief that the strangers (the Goths) invoked the daemons for the discovery of hidden treasures.]

    [Footnote 70: Anonym. p. 289. Montfaucon (p. 191) justly observes, that if Alexander be represented, these statues cannot be the work of Phidias (Olympiad lxxxiii.) or Praxiteles, (Olympiad civ.,) who lived before that conqueror (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 19.)]

    [Footnote 71: William of Malmsbury (l. ii. p. 86, 87) relates a marvellous discovery (A.D. 1046) of Pallas the son of Evander, who had been slain by Turnus; the perpetual light in his sepulchre, a Latin epitaph, the corpse, yet entire, of a young giant, the enormous wound in his breast, (pectus perforat ingens,) &c. If this fable rests on the slightest foundation, we may pity the bodies, as well as the statues, that were exposed to the air in a barbarous age.]

    [Footnote 72: Prope porticum Minervae, statua est recubantis, cujus caput integra effigie tantae magnitudinis, ut signa omnia excedat. Quidam ad plantandas arbores scrobes faciens detexit. Ad hoc visendum cum plures in dies magis concurrerent, strepitum adeuentium fastidiumque vertaesus, horti patronus congesta humo texit, (Poggius de Varietate Fortunae, p. 12.)] [Footnote 73: See the Memorials of Flaminius Vacca, No. 57, p. 11, 12, at the end of the Roma Antica of Nardini, (1704, in 4to).]

    But the clouds of barbarism were gradually dispelled; and the peaceful authority of Martin the Fifth and his successors restored the ornaments of the city as well as the order of the ecclesiastical state. The improvements of Rome, since the fifteenth century, have not been the spontaneous produce of freedom and industry. The first and most natural root of a great city is the labor and populousness of the adjacent country, which supplies the materials of subsistence, of manufactures, and of foreign trade. But the greater part of the Campagna of Rome is reduced to a dreary and desolate wilderness: the overgrown estates of the princes and the clergy are cultivated by the lazy hands of indigent and hopeless vassals; and the scanty harvests are confined or exported for the benefit of a monopoly. A second and more artificial cause of the growth of a metropolis is the residence of a monarch, the expense of a luxurious court, and the tributes of dependent provinces. Those provinces and tributes had been lost in the fall of the empire; and if some streams of the silver of Peru and the gold of Brazil have been attracted by the Vatican, the revenues of the cardinals, the fees of office, the oblations of pilgrims and clients, and the remnant of ecclesiastical taxes, afford a poor and precarious supply, which maintains, however, the idleness of the court and city. The population of Rome, far below the measure of the great capitals of Europe, does not exceed one hundred and seventy thousand inhabitants; ^74 and within the spacious enclosure of the walls, the largest portion of the seven hills is overspread with vineyards and ruins. The beauty and splendor of the modern city may be ascribed to the abuses of the government, to the influence of superstition. Each reign (the exceptions are rare) has been marked by the rapid elevation of a new family, enriched by the childish pontiff at the expense of the church and country. The palaces of these fortunate nephews are the most costly monuments of elegance and servitude: the perfect arts of architecture, sculpture, and painting, have been prostituted in their service; and their galleries and gardens are decorated with the most precious works of antiquity, which taste or vanity has prompted them to collect. The ecclesiastical revenues were more decently employed by the popes themselves in the pomp of the Catholic worship; but it is superfluous to enumerate their pious foundations of altars, chapels, and churches, since these lesser stars are eclipsed by the sun of the Vatican, by the dome of St. Peter, the most glorious structure that ever has been applied to the use of religion. The fame of Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, and Sixtus the Fifth, is accompanied by the superior merit of Bramante and Fontana, of Raphael and Michael Angelo; and the same munificence which had been displayed in palaces and temples was directed with equal zeal to revive and emulate the labors of antiquity. Prostrate obelisks were raised from the ground, and erected in the most conspicuous places; of the eleven aqueducts of the Caesars and consuls, three were restored; the artificial rivers were conducted over a long series of old, or of new arches, to discharge into marble basins a flood of salubrious and refreshing waters: and the spectator, impatient to ascend the steps of St. Peter’s, is detained by a column of Egyptian granite, which rises between two lofty and perpetual fountains, to the height of one hundred and twenty feet. The map, the description, the monuments of ancient Rome, have been elucidated by the diligence of the antiquarian and the student: ^75 and the footsteps of heroes, the relics, not of superstition, but of empire, are devoutly visited by a new race of pilgrims from the remote, and once savage countries of the North.

    [Footnote 74: In the year 1709, the inhabitants of Rome (without including eight or ten thousand Jews,) amounted to 138,568 souls, (Labat Voyages en Espagne et en Italie, tom. iii. p. 217, 218.) In 1740, they had increased to 146,080; and in 1765, I left them, without the Jews 161,899. I am ignorant whether they have since continued in a progressive state.]

    [Footnote 75: The Pere Montfaucon distributes his own observations into twenty days; he should have styled them weeks, or months, of his visits to the different parts of the city, (Diarium Italicum, c. 8 – 20, p. 104 – 301.) That learned Benedictine reviews the topographers of ancient Rome; the first efforts of Blondus, Fulvius, Martianus, and Faunus, the superior labors of Pyrrhus Ligorius, had his learning been equal to his labors; the writings of Onuphrius Panvinius, qui omnes obscuravit, and the recent but imperfect books of Donatus and Nardini. Yet Montfaucon still sighs for a more complete plan and description of the old city, which must be attained by the three following methods: 1. The measurement of the space and intervals of the ruins. 2. The study of inscriptions, and the places where they were found. 3. The investigation of all the acts, charters, diaries of the middle ages, which name any spot or building of Rome. The laborious work, such as Montfaucon desired, must be promoted by princely or public munificence: but the great modern plan of Nolli (A.D. 1748) would furnish a solid and accurate basis for the ancient topography of Rome.]

    Of these pilgrims, and of every reader, the attention will be excited by a History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; the greatest, perhaps, and most awful scene in the history of mankind. The various causes and progressive effects are connected with many of the events most interesting in human annals: the artful policy of the Caesars, who long maintained the name and image of a free republic; the disorders of military despotism; the rise, establishment, and sects of Christianity; the foundation of Constantinople; the division of the monarchy; the invasion and settlements of the Barbarians of Germany and Scythia; the institutions of the civil law; the character and religion of Mahomet; the temporal sovereignty of the popes; the restoration and decay of the Western empire of Charlemagne; the crusades of the Latins in the East: the conquests of the Saracens and Turks; the ruin of the Greek empire; the state and revolutions of Rome in the middle age. The historian may applaud the importance and variety of his subject; but while he is conscious of his own imperfections, he must often accuse the deficiency of his materials. It was among the ruins of the Capitol that I first conceived the idea of a work which has amused and exercised near twenty years of my life, and which, however inadequate to my own wishes, I finally delivered to the curiosity and candor of the public.

    Lausanne, June 27 1787

  • Edward Gibbon《History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire》LXVI-LXVIII

    Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.

    Part I. Applications Of The Eastern Emperors To The Popes. – Visits To The West, Of John The First, Manuel, And John The Second, Palaeologus. – Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches, Promoted By The Council Of Basil, And Concluded At Ferrara And Florence. – State Of Literature At Constantinople. – Its Revival In Italy By The Greek Fugitives. – Curiosity And Emulation Of The Latins.

    In the four last centuries of the Greek emperors, their friendly or hostile aspect towards the pope and the Latins may be observed as the thermometer of their prosperity or distress; as the scale of the rise and fall of the Barbarian dynasties. When the Turks of the house of Seljuk pervaded Asia, and threatened Constantinople, we have seen, at the council of Placentia, the suppliant ambassadors of Alexius imploring the protection of the common father of the Christians. No sooner had the arms of the French pilgrims removed the sultan from Nice to Iconium, than the Greek princes resumed, or avowed, their genuine hatred and contempt for the schismatics of the West, which precipitated the first downfall of their empire. The date of the Mogul invasion is marked in the soft and charitable language of John Vataces. After the recovery of Constantinople, the throne of the first Palaeologus was encompassed by foreign and domestic enemies; as long as the sword of Charles was suspended over his head, he basely courted the favor of the Roman pontiff; and sacrificed to the present danger his faith, his virtue, and the affection of his subjects. On the decease of Michael, the prince and people asserted the independence of their church, and the purity of their creed: the elder Andronicus neither feared nor loved the Latins; in his last distress, pride was the safeguard of superstition; nor could he decently retract in his age the firm and orthodox declarations of his youth. His grandson, the younger Andronicus, was less a slave in his temper and situation; and the conquest of Bithynia by the Turks admonished him to seek a temporal and spiritual alliance with the Western princes. After a separation and silence of fifty years, a secret agent, the monk Barlaam, was despatched to Pope Benedict the Twelfth; and his artful instructions appear to have been drawn by the master-hand of the great domestic. ^1 “Most holy father,” was he commissioned to say, “the emperor is not less desirous than yourself of a union between the two churches: but in this delicate transaction, he is obliged to respect his own dignity and the prejudices of his subjects. The ways of union are twofold; force and persuasion. Of force, the inefficacy has been already tried; since the Latins have subdued the empire, without subduing the minds, of the Greeks. The method of persuasion, though slow, is sure and permanent. A deputation of thirty or forty of our doctors would probably agree with those of the Vatican, in the love of truth and the unity of belief; but on their return, what would be the use, the recompense, of such an agreement? the scorn of their brethren, and the reproaches of a blind and obstinate nation. Yet that nation is accustomed to reverence the general councils, which have fixed the articles of our faith; and if they reprobate the decrees of Lyons, it is because the Eastern churches were neither heard nor represented in that arbitrary meeting. For this salutary end, it will be expedient, and even necessary, that a well-chosen legate should be sent into Greece, to convene the patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem; and, with their aid, to prepare a free and universal synod. But at this moment,” continued the subtle agent, “the empire is assaulted and endangered by the Turks, who have occupied four of the greatest cities of Anatolia. The Christian inhabitants have expressed a wish of returning to their allegiance and religion; but the forces and revenues of the emperor are insufficient for their deliverance: and the Roman legate must be accompanied, or preceded, by an army of Franks, to expel the infidels, and open a way to the holy sepulchre.” If the suspicious Latins should require some pledge, some previous effect of the sincerity of the Greeks, the answers of Barlaam were perspicuous and rational. “1. A general synod can alone consummate the union of the churches; nor can such a synod be held till the three Oriental patriarchs, and a great number of bishops, are enfranchised from the Mahometan yoke. 2. The Greeks are alienated by a long series of oppression and injury: they must be reconciled by some act of brotherly love, some effectual succor, which may fortify the authority and arguments of the emperor, and the friends of the union. 3. If some difference of faith or ceremonies should be found incurable, the Greeks, however, are the disciples of Christ; and the Turks are the common enemies of the Christian name. The Armenians, Cyprians, and Rhodians, are equally attacked; and it will become the piety of the French princes to draw their swords in the general defence of religion. 4. Should the subjects of Andronicus be treated as the worst of schismatics, of heretics, of pagans, a judicious policy may yet instruct the powers of the West to embrace a useful ally, to uphold a sinking empire, to guard the confines of Europe; and rather to join the Greeks against the Turks, than to expect the union of the Turkish arms with the troops and treasures of captive Greece.” The reasons, the offers, and the demands, of Andronicus were eluded with cold and stately indifference. The kings of France and Naples declined the dangers and glory of a crusade; the pope refused to call a new synod to determine old articles of faith; and his regard for the obsolete claims of the Latin emperor and clergy engaged him to use an offensive superscription, – “To the moderator ^2 of the Greeks, and the persons who style themselves the patriarchs of the Eastern churches.” For such an embassy, a time and character less propitious could not easily have been found. Benedict the Twelfth ^3 was a dull peasant, perplexed with scruples, and immersed in sloth and wine: his pride might enrich with a third crown the papal tiara, but he was alike unfit for the regal and the pastoral office.

    [Footnote 1: This curious instruction was transcribed (I believe) from the Vatican archives, by Odoricus Raynaldus, in his Continuation of the Annals of Baronius, (Romae, 1646 – 1677, in x. volumes in folio.) I have contented myself with the Abbe Fleury, (Hist. Ecclesiastique. tom. xx. p. 1 – 8,) whose abstracts I have always found to be clear, accurate, and impartial.] [Footnote 2: The ambiguity of this title is happy or ingenious; and moderator, as synonymous to rector, gubernator, is a word of classical, and even Ciceronian, Latinity, which may be found, not in the Glossary of Ducange, but in the Thesaurus of Robert Stephens.]

    [Footnote 3: The first epistle (sine titulo) of Petrarch exposes the danger of the bark, and the incapacity of the pilot. Haec inter, vino madidus, aeve gravis, ac soporifero rore perfusus, jamjam nutitat, dormitat, jam somno praeceps, atque (utinam solus) ruit . . . . . Heu quanto felicius patrio terram sulcasset aratro, quam scalmum piscatorium ascendisset! This satire engages his biographer to weigh the virtues and vices of Benedict XII. which have been exaggerated by Guelphs and Ghibe lines, by Papists and Protestants, (see Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. i. p. 259, ii. not. xv. p. 13 – 16.) He gave occasion to the saying, Bibamus papaliter.]

    After the decease of Andronicus, while the Greeks were distracted by intestine war, they could not presume to agitate a general union of the Christians. But as soon as Cantacuzene had subdued and pardoned his enemies, he was anxious to justify, or at least to extenuate, the introduction of the Turks into Europe, and the nuptials of his daughter with a Mussulman prince. Two officers of state, with a Latin interpreter, were sent in his name to the Roman court, which was transplanted to Avignon, on the banks of the Rhone, during a period of seventy years: they represented the hard necessity which had urged him to embrace the alliance of the miscreants, and pronounced by his command the specious and edifying sounds of union and crusade. Pope Clement the Sixth, ^4 the successor of Benedict, received them with hospitality and honor, acknowledged the innocence of their sovereign, excused his distress, applauded his magnanimity, and displayed a clear knowledge of the state and revolutions of the Greek empire, which he had imbibed from the honest accounts of a Savoyard lady, an attendant of the empress Anne. ^5 If Clement was ill endowed with the virtues of a priest, he possessed, however, the spirit and magnificence of a prince, whose liberal hand distributed benefices and kingdoms with equal facility. Under his reign Avignon was the seat of pomp and pleasure: in his youth he had surpassed the licentiousness of a baron; and the palace, nay, the bed-chamber of the pope, was adorned, or polluted, by the visits of his female favorites. The wars of France and England were adverse to the holy enterprise; but his vanity was amused by the splendid idea; and the Greek ambassadors returned with two Latin bishops, the ministers of the pontiff. On their arrival at Constantinople, the emperor and the nuncios admired each other’s piety and eloquence; and their frequent conferences were filled with mutual praises and promises, by which both parties were amused, and neither could be deceived. “I am delighted,” said the devout Cantacuzene, “with the project of our holy war, which must redound to my personal glory, as well as to the public benefit of Christendom. My dominions will give a free passage to the armies of France: my troops, my galleys, my treasures, shall be consecrated to the common cause; and happy would be my fate, could I deserve and obtain the crown of martyrdom. Words are insufficient to express the ardor with which I sigh for the reunion of the scattered members of Christ. If my death could avail, I would gladly present my sword and my neck: if the spiritual phoenix could arise from my ashes, I would erect the pile, and kindle the flame with my own hands.” Yet the Greek emperor presumed to observe, that the articles of faith which divided the two churches had been introduced by the pride and precipitation of the Latins: he disclaimed the servile and arbitrary steps of the first Palaeologus; and firmly declared, that he would never submit his conscience unless to the decrees of a free and universal synod. “The situation of the times,” continued he, “will not allow the pope and myself to meet either at Rome or Constantinople; but some maritime city may be chosen on the verge of the two empires, to unite the bishops, and to instruct the faithful, of the East and West.” The nuncios seemed content with the proposition; and Cantacuzene affects to deplore the failure of his hopes, which were soon overthrown by the death of Clement, and the different temper of his successor. His own life was prolonged, but it was prolonged in a cloister; and, except by his prayers, the humble monk was incapable of directing the counsels of his pupil or the state. ^6 [Footnote 4: See the original Lives of Clement VI. in Muratori, (Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 550 – 589;) Matteo Villani, (Chron. l. iii. c. 43, in Muratori, tom. xiv. p. 186,) who styles him, molto cavallaresco, poco religioso; Fleury, (Hist. Eccles. tom. xx. p. 126;) and the Vie de Petrarque, (tom. ii. p. 42 – 45.) The abbe de Sade treats him with the most indulgence; but he is a gentleman as well as a priest.]

    [Footnote 5: Her name (most probably corrupted) was Zampea. She had accompanied, and alone remained with her mistress at Constantinople, where her prudence, erudition, and politeness deserved the praises of the Greeks themselves, (Cantacuzen. l. i. c. 42.)]

    [Footnote 6: See this whole negotiation in Cantacuzene, (l. iv. c. 9,) who, amidst the praises and virtues which he bestows on himself, reveals the uneasiness of a guilty conscience.]

    Yet of all the Byzantine princes, that pupil, John Palaeologus, was the best disposed to embrace, to believe, and to obey, the shepherd of the West. His mother, Anne of Savoy, was baptized in the bosom of the Latin church: her marriage with Andronicus imposed a change of name, of apparel, and of worship, but her heart was still faithful to her country and religion: she had formed the infancy of her son, and she governed the emperor, after his mind, or at least his stature, was enlarged to the size of man. In the first year of his deliverance and restoration, the Turks were still masters of the Hellespont; the son of Cantacuzene was in arms at Adrianople; and Palaeologus could depend neither on himself nor on his people. By his mother’s advice, and in the hope of foreign aid, he abjured the rights both of the church and state; and the act of slavery, ^7 subscribed in purple ink, and sealed with the golden bull, was privately intrusted to an Italian agent. The first article of the treaty is an oath of fidelity and obedience to Innocent the Sixth and his successors, the supreme pontiffs of the Roman and Catholic church. The emperor promises to entertain with due reverence their legates and nuncios; to assign a palace for their residence, and a temple for their worship; and to deliver his second son Manuel as the hostage of his faith. For these condescensions he requires a prompt succor of fifteen galleys, with five hundred men at arms, and a thousand archers, to serve against his Christian and Mussulman enemies. Palaeologus engages to impose on his clergy and people the same spiritual yoke; but as the resistance of the Greeks might be justly foreseen, he adopts the two effectual methods of corruption and education. The legate was empowered to distribute the vacant benefices among the ecclesiastics who should subscribe the creed of the Vatican: three schools were instituted to instruct the youth of Constantinople in the language and doctrine of the Latins; and the name of Andronicus, the heir of the empire, was enrolled as the first student. Should he fail in the measures of persuasion or force, Palaeologus declares himself unworthy to reign; transferred to the pope all regal and paternal authority; and invests Innocent with full power to regulate the family, the government, and the marriage, of his son and successor. But this treaty was neither executed nor published: the Roman galleys were as vain and imaginary as the submission of the Greeks; and it was only by the secrecy that their sovereign escaped the dishonor of this fruitless humiliation. [Footnote 7: See this ignominious treaty in Fleury, (Hist.

    Eccles. p. 151 – 154,) from Raynaldus, who drew it from the Vatican archives. It was not worth the trouble of a pious forgery.]

    The tempest of the Turkish arms soon burst on his head; and after the loss of Adrianople and Romania, he was enclosed in his capital, the vassal of the haughty Amurath, with the miserable hope of being the last devoured by the savage. In this abject state, Palaeologus embraced the resolution of embarking for Venice, and casting himself at the feet of the pope: he was the first of the Byzantine princes who had ever visited the unknown regions of the West, yet in them alone he could seek consolation or relief; and with less violation of his dignity he might appear in the sacred college than at the Ottoman Porte. After a long absence, the Roman pontiffs were returning from Avignon to the banks of the Tyber: Urban the Fifth, ^8 of a mild and virtuous character, encouraged or allowed the pilgrimage of the Greek prince; and, within the same year, enjoyed the glory of receiving in the Vatican the two Imperial shadows who represented the majesty of Constantine and Charlemagne. In this suppliant visit, the emperor of Constantinople, whose vanity was lost in his distress, gave more than could be expected of empty sounds and formal submissions. A previous trial was imposed; and, in the presence of four cardinals, he acknowledged, as a true Catholic, the supremacy of the pope, and the double procession of the Holy Ghost. After this purification, he was introduced to a public audience in the church of St. Peter: Urban, in the midst of the cardinals, was seated on his throne; the Greek monarch, after three genuflections, devoutly kissed the feet, the hands, and at length the mouth, of the holy father, who celebrated high mass in his presence, allowed him to lead the bridle of his mule, and treated him with a sumptuous banquet in the Vatican. The entertainment of Palaeologus was friendly and honorable; yet some difference was observed between the emperors of the East and West; ^9 nor could the former be entitled to the rare privilege of chanting the gospel in the rank of a deacon. ^10 In favor of his proselyte, Urban strove to rekindle the zeal of the French king and the other powers of the West; but he found them cold in the general cause, and active only in their domestic quarrels. The last hope of the emperor was in an English mercenary, John Hawkwood, ^11 or Acuto, who, with a band of adventurers, the white brotherhood, had ravaged Italy from the Alps to Calabria; sold his services to the hostile states; and incurred a just excommunication by shooting his arrows against the papal residence. A special license was granted to negotiate with the outlaw, but the forces, or the spirit, of Hawkwood, were unequal to the enterprise: and it was for the advantage, perhaps, of Palaeologus to be disappointed of succor, that must have been costly, that could not be effectual, and which might have been dangerous. ^12 The disconsolate Greek ^13 prepared for his return, but even his return was impeded by a most ignominious obstacle. On his arrival at Venice, he had borrowed large sums at exorbitant usury; but his coffers were empty, his creditors were impatient, and his person was detained as the best security for the payment. His eldest son, Andronicus, the regent of Constantinople, was repeatedly urged to exhaust every resource; and even by stripping the churches, to extricate his father from captivity and disgrace. But the unnatural youth was insensible of the disgrace, and secretly pleased with the captivity of the emperor: the state was poor, the clergy were obstinate; nor could some religious scruple be wanting to excuse the guilt of his indifference and delay. Such undutiful neglect was severely reproved by the piety of his brother Manuel, who instantly sold or mortgaged all that he possessed, embarked for Venice, relieved his father, and pledged his own freedom to be responsible for the debt. On his return to Constantinople, the parent and king distinguished his two sons with suitable rewards; but the faith and manners of the slothful Palaeologus had not been improved by his Roman pilgrimage; and his apostasy or conversion, devoid of any spiritual or temporal effects, was speedily forgotten by the Greeks and Latins. ^14

    [Footnote 8: See the two first original Lives of Urban V., (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 623, 635,) and the Ecclesiastical Annals of Spondanus, (tom. i. p. 573, A.D. 1369, No. 7,) and Raynaldus, (Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xx. p. 223, 224.) Yet, from some variations, I suspect the papal writers of slightly magnifying the genuflections of Palaeologus.]

    [Footnote 9: Paullo minus quam si fuisset Imperator Romanorum. Yet his title of Imperator Graecorum was no longer disputed, (Vit. Urban V. p. 623.)] [Footnote 10: It was confined to the successors of Charlemagne, and to them only on Christmas-day. On all other festivals these Imperial deacons were content to serve the pope, as he said mass, with the book and the corporale. Yet the abbe de Sade generously thinks that the merits of Charles IV. might have entitled him, though not on the proper day, (A.D. 1368, November 1,) to the whole privilege. He seems to affix a just value on the privilege and the man, (Vie de Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 735.)]

    [Footnote 11: Through some Italian corruptions, the etymology of Falcone in bosco, (Matteo Villani, l. xi. c. 79, in Muratori, tom. xv. p. 746,) suggests the English word Hawkwood, the true name of our adventurous countryman, (Thomas Walsingham, Hist. Anglican. inter Scriptores Cambdeni, p. 184.) After two-and-twenty victories, and one defeat, he died, in 1394, general of the Florentines, and was buried with such honors as the republic has not paid to Dante or Petrarch, (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xii. p. 212 – 371.)] [Footnote 12: This torrent of English (by birth or service) overflowed from France into Italy after the peace of Bretigny in 1630. Yet the exclamation of Muratori (Annali, tom. xii. p. 197) is rather true than civil. “Ci mancava ancor questo, che dopo essere calpestrata l’Italia da tanti masnadieri Tedeschi ed Ungheri, venissero fin dall’ Inghliterra nuovi cani a finire di divorarla.”]

    [Footnote 13: Chalcondyles, l. i. p. 25, 26. The Greek supposes his journey to the king of France, which is sufficiently refuted by the silence of the national historians. Nor am I much more inclined to believe, that Palaeologus departed from Italy, valde bene consolatus et contentus, (Vit. Urban V. p. 623.)]

    [Footnote 14: His return in 1370, and the coronation of Manuel, Sept. 25, 1373, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 241,) leaves some intermediate aera for the conspiracy and punishment of Andronicus.]

    Thirty years after the return of Palaeologus, his son and successor, Manuel, from a similar motive, but on a larger scale, again visited the countries of the West. In a preceding chapter I have related his treaty with Bajazet, the violation of that treaty, the siege or blockade of Constantinople, and the French succor under the command of the gallant Boucicault. ^15 By his ambassadors, Manuel had solicited the Latin powers; but it was thought that the presence of a distressed monarch would draw tears and supplies from the hardest Barbarians; ^16 and the marshal who advised the journey prepared the reception of the Byzantine prince. The land was occupied by the Turks; but the navigation of Venice was safe and open: Italy received him as the first, or, at least, as the second, of the Christian princes; Manuel was pitied as the champion and confessor of the faith; and the dignity of his behavior prevented that pity from sinking into contempt. From Venice he proceeded to Padua and Pavia; and even the duke of Milan, a secret ally of Bajazet, gave him safe and honorable conduct to the verge of his dominions. ^17 On the confines of France ^18 the royal officers undertook the care of his person, journey, and expenses; and two thousand of the richest citizens, in arms and on horseback, came forth to meet him as far as Charenton, in the neighborhood of the capital. At the gates of Paris, he was saluted by the chancellor and the parliament; and Charles the Sixth, attended by his princes and nobles, welcomed his brother with a cordial embrace. The successor of Constantine was clothed in a robe of white silk, and mounted on a milk-white steed, a circumstance, in the French ceremonial, of singular importance: the white color is considered as the symbol of sovereignty; and, in a late visit, the German emperor, after a haughty demand and a peevish refusal, had been reduced to content himself with a black courser. Manuel was lodged in the Louvre; a succession of feasts and balls, the pleasures of the banquet and the chase, were ingeniously varied by the politeness of the French, to display their magnificence, and amuse his grief: he was indulged in the liberty of his chapel; and the doctors of the Sorbonne were astonished, and possibly scandalized, by the language, the rites, and the vestments, of his Greek clergy. But the slightest glance on the state of the kingdom must teach him to despair of any effectual assistance. The unfortunate Charles, though he enjoyed some lucid intervals, continually relapsed into furious or stupid insanity: the reins of government were alternately seized by his brother and uncle, the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, whose factious competition prepared the miseries of civil war. The former was a gay youth, dissolved in luxury and love: the latter was the father of John count of Nevers, who had so lately been ransomed from Turkish captivity; and, if the fearless son was ardent to revenge his defeat, the more prudent Burgundy was content with the cost and peril of the first experiment. When Manuel had satiated the curiosity, and perhaps fatigued the patience, of the French, he resolved on a visit to the adjacent island. In his progress from Dover, he was entertained at Canterbury with due reverence by the prior and monks of St. Austin; and, on Blackheath, King Henry the Fourth, with the English court, saluted the Greek hero, (I copy our old historian,) who, during many days, was lodged and treated in London as emperor of the East. ^19 But the state of England was still more adverse to the design of the holy war. In the same year, the hereditary sovereign had been deposed and murdered: the reigning prince was a successful usurper, whose ambition was punished by jealousy and remorse: nor could Henry of Lancaster withdraw his person or forces from the defence of a throne incessantly shaken by conspiracy and rebellion. He pitied, he praised, he feasted, the emperor of Constantinople; but if the English monarch assumed the cross, it was only to appease his people, and perhaps his conscience, by the merit or semblance of his pious intention.

    ^20 Satisfied, however, with gifts and honors, Manuel returned to Paris; and, after a residence of two years in the West, shaped his course through Germany and Italy, embarked at Venice, and patiently expected, in the Morea, the moment of his ruin or deliverance. Yet he had escaped the ignominious necessity of offering his religion to public or private sale. The Latin church was distracted by the great schism; the kings, the nations, the universities, of Europe were divided in their obedience between the popes of Rome and Avignon; and the emperor, anxious to conciliate the friendship of both parties, abstained from any correspondence with the indigent and unpopular rivals. His journey coincided with the year of the jubilee; but he passed through Italy without desiring, or deserving, the plenary indulgence which abolished the guilt or penance of the sins of the faithful. The Roman pope was offended by this neglect; accused him of irreverence to an image of Christ; and exhorted the princes of Italy to reject and abandon the obstinate schismatic. ^21

    [Footnote 15: Memoires de Boucicault, P. i. c. 35, 36.]

    [Footnote 16: His journey into the west of Europe is slightly, and I believe reluctantly, noticed by Chalcondyles (l. ii. c. 44 – 50) and Ducas, (c. 14.)] [Footnote 17: Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xii. p. 406. John Galeazzo was the first and most powerful duke of Milan. His connection with Bajazet is attested by Froissard; and he contributed to save and deliver the French captives of Nicopolis.]

    [Footnote 18: For the reception of Manuel at Paris, see Spondanus, (Annal. Eccles. tom. i. p. 676, 677, A.D. 1400, No. 5,) who quotes Juvenal des Ursins and the monk of St. Denys; and Villaret, (Hist. de France, tom. xii. p. 331 – 334,) who quotes nobody according to the last fashion of the French writers.] [Footnote 19: A short note of Manuel in England is extracted by Dr. Hody from a Ms. at Lambeth, (de Graecis illustribus, p. 14,) C. P. Imperator, diu variisque et horrendis Paganorum insultibus coarctatus, ut pro eisdem resistentiam triumphalem perquireret, Anglorum Regem visitare decrevit,

    &c. Rex (says Walsingham, p. 364) nobili apparatu . . . suscepit (ut decuit) tantum Heroa, duxitque Londonias, et per multos dies exhibuit gloriose, pro expensis hospitii sui solvens, et eum respiciens tanto fastigio donativis. He repeats the same in his Upodigma Neustriae, (p. 556.)]

    [Footnote 20: Shakspeare begins and ends the play of Henry IV. with that prince’s vow of a crusade, and his belief that he should die in Jerusalem.]

    [Footnote 21: This fact is preserved in the Historia Politica, A.D. 1391 – 1478, published by Martin Crusius, (Turco Graecia, p. 1 – 43.) The image of Christ, which the Greek emperor refused to worship, was probably a work of sculpture.]

    Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.

    Part II.

    During the period of the crusades, the Greeks beheld with

    astonishment and terror the perpetual stream of emigration that flowed, and continued to flow, from the unknown climates of their West. The visits of their last emperors removed the veil of separation, and they disclosed to their eyes the powerful nations of Europe, whom they no longer presumed to brand with the name of Barbarians. The observations of Manuel, and his more inquisitive followers, have been preserved by a Byzantine historian of the times: ^22 his scattered ideas I shall collect and abridge; and it may be amusing enough, perhaps instructive, to contemplate the rude pictures of Germany, France, and England, whose ancient and modern state are so familiar to our minds. I. Germany (says the Greek Chalcondyles) is of ample latitude from Vienna to the ocean; and it stretches (a strange geography) from Prague in Bohemia to the River Tartessus, and the Pyrenaean Mountains. ^23 The

    soil, except in figs and olives, is sufficiently fruitful; the air is salubrious; the bodies of the natives are robust and healthy; and these cold regions are seldom visited with the calamities of pestilence, or earthquakes. After the Scythians or Tartars, the Germans are the most numerous of nations: they are brave and patient; and were they united under a single head, their force would be irresistible. By the gift of the pope, they have acquired the privilege of choosing the Roman emperor; ^24 nor is any people more devoutly attached to the faith and obedience of the Latin patriarch. The greatest part of the country is divided among the princes and prelates; but Strasburg, Cologne, Hamburgh, and more than two hundred free cities, are governed by sage and equal laws, according to the will, and for the advantage, of the whole community. The use of duels, or single combats on foot, prevails among them in peace and war: their industry excels in all the mechanic arts; and the Germans may boast of the invention of gunpowder and cannon, which is now diffused over the greatest part of the world. II. The kingdom of France is spread above fifteen or twenty days’ journey from Germany to Spain, and from the Alps to the British Ocean; containing many flourishing cities, and among these Paris, the seat of the king, which surpasses the rest in riches and luxury. Many princes and lords alternately wait in his palace, and acknowledge him as their sovereign: the most powerful are the dukes of Bretagne and Burgundy; of whom the latter possesses the wealthy province of Flanders, whose harbors are frequented by the ships and merchants of our own, and the more remote, seas. The French are an ancient and opulent people; and their language and manners, though somewhat different, are not dissimilar from those of the Italians. Vain of the Imperial dignity of Charlemagne, of their victories over the Saracens, and of the exploits of their heroes, Oliver and Rowland, ^25 they esteem themselves the first of the western nations; but this foolish arrogance has been recently humbled by the unfortunate events of their wars against the English, the inhabitants of the British island. III. Britain, in the ocean, and opposite to the shores of Flanders, may be considered either as one, or as three islands; but the whole is united by a

    common interest, by the same manners, and by a similar government. The measure of its circumference is five thousand stadia: the land is overspread with towns and villages: though destitute of wine, and not abounding in fruit-trees, it is fertile in wheat and barley; in honey and wool; and much cloth is manufactured by the inhabitants. In populousness and power, in richness and luxury, London, ^26 the metropolis of the isle, may claim a preeminence over all the cities of the West. It is situate on the Thames, a broad and rapid river, which at the distance of thirty miles falls into the Gallic Sea; and the daily flow and ebb of the tide affords a safe entrance and departure to the vessels of commerce. The king is head of a powerful and turbulent aristocracy: his principal vassals hold their estates by a free and unalterable tenure; and the laws define the limits of his authority and their obedience. The kingdom has been often afflicted by foreign conquest and domestic sedition: but the natives are bold and hardy, renowned in arms and victorious in war. The form of their shields or targets is derived from the Italians, that of their swords from the Greeks; the use of the long bow is the peculiar and decisive advantage of the English. Their language bears no affinity to the idioms of the Continent: in the habits of domestic life, they are not easily distinguished from their neighbors of France: but the most singular circumstance of their manners is their disregard of conjugal honor and of female chastity. In their mutual visits, as the first act of hospitality, the guest is welcomed in the embraces of their wives and daughters: among friends they are lent and borrowed without shame; nor are the islanders offended at this strange commerce, and its inevitable consequences. ^27 Informed as we are of the customs of Old England and assured of the virtue of our mothers, we may smile at the credulity, or resent the injustice, of the Greek, who must have confounded a modest salute ^28 with a criminal embrace. But his credulity and injustice may teach an important lesson; to distrust the accounts of foreign and remote nations, and to suspend our belief of every tale that deviates from the laws of nature and the character of man. ^29

    [Footnote 22: The Greek and Turkish history of Laonicus Chalcondyles ends with the winter of 1463; and the abrupt conclusion seems to mark, that he laid down his pen in the same year. We know that he was an Athenian, and that some contemporaries of the same name contributed to the revival of the Greek language in Italy. But in his numerous digressions, the modest historian has never introduced himself; and his editor Leunclavius, as well as Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 474,) seems ignorant of his life and character. For his descriptions of Germany, France, and England, see l. ii. p. 36, 37, 44 – 50.]

    [Footnote 23: I shall not animadvert on the geographical errors of Chalcondyles. In this instance, he perhaps followed, and mistook, Herodotus, (l. ii. c. 33,) whose text may be explained, (Herodote de Larcher, tom. ii. p. 219, 220,) or whose ignorance may be excused. Had these modern Greeks never read Strabo, or any of their lesser geographers?]

    [Footnote 24: A citizen of new Rome, while new Rome survived, would have scorned to dignify the German with titles: but all pride was extinct in the bosom of Chalcondyles; and he describes the Byzantine prince, and his subject, by the proper, though humble, names.]

    [Footnote 25: Most of the old romances were translated in the xivth century into French prose, and soon became the favorite amusement of the knights and ladies in the court of Charles VI. If a Greek believed in the exploits of Rowland and Oliver, he may surely be excused, since the monks of St. Denys, the national historians, have inserted the fables of Archbishop Turpin in their Chronicles of France.]

    [Footnote 26: Even since the time of Fitzstephen, (the xiith century,) London appears to have maintained this preeminence of wealth and magnitude; and her gradual increase has, at least, kept pace with the general improvement of Europe.]

    [Footnote 27: If the double sense of the verb (osculor, and in utero gero) be equivocal, the context and pious horror of

    Chalcondyles can leave no doubt of his meaning and mistake, (p. 49.)

    Note: I can discover no “pious horror” in the plain manner

    in which Chalcondyles relates this strange usage. Gibbon is possibly right as to the origin of this extraordinary mistake. – M.]

    [Footnote 28: Erasmus (Epist. Fausto Andrelino) has a pretty passage on the English fashion of kissing strangers on their arrival and departure, from whence, however, he draws no scandalous inferences.]

    [Footnote 29: Perhaps we may apply this remark to the community of wives among the old Britons, as it is supposed by Caesar and Dion, (Dion Cassius, l. lxii. tom. ii. p. 1007,) with Reimar’s judicious annotation. The Arreoy of Otaheite, so certain at first, is become less visible and scandalous, in proportion as we

    have

    studied the manners of that gentle and amorous people.] After his return, and the victory of Timour, Manuel reigned

    many years in prosperity and peace. As long as the sons of Bajazet solicited his friendship and spared his dominions, he was satisfied with the national religion; and his leisure was employed in composing twenty theological dialogues for its defence. The appearance of the Byzantine ambassadors at the council of Constance, ^30 announces the restoration of the Turkish power, as well as of the Latin church: the conquest of the sultans, Mahomet and Amurath, reconciled the emperor to the Vatican; and the siege of Constantinople almost tempted him to acquiesce in the double procession of the Holy Ghost. When Martin the Fifth ascended without a rival the chair of St. Peter, a friendly intercourse of letters and embassies was revived between the East and West. Ambition on one side, and distress on the other, dictated the same decent language of charity and peace: the artful Greek expressed a desire of

    marrying his six sons to Italian princesses; and the Roman, not less artful, despatched the daughter of the marquis of Montferrat, with a company of noble virgins, to soften, by their charms, the obstinacy of the schismatics. Yet under this mask of zeal, a discerning eye will perceive that all was hollow and insincere in the court and church of Constantinople. According to the vicissitudes of danger and repose, the emperor advanced or retreated; alternately instructed and disavowed his ministers; and escaped from the importunate pressure by urging the duty of inquiry, the obligation of collecting the sense of his patriarchs and bishops, and the impossibility of convening them at a time when the Turkish arms were at the gates of his capital. From a review of the public transactions it will appear that the Greeks insisted on three successive measures, a succor, a council, and a final reunion, while the Latins eluded the second, and only promised the first, as a consequential and voluntary reward of the third. But we have an opportunity of unfolding the most secret intentions of Manuel, as he explained them in a private conversation without artifice or disguise. In his declining age, the emperor had associated John Palaeologus, the second of the name, and the eldest of his sons, on whom he devolved the greatest part of the authority and weight of government. One day, in the presence only of the historian Phranza, ^31 his favorite chamberlain, he opened to his colleague and successor the true principle of his negotiations with the pope. ^32 “Our last resource,” said Manuel, against the Turks, “is their fear of our union with the Latins, of the warlike nations of the West, who may arm for our relief and for their destruction. As often as you are threatened by the miscreants, present this danger before their eyes. Propose a council; consult on the means; but ever delay and avoid the convocation of an assembly, which cannot tend either to our spiritual or temporal emolument. The Latins are proud; the Greeks are obstinate; neither party will recede or retract; and the attempt of a perfect union will confirm the schism, alienate the churches, and leave us, without hope or defence, at the mercy of the Barbarians.” Impatient of this salutary lesson, the royal youth arose from his seat, and departed in silence;

    and the wise monarch (continued Phranza) casting his eyes on me, thus resumed his discourse: “My son deems himself a great and heroic prince; but, alas! our miserable age does not afford scope for heroism or greatness. His daring spirit might have suited the happier times of our ancestors; but the present state requires not an emperor, but a cautious steward of the last relics of our fortunes. Well do I remember the lofty expectations which he built on our alliance with Mustapha; and much do I fear, that this rash courage will urge the ruin of our house, and that even religion may precipitate our downfall.” Yet the experience and authority of Manuel preserved the peace, and eluded the council; till, in the seventy-eighth year of his age, and in the habit of a monk, he terminated his career, dividing his precious movables among his children and the poor, his physicians and his favorite servants. Of his six sons, ^33 Andronicus the Second was invested with the principality of Thessalonica, and died of a leprosy soon after the sale of that city to the Venetians and its final conquest by the Turks. Some fortunate incidents had restored Peloponnesus, or the Morea, to the empire; and in his more prosperous days, Manuel had fortified the narrow isthmus of six miles ^34 with a stone wall and one hundred and fifty-three towers. The wall was overthrown by the first blast of the Ottomans; the fertile peninsula might have been sufficient for the four younger brothers, Theodore and Constantine, Demetrius and Thomas; but they wasted in domestic contests the remains of their strength; and the least successful of the rivals were reduced to a life of dependence in the Byzantine palace.

    [Footnote 30: See Lenfant, Hist. du Concile de Constance, tom. ii. p. 576; and or the ecclesiastical history of the times, the Annals of Spondanus the Bibliotheque of Dupin, tom. xii., and xxist and xxiid volumes of the History, or rather the Continuation, of Fleury.]

    [Footnote 31: From his early youth, George Phranza, or Phranzes, was employed in the service of the state and palace; and Hanckius (de Script. Byzant. P. i. c. 40) has collected his life from his own writings. He was no more than four-and-

    twenty years of age at the death of Manuel, who recommended him in the strongest terms to his successor: Imprimis vero hunc Phranzen tibi commendo, qui ministravit mihi fideliter et diligenter (Phranzes, l. ii. c. i.) Yet the emperor John was cold, and he preferred the service of the despots of Peloponnesus.]

    [Footnote 32: See Phranzes, l. ii. c. 13. While so many manuscripts of the Greek original are extant in the libraries of Rome, Milan, the Escurial, &c., it is a matter of shame and reproach, that we should be reduced to the Latin version, or abstract, of James Pontanus, (ad calcem Theophylact, Simocattae: Ingolstadt, 1604,) so deficient in accuracy and elegance, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 615 – 620.)

    Note: The Greek text of Phranzes was edited by F. C. Alter

    Vindobonae. It has been re-edited by Bekker for the new edition of the Byzantines, Bonn, 1838 – M.]

    [Footnote 33: See Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 243 – 248.]

    [Footnote 34: The exact measure of the Hexamilion, from sea to sea, was 3800 orgyiae, or toises, of six Greek feet, (Phranzes, l. i. c. 38,) which would produce a Greek mile, still smaller than that of 660 French toises, which is assigned by D’Anville, as still in use in Turkey. Five miles are commonly reckoned for the breadth of the isthmus. See the Travels of Spon, Wheeler and Chandler.]

    The eldest of the sons of Manuel, John Palaeologus the

    Second, was acknowledged, after his father’s death, as the sole emperor of the Greeks. He immediately proceeded to repudiate his wife, and to contract a new marriage with the princess of Trebizond: beauty was in his eyes the first qualification of an empress; and the clergy had yielded to his firm assurance, that unless he might be indulged in a divorce, he would retire to a cloister, and leave the throne to his brother Constantine. The first, and in truth the only, victory of Palaeologus, was over a Jew, ^35 whom, after a long and learned dispute, he

    converted to the Christian faith; and this momentous conquest is carefully recorded in the history of the times. But he soon resumed the design of uniting the East and West; and, regardless of his father’s advice, listened, as it should seem with sincerity, to the proposal of meeting the pope in a general council beyond the Adriatic. This dangerous project was encouraged by Martin the Fifth, and coldly entertained by his successor Eugenius, till, after a tedious negotiation, the emperor received a summons from the Latin assembly of a new character, the independent prelates of Basil, who styled themselves the representatives and judges of the Catholic church. [Footnote 35: The first objection of the Jews is on the death of Christ: if it were voluntary, Christ was a suicide; which the emperor parries with a mystery. They then dispute on the conception of the Virgin, the sense of the prophecies, &c., (Phranzes, l. ii. c. 12, a whole chapter.)]

    The Roman pontiff had fought and conquered in the cause of

    ecclesiastical freedom; but the victorious clergy were soon exposed to the tyranny of their deliverer; and his sacred character was invulnerable to those arms which they found so keen and effectual against the civil magistrate. Their great charter, the right of election, was annihilated by appeals, evaded by trusts or commendams, disappointed by reversionary grants, and superseded by previous and arbitrary reservations. ^36 A public auction was instituted in the court of Rome: the cardinals and favorites were enriched with the spoils of nations; and every country might complain that the most important and valuable benefices were accumulated on the heads of aliens and absentees. During their residence at Avignon, the ambition of the popes subsided in the meaner passions of avarice ^37 and luxury: they rigorously imposed on the clergy the tributes of first-fruits and tenths; but they freely tolerated the impunity of vice, disorder, and corruption. These manifold scandals were aggravated by the great schism of the West, which continued above fifty years. In the furious conflicts of Rome and Avignon, the vices of the rivals were

    mutually exposed; and their precarious situation degraded their authority, relaxed their discipline, and multiplied their wants and exactions. To heal the wounds, and restore the monarchy, of the church, the synods of Pisa and Constance ^38 were successively convened; but these great assemblies, conscious of their strength, resolved to vindicate the privileges of the Christian aristocracy. From a personal sentence against two pontiffs, whom they rejected, and a third, their acknowledged sovereign, whom they deposed, the fathers of Constance proceeded to examine the nature and limits of the Roman supremacy; nor did they separate till they had established the authority, above the pope, of a general council. It was enacted, that, for the government and reformation of the church, such assemblies should be held at regular intervals; and that each synod, before its dissolution, should appoint the time and place of the subsequent meeting. By the influence of the court of Rome, the next convocation at Sienna was easily eluded; but the bold and vigorous proceedings of the council of Basil ^39 had almost been fatal to the reigning pontiff, Eugenius the Fourth. A just suspicion of his design prompted the fathers to hasten the promulgation of their first decree, that the representatives of the church-militant on earth were invested with a divine and spiritual jurisdiction over all Christians, without excepting the pope; and that a general council could not be dissolved, prorogued, or transferred, unless by their free deliberation and consent. On the notice that Eugenius had fulminated a bull for that purpose, they ventured to summon, to admonish, to threaten, to censure the contumacious successor of St. Peter. After many delays, to allow time for repentance, they finally declared, that, unless he submitted within the term of sixty days, he was suspended from the exercise of all temporal and ecclesiastical authority. And to mark their jurisdiction over the prince as well as the priest, they assumed the government of Avignon, annulled the alienation of the sacred patrimony, and protected Rome from the imposition of new taxes. Their boldness was justified, not only by the general opinion of the clergy, but by the support and power of the first monarchs of Christendom: the emperor Sigismond declared himself the

    servant and protector of the synod; Germany and France adhered to their cause; the duke of Milan was the enemy of Eugenius; and he was driven from the Vatican by an insurrection of the Roman people. Rejected at the same time by temporal and spiritual subjects, submission was his only choice: by a most humiliating bull, the pope repealed his own acts, and ratified those of the council; incorporated his legates and cardinals with that venerable body; and seemed to resign himself to the decrees of the supreme legislature. Their fame pervaded the countries of the East: and it was in their presence that Sigismond received the ambassadors of the Turkish sultan, ^40 who laid at his feet twelve large vases, filled with robes of silk and pieces of gold. The fathers of Basil aspired to the glory of reducing the Greeks, as well as the Bohemians, within the pale of the church; and their deputies invited the emperor and patriarch of Constantinople to unite with an assembly which possessed the confidence of the Western nations. Palaeologus was not averse to the proposal; and his ambassadors were introduced with due honors into the Catholic senate. But the choice of the place appeared to be an insuperable obstacle, since he refused to pass the Alps, or the sea of Sicily, and positively required that the synod should be adjourned to some convenient city in Italy, or at least on the Danube. The other articles of this treaty were more readily stipulated: it was agreed to defray the travelling expenses of the emperor, with a train of seven hundred persons, ^41 to remit an immediate sum of eight thousand ducats ^42 for the accommodation of the Greek clergy; and in his absence to grant a supply of ten thousand ducats, with three hundred archers and some galleys, for the protection of Constantinople. The city of Avignon advanced the funds for the preliminary expenses; and the embarkation was prepared at Marseilles with some difficulty and delay. [Footnote 36: In the treatise delle Materie Beneficiarie of Fra Paolo, (in the ivth volume of the last, and best, edition of his works,) the papal system is deeply studied and freely described. Should Rome and her religion be annihilated, this golden volume may still survive, a philosophical history, and a salutary warning.]

    [Footnote 37: Pope John XXII. (in 1334) left behind him, at Avignon, eighteen millions of gold florins, and the value of seven millions more in plate and jewels. See the Chronicle of John Villani, (l. xi. c. 20, in Muratori’s Collection, tom. xiii. p. 765,) whose brother received the account from the papal treasurers. A treasure of six or eight millions sterling in the xivth century is enormous, and almost incredible.]

    [Footnote 38: A learned and liberal Protestant, M. Lenfant, has given a fair history of the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basil, in six volumes in quarto; but the last part is the most hasty and imperfect, except in the account of the troubles of Bohemia.]

    [Footnote 39: The original acts or minutes of the council of Basil are preserved in the public library, in twelve volumes in folio. Basil was a free city, conveniently situate on the Rhine, and guarded by the arms of the neighboring and confederate Swiss.

    In 1459, the university was founded by Pope Pius II., (Aeneas Sylvius,) who had been secretary to the council. But what is a council, or a university, to the presses o Froben and the studies of Erasmus?]

    [Footnote 40: This Turkish embassy, attested only by Crantzius, is related with some doubt by the annalist Spondanus, A.D. 1433, No. 25, tom. i. p. 824] [Footnote 41: Syropulus, p. 19. In this list, the Greeks appear to have exceeded the real numbers of the clergy and laity which afterwards attended the emperor and patriarch, but which are not clearly specified by the great ecclesiarch. The 75,000 florins which they asked in this negotiation of the pope, (p. 9,) were more than they could hope or want.]

    [Footnote 42: I use indifferently the words ducat and florin, which derive their names, the former from the dukes of Milan, the latter from the republic of Florence. These gold pieces, the first that were coined in Italy, perhaps in the Latin world, may be compared in weight and value to one third of the English guinea.]

    In his distress, the friendship of Palaeologus was disputed

    by the ecclesiastical powers of the West; but the dexterous activity of a monarch prevailed over the slow debates and inflexible temper of a republic. The decrees of Basil continually tended to circumscribe the despotism of the pope, and to erect a supreme and perpetual tribunal in the church. Eugenius was impatient of the yoke; and the union of the Greeks might afford a decent pretence for translating a rebellious synod from the Rhine to the Po. The independence of the fathers was lost if they passed the Alps: Savoy or Avignon, to which they acceded with reluctance, were described at Constantinople as situate far beyond the pillars of Hercules; ^43 the emperor and his clergy were apprehensive of the dangers of a long navigation; they were offended by a haughty declaration, that after suppressing the new heresy of the Bohemians, the council would soon eradicate the old heresy of the Greeks. ^44 On the side of Eugenius, all was smooth, and yielding, and respectful; and he invited the Byzantine monarch to heal by his presence the schism of the Latin, as well as of the Eastern, church. Ferrara, near the coast of the Adriatic, was proposed for their amicable interview; and with some indulgence of forgery and theft, a surreptitious decree was procured, which transferred the synod, with its own consent, to that Italian city. Nine galleys were equipped for the service at Venice, and in the Isle of Candia; their diligence anticipated the slower vessels of Basil: the Roman admiral was commissioned to burn, sink, and destroy; ^45 and these priestly squadrons might have encountered each other in the same seas where Athens and Sparta had formerly contended for the preeminence of glory. Assaulted by the importunity of the factions, who were ready to fight for the possession of his person, Palaeologus hesitated before he left his palace and country on a perilous experiment. His father’s advice still dwelt on his memory; and reason must suggest, that since the Latins were divided among themselves, they could never unite in a foreign cause. Sigismond dissuaded the unreasonable adventure; his advice was impartial, since he adhered to the

    council; and it was enforced by the strange belief, that the German Caesar would nominate a Greek his heir and successor in the empire of the West. ^46 Even the Turkish sultan was a counsellor whom it might be unsafe to trust, but whom it was dangerous to offend. Amurath was unskilled in the disputes, but he was apprehensive of the union, of the Christians. From his own treasures, he offered to relieve the wants of the Byzantine court; yet he declared with seeming magnanimity, that Constantinople should be secure and inviolate, in the absence of her sovereign. ^47 The resolution of Palaeologus was decided by the most splendid gifts and the most specious promises: he wished to escape for a while from a scene of danger and distress and after dismissing with an ambiguous answer the messengers of the council, he declared his intention of embarking in the Roman galleys. The age of the patriarch Joseph was more susceptible of fear than of hope; he trembled at the perils of the sea, and expressed his apprehension, that his feeble voice, with thirty perhaps of his orthodox brethren, would be oppressed in a foreign land by the power and numbers of a Latin synod. He yielded to the royal mandate, to the flattering assurance, that he would be heard as the oracle of nations, and to the secret wish of learning from his brother of the West, to deliver the church from the yoke of kings. ^48 The five cross-bearers, or dignitaries, of St.Sophia, were bound to attend his person; and one of these, the great ecclesiarch or preacher, Sylvester Syropulus, ^49 has composed a free and curious history ^50 of the false union. ^51 Of the clergy that reluctantly obeyed the summons of the emperor and the patriarch, submission was the first duty, and patience the most useful virtue. In a chosen list of twenty bishops, we discover the metropolitan titles of Heracleae and Cyzicus, Nice and Nicomedia, Ephesus and Trebizond, and the personal merit of Mark and Bessarion who, in the confidence of their learning and eloquence, were promoted to the episcopal rank. Some monks and philosophers were named to display the science and sanctity of the Greek church; and the service of the choir was performed by a select band of singers and musicians. The patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, appeared by

    their genuine or fictitious deputies; the primate of Russia represented a national church, and the Greeks might contend with the Latins in the extent of their spiritual empire. The precious vases of St. Sophia were exposed to the winds and waves, that the patriarch might officiate with becoming splendor: whatever gold the emperor could procure, was expended in the massy ornaments of his bed and chariot; ^52 and while they affected to maintain the prosperity of their ancient fortune, they quarrelled for the division of fifteen thousand ducats, the first alms of the Roman pontiff. After the necessary preparations, John Palaeologus, with a numerous train, accompanied by his brother Demetrius, and the most respectable persons of the church and state, embarked in eight vessels with sails and oars which steered through the Turkish Straits of Gallipoli to the Archipelago, the Morea, and the Adriatic Gulf. ^53

    [Footnote 43: At the end of the Latin version of Phranzes, we read a long Greek epistle or declamation of George of Trebizond, who advises the emperor to prefer Eugenius and Italy. He treats with contempt the schismatic assembly of Basil, the Barbarians of Gaul and Germany, who had conspired to transport the chair of St. Peter beyond the Alps. Was Constantinople unprovided with a map?]

    [Footnote 44: Syropulus (p. 26 – 31) attests his own indignation, and that of his countrymen; and the Basil deputies, who excused the rash declaration, could neither deny nor alter an act of the council.]

    [Footnote 45: The naval orders of the synod were less peremptory, and, till the hostile squadrons appeared, both parties tried to conceal their quarrel from the Greeks.]

    [Footnote 46: Syropulus mentions the hopes of Palaeologus, (p. 36,) and the last advice of Sigismond,(p. 57.) At Corfu, the Greek emperor was informed of his friend’s death; had he known it sooner, he would have returned home,(p. 79.)]

    [Footnote 47: Phranzes himself, though from different motives, was of the advice of Amurath, (l. ii. c. 13.) Utinam ne synodus

    ista unquam fuisset, si tantes offensiones et detrimenta paritura erat. This Turkish embassy is likewise mentioned by Syropulus, (p. 58;) and Amurath kept his word. He might threaten, (p. 125, 219,) but he never attacked, the city.] [Footnote 48: The reader will smile at the simplicity with which he imparted these hopes to his favorites (p. 92.) Yet it would have been difficult for him to have practised the lessons of Gregory VII.]

    [Footnote 49: The Christian name of Sylvester is borrowed from the Latin calendar. In modern Greek, as a diminutive, is added to the end of words: nor can any reasoning of Creyghton, the editor, excuse his changing into Sguropulus, (Sguros, fuscus,) the Syropulus of his own manuscript, whose name is subscribed with his own hand in the acts of the council of Florence. Why might not the author be of Syrian extraction?]

    [Footnote 50: From the conclusion of the history, I should fix the date to the year 1444, four years after the synod, when great ecclesiarch had abdicated his office, (section xii. p. 330 – 350.) His passions were cooled by time and retirement; and, although Syropulus is often partial, he is never intemperate.]

    [Footnote 51: Vera historia unionis non veroe inter Graecos et Latinos, (Hagae Comitis, 1660, in folio,) was first published with a loose and florid version, by Robert Creyghton, chaplain to Charles II. in his exile. The zeal of the editor has prefixed a polemic title, for the beginning of the original is wanting. Syropulus may be ranked with the best of the Byzantine writers for the merit of his narration, and even of his style; but he is excluded from the orthodox collections of the councils.]

    [Footnote 52: Syropulus (p. 63) simply expresses his intention; and the Latin of Creyghton may afford a specimen of his florid paraphrase. Ut pompa circumductus noster Imperator Italiae populis aliquis deauratus Jupiter crederetur, aut Croesus ex opulenta Lydia.]

    [Footnote 53: Although I cannot stop to quote Syropulus for every fact, I will observe that the navigation of the Greeks from

    Constantinople to Venice and Ferrara is contained in the ivth section, (p. 67 – 100,) and that the historian has the uncommon talent of placing each scene before the reader’s eye.]

    Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.

    Part III.

    After a tedious and troublesome navigation of seventy-seven

    days, this religious squadron cast anchor before Venice; and their reception proclaimed the joy and magnificence of that powerful republic. In the command of the world, the modest Augustus had never claimed such honors from his subjects as were paid to his feeble successor by an independent state. Seated on the poop on a lofty throne, he received the visit, or, in the Greek style, the adoration of the doge and senators. ^54 They sailed in the Bucentaur, which was accompanied by twelve stately galleys: the sea was overspread with innumerable gondolas of pomp and pleasure; the air resounded with music and acclamations; the mariners, and even the vessels, were dressed in silk and gold; and in all the emblems and pageants, the Roman eagles were blended with the lions of St. Mark. The triumphal procession, ascending the great canal, passed under the bridge of the Rialto; and the Eastern strangers gazed with admiration on the palaces, the churches, and the populousness of a city, that seems to float on the bosom of the waves. ^55 They sighed to behold the spoils and trophies with which it had been decorated after the sack of Constantinople. After a hospitable entertainment of fifteen days, Palaeologus pursued his journey by land and water from Venice to Ferrara; and on this occasion the pride of the Vatican was tempered by policy to indulge the ancient dignity of the emperor of the East. He made his entry on a black horse; but a milk-white steed, whose trappings were

    embroidered with golden eagles, was led before him; and the canopy was borne over his head by the princes of Este, the sons or kinsmen of Nicholas, marquis of the city, and a sovereign more powerful than himself. ^56 Palaeologus did not alight till he reached the bottom of the staircase: the pope advanced to the door of the apartment; refused his proffered genuflection; and, after a paternal embrace, conducted the emperor to a seat on his left hand. Nor would the patriarch descend from his galley, till a ceremony almost equal, had been stipulated between the bishops of Rome and Constantinople. The latter was saluted by his brother with a kiss of union and charity; nor would any of the Greek ecclesiastics submit to kiss the feet of the Western primate. On the opening of the synod, the place of honor in the centre was claimed by the temporal and ecclesiastical chiefs; and it was only by alleging that his predecessors had not assisted in person at Nice or Chalcedon, that Eugenius could evade the ancient precedents of Constantine and Marcian. After much debate, it was agreed that the right and left sides of the church should be occupied by the two nations; that the solitary chair of St. Peter should be raised the first of the Latin line; and that the throne of the Greek emperor, at the head of his clergy, should be equal and opposite to the second place, the vacant seat of the emperor of the West. ^57

    [Footnote 54: At the time of the synod, Phranzes was in Peloponnesus: but he received from the despot Demetrius a faithful account of the honorable reception of the emperor and patriarch both at Venice and Ferrara, (Dux . . . . sedentem Imperatorem adorat,) which are more slightly mentioned by the Latins, (l. ii. c. 14, 15, 16.)]

    [Footnote 55: The astonishment of a Greek prince and a French ambassador (Memoires de Philippe de Comines, l. vii. c. 18,) at the sight of Venice, abundantly proves that in the xvth century it was the first and most splendid of the Christian cities. For the spoils of Constantinople at Venice, see Syropulus, (p. 87.)]

    [Footnote 56: Nicholas III. of Este reigned forty-eight years, (A.D. 1393 – 1441,) and was lord of Ferrara, Modena, Reggio, Parma, Rovigo, and Commachio. See his Life in Muratori, (Antichita Estense, tom. ii. p. 159 – 201.)] [Footnote 57: The Latin vulgar was provoked to laughter at the strange dresses of the Greeks, and especially the length of their garments, their sleeves, and their beards; nor was the emperor distinguished, except by the purple color, and his diadem or tiara, with a jewel on the top, (Hody de Graecis Illustribus, p. 31.) Yet another spectator confesses that the Greek fashion was piu grave e piu degna than the Italian. (Vespasiano in Vit. Eugen. IV. in Muratori, tom. xxv. p. 261.)]

    But as soon as festivity and form had given place to a more

    serious treaty, the Greeks were dissatisfied with their journey, with themselves, and with the pope. The artful pencil of his emissaries had painted him in a prosperous state; at the head of the princes and prelates of Europe, obedient at his voice, to believe and to arm. The thin appearance of the universal synod of Ferrara betrayed his weakness: and the Latins opened the first session with only five archbishops, eighteen bishops, and ten abbots, the greatest part of whom were the subjects or countrymen of the Italian pontiff. Except the duke of Burgundy, none of the potentates of the West condescended to appear in person, or by their ambassadors; nor was it possible to suppress the judicial acts of Basil against the dignity and person of Eugenius, which were finally concluded by a new election. Under these circumstances, a truce or delay was asked and granted, till Palaeologus could expect from the consent of the Latins some temporal reward for an unpopular union; and after the first session, the public proceedings were adjourned above six months. The emperor, with a chosen band of his favorites and Janizaries, fixed his summer residence at a pleasant, spacious monastery, six miles from Ferrara; forgot, in the pleasures of the chase, the distress of the church and state; and persisted in destroying the game, without listening to the just complaints of the marquis or the husbandman. ^58 In the mean while, his unfortunate Greeks

    were exposed to all the miseries of exile and poverty; for the support of each stranger, a monthly allowance was assigned of three or four gold florins; and although the entire sum did not amount to seven hundred florins, a long arrear was repeatedly incurred by the indigence or policy of the Roman court. ^59 They sighed for a speedy deliverance, but their escape was prevented by a triple chain: a passport from their superiors was required at the gates of Ferrara; the government of Venice had engaged to arrest and send back the fugitives; and inevitable punishment awaited them at Constantinople; excommunication, fines, and a sentence, which did not respect the sacerdotal dignity, that they should be stripped naked and publicly whipped. ^60 It was only by the alternative of hunger or dispute that the Greeks could be persuaded to open the first conference; and they yielded with extreme reluctance to attend from Ferrara to Florence the rear of a flying synod. This new translation was urged by inevitable necessity: the city was visited by the plague; the fidelity of the marquis might be suspected; the mercenary troops of the duke of Milan were at the gates; and as they occupied Romagna, it was not without difficulty and danger that the pope, the emperor, and the bishops, explored their way through the unfrequented paths of the Apennine. ^61 [Footnote 58: For the emperor’s hunting, see Syropulus, (p. 143, 144, 191.) The pope had sent him eleven miserable hacks; but he bought a strong and swift horse that came from Russia. The name of Janizaries may surprise; but the name, rather than the institution, had passed from the Ottoman, to the Byzantine, court, and is often used in the last age of the empire.] [Footnote 59: The Greeks obtained, with much difficulty, that instead of provisions, money should be distributed, four florins per month to the persons of honorable rank, and three florins to their servants, with an addition of thirty more to the emperor, twenty-five to the patriarch, and twenty to the prince, or despot, Demetrius. The payment of the first month amounted to 691 florins, a sum which will not allow us to reckon above 200 Greeks of every condition. (Syropulus, p. 104, 105.) On the 20th October, 1438, there was an arrear of four months; in April, 1439, of three; and of

    five and a half in July, at the time of the union, (p. 172, 225, 271.)]

    [Footnote 60: Syropulus (p. 141, 142, 204, 221) deplores the imprisonment of the Greeks, and the tyranny of the emperor and patriarch.] [Footnote 61: The wars of Italy are most clearly represented in the xiiith vol. of the Annals of Muratori. The schismatic Greek, Syropulus, (p. 145,) appears to have exaggerated the fear and disorder of the pope in his his retreat from Ferrara to Florence, which is proved by the acts to have been somewhat more decent and deliberate.]

    Yet all these obstacles were surmounted by time and policy.

    The violence of the fathers of Basil rather promoted than injured the cause of Eugenius; the nations of Europe abhorred the schism, and disowned the election, of Felix the Fifth, who was successively a duke of Savoy, a hermit, and a pope; and the great princes were gradually reclaimed by his competitor to a favorable neutrality and a firm attachment. The legates, with some respectable members, deserted to the Roman army, which insensibly rose in numbers and reputation; the council of Basil was reduced to thirty-nine bishops, and three hundred of the inferior clergy; ^62 while the Latins of Florence could produce the subscriptions of the pope himself, eight cardinals, two patriarchs, eight archbishops, fifty two bishops, and forty- five abbots, or chiefs of religious orders. After the labor of nine months, and the debates of twenty-five sessions, they attained the advantage and glory of the reunion of the Greeks. Four principal questions had been agitated between the two churches; 1. The use of unleaven bread in the communion of Christ’s body. 2. The nature of purgatory. 3. The supremacy of the pope. And, 4. The single or double procession of the Holy Ghost. The cause of either nation was managed by ten theological champions: the Latins were supported by the inexhaustible eloquence of Cardinal Julian; and Mark of Ephesus and Bessarion of Nice were the bold and able leaders of the Greek forces. We may bestow some praise

    on the progress of human reason, by observing that the first of these questions was now treated as an immaterial rite, which might innocently vary with the fashion of the age and country. With regard to the second, both parties were agreed in the belief of an intermediate state of purgation for the venial sins of the faithful; and whether their souls were purified by elemental fire was a doubtful point, which in a few years might be conveniently settled on the spot by the disputants. The claims of supremacy appeared of a more weighty and substantial kind; yet by the Orientals the Roman bishop had ever been respected as the first of the five patriarchs; nor did they scruple to admit, that his jurisdiction should be exercised agreeably to the holy canons; a vague allowance, which might be defined or eluded by occasional convenience. The procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father alone, or from the Father and the Son, was an article of faith which had sunk much deeper into the minds of men; and in the sessions of Ferrara and Florence, the Latin addition of filioque was subdivided into two questions, whether it were legal, and whether it were orthodox. Perhaps it may not be necessary to boast on this subject of my own impartial indifference; but I must think that the Greeks were strongly supported by the prohibition of the council of Chalcedon, against adding any article whatsoever to the creed of Nice, or rather of Constantinople. ^63 In earthly affairs, it is not easy to conceive how an assembly equal of legislators can bind their successors invested with powers equal to their own. But the dictates of inspiration must be true and unchangeable; nor should a private bishop, or a provincial synod, have presumed to innovate against the judgment of the Catholic church. On the substance of the doctrine, the controversy was equal and endless: reason is confounded by the procession of a deity: the gospel, which lay on the altar, was silent; the various texts of the fathers might be corrupted by fraud or entangled by sophistry; and the Greeks were ignorant of the characters and writings of the Latin saints. ^64 Of this at least we may be sure, that neither side could be convinced by the arguments of their opponents. Prejudice may be enlightened by reason, and a superficial glance may be rectified by a clear and more

    perfect view of an object adapted to our faculties. But the bishops and monks had been taught from their infancy to repeat a form of mysterious words: their national and personal honor depended on the repetition of the same sounds; and their narrow minds were hardened and inflamed by the acrimony of a public dispute. [Footnote 62: Syropulus is pleased to reckon seven hundred prelates in the council of Basil. The error is manifest, and perhaps voluntary. That extravagant number could not be supplied by all the ecclesiastics of every degree who were present at the council, nor by all the absent bishops of the West, who, expressly or tacitly, might adhere to its decrees.] [Footnote 63: The Greeks, who disliked the union, were unwilling to sally from this strong fortress, (p. 178, 193, 195, 202, of Syropulus.) The shame of the Latins was aggravated by their producing an old MS. of the second council of Nice, with filioque in the Nicene creed. A palpable forgery! (p. 173.)] [Footnote 64: (Syropulus, p. 109.) See the perplexity of the Greeks, (p. 217, 218, 252, 253, 273.)]

    While they were most in a cloud of dust and darkness, the

    Pope and emperor were desirous of a seeming union, which could alone accomplish the purposes of their interview; and the obstinacy of public dispute was softened by the arts of private and personal negotiation. The patriarch Joseph had sunk under the weight of age and infirmities; his dying voice breathed the counsels of charity and concord, and his vacant benefice might tempt the hopes of the ambitious clergy. The ready and active obedience of the archbishops of Russia and Nice, of Isidore and Bessarion, was prompted and recompensed by their speedy promotion to the dignity of cardinals. Bessarion, in the first debates, had stood forth the most strenuous and eloquent champion of the Greek church; and if the apostate, the bastard, was reprobated by his country, ^65 he appears in ecclesiastical story a rare example of a patriot who was recommended to court favor by loud opposition and well-timed compliance. With the aid of his two spiritual coadjutors, the emperor applied his arguments to the

    general situation and personal characters of the bishops, and each was successively moved by authority and example. Their revenues were in the hands of the Turks, their persons in those of the Latins: an episcopal treasure, three robes and forty ducats, was soon exhausted: ^66 the hopes of their return still depended on the ships of Venice and the alms of Rome; and such was their indigence, that their arrears, the payment of a debt, would be accepted as a favor, and might operate as a bribe. ^67 The danger and relief of Constantinople might excuse some prudent and pious dissimulation; and it was insinuated, that the obstinate heretics who should resist the consent of the East and West would be abandoned in a hostile land to the revenge or justice of the Roman pontiff. ^68 In the first private assembly of the Greeks, the formulary of union was approved by twenty-four, and rejected by twelve, members; but the five cross-bearers of St. Sophia, who aspired to represent the patriarch, were disqualified by ancient discipline; and their right of voting was transferred to the obsequious train of monks, grammarians, and profane laymen. The will of the monarch produced a false and servile unanimity, and no more than two patriots had courage to speak their own sentiments and those of their country. Demetrius, the emperor’s brother, retired to Venice, that he might not be witness of the union; and Mark of Ephesus, mistaking perhaps his pride for his conscience, disclaimed all communion with the Latin heretics, and avowed himself the champion and confessor of the orthodox creed. ^69 In the treaty between the two nations, several forms of consent were proposed, such as might satisfy the Latins, without dishonoring the Greeks; and they weighed the scruples of words and syllables, till the theological balance trembled with a slight preponderance in favor of the Vatican. It was agreed (I must entreat the attention of the reader) that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Son, as from one principle and one substance; that he proceeds by the Son, being of the same nature and substance, and that he proceeds from the Father and the Son, by one spiration and production. It is less difficult to understand the articles of the preliminary treaty; that the pope should defray all the expenses of the

    Greeks in their return home; that he should annually maintain two galleys and three hundred soldiers for the defence of Constantinople: that all the ships which transported pilgrims to Jerusalem should be obliged to touch at that port; that as often as they were required, the pope should furnish ten galleys for a year, or twenty for six months; and that he should powerfully solicit the princes of Europe, if the emperor had occasion for land forces. [Footnote 65: See the polite altercation of Marc and Bessarion in Syropulus, (p. 257,) who never dissembles the vices of his own party, and fairly praises the virtues of the Latins.]

    [Footnote 66: For the poverty of the Greek bishops, see a remarkable passage of Ducas, (c. 31.) One had possessed, for his whole property, three old gowns, &c. By teaching one-and-twenty years in his monastery, Bessarion himself had collected forty gold florins; but of these, the archbishop had expended twenty-eight in his voyage from Peloponnesus, and the remainder at Constantinople, (Syropulus, p. 127.)]

    [Footnote 67: Syropulus denies that the Greeks received any money before they had subscribed the art of union, (p. 283:) yet he relates some suspicious circumstances; and their bribery and corruption are positively affirmed by the historian Ducas.]

    [Footnote 68: The Greeks most piteously express their own fears of exile and perpetual slavery, (Syropul. p. 196;) and they were strongly moved by the emperor’s threats, (p. 260.)]

    [Footnote 69: I had forgot another popular and orthodox protester: a favorite bound, who usually lay quiet on the foot-cloth of the emperor’s throne but who barked most furiously while the act of union was reading without being silenced by the soothing or the lashes of the royal attendants, (Syropul. p. 265, 266.)]

    The same year, and almost the same day, were marked by the

    deposition of Eugenius at Basil; and, at Florence, by his reunion of the Greeks and Latins. In the former synod, (which he styled indeed an assembly of daemons,) the pope was branded with the guilt of simony, perjury, tyranny, heresy, and schism; ^70 and declared to be incorrigible in his vices, unworthy of any title, and incapable of holding any ecclesiastical office. In the latter, he was revered as the true and holy vicar of Christ, who, after a separation of six hundred years, had reconciled the Catholics of the East and West in one fold, and under one shepherd. The act of union was subscribed by the pope, the emperor, and the principal members of both churches; even by those who, like Syropulus, ^71 had been deprived of the right of voting. Two copies might have sufficed for the East and West; but Eugenius was not satisfied, unless four authentic and similar transcripts were signed and attested as the monuments of his victory. ^72 On a memorable day, the sixth of July, the successors of St. Peter and Constantine ascended their thrones the two nations assembled in the cathedral of Florence; their representatives, Cardinal Julian and Bessarion archbishop of Nice, appeared in the pulpit, and, after reading in their respective tongues the act of union, they mutually embraced, in the name and the presence of their applauding brethren. The pope and his ministers then officiated according to the Roman liturgy; the creed was chanted with the addition of filioque; the acquiescence of the Greeks was poorly excused by their ignorance of the harmonious, but inarticulate sounds; ^73 and the more scrupulous Latins refused any public celebration of the Byzantine rite. Yet the emperor and his clergy were not totally unmindful of national honor. The treaty was ratified by their consent: it was tacitly agreed that no innovation should be attempted in their creed or ceremonies: they spared, and secretly respected, the generous firmness of Mark of Ephesus; and, on the decease of the patriarch, they refused to elect his successor, except in the cathedral of St. Sophia. In the distribution of public and private rewards, the liberal pontiff exceeded their hopes and his promises: the Greeks, with less pomp and pride, returned by the same road of Ferrara and Venice; and their reception at Constantinople was such as will

    be described in the following chapter. ^74 The success of the first trial encouraged Eugenius to repeat the same edifying scenes; and the deputies of the Armenians, the Maronites, the Jacobites of Syria and Egypt, the Nestorians and the Aethiopians, were successively introduced, to kiss the feet of the Roman pontiff, and to announce the obedience and the orthodoxy of the East. These Oriental embassies, unknown in the countries which they presumed to represent, ^75 diffused over the West the fame of Eugenius; and a clamor was artfully propagated against the remnant of a schism in Switzerland and Savoy, which alone impeded the harmony of the Christian world. The vigor of opposition was succeeded by the lassitude of despair: the council of Basil was silently dissolved; and Felix, renouncing the tiara, again withdrew to the devout or delicious hermitage of Ripaille. ^76 A general peace was secured by mutual acts of oblivion and indemnity: all ideas of reformation subsided; the popes continued to exercise and abuse their ecclesiastical despotism; nor has Rome been since disturbed by the mischiefs of a contested election. ^77

    [Footnote 70: From the original Lives of the Popes, in Muratori’s Collection, (tom. iii. p. ii. tom. xxv.,) the manners of Eugenius IV. appear to have been decent, and even exemplary. His situation, exposed to the world and to his enemies, was a restraint, and is a pledge.]

    [Footnote 71: Syropulus, rather than subscribe, would have assisted, as the least evil, at the ceremony of the union. He was compelled to do both; and the great ecclesiarch poorly excuses his submission to the emperor, (p. 290 – 292.)]

    [Footnote 72: None of these original acts of union can at present be produced. Of the ten MSS. that are preserved, (five at Rome, and the remainder at Florence, Bologna, Venice, Paris, and London,) nine have been examined by an accurate critic, (M. de Brequigny,) who condemns them for the variety and imperfections of the Greek signatures. Yet several of these may be esteemed as authentic copies, which were subscribed at Florence, before (26th of August, 1439) the final separation

    of the pope and emperor, (Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xliii. p. 287 – 311.)]

    [Footnote 73: (Syropul. p. 297.)]

    [Footnote 74: In their return, the Greeks conversed at Bologna with the ambassadors of England: and after some questions and answers, these impartial strangers laughed at the pretended union of Florence, (Syropul. p. 307.)] [Footnote 75: So nugatory, or rather so fabulous, are these reunions of the Nestorians, Jacobites, &c., that I have turned over, without success, the Bibliotheca Orientalis of Assemannus, a faithful slave of the Vatican.] [Footnote 76: Ripaille is situate near Thonon in Savoy, on the southern side of the Lake of Geneva. It is now a Carthusian abbey; and Mr. Addison (Travels into Italy, vol. ii. p. 147, 148, of Baskerville’s edition of his works) has celebrated the place and the founder. Aeneas Sylvius, and the fathers of Basil, applaud the austere life of the ducal hermit; but the French and Italian proverbs most unluckily attest the popular opinion of his luxury.] [Footnote 77: In this account of the councils of Basil, Ferrara, and Florence, I have consulted the original acts, which fill the xviith and xviiith tome of the edition of Venice, and are closed by the perspicuous, though partial, history of Augustin Patricius, an Italian of the xvth century. They are digested and abridged by Dupin, (Bibliotheque Eccles. tom. xii.,) and the continuator of Fleury, (tom. xxii.;) and the respect of the Gallican church for the adverse parties confines their members to an awkward moderation.]

    The journeys of three emperors were unavailing for their

    temporal, or perhaps their spiritual, salvation; but they were productive of a beneficial consequence – the revival of the Greek learning in Italy, from whence it was propagated to the last nations of the West and North. In their lowest servitude and depression, the subjects of the Byzantine throne were still possessed of a golden key that could unlock the treasures of antiquity; of a musical and prolific language, that gives a soul

    to the objects of sense, and a body to the abstractions of philosophy. Since the barriers of the monarchy, and even of the capital, had been trampled under foot, the various Barbarians had doubtless corrupted the form and substance of the national dialect; and ample glossaries have been composed, to interpret a multitude of words, of Arabic, Turkish, Sclavonian, Latin, or French origin. ^78 But a purer idiom was spoken in the court and taught in the college; and the flourishing state of the language is described, and perhaps embellished, by a learned Italian, ^79 who, by a long residence and noble marriage, ^80 was naturalized at Constantinople about thirty years before the Turkish conquest. “The vulgar speech,” says Philelphus, ^81 “has been depraved by the people, and infected by the multitude of strangers and merchants, who every day flock to the city and mingle with the inhabitants. It is from the disciples of such a school that the Latin language received the versions of Aristotle and Plato; so obscure in sense, and in spirit so poor. But the Greeks who have escaped the contagion, are those whom we follow; and they alone are worthy of our imitation. In familiar discourse, they still speak the tongue of Aristophanes and Euripides, of the historians and philosophers of Athens; and the style of their writings is still more elaborate and correct. The persons who, by their birth and offices, are attached to the Byzantine court, are those who maintain, with the least alloy, the ancient standard of elegance and purity; and the native graces of language most conspicuously shine among the noble matrons, who are excluded from all intercourse with foreigners. With foreigners do I say? They live retired and sequestered from the eyes of their fellow-citizens. Seldom are they seen in the streets; and when they leave their houses, it is in the dusk of evening, on visits to the churches and their nearest kindred. On these occasions, they are on horseback, covered with a veil, and encompassed by their parents, their husbands, or their servants.” ^82

    [Footnote 78: In the first attempt, Meursius collected 3600 Graeco-barbarous words, to which, in a second edition, he subjoined 1800 more; yet what plenteous gleanings did he

    leave to Portius, Ducange, Fabrotti, the Bollandists, &c.! (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. x. p. 101, &c.) Some Persic words may be found in Xenophon, and some Latin ones in Plutarch; and such is the inevitable effect of war and commerce; but the form and substance of the language were not affected by this slight alloy.]

    [Footnote 79: The life of Francis Philelphus, a sophist, proud, restless, and rapacious, has been diligently composed by Lancelot (Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 691 – 751) (Istoria della Letteratura Italiana, tom. vii. p. 282 – 294,) for the most part from his own letters. His elaborate writings, and those of his contemporaries, are forgotten; but their familiar epistles still describe the men and the times.]

    [Footnote 80: He married, and had perhaps debauched, the daughter of John, and the granddaughter of Manuel Chrysoloras. She was young, beautiful, and wealthy; and her noble family was allied to the Dorias of Genoa and the emperors of Constantinople.]

    [Footnote 81: Graeci quibus lingua depravata non sit . . . . ita loquuntur vulgo hac etiam tempestate ut Aristophanes comicus, aut Euripides tragicus, ut oratores omnes, ut historiographi, ut philosophi . . . . litterati autem homines et doctius et emendatius . . . . Nam viri aulici veterem sermonis dignitatem atque elegantiam retinebant in primisque ipsae nobiles mulieres; quibus cum nullum esset omnino cum viris peregrinis commercium, merus ille ac purus Graecorum sermo servabatur intactus, (Philelph. Epist. ad ann. 1451, apud Hodium, p. 188, 189.) He observes in another passage, uxor illa mea Theodora locutione erat admodum moderata et suavi et maxime Attica.] [Footnote 82: Philelphus, absurdly enough, derives this Greek or Oriental jealousy from the manners of ancient Rome.]

    Among the Greeks a numerous and opulent clergy was dedicated

    to the service of religion: their monks and bishops have ever been distinguished by the gravity and austerity of their

    manners; nor were they diverted, like the Latin priests, by the pursuits and pleasures of a secular, and even military, life. After a large deduction for the time and talent that were lost in the devotion, the laziness, and the discord, of the church and cloister, the more inquisitive and ambitious minds would explore the sacred and profane erudition of their native language. The ecclesiastics presided over the education of youth; the schools of philosophy and eloquence were perpetuated till the fall of the empire; and it may be affirmed, that more books and more knowledge were included within the walls of Constantinople, than could be dispersed over the extensive countries of the West. ^83 But an important distinction has been already noticed: the Greeks were stationary or retrograde, while the Latins were advancing with a rapid and progressive motion. The nations were excited by the spirit of independence and emulation; and even the little world of the Italian states contained more people and industry than the decreasing circle of the Byzantine empire. In Europe, the lower ranks of society were relieved from the yoke of feudal servitude; and freedom is the first step to curiosity and knowledge. The use, however rude and corrupt, of the Latin tongue had been preserved by superstition; the universities, from Bologna to Oxford, ^84 were peopled with thousands of scholars; and their misguided ardor might be directed to more liberal and manly studies. In the resurrection of science, Italy was the first that cast away her shroud; and the eloquent Petrarch, by his lessons and his example, may justly be applauded as the first harbinger of day. A purer style of composition, a more generous and rational strain of sentiment, flowed from the study and imitation of the writers of ancient Rome; and the disciples of Cicero and Virgil approached, with reverence and love, the sanctuary of their Grecian masters. In the sack of Constantinople, the French, and even the Venetians, had despised and destroyed the works of Lysippus and Homer: the monuments of art may be annihilated by a single blow; but the immortal mind is renewed and multiplied by the copies of the pen; and such copies it was the ambition of Petrarch and his friends to possess and understand. The arms of the Turks undoubtedly

    pressed the flight of the Muses; yet we may tremble at the thought, that Greece might have been overwhelmed, with her schools and libraries, before Europe had emerged from the deluge of barbarism; that the seeds of science might have been scattered by the winds, before the Italian soil was prepared for their cultivation. [Footnote 83: See the state of learning in the xiiith and xivth centuries, in the learned and judicious Mosheim, (Instit. Hist. Eccles. p. 434 – 440, 490 – 494.)]

    [Footnote 84: At the end of the xvth century, there existed in Europe about fifty universities, and of these the foundation of ten or twelve is prior to the year 1300. They were crowded in proportion to their scarcity. Bologna contained 10,000 students, chiefly of the civil law. In the year 1357 the number at Oxford had decreased from 30,000 to 6000 scholars, (Henry’s History of Great Britain, vol. iv. p. 478.) Yet even this decrease is much superior to the present list of the members of the university.]

    Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.

    Part IV.

    The most learned Italians of the fifteenth century have

    confessed and applauded the restoration of Greek literature, after a long oblivion of many hundred years. ^85 Yet in that country, and beyond the Alps, some names are quoted; some profound scholars, who in the darker ages were honorably distinguished by their knowledge of the Greek tongue; and national vanity has been loud in the praise of such rare examples of erudition. Without scrutinizing the merit of individuals, truth must observe, that their science is without a cause, and without an effect; that it was easy for them to satisfy themselves and their more ignorant contemporaries; and that the idiom, which they had so marvellously acquired

    was transcribed in few manuscripts, and was not taught in any university of the West. In a corner of Italy, it faintly existed as the popular, or at least as the ecclesiastical dialect. ^86 The first impression of the Doric and Ionic colonies has never been completely erased: the Calabrian churches were long attached to the throne of Constantinople: and the monks of St. Basil pursued their studies in Mount Athos and the schools of the East. Calabria was the native country of Barlaam, who has already appeared as a sectary and an ambassador; and Barlaam was the first who revived, beyond the Alps, the memory, or at least the writings, of Homer. ^87 He is described, by Petrarch and Boccace, ^88 as a man of diminutive stature, though truly great in the measure of learning and genius; of a piercing discernment, though of a slow and painful elocution. For many ages (as they affirm) Greece had not produced his equal in the knowledge of history, grammar, and philosophy; and his merit was celebrated in the attestations of the princes and doctors of Constantinople. One of these attestations is still extant; and the emperor Cantacuzene, the protector of his adversaries, is forced to allow, that Euclid, Aristotle, and Plato, were familiar to that profound and subtle logician. ^89 In the court of Avignon, he formed an intimate connection with Petrarch, ^90 the first of the Latin scholars; and the desire of mutual instruction was the principle of their literary commerce. The Tuscan applied himself with eager curiosity and assiduous diligence to the study of the Greek language; and in a laborious struggle with the dryness and difficulty of the first rudiments, he began to reach the sense, and to feel the spirit, of poets and philosophers, whose minds were congenial to his own. But he was soon deprived of the society and lessons of this useful assistant: Barlaam relinquished his fruitless embassy; and, on his return to Greece, he rashly provoked the swarms of fanatic monks, by attempting to substitute the light of reason to that of their navel. After a separation of three years, the two friends again met in the court of Naples: but the generous pupil renounced the fairest occasion of improvement; and by his recommendation Barlaam was finally settled in a small bishopric of his native Calabria. ^91 The manifold

    avocations of Petrarch, love and friendship, his various correspondence and frequent journeys, the Roman laurel, and his elaborate compositions in prose and verse, in Latin and Italian, diverted him from a foreign idiom; and as he advanced in life, the attainment of the Greek language was the object of his wishes rather than of his hopes. When he was about fifty years of age, a Byzantine ambassador, his friend, and a master of both tongues, presented him with a copy of Homer; and the answer of Petrarch is at one expressive of his eloquence, gratitude, and regret. After celebrating the generosity of the donor, and the value of a gift more precious in his estimation than gold or rubies, he thus proceeds: “Your present of the genuine and original text of the divine poet, the fountain of all inventions, is worthy of yourself and of me: you have fulfilled your promise, and satisfied my desires. Yet your liberality is still imperfect: with Homer you should have given me yourself; a guide, who could lead me into the fields of light, and disclose to my wondering eyes the spacious miracles of the Iliad and Odyssey. But, alas! Homer is dumb, or I am deaf; nor is it in my power to enjoy the beauty which I possess. I have seated him by the side of Plato, the prince of poets near the prince of philosophers; and I glory in the sight of my illustrious guests. Of their immortal writings, whatever had been translated into the Latin idiom, I had already acquired; but, if there be no profit, there is some pleasure, in beholding these venerable Greeks in their proper and national habit. I am delighted with the aspect of Homer; and as often as I embrace the silent volume, I exclaim with a sigh, Illustrious bard! with what pleasure should I listen to thy song, if my sense of hearing were not obstructed and lost by the death of one friend, and in the much-lamented absence of another. Nor do I yet despair; and the example of Cato suggests some comfort and hope, since it was in the last period of age that he attained the knowledge of the Greek letters.” ^92

    [Footnote 85: Of those writers who professedly treat of the restoration of the Greek learning in Italy, the two principal are Hodius, Dr. Humphrey Hody, (de Graecis Illustribus, Linguae Graecae Literarumque humaniorum Instauratoribus; Londini,

    1742, in large octavo,) and Tiraboschi, (Istoria della Letteratura Italiana, tom. v. p. 364 – 377, tom. vii. p. 112 – 143.) The Oxford professor is a laborious scholar, but the librarian of Modema enjoys the superiority of a modern and national historian.]

    [Footnote 86: In Calabria quae olim magna Graecia dicebatur, coloniis Graecis repleta, remansit quaedam linguae veteris, cognitio, (Hodius, p. 2.) If it were eradicated by the Romans, it was revived and perpetuated by the monks of St. Basil, who possessed seven convents at Rossano alone, (Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. i. p. 520.)]

    [Footnote 87: Ii Barbari (says Petrarch, the French and Germans) vix, non dicam libros sed nomen Homeri audiverunt. Perhaps, in that respect, the xiiith century was less happy than the age of Charlemagne.] [Footnote 88: See the character of Barlaam, in Boccace de Genealog. Deorum, l. xv. c. 6.]

    [Footnote 89: Cantacuzen. l. ii. c. 36.]

    [Footnote 90: For the connection of Petrarch and Barlaam, and the two interviews at Avignon in 1339, and at Naples in 1342, see the excellent Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. i. p. 406 – 410, tom. ii. p. 74 – 77.] [Footnote 91: The bishopric to which Barlaam retired, was the old Locri, in the middle ages. Scta. Cyriaca, and by corruption Hieracium, Gerace, (Dissert. Chorographica Italiae Medii Aevi, p. 312.) The dives opum of the Norman times soon lapsed into poverty, since even the church was poor: yet the town still contains 3000 inhabitants, (Swinburne, p. 340.)] [Footnote 92: I will transcribe a passage from this epistle of Petrarch, (Famil. ix. 2;) Donasti Homerum non in alienum sermonem Alienum sermonen violento alveo derivatum, sed ex ipsis Graeci eloquii scatebris, et qualis divino illi profluxit ingenio . . . . Sine tua voce Homerus tuus apud me mutus, immo vero ego apud illum surdus sum. Gaudeo tamen vel adspectu solo, ac saepe illum amplexus atque suspirans dico, O magne vir, &c.]

    The prize which eluded the efforts of Petrarch, was obtained

    by the fortune and industry of his friend Boccace, the father of the Tuscan prose. That popular writer, who derives his reputation from the Decameron, a hundred novels of pleasantry and love, may aspire to the more serious praise of restoring in Italy the study of the Greek language. In the year one thousand three hundred and sixty, a disciple of Barlaam, whose name was Leo, or Leontius Pilatus, was detained in his way to Avignon by the advice and hospitality of Boccace, who lodged the stranger in his house, prevailed on the republic of Florence to allow him an annual stipend, and devoted his leisure to the first Greek professor, who taught that language in the Western countries of Europe. The appearance of Leo might disgust the most eager disciple, he was clothed in the mantle of a philosopher, or a mendicant; his countenance was hideous; his face was overshadowed with black hair; his beard long an uncombed; his deportment rustic; his temper gloomy and inconstant; nor could he grace his discourse with the ornaments, or even the perspicuity, of Latin elocution. But his mind was stored with a treasure of Greek learning: history and fable, philosophy and grammar, were alike at his command; and he read the poems of Homer in the schools of Florence. It was from his explanation that Boccace composed ^* and transcribed a literal prose version of the Iliad and Odyssey, which satisfied the thirst of his friend Petrarch, and which, perhaps, in the succeeding century, was clandestinely used by Laurentius Valla, the Latin interpreter. It was from his narratives that the same Boccace collected the materials for his treatise on the genealogy of the heathen gods, a work, in that age, of stupendous erudition, and which he ostentatiously sprinkled with Greek characters and passages, to excite the wonder and applause of his more ignorant readers. ^94 The first steps of learning are slow and laborious; no more than ten votaries of Homer could be enumerated in all Italy; and neither Rome, nor Venice, nor Naples, could add a single name to this studious catalogue. But their numbers would have multiplied, their progress would have been accelerated, if the

    inconstant Leo, at the end of three years, had not relinquished an honorable and beneficial station. In his passage, Petrarch entertained him at Padua a short time: he enjoyed the scholar, but was justly offended with the gloomy and unsocial temper of the man. Discontented with the world and with himself, Leo depreciated his present enjoyments, while absent persons and objects were dear to his imagination. In Italy he was a Thessalian, in Greece a native of Calabria: in the company of the Latins he disdained their language, religion, and manners: no sooner was he landed at Constantinople, than he again sighed for the wealth of Venice and the elegance of Florence. His Italian friends were deaf to his importunity: he depended on their curiosity and indulgence, and embarked on a second voyage; but on his entrance into the Adriatic, the ship was assailed by a tempest, and the unfortunate teacher, who like Ulysses had fastened himself to the mast, was struck dead by a flash of lightning. The humane Petrarch dropped a tear on his disaster; but he was most anxious to learn whether some copy of Euripides or Sophocles might not be saved from the hands of the mariners. ^95

    [Footnote 93: For the life and writings of Boccace, who was born in 1313, and died in 1375, Fabricius (Bibliot. Latin. Medii Aevi, tom. i. p. 248, &c.) and Tiraboschi (tom. v. p. 83, 439 – 451) may be consulted. The editions, versions, imitations of his novels, are innumerable. Yet he was ashamed to communicate that trifling, and perhaps scandalous, work to Petrarch, his respectable friend, in whose letters and memoirs he conspicuously appears.] [Footnote *: This translation of Homer was by Pilatus, not by Boccacio. See Halleza, Hist. of Lit. vol. i. p. 132. – M.]

    [Footnote 94: Boccace indulges an honest vanity: Ostentationis causa Graeca carmina adscripsi . . . . jure utor meo; meum est hoc decus, mea gloria scilicet inter Etruscos Graecis uti carminibus. Nonne ego fui qui Leontium Pilatum, &c., (de Genealogia Deorum, l. xv. c. 7, a work which, though now forgotten, has run through thirteen or fourteen editions.)] [Footnote 95: Leontius, or Leo Pilatus, is sufficiently made known by Hody, (p. 2 – 11,) and the abbe de Sade, (Vie de

    Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 625 – 634, 670 – 673,) who has very happily caught the lively and dramatic manner of his original.]

    But the faint rudiments of Greek learning, which Petrarch

    had encouraged and Boccace had planted, soon withered and expired. The succeeding generation was content for a while with the improvement of Latin eloquence; nor was it before the end of the fourteenth century that a new and perpetual flame was rekindled in Italy. ^96 Previous to his own journey the emperor Manuel despatched his envoys and orators to implore the compassion of the Western princes. Of these envoys, the most conspicuous, or the most learned, was Manuel Chrysoloras, ^97 of noble birth, and whose Roman ancestors are supposed to have migrated with the great Constantine. After visiting the courts of France and England, where he obtained some contributions and more promises, the envoy was invited to assume the office of a professor; and Florence had again the honor of this second invitation. By his knowledge, not only of the Greek, but of the Latin tongue, Chrysoloras deserved the stipend, and surpassed the expectation, of the republic. His school was frequented by a crowd of disciples of every rank and age; and one of these, in a general history, has described his motives and his success. “At that time,” says Leonard Aretin, ^98 “I was a student of the civil law; but my soul was inflamed with the love of letters; and I bestowed some application on the sciences of logic and rhetoric. On the arrival of Manuel, I hesitated whether I should desert my legal studies, or relinquish this golden opportunity; and thus, in the ardor of youth, I communed with my own mind – Wilt thou be wanting to thyself and thy fortune? Wilt thou refuse to be introduced to a familiar converse with Homer, Plato, and Demosthenes; with those poets, philosophers, and orators, of whom such wonders are related, and who are celebrated by every age as the great masters of human science? Of professors and scholars in civil law, a sufficient supply will always be found in our universities; but a teacher, and such a teacher, of the Greek language, if he once be suffered to escape, may never afterwards be retrieved.

    Convinced by these reasons, I gave myself to Chrysoloras; and so strong was my passion, that the lessons which I had imbibed in the day were the constant object of my nightly dreams.” ^99 At the same time and place, the Latin classics were explained by John of Ravenna, the domestic pupil of Petrarch; ^100 the Italians, who illustrated their age and country, were formed in this double school; and Florence became the fruitful seminary of Greek and Roman erudition. ^101 The presence of the emperor recalled Chrysoloras from the college to the court; but he afterwards taught at Pavia and Rome with equal industry and applause. The remainder of his life, about fifteen years, was divided between Italy and Constantinople, between embassies and lessons. In the noble office of enlightening a foreign nation, the grammarian was not unmindful of a more sacred duty to his prince and country; and Emanuel Chrysoloras died at Constance on a public mission from the emperor to the council.

    [Footnote 96: Dr. Hody (p. 54) is angry with Leonard Aretin, Guarinus, Paulus Jovius, &c., for affirming, that the Greek letters were restored in Italy post septingentos annos; as if, says he, they had flourished till the end of the viith century. These writers most probably reckoned from the last period of the exarchate; and the presence of the Greek magistrates and troops at Ravenna and Rome must have preserved, in some degree, the use of their native tongue.] [Footnote 97: See the article of Emanuel, or Manuel Chrysoloras, in Hody (p 12 – 54) and Tiraboschi, (tom. vii. p. 113 – 118.) The precise date of his arrival floats between the years 1390 and 1400, and is only confined by the reign of Boniface IX.]

    [Footnote 98: The name of Aretinus has been assumed by five or six natives of Arezzo in Tuscany, of whom the most famous and the most worthless lived in the xvith century. Leonardus Brunus Aretinus, the disciple of Chrysoloras, was a linguist, an orator, and an historian, the secretary of four successive popes, and the chancellor of the republic of Florence, where he died A.D. 1444, at the age of seventy-five, (Fabric. Bibliot. Medii Aevi, tom. i. p. 190 &c. Tiraboschi, tom. vii. p. 33 – 38)]

    [Footnote 99: See the passage in Aretin. Commentario Rerum suo Tempore in Italia gestarum, apud Hodium, p. 28 – 30.]

    [Footnote 100: In this domestic discipline, Petrarch, who loved the youth, often complains of the eager curiosity, restless temper, and proud feelings, which announce the genius and glory of a riper age, (Memoires sur Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 700 – 709.)]

    [Footnote 101: Hinc Graecae Latinaeque scholae exortae sunt, Guarino Philelpho, Leonardo Aretino, Caroloque, ac plerisque aliis tanquam ex equo Trojano prodeuntibus, quorum emulatione multa ingenia deinceps ad laudem excitata sunt, (Platina in Bonifacio IX.) Another Italian writer adds the names of Paulus Petrus Vergerius, Omnibonus Vincentius, Poggius, Franciscus Barbarus, &c. But I question whether a rigid chronology would allow Chrysoloras all these eminent scholars, (Hodius, p. 25 – 27, &c.)]

    After his example, the restoration of the Greek letters in

    Italy was prosecuted by a series of emigrants, who were destitute of fortune, and endowed with learning, or at least with language.

    From the terror or oppression of the Turkish arms, the natives of Thessalonica and Constantinople escaped to a land of freedom, curiosity, and wealth. The synod introduced into Florence the lights of the Greek church, and the oracles of the Platonic philosophy; and the fugitives who adhered to the union, had the double merit of renouncing their country, not only for the Christian, but for the catholic cause. A patriot, who sacrifices his party and conscience to the allurements of favor, may be possessed, however, of the private and social virtues: he no longer hears the reproachful epithets of slave and apostate; and the consideration which he acquires among his new associates will restore in his own eyes the dignity of his character. The prudent conformity of Bessarion was rewarded with the Roman purple: he fixed his residence in Italy; and the Greek cardinal, the titular patriarch of

    Constantinople, was respected as the chief and protector of his nation: ^102 his abilities were exercised in the legations of Bologna, Venice, Germany, and France; and his election to the chair of St. Peter floated for a moment on the uncertain breath of a conclave. ^103 His ecclesiastical honors diffused a splendor and preeminence over his literary merit and service: his palace was a school; as often as the cardinal visited the Vatican, he was attended by a learned train of both nations; ^104 of men applauded by themselves and the public; and whose writings, now overspread with dust, were popular and useful in their own times. I shall not attempt to enumerate the restorers of Grecian literature in the fifteenth century; and it may be sufficient to mention with gratitude the names of Theodore Gaza, of George of Trebizond, of John Argyropulus, and Demetrius Chalcocondyles, who taught their native language in the schools of Florence and Rome. Their labors were not inferior to those of Bessarion, whose purple they revered, and whose fortune was the secret object of their envy. But the lives of these grammarians were humble and obscure: they had declined the lucrative paths of the church; their dress and manners secluded them from the commerce of the world; and since they were confined to the merit, they might be content with the rewards, of learning. From this character, Janus Lascaris ^105 will deserve an exception. His eloquence, politeness, and Imperial descent, recommended him to the French monarch; and in the same cities he was alternately employed to teach and to negotiate. Duty and interest prompted them to cultivate the study of the Latin language; and the most successful attained the faculty of writing and speaking with fluency and elegance in a foreign idiom. But they ever retained the inveterate vanity of their country: their praise, or at least their esteem, was reserved for the national writers, to whom they owed their fame and subsistence; and they sometimes betrayed their contempt in licentious criticism or satire on Virgil’s poetry, and the oratory of Tully. ^106 The superiority of these masters arose from the familiar use of a living language; and their first disciples were incapable of discerning how far they had degenerated from the knowledge, and even the practice of their ancestors. A vicious

    pronunciation, ^107 which they introduced, was banished from the schools by the reason of the succeeding age. Of the power of the Greek accents they were ignorant; and those musical notes, which, from an Attic tongue, and to an Attic ear, must have been the secret soul of harmony, were to their eyes, as to our own, no more than minute and unmeaning marks, in prose superfluous and troublesome in verse. The art of grammar they truly possessed; the valuable fragments of Apollonius and Herodian were transfused into their lessons; and their treatises of syntax and etymology, though devoid of philosophic spirit, are still useful to the Greek student. In the shipwreck of the Byzantine libraries, each fugitive seized a fragment of treasure, a copy of some author, who without his industry might have perished: the transcripts were multiplied by an assiduous, and sometimes an elegant pen; and the text was corrected and explained by their own comments, or those of the elder scholiasts. The sense, though not the spirit, of the Greek classics, was interpreted to the Latin world: the beauties of style evaporate in a version; but the judgment of Theodore Gaza selected the more solid works of Aristotle and Theophrastus, and their natural histories of animals and plants opened a rich fund of genuine and experimental science. [Footnote 102: See in Hody the article of Bessarion, (p. 136 – 177.) Theodore Gaza, George of Trebizond, aud the rest of the Greeks whom I have named or omitted, are inserted in their proper chapters of his learned work. See likewise Tiraboschi, in the 1st and 2d parts of the vith tome.] [Footnote 103: The cardinals knocked at his door, but his conclavist refused to interrupt the studies of Bessarion: “Nicholas,” said he, “thy respect has cost thee a hat, and me the tiara.”

    Note: Roscoe (Life of Lorenzo de Medici, vol. i. p. 75)

    considers that Hody has refuted this “idle tale.” – M.]

    [Footnote 104: Such as George of Trebizond, Theodore Gaza, Argyropulus, Andronicus of Thessalonica, Philelphus, Poggius, Blondus, Nicholas Perrot, Valla, Campanus, Platina, &c. Viri (says Hody, with the pious zeal of a scholar) nullo aevo perituri, p. 156.)]

    [Footnote 105: He was born before the taking of Constantinople, but his honorable life was stretched far into the xvith century, (A.D. 1535.) Leo X. and Francis I. were his noblest patrons, under whose auspices he founded the Greek colleges of Rome and Paris, (Hody, p. 247 – 275.) He left posterity in France; but the counts de Vintimille, and their numerous branches, derive the name of Lascaris from a doubtful marriage in the xiiith century with the daughter of a Greek emperor (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 224 – 230.)] [Footnote 106: Two of his epigrams against Virgil, and three against Tully, are preserved and refuted by Franciscus Floridus, who can find no better names than Graeculus ineptus et impudens, (Hody, p. 274.) In our own times, an English critic has accused the Aeneid of containing multa languida, nugatoria, spiritu et majestate carminis heroici defecta; many such verses as he, the said Jeremiah Markland, would have been ashamed of owning, (praefat. ad Statii Sylvas, p. 21, 22.)]

    [Footnote 107: Emanuel Chrysoloras, and his colleagues, are accused of ignorance, envy, or avarice, (Sylloge, &c., tom. ii. p. 235.) The modern Greeks pronounce it as a V consonant, and confound three vowels, and several diphthongs. Such was the vulgar pronunciation which the stern Gardiner maintained by penal statutes in the university of Cambridge: but the monosyllable represented to an Attic ear the bleating of sheep, and a bellwether is better evidence than a bishop or a chancellor. The treatises of those scholars, particularly Erasmus, who asserted a more classical pronunciation, are collected in the Sylloge of Havercamp, (2 vols. in octavo, Lugd. Bat. 1736, 1740:) but it is difficult to paint sounds by words: and in their reference to modern use, they can be understood only by their respective countrymen. We may observe, that our peculiar pronunciation of the O, th, is approved by Erasmus, (tom. ii. p. 130.)]

    Yet the fleeting shadows of metaphysics were pursued with

    more curiosity and ardor. After a long oblivion, Plato was revived in Italy by a venerable Greek, ^108 who taught in the house of Cosmo of Medicis. While the synod of Florence was involved in theological debate, some beneficial consequences might flow from the study of his elegant philosophy: his style is the purest standard of the Attic dialect, and his sublime thoughts are sometimes adapted to familiar conversation, and sometimes adorned with the richest colors of poetry and eloquence. The dialogues of Plato are a dramatic picture of the life and death of a sage; and, as often as he descends from the clouds, his moral system inculcates the love of truth, of our country, and of mankind. The precept and example of Socrates recommended a modest doubt and liberal inquiry; and if the Platonists, with blind devotion, adored the visions and errors of their divine master, their enthusiasm might correct the dry, dogmatic method of the Peripatetic school. So equal, yet so opposite, are the merits of Plato and Aristotle, that they may be balanced in endless controversy; but some spark of freedom may be produced by the collision of adverse servitude. The modern Greeks were divided between the two sects: with more fury than skill they fought under the banner of their leaders; and the field of battle was removed in their flight from Constantinople to Rome. But this philosophical debate soon degenerated into an angry and personal quarrel of grammarians; and Bessarion, though an advocate for Plato, protected the national honor, by interposing the advice and authority of a mediator. In the gardens of the Medici, the academical doctrine was enjoyed by the polite and learned: but their philosophic society was quickly dissolved; and if the writings of the Attic sage were perused in the closet, the more powerful Stagyrite continued to reign, the oracle of the church and school. ^109 [Footnote 108: George Gemistus Pletho, a various and voluminous writer, the master of Bessarion, and all the Platonists of the times. He visited Italy in his old age, and soon returned to end his days in Peloponnesus. See the curious Diatribe of Leo Allatius de Georgiis, in Fabricius. (Bibliot. Graec. tom. x. p. 739 – 756.)]

    [Footnote 109: The state of the Platonic philosophy in Italy is illustrated by Boivin, (Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. ii. p. 715 – 729,) and Tiraboschi, (tom. vi. P. i. p. 259 – 288.)]

    I have fairly represented the literary merits of the Greeks;

    yet it must be confessed, that they were seconded and surpassed by the ardor of the Latins. Italy was divided into many independent states; and at that time it was the ambition of princes and republics to vie with each other in the encouragement and reward of literature. The fame of Nicholas the Fifth ^110 has not been adequate to his merits. From a plebeian origin he raised himself by his virtue and learning: the character of the man prevailed over the interest of the pope; and he sharpened those weapons which were soon pointed against the Roman church. ^111 He had been the friend of the most eminent scholars of the age: he became their patron; and such was the humility of his manners, that the change was scarcely discernible either to them or to himself. If he pressed the acceptance of a liberal gift, it was not as the measure of desert, but as the proof of benevolence; and when modest merit declined his bounty, “Accept it,” would he say, with a consciousness of his own worth: “ye will not always have a Nicholas among you.” The influence of the holy see pervaded Christendom; and he exerted that influence in the search, not of benefices, but of books. From the ruins of the Byzantine libraries, from the darkest monasteries of Germany and Britain, he collected the dusty manuscripts of the writers of antiquity; and wherever the original could not be removed, a faithful copy was transcribed and transmitted for his use. The Vatican, the old repository for bulls and legends, for superstition and forgery, was daily replenished with more precious furniture; and such was the industry of Nicholas, that in a reign of eight years he formed a library of five thousand volumes. To his munificence the Latin world was indebted for the versions of Xenophon, Diodorus, Polybius, Thucydides, Herodotus, and Appian; of Strabo’s Geography, of the Iliad, of the most valuable works of Plato and Aristotle, of Ptolemy and Theophrastus, and of the fathers of the Greek

    church. The example of the Roman pontiff was preceded or imitated by a Florentine merchant, who governed the republic without arms and without a title. Cosmo of Medicis ^112 was the father of a line of princes, whose name and age are almost synonymous with the restoration of learning: his credit was ennobled into fame; his riches were dedicated to the service of mankind; he corresponded at once with Cairo and London: and a cargo of Indian spices and Greek books was often imported in the same vessel. The genius and education of his grandson Lorenzo rendered him not only a patron, but a judge and candidate, in the literary race. In his pallace, distress was entitled to relief, and merit to reward: his leisure hours were delightfully spent in the Platonic academy; he encouraged the emulation of Demetrius Chalcocondyles and Angelo Politian; and his active missionary Janus Lascaris returned from the East with a treasure of two hundred manuscripts, fourscore of which were as yet unknown in the libraries of Europe. ^113 The rest of Italy was animated by a similar spirit, and the progress of the nation repaid the liberality of their princes. The Latins held the exclusive property of their own literature; and these disciples of Greece were soon capable of transmitting and improving the lessons which they had imbibed. After a short succession of foreign teachers, the tide of emigration subsided; but the language of Constantinople was spread beyond the Alps and the natives of France, Germany, and England, ^114 imparted to their country the sacred fire which they had kindled in the schools of Florence and Rome. ^115 In the productions of the mind, as in those of the soil, the gifts of nature are excelled by industry and skill: the Greek authors, forgotten on the banks of the Ilissus, have been illustrated on those of the Elbe and the Thames: and Bessarion or Gaza might have envied the superior science of the Barbarians; the accuracy of Budaeus, the taste of Erasmus, the copiousness of Stephens, the erudition of Scaliger, the discernment of Reiske, or of Bentley. On the side of the Latins, the discovery of printing was a casual advantage: but this useful art has been applied by Aldus, and his innumerable successors, to perpetuate and multiply the works of antiquity. ^116 A single manuscript imported from Greece is revived in ten thousand

    copies; and each copy is fairer than the original. In this form, Homer and Plato would peruse with more satisfaction their own writings; and their scholiasts must resign the prize to the labors of our Western editors.

    [Footnote 110: See the Life of Nicholas V. by two contemporary authors, Janottus Manettus, (tom. iii. P. ii. p. 905 – 962,) and Vespasian of Florence, (tom. xxv. p. 267 – 290,) in the collection of Muratori; and consult Tiraboschi, (tom. vi. P. i. p. 46 – 52, 109,) and Hody in the articles of Theodore Gaza, George of Trebizond, &c.]

    [Footnote 111: Lord Bolingbroke observes, with truth and spirit, that the popes in this instance, were worse politicians than the muftis, and that the charm which had bound mankind for so many ages was broken by the magicians themselves, (Letters on the Study of History, l. vi. p. 165, 166, octavo edition, 1779.)]

    [Footnote 112: See the literary history of Cosmo and Lorenzo of Medicis, in Tiraboschi, (tom. vi. P. i. l. i. c. 2,) who bestows a due measure of praise on Alphonso of Arragon, king of Naples, the dukes of Milan, Ferrara Urbino, &c. The republic of Venice has deserved the least from the gratitude of scholars.]

    [Footnote 113: Tiraboschi, (tom. vi. P. i. p. 104,) from the preface of Janus Lascaris to the Greek Anthology, printed at Florence, 1494. Latebant (says Aldus in his preface to the Greek orators, apud Hodium, p. 249) in Atho Thraciae monte. Eas Larcaris . . . . in Italiam reportavit. Miserat enim ipsum Laurentius ille Medices in Graeciam ad inquirendos simul, et quantovis emendos pretio bonos libros. It is remarkable enough, that the research was facilitated by Sultan Bajazet II.]

    [Footnote 114: The Greek language was introduced into the university of Oxford in the last years of the xvth century, by Grocyn, Linacer, and Latimer, who had all studied at Florence under Demetrius Chalcocondyles. See Dr. Knight’s curious Life of Erasmus. Although a stout academical patriot, he is forced to acknowledge that Erasmus learned Greek at Oxford, and taught it at Cambridge.]

    [Footnote 115: The jealous Italians were desirous of keeping a monopoly of Greek learning. When Aldus was about to publish the Greek scholiasts on Sophocles and Euripides, Cave, (said they,) cave hoc facias, ne Barbari istis adjuti domi maneant, et pauciores in Italiam ventitent, (Dr. Knight, in his Life of Erasmus, p. 365, from Beatus Rhemanus.)]

    [Footnote 116: The press of Aldus Manutius, a Roman, was established at Venice about the year 1494: he printed above sixty considerable works of Greek literature, almost all for the first time; several containing different treatises and authors, and of several authors, two, three, or four editions, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. xiii. p. 605, &c.) Yet his glory must not tempt us to forget, that the first Greek book, the Grammar of Constantine Lascaris, was printed at Milan in 1476; and that the Florence Homer of 1488 displays all the luxury of the typographical art. See the Annales Typographical of Mattaire, and the Bibliographie Instructive of De Bure, a knowing bookseller of Paris.]

    Before the revival of classic literature, the Barbarians in

    Europe were immersed in ignorance; and their vulgar tongues were marked with the rudeness and poverty of their manners. The students of the more perfect idioms of Rome and Greece were introduced to a new world of light and science; to the society of the free and polished nations of antiquity; and to a familiar converse with those immortal men who spoke the sublime language of eloquence and reason. Such an intercourse must tend to refine the taste, and to elevate the genius, of the moderns; and yet, from the first experiments, it might appear that the study of the ancients had given fetters, rather than wings, to the human mind. However laudable, the spirit of imitation is of a servile cast; and the first disciples of the Greeks and Romans were a colony of strangers in the midst of their age and country. The minute and laborious diligence which explored the antiquities of remote times might have improved or adorned the present state of society, the critic and metaphysician were the slaves of Aristotle; the

    poets, historians, and orators, were proud to repeat the thoughts and words of the Augustan age: the works of nature were observed with the eyes of Pliny and Theophrastus; and some Pagan votaries professed a secret devotion to the gods of Homer and Plato. ^117 The Italians were oppressed by the strength and number of their ancient auxiliaries: the century after the deaths of Petrarch and Boccace was filled with a crowd of Latin imitators, who decently repose on our shelves; but in that aera of learning it will not be easy to discern a real discovery of science, a work of invention or eloquence, in the popular language of the country. ^118 But as soon as it had been deeply saturated with the celestial dew, the soil was quickened into vegetation and life; the modern idioms were refined; the classics of Athens and Rome inspired a pure taste and a generous emulation; and in Italy, as afterwards in France and England, the pleasing reign of poetry and fiction was succeeded by the light of speculative and experimental philosophy. Genius may anticipate the season of maturity; but in the education of a people, as in that of an individual, memory must be exercised, before the powers of reason and fancy can be expanded: nor may the artist hope to equal or surpass, till he has learned to imitate, the works of his predecessors.

    [Footnote 117: I will select three singular examples of this classic enthusiasm. I. At the synod of Florence, Gemistus Pletho said, in familiar conversation to George of Trebizond, that in a short time mankind would unanimously renounce the Gospel and the Koran, for a religion similar to that of the Gentiles, (Leo Allatius, apud Fabricium, tom. x. p. 751.) 2. Paul II. persecuted the Roman academy, which had been founded by Pomponius Laetus; and the principal members were accused of heresy, impiety, and paganism, (Tiraboschi, tom. vi. P. i. p. 81, 82.) 3. In the next century, some scholars and poets in France celebrated the success of Jodelle’s tragedy of Cleopatra, by a festival of Bacchus, and, as it is said, by the sacrifice of a goat, (Bayle, Dictionnaire, Jodelle. Fontenelle, tom. iii. p. 56 – 61.) Yet the spirit of bigotry might often discern a serious impiety in the sportive play of fancy and learning.]

    [Footnote 118: The survivor Boccace died in the year 1375; and we cannot place before 1480 the composition of the Morgante Maggiore of Pulo and the Orlando Innamorato of Boyardo, (Tiraboschi, tom. vi. P. ii. p. 174 – 177.)]

    Chapter LXVII:

    Schism Of The Greeks And Latins.

    Part I.

    Schism Of The Greeks And Latins. – Reign And Character Of

    Amurath The Second. – Crusade Of Ladislaus, King Of Hungary. – His Defeat And Death. – John Huniades. – Scanderbeg. – Constantine Palaeologus, Last Emperor Of The East.

    The respective merits of Rome and Constantinople are

    compared and celebrated by an eloquent Greek, the father of the Italian schools. ^1 The view of the ancient capital, the seat of his ancestors, surpassed the most sanguine expectations of Emanuel Chrysoloras; and he no longer blamed the exclamation of an old sophist, that Rome was the habitation, not of men, but of gods. Those gods, and those men, had long since vanished; but to the eye of liberal enthusiasm, the majesty of ruin restored the image of her ancient prosperity. The monuments of the consuls and Caesars, of the martyrs and apostles, engaged on all sides the curiosity of the philosopher and the Christian; and he confessed that in every age the arms and the religion of Rome were destined to reign over the earth. While Chrysoloras admired the venerable beauties of the mother, he was not forgetful of his native country, her fairest daughter, her Imperial colony; and the Byzantine patriot expatiates with zeal and truth on the eternal advantages of nature, and the more transitory glories of art

    and dominion, which adorned, or had adorned, the city of Constantine. Yet the perfection of the copy still redounds (as he modestly observes) to the honor of the original, and parents are delighted to be renewed, and even excelled, by the superior merit of their children. “Constantinople,” says the orator, “is situate on a commanding point, between Europe and Asia, between the Archipelago and the Euxine. By her interposition, the two seas, and the two continents, are united for the common benefit of nations; and the gates of commerce may be shut or opened at her command. The harbor, encompassed on all sides by the sea, and the continent, is the most secure and capacious in the world.

    The walls and gates of Constantinople may be compared with those of Babylon: the towers many; each tower is a solid and lofty structure; and the second wall, the outer fortification, would be sufficient for the defence and dignity of an ordinary capital. A broad and rapid stream may be introduced into the ditches and the artificial island may be encompassed, like Athens, by land or water.” Two strong and natural causes are alleged for the perfection of the model of new Rome. The royal founder reigned over the most illustrious nations of the globe; and in the accomplishment of his designs, the power of the Romans was combined with the art and science of the Greeks. Other cities have been reared to maturity by accident and time: their beauties are mingled with disorder and deformity; and the inhabitants, unwilling to remove from their natal spot, are incapable of correcting the errors of their ancestors, and the original vices of situation or climate. But the free idea of Constantinople was formed and executed by a single mind; and the primitive model was improved by the obedient zeal of the subjects and successors of the first monarch. The adjacent isles were stored with an inexhaustible supply of marble; but the various materials were transported from the most remote shores of Europe and Asia; and the public and private buildings, the palaces, churches, aqueducts, cisterns, porticos, columns, baths, and hippodromes, were adapted to the greatness of the capital of the East. The superfluity of wealth was spread along the shores of Europe and Asia; and

    the Byzantine territory, as far as the Euxine, the Hellespont, and the long wall, might be considered as a populous suburb and a perpetual garden. In this flattering picture, the past and the present, the times of prosperity and decay, are art fully confounded; but a sigh and a confession escape, from the orator, that his wretched country was the shadow and sepulchre of its former self. The works of ancient sculpture had been defaced by Christian zeal or Barbaric violence; the fairest structures were demolished; and the marbles of Paros or Numidia were burnt for lime, or applied to the meanest uses. Of many a statue, the place was marked by an empty pedestal; of many a column, the size was determined by a broken capital; the tombs of the emperors were scattered on the ground; the stroke of time was accelerated by storms and earthquakes; and the vacant space was adorned, by vulgar tradition, with fabulous monuments of gold and silver. From these wonders, which lived only in memory or belief, he distinguishes, however, the porphyry pillar, the column and colossus of Justinian, ^3 and the church, more especially the dome, of St. Sophia; the best conclusion, since it could not be described according to its merits, and after it no other object could deserve to be mentioned. But he forgets that, a century before, the trembling fabrics of the colossus and the church had been saved and supported by the timely care of Andronicus the Elder. Thirty years after the emperor had fortified St. Sophia with two new buttresses or pyramids, the eastern hemisphere suddenly gave way: and the images, the altars, and the sanctuary, were crushed by the falling ruin. The mischief indeed was speedily repaired; the rubbish was cleared by the incessant labor of every rank and age; and the poor remains of riches and industry were consecrated by the Greeks to the most stately and venerable temple of the East. ^4

    [Footnote 1: The epistle of Emanuel Chrysoloras to the emperor John Palaeologus will not offend the eye or ear of a classical student, (ad calcem Codini de Antiquitatibus C. P. p. 107 – 126.) The superscription suggests a chronological remark, that John Palaeologus II. was associated in the empire

    before the year 1414, the date of Chrysoloras’s death. A still earlier date, at least 1408, is deduced from the age of his youngest sons, Demetrius and Thomas, who were both Porphyrogeniti (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 244, 247.)] [Footnote 2: Somebody observed that the city of Athens might be circumnavigated. But what may be true in a rhetorical sense of Constantinople, cannot be applied to the situation of Athens, five miles from the sea, and not intersected or surrounded by any navigable streams.] [Footnote 3: Nicephorus Gregoras has described the Colossus of Justinian, (l. vii. 12:) but his measures are false and inconsistent. The editor Boivin consulted his friend Girardon; and the sculptor gave him the true proportions of an equestrian statue. That of Justinian was still visible to Peter Gyllius, not on the column, but in the outward court of the seraglio; and he was at Constantinople when it was melted down, and cast into a brass cannon, (de Topograph. C. P. l. ii. c. 17.)]

    [Footnote 4: See the decay and repairs of St. Sophia, in Nicephorus Gregoras (l. vii. 12, l. xv. 2.) The building was propped by Andronicus in 1317, the eastern hemisphere fell in 1345. The Greeks, in their pompous rhetoric, exalt the beauty and holiness of the church, an earthly heaven the abode of angels, and of God himself, &c.]

    The last hope of the falling city and empire was placed in

    the harmony of the mother and daughter, in the maternal tenderness of Rome, and the filial obedience of Constantinople. In the synod of Florence, the Greeks and Latins had embraced, and subscribed, and promised; but these signs of friendship were perfidious or fruitless; ^5 and the baseless fabric of the union vanished like a dream. ^6 The emperor and his prelates returned home in the Venetian galleys; but as they touched at the Morea and the Isles of Corfu and Lesbos, the subjects of the Latins complained that the pretended union would be an instrument of oppression. No sooner did they land on the Byzantine shore, than they were

    saluted, or rather assailed, with a general murmur of zeal and discontent. During their absence, above two years, the capital had been deprived of its civil and ecclesiastical rulers; fanaticism fermented in anarchy; the most furious monks reigned over the conscience of women and bigots; and the hatred of the Latin name was the first principle of nature and religion. Before his departure for Italy, the emperor had flattered the city with the assurance of a prompt relief and a powerful succor; and the clergy, confident in their orthodoxy and science, had promised themselves and their flocks an easy victory over the blind shepherds of the West. The double disappointment exasperated the Greeks; the conscience of the subscribing prelates was awakened; the hour of temptation was past; and they had more to dread from the public resentment, than they could hope from the favor of the emperor or the pope. Instead of justifying their conduct, they deplored their weakness, professed their contrition, and cast themselves on the mercy of God and of their brethren. To the reproachful question, what had been the event or the use of their Italian synod? they answered with sighs and tears, “Alas! we have made a new faith; we have exchanged piety for impiety; we have betrayed the immaculate sacrifice; and we are become Azymites.” (The Azymites were those who celebrated the communion with unleavened bread; and I must retract or qualify the praise which I have bestowed on the growing philosophy of the times.) “Alas! we have been seduced by distress, by fraud, and by the hopes and fears of a transitory life. The hand that has signed the union should be cut off; and the tongue that has pronounced the Latin creed deserves to be torn from the root.” The best proof of their repentance was an increase of zeal for the most trivial rites and the most incomprehensible doctrines; and an absolute separation from all, without excepting their prince, who preserved some regard for honor and consistency. After the decease of the patriarch Joseph, the archbishops of Heraclea and Trebizond had courage to refuse the vacant office; and Cardinal Bessarion preferred the warm and comfortable shelter of the Vatican. The choice of the emperor and his clergy was confined to Metrophanes of Cyzicus: he was

    consecrated in St. Sophia, but the temple was vacant. The cross-bearers abdicated their service; the infection spread from the city to the villages; and Metrophanes discharged, without effect, some ecclesiastical thunders against a nation of schismatics. The eyes of the Greeks were directed to Mark of Ephesus, the champion of his country; and the sufferings of the holy confessor were repaid with a tribute of admiration and applause. His example and writings propagated the flame of religious discord; age and infirmity soon removed him from the world; but the gospel of Mark was not a law of forgiveness; and he requested with his dying breath, that none of the adherents of Rome might attend his obsequies or pray for his soul.

    [Footnote 5: The genuine and original narrative of Syropulus (p. 312 – 351) opens the schism from the first office of the Greeks at Venice to the general opposition at Constantinople, of the clergy and people.]

    [Footnote 6: On the schism of Constantinople, see Phranza, (l. ii. c. 17,) Laonicus Chalcondyles, (l. vi. p. 155, 156,) and Ducas, (c. 31;) the last of whom writes with truth and freedom. Among the moderns we may distinguish the continuator of Fleury, (tom. xxii. p. 338, &c., 401, 420, &c.,) and Spondanus, (A.D. 1440 – 50.) The sense of the latter is drowned in prejudice and passion, as soon as Rome and religion are concerned.]

    The schism was not confined to the narrow limits of the

    Byzantine empire. Secure under the Mamaluke sceptre, the three patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, assembled a numerous synod; disowned their representatives at Ferrara and Florence; condemned the creed and council of the Latins; and threatened the emperor of Constantinople with the censures of the Eastern church. Of the sectaries of the Greek communion, the Russians were the most powerful, ignorant, and superstitious. Their primate, the cardinal

    Isidore, hastened from Florence to Moscow, ^7 to reduce the independent nation under the Roman yoke.

    But the Russian bishops had been educated at Mount Athos; and the prince and people embraced the theology of their priests. They were scandalized by the title, the pomp, the Latin cross of the legate, the friend of those impious men who shaved their beards, and performed the divine office with gloves on their hands and rings on their fingers: Isidore was condemned by a synod; his person was imprisoned in a monastery; and it was with extreme difficulty that the cardinal could escape from the hands of a fierce and fanatic people. ^8 The Russians refused a passage to the missionaries of Rome who aspired to convert the Pagans beyond the Tanais; ^9 and their refusal was justified by the maxim, that the guilt of idolatry is less damnable than that of schism. The errors of the Bohemians were excused by their abhorrence for the pope; and a deputation of the Greek clergy solicited the friendship of those sanguinary enthusiasts. ^10 While Eugenius triumphed in the union and orthodoxy of the Greeks, his party was contracted to the walls, or rather to the palace of Constantinople. The zeal of Palaeologus had been excited by interest; it was soon cooled by opposition: an attempt to violate the national belief might endanger his life and crown; not could the pious rebels be destitute of foreign and domestic aid. The sword of his brother Demetrius, who in Italy had maintained a prudent and popular silence, was half unsheathed in the cause of religion; and Amurath, the Turkish sultan, was displeased and alarmed by the seeming friendship of the Greeks and Latins.

    [Footnote 7: Isidore was metropolitan of Kiow, but the Greeks subject to Poland have removed that see from the ruins of Kiow to Lemberg, or Leopold, (Herbestein, in Ramusio, tom. ii. p. 127.) On the other hand, the Russians transferred their spiritual obedience to the archbishop, who became, in 1588, the patriarch, of Moscow, (Levesque Hist. de Russie, tom. iii. p. 188, 190, from a Greek Ms. at Turin, Iter et labores Archiepiscopi Arsenii.)] [Footnote 8: The curious narrative of Levesque (Hist. de Russie, tom. ii. p. 242 – 247) is extracted

    from the patriarchal archives. The scenes of Ferrara and Florence are described by ignorance and passion; but the Russians are credible in the account of their own prejudices.]

    [Footnote 9: The Shamanism, the ancient religion of the Samanaeans and Gymnosophists, has been driven by the more popular Bramins from India into the northern deserts: the naked philosophers were compelled to wrap themselves in fur; but they insensibly sunk into wizards and physicians. The Mordvans and Tcheremisses in the European Russia adhere to this religion, which is formed on the earthly model of one king or God, his ministers or angels, and the rebellious spirits who oppose his government. As these tribes of the Volga have no images, they might more justly retort on the Latin missionaries the name of idolaters, (Levesque, Hist. des Peuples soumis a la Domination des Russes, tom. i. p. 194 – 237, 423 – 460.)]

    [Footnote 10: Spondanus, Annal. Eccles. tom ii. A.D. 1451, No. 13. The epistle of the Greeks with a Latin version, is extant in the college library at Prague.]

    “Sultan Murad, or Amurath, lived forty-nine, and reigned

    thirty years, six months, and eight days. He was a just and valiant prince, of a great soul, patient of labors, learned, merciful, religious, charitable; a lover and encourager of the studious, and of all who excelled in any art or science; a good emperor and a great general. No man obtained more or greater victories than Amurath; Belgrade alone withstood his attacks. ^* Under his reign, the soldier was ever victorious, the citizen rich and secure. If he subdued any country, his first care was to build mosques and caravansaras, hospitals, and colleges. Every year he gave a thousand pieces of gold to the sons of the Prophet; and sent two thousand five hundred to the religious persons of Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem.” ^11 This portrait is transcribed from the historian of the Othman empire: but the applause of a servile and superstitious people has been lavished on the worst of tyrants; and the virtues of a sultan

    are often the vices most useful to himself, or most agreeable to his subjects. A nation ignorant of the equal benefits of liberty and law, must be awed by the flashes of arbitrary power: the cruelty of a despot will assume the character of justice; his profusion, of liberality; his obstinacy, of firmness. If the most reasonable excuse be rejected, few acts of obedience will be found impossible; and guilt must tremble, where innocence cannot always be secure. The tranquillity of the people, and the discipline of the troops, were best maintained by perpetual action in the field; war was the trade of the Janizaries; and those who survived the peril, and divided the spoil, applauded the generous ambition of their sovereign. To propagate the true religion, was the duty of a faithful Mussulman: the unbelievers were his enemies, and those of the Prophet; and, in the hands of the Turks, the scimeter was the only instrument of conversion. Under these circumstances, however, the justice and moderation of Amurath are attested by his conduct, and acknowledged by the Christians themselves; who consider a prosperous reign and a peaceful death as the reward of his singular merits. In the vigor of his age and military power, he seldom engaged in war till he was justified by a previous and adequate provocation: the victorious sultan was disarmed by submission; and in the observance of treaties, his word was inviolate and sacred. ^12 The Hungarians were commonly the aggressors; he was provoked by the revolt of Scanderbeg; and the perfidious Caramanian was twice vanquished, and twice pardoned, by the Ottoman monarch. Before he invaded the Morea, Thebes had been surprised by the despot: in the conquest of Thessalonica, the grandson of Bajazet might dispute the recent purchase of the Venetians; and after the first siege of Constantinople, the sultan was never tempted, by the distress, the absence, or the injuries of Palaeologus, to extinguish the dying light of the Byzantine empire.

    [Footnote *: See the siege and massacre at Thessalonica. Von Hammer vol. i p. 433 – M.]

    [Footnote 11: See Cantemir, History of the Othman Empire, p. 94. Muraq, or Morad, may be more correct: but I have

    preferred the popular name to that obscure diligence which is rarely successful in translating an Oriental, into the Roman, alphabet.]

    [Footnote 12: See Chalcondyles, (l. vii. p. 186, 198,) Ducas, (c. 33,) and Marinus Barletius, (in Vit. Scanderbeg, p. 145, 146.) In his good faith towards the garrison of Sfetigrade, he was a lesson and example to his son Mahomet.]

    But the most striking feature in the life and character of

    Amurath is the double abdication of the Turkish throne; and, were not his motives debased by an alloy of superstition, we must praise the royal philosopher, ^13 who at the age of forty could discern the vanity of human greatness. Resigning the sceptre to his son, he retired to the pleasant residence of Magnesia; but he retired to the society of saints and hermits. It was not till the fourth century of the Hegira, that the religion of Mahomet had been corrupted by an institution so adverse to his genius; but in the age of the crusades, the various orders of Dervises were multiplied by the example of the Christian, and even the Latin, monks. ^14 The lord of nations submitted to fast, and pray, and turn round ^* in endless rotation with the fanatics, who mistook the giddiness of the head for the illumination of the spirit. ^15 But he was soon awakened from his dreams of enthusiasm by the Hungarian invasion; and his obedient son was the foremost to urge the public danger and the wishes of the people. Under the banner of their veteran leader, the Janizaries fought and conquered but he withdrew from the field of Varna, again to pray, to fast, and to turn round with his Magnesian brethren. These pious occupations were again interrupted by the danger of the state. A victorious army disdained the inexperience of their youthful ruler: the city of Adrianople was abandoned to rapine and slaughter; and the unanimous divan implored his presence to appease the tumult, and prevent the rebellion, of the Janizaries. At the well-known voice of their master, they trembled and obeyed; and the reluctant sultan was compelled to support his splendid servitude, till at the end of four years,

    he was relieved by the angel of death. Age or disease, misfortune or caprice, have tempted several princes to descend from the throne; and they have had leisure to repent of their irretrievable step. But Amurath alone, in the full liberty of choice, after the trial of empire and solitude, has repeated his preference of a private life.

    [Footnote 13: Voltaire (Essai sur l’Histoire Generale, c. 89, p. 283, 284) admires le Philosophe Turc: would he have bestowed the same praise on a Christian prince for retiring to a monastery? In his way, Voltaire was a bigot, an intolerant bigot.]

    [Footnote 14: See the articles Dervische, Fakir, Nasser, Rohbaniat, in D’Herbelot’s Bibliotheque Orientale. Yet the subject is superficially treated from the Persian and Arabian writers. It is among the Turks that these orders have principally flourished.]

    [Footnote *: Gibbon has fallen into a remarkable error. The unmonastic retreat of Amurath was that of an epicurean rather than of a dervis; more like that of Sardanapalus than of Charles the Fifth. Profane, not divine, love was its chief occupation: the only dance, that described by Horace as belonging to the country, motus doceri gaudet Ionicos. See Von Hammer note, p. 652. – M] [Footnote 15: Ricaut (in the Present State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 242 – 268) affords much information, which he drew from his personal conversation with the heads of the dervises, most of whom ascribed their origin to the time of Orchan. He does not mention the Zichidae of Chalcondyles, (l. vii. p. 286,) among whom Amurath retired: the Seids of that author are the descendants of Mahomet.]

    After the departure of his Greek brethren, Eugenius had not

    been unmindful of their temporal interest; and his tender regard for the Byzantine empire was animated by a just apprehension of the Turks, who approached, and might soon invade, the borders of Italy. But the spirit of the crusades had

    expired; and the coldness of the Franks was not less unreasonable than their headlong passion. In the eleventh century, a fanatic monk could precipitate Europe on Asia for the recovery of the holy sepulchre; but in the fifteenth, the most pressing motives of religion and policy were insufficient to unite the Latins in the defence of Christendom. Germany was an inexhaustible storehouse of men and arms: ^16 but that complex and languid body required the impulse of a vigorous hand; and Frederic the Third was alike impotent in his personal character and his Imperial dignity. A long war had impaired the strength, without satiating the animosity, of France and England: ^17 but Philip duke of Burgundy was a vain and magnificent prince; and he enjoyed, without danger or expense, the adventurous piety of his subjects, who sailed, in a gallant fleet, from the coast of Flanders to the Hellespont. The maritime republics of Venice and Genoa were less remote from the scene of action; and their hostile fleets were associated under the standard of St. Peter. The kingdoms of Hungary and Poland, which covered as it were the interior pale of the Latin church, were the most nearly concerned to oppose the progress of the Turks. Arms were the patrimony of the Scythians and Sarmatians; and these nations might appear equal to the contest, could they point, against the common foe, those swords that were so wantonly drawn in bloody and domestic quarrels. But the same spirit was adverse to concord and obedience: a poor country and a limited monarch are incapable of maintaining a standing force; and the loose bodies of Polish and Hungarian horse were not armed with the sentiments and weapons which, on some occasions, have given irresistible weight to the French chivalry. Yet, on this side, the designs of the Roman pontiff, and the eloquence of Cardinal Julian, his legate, were promoted by the circumstances of the times: ^18 by the union of the two crowns on the head of Ladislaus, ^19 a young and ambitious soldier; by the valor of a hero, whose name, the name of John Huniades, was already popular among the Christians, and formidable to the Turks. An endless treasure of pardons and indulgences was scattered by the legate; many private warriors of France and Germany enlisted under the holy banner; and

    the crusade derived some strength, or at least some reputation, from the new allies both of Europe and Asia. A fugitive despot of Servia exaggerated the distress and ardor of the Christians beyond the Danube, who would unanimously rise to vindicate their religion and liberty. The Greek emperor, ^20 with a spirit unknown to his fathers, engaged to guard the Bosphorus, and to sally from Constantinople at the head of his national and mercenary troops. The sultan of Caramania ^21 announced the retreat of Amurath, and a powerful diversion in the heart of Anatolia; and if the fleets of the West could occupy at the same moment the Straits of the Hellespont, the Ottoman monarchy would be dissevered and destroyed. Heaven and earth must rejoice in the perdition of the miscreants; and the legate, with prudent ambiguity, instilled the opinion of the invisible, perhaps the visible, aid of the Son of God, and his divine mother.

    [Footnote 16: In the year 1431, Germany raised 40,000 horse, men-at-arms, against the Hussites of Bohemia, (Lenfant, Hist. du Concile de Basle, tom. i. p. 318.) At the siege of Nuys, on the Rhine, in 1474, the princes, prelates, and cities, sent their respective quotas; and the bishop of Munster (qui n’est pas des plus grands) furnished 1400 horse, 6000 foot, all in green, with 1200 wagons. The united armies of the king of England and the duke of Burgundy scarcely equalled one third of this German host, (Memoires de Philippe de Comines, l. iv. c. 2.) At present, six or seven hundred thousand men are maintained in constant pay and admirable discipline by the powers of Germany.] [Footnote 17: It was not till the year 1444, that France and England could agree on a truce of some months. (See Rymer’s Foedera, and the chronicles of both nations.)]

    [Footnote 18: In the Hungarian crusade, Spondanus (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 1443, 1444) has been my leading guide. He has diligently read, and critically compared, the Greek and Turkish materials, the historians of Hungary, Poland, and the West. His narrative is perspicuous and where he can be free from a religious bias, the judgment of Spondanus is not contemptible.] [Footnote 19: I have curtailed the harsh letter (Wladislaus) which most writers affix to his name, either in

    compliance with the Polish pronunciation, or to distinguish him from his rival the infant Ladislaus of Austria. Their competition for the crown of Hungary is described by Callimachus, (l. i. ii. p. 447 – 486,) Bonfinius, (Decad. iii. l. iv.,) Spondanus, and Lenfant.] [Footnote 20: The Greek historians, Phranza, Chalcondyles, and Ducas, do not ascribe to their prince a very active part in this crusade, which he seems to have promoted by his wishes, and injured by his fears.]

    [Footnote 21: Cantemir (p. 88) ascribes to his policy the original plan, and transcribes his animating epistle to the king of Hungary. But the Mahometan powers are seldom it formed of the state of Christendom and the situation and correspondence of the knights of Rhodes must connect them with the sultan of Caramania.]

    Of the Polish and Hungarian diets, a religious war was the

    unanimous cry; and Ladislaus, after passing the Danube, led an army of his confederate subjects as far as Sophia, the capital of the Bulgarian kingdom. In this expedition they obtained two signal victories, which were justly ascribed to the valor and conduct of Huniades. In the first, with a vanguard of ten thousand men, he surprised the Turkish camp; in the second, he vanquished and made prisoner the most renowned of their generals, who possessed the double advantage of ground and numbers. The approach of winter, and the natural and artificial obstacles of Mount Haemus, arrested the progress of the hero, who measured a narrow interval of six days’ march from the foot of the mountains to the hostile towers of Adrianople, and the friendly capital of the Greek empire. The retreat was undisturbed; and the entrance into Buda was at once a military and religious triumph. An ecclesiastical procession was followed by the king and his warriors on foot: he nicely balanced the merits and rewards of the two nations; and the pride of conquest was blended with the humble temper of Christianity. Thirteen bashaws, nine standards, and four thousand captives, were unquestionable trophies; and as all were willing to believe, and none were

    present to contradict, the crusaders multiplied, with unblushing confidence, the myriads of Turks whom they had left on the field of battle. ^22 The most solid proof, and the most salutary consequence, of victory, was a deputation from the divan to solicit peace, to restore Servia, to ransom the prisoners, and to evacuate the Hungarian frontier. By this treaty, the rational objects of the war were obtained: the king, the despot, and Huniades himself, in the diet of Segedin, were satisfied with public and private emolument; a truce of ten years was concluded; and the followers of Jesus and Mahomet, who swore on the Gospel and the Koran, attested the word of God as the guardian of truth and the avenger of perfidy. In the place of the Gospel, the Turkish ministers had proposed to substitute the Eucharist, the real presence of the Catholic deity; but the Christians refused to profane their holy mysteries; and a superstitious conscience is less forcibly bound by the spiritual energy, than by the outward and visible symbols of an oath. ^23 [Footnote 22: In their letters to the emperor Frederic III. the Hungarians slay 80,000 Turks in one battle; but the modest Julian reduces the slaughter to 6000 or even 2000 infidels, (Aeneas Sylvius in Europ. c. 5, and epist. 44, 81, apud Spondanum.)]

    [Footnote 23: See the origin of the Turkish war, and the first expedition of Ladislaus, in the vth and vith books of the iiid decad of Bonfinius, who, in his division and style, copies Livy with tolerable success Callimachus (l. ii p. 487 – 496) is still more pure and authentic.]

    During the whole transaction, the cardinal legate had

    observed a sullen silence, unwilling to approve, and unable to oppose, the consent of the king and people. But the diet was not dissolved before Julian was fortified by the welcome intelligence, that Anatolia was invaded by the Caramanian, and Thrace by the Greek emperor; that the fleets of Genoa, Venice, and Burgundy, were masters of the Hellespont; and that the allies, informed of the victory, and ignorant of the treaty, of Ladislaus, impatiently waited for the return of his

    victorious army. “And is it thus,” exclaimed the cardinal, ^24 “that you will desert their expectations and your own fortune? It is to them, to your God, and your fellow-Christians, that you have pledged your faith; and that prior obligation annihilates a rash and sacrilegious oath to the enemies of Christ. His vicar on earth is the Roman pontiff; without whose sanction you can neither promise nor perform. In his name I absolve your perjury and sanctify your arms: follow my footsteps in the paths of glory and salvation; and if still ye have scruples, devolve on my head the punishment and the sin.” This mischievous casuistry was seconded by his respectable character, and the levity of popular assemblies: war was resolved, on the same spot where peace had so lately been sworn; and, in the execution of the treaty, the Turks were assaulted by the Christians; to whom, with some reason, they might apply the epithet of Infidels. The falsehood of Ladislaus to his word and oath was palliated by the religion of the times: the most perfect, or at least the most popular, excuse would have been the success of his arms and the deliverance of the Eastern church. But the same treaty which should have bound his conscience had diminished his strength. On the proclamation of the peace, the French and German volunteers departed with indignant murmurs: the Poles were exhausted by distant warfare, and perhaps disgusted with foreign command; and their palatines accepted the first license, and hastily retired to their provinces and castles. Even Hungary was divided by faction, or restrained by a laudable scruple; and the relics of the crusade that marched in the second expedition were reduced to an inadequate force of twenty thousand men. A Walachian chief, who joined the royal standard with his vassals, presumed to remark that their numbers did not exceed the hunting retinue that sometimes attended the sultan; and the gift of two horses of matchless speed might admonish Ladislaus of his secret foresight of the event. But the despot of Servia, after the restoration of his country and children, was tempted by the promise of new realms; and the inexperience of the king, the enthusiasm of the legate, and the martial presumption of Huniades himself, were persuaded that every obstacle must yield to the invincible

    virtue of the sword and the cross. After the passage of the Danube, two roads might lead to Constantinople and the Hellespont: the one direct, abrupt, and difficult through the mountains of Haemus; the other more tedious and secure, over a level country, and along the shores of the Euxine; in which their flanks, according to the Scythian discipline, might always be covered by a movable fortification of wagons. The latter was judiciously preferred: the Catholics marched through the plains of Bulgaria, burning, with wanton cruelty, the churches and villages of the Christian natives; and their last station was at Warna, near the sea-shore; on which the defeat and death of Ladislaus have bestowed a memorable name. ^25 [Footnote 24: I do not pretend to warrant the literal accuracy of Julian’s speech, which is variously worded by Callimachus, (l. iii. p. 505 – 507,) Bonfinius, (dec. iii. l. vi. p. 457, 458,) and other historians, who might indulge their own eloquence, while they represent one of the orators of the age. But they all agree in the advice and arguments for perjury, which in the field of controversy are fiercely attacked by the Protestants, and feebly defended by the Catholics. The latter are discouraged by the misfortune of Warna]

    [Footnote 25: Warna, under the Grecian name of Odessus, was a colony of the Milesians, which they denominated from the hero Ulysses, (Cellarius, tom. i. p. 374. D’Anville, tom. i. p. 312.) According to Arrian’s Periplus of the Euxine, (p. 24, 25, in the first volume of Hudson’s Geographers,) it was situate 1740 stadia, or furlongs, from the mouth of the Danube, 2140 from Byzantium, and 360 to the north of a ridge of promontory of Mount Haemus, which advances into the sea.]

    Chapter LXVII: Schism Of The Greeks And Latins.

    Part II.

    It was on this fatal spot, that, instead of finding a

    confederate fleet to second their operations, they were alarmed by the approach of Amurath himself, who had issued from his Magnesian solitude, and transported the forces of Asia to the defence of Europe. According to some writers, the Greek emperor had been awed, or seduced, to grant the passage of the Bosphorus; and an indelible stain of corruption is fixed on the Genoese, or the pope’s nephew, the Catholic admiral, whose mercenary connivance betrayed the guard of the Hellespont. From Adrianople, the sultan advanced by hasty marches, at the head of sixty thousand men; and when the cardinal, and Huniades, had taken a nearer survey of the numbers and order of the Turks, these ardent warriors proposed the tardy and impracticable measure of a retreat. The king alone was resolved to conquer or die; and his resolution had almost been crowned with a glorious and salutary victory. The princes were opposite to each other in the centre; and the Beglerbegs, or generals of Anatolia and Romania, commanded on the right and left, against the adverse divisions of the despot and Huniades. The Turkish wings were broken on the first onset: but the advantage was fatal; and the rash victors, in the heat of the pursuit, were carried away far from the annoyance of the enemy, or the support of their friends.

    When Amurath beheld the flight of his squadrons, he despaired of his fortune and that of the empire: a veteran Janizary seized his horse’s bridle; and he had magnanimity to pardon and reward the soldier who dared to perceive the terror, and arrest the flight, of his sovereign. A copy of the treaty, the monument of Christian perfidy, had been displayed in the front of battle; and it is said, that the sultan in his distress, lifting his eyes and his hands to heaven, implored the protection of the God of truth; and called on the prophet Jesus himself to avenge the impious mockery of his name and religion. ^26 With inferior numbers and disordered ranks, the king of Hungary rushed forward in the confidence of victory, till his career was stopped by the impenetrable phalanx of the Janizaries. If we may credit the Ottoman annals, his horse was pierced by the javelin of Amurath; ^27 he fell among the

    spears of the infantry; and a Turkish soldier proclaimed with a loud voice, “Hungarians, behold the head of your king!” The death of Ladislaus was the signal of their defeat. On his return from an intemperate pursuit, Huniades deplored his error, and the public loss; he strove to rescue the royal body, till he was overwhelmed by the tumultuous crowd of the victors and vanquished; and the last efforts of his courage and conduct were exerted to save the remnant of his Walachian cavalry. Ten thousand Christians were slain in the disastrous battle of Warna: the loss of the Turks, more considerable in numbers, bore a smaller proportion to their total strength; yet the philosophic sultan was not ashamed to confess, that his ruin must be the consequence of a second and similar victory. ^* At his command a column was erected on the spot where Ladislaus had fallen; but the modest inscription, instead of accusing the rashness, recorded the valor, and bewailed the misfortune, of the Hungarian youth. ^28

    [Footnote 26: Some Christian writers affirm, that he drew from his bosom the host or wafer on which the treaty had not been sworn. The Moslems suppose, with more simplicity, an appeal to God and his prophet Jesus, which is likewise insinuated by Callimachus, (l. iii. p. 516. Spondan. A.D. 1444, No. 8.)]

    [Footnote 27: A critic will always distrust these spolia opima of a victorious general, so difficult for valor to obtain, so easy for flattery to invent, (Cantemir, p. 90, 91.) Callimachus (l. iii. p. 517) more simply and probably affirms, supervenitibus Janizaris, telorum multitudine, non jam confossus est, quam obrutus.]

    [Footnote *: Compare Von Hammer, p. 463. – M.]

    [Footnote 28: Besides some valuable hints from Aeneas Sylvius, which are diligently collected by Spondanus, our best authorities are three historians of the xvth century, Philippus Callimachus, (de Rebus a Vladislao Polonorum atque Hungarorum Rege gestis, libri iii. in Bel. Script. Rerum Hungaricarum, tom. i. p. 433 – 518,) Bonfinius, (decad. iii. l. v. p. 460 – 467,) and Chalcondyles, (l. vii. p. 165 – 179.) The two

    first were Italians, but they passed their lives in Poland and Hungary, (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Med. et Infimae Aetatis, tom. i. p. 324.

    Vossius, de Hist. Latin. l. iii. c. 8, 11. Bayle, Dictionnaire, Bonfinius.) A small tract of Faelix Petancius, chancellor of Segnia, (ad calcem Cuspinian. de Caesaribus, p. 716 – 722,) represents the theatre of the war in the xvth century.]

    Before I lose sight of the field of Warna, I am tempted to

    pause on the character and story of two principal actors, the cardinal Julian and John Huniades. Julian ^29 Caesarini was born of a noble family of Rome: his studies had embraced both the Latin and Greek learning, both the sciences of divinity and law; and his versatile genius was equally adapted to the schools, the camp, and the court. No sooner had he been invested with the Roman purple, than he was sent into Germany to arm the empire against the rebels and heretics of Bohemia. The spirit of persecution is unworthy of a Christian; the military profession ill becomes a priest; but the former is excused by the times; and the latter was ennobled by the courage of Julian, who stood dauntless and alone in the disgraceful flight of the German host. As the pope’s legate, he opened the council of Basil; but the president soon appeared the most strenuous champion of ecclesiastical freedom; and an opposition of seven years was conducted by his ability and zeal. After promoting the strongest measures against the authority and person of Eugenius, some secret motive of interest or conscience engaged him to desert on a sudden the popular party. The cardinal withdrew himself from Basil to Ferrara; and, in the debates of the Greeks and Latins, the two nations admired the dexterity of his arguments and the depth of his theological erudition. ^30 In his Hungarian embassy, we have already seen the mischievous effects of his sophistry and eloquence, of which Julian himself was the first victim. The cardinal, who performed the duties of a priest and a soldier, was lost in the defeat of Warna. The circumstances of his death are variously related; but it is believed, that a weighty

    encumbrance of gold impeded his flight, and tempted the cruel avarice of some Christian fugitives.

    [Footnote 29: M. Lenfant has described the origin (Hist. du Concile de Basle, tom. i. p. 247, &c.) and Bohemian campaign (p. 315, &c.) of Cardinal Julian. His services at Basil and Ferrara, and his unfortunate end, are occasionally related by Spondanus, and the continuator of Fleury]

    [Footnote 30: Syropulus honorably praises the talent of an enemy, (p. 117:).]

    From an humble, or at least a doubtful origin, the merit of

    John Huniades promoted him to the command of the Hungarian armies. His father was a Walachian, his mother a Greek: her unknown race might possibly ascend to the emperors of Constantinople; and the claims of the Walachians, with the surname of Corvinus, from the place of his nativity, might suggest a thin pretence for mingling his blood with the patricians of ancient Rome. ^31 In his youth he served in the wars of Italy, and was retained, with twelve horsemen, by the bishop of Zagrab: the valor of the white knight ^32 was soon conspicuous; he increased his fortunes by a noble and wealthy marriage; and in the defence of the Hungarian borders he won in the same year three battles against the Turks. By his influence, Ladislaus of Poland obtained the crown of Hungary; and the important service was rewarded by the title and office of Waivod of Transylvania. The first of Julian’s crusades added two Turkish laurels on his brow; and in the public distress the fatal errors of Warna were forgotten. During the absence and minority of Ladislaus of Austria, the titular king, Huniades was elected supreme captain and governor of Hungary; and if envy at first was silenced by terror, a reign of twelve years supposes the arts of policy as well as of war. Yet the idea of a consummate general is not delineated in his campaigns; the white knight fought with the hand rather than the head, as the chief of desultory Barbarians, who attack without fear and fly without shame; and his military life is composed of a

    romantic alternative of victories and escapes. By the Turks, who employed his name to frighten their perverse children, he was corruptly denominated Jancus Lain, or the Wicked: their hatred is the proof of their esteem; the kingdom which he guarded was inaccessible to their arms; and they felt him most daring and formidable, when they fondly believed the captain and his country irrecoverably lost. Instead of confining himself to a defensive war, four years after the defeat of Warna he again penetrated into the heart of Bulgaria, and in the plain of Cossova, sustained, till the third day, the shock of the Ottoman army, four times more numerous than his own. As he fled alone through the woods of Walachia, the hero was surprised by two robbers; but while they disputed a gold chain that hung at his neck, he recovered his sword, slew the one, terrified the other, and, after new perils of captivity or death, consoled by his presence an afflicted kingdom. But the last and most glorious action of his life was the defence of Belgrade against the powers of Mahomet the Second in person. After a siege of forty days, the Turks, who had already entered the town, were compelled to retreat; and the joyful nations celebrated Huniades and Belgrade as the bulwarks of Christendom. ^33 About a month after this great deliverance, the champion expired; and his most splendid epitaph is the regret of the Ottoman prince, who sighed that he could no longer hope for revenge against the single antagonist who had triumphed over his arms. On the first vacancy of the throne, Matthias Corvinus, a youth of eighteen years of age, was elected and crowned by the grateful Hungarians. His reign was prosperous and long: Matthias aspired to the glory of a conqueror and a saint: but his purest merit is the encouragement of learning; and the Latin orators and historians, who were invited from Italy by the son, have shed the iustre of their eloquence on the father’s character. ^34

    [Footnote 31: See Bonfinius, decad. iii. l. iv. p. 423. Could the Italian historian pronounce, or the king of Hungary hear, without a blush, the absurd flattery which confounded the name of a Walachian village with the casual, though glorious, epithet of a single branch of the Valerian family at Rome?]

    [Footnote 32: Philip de Comines, (Memoires, l. vi. c. 13,) from the tradition of the times, mentions him with high encomiums, but under the whimsical name of the Chevalier Blanc de Valaigne, (Valachia.) The Greek Chalcondyles, and the Turkish annals of Leunclavius, presume to accuse his fidelity or valor.] [Footnote 33: See Bonfinius (decad. iii. l. viii. p. 492) and Spondanus, (A.D. 456, No. 1 – 7.) Huniades shared the glory of the defence of Belgrade with Capistran, a Franciscan friar; and in their respective narratives, neither the saint nor the hero condescend to take notice of his rival’s merit.] [Footnote 34: See Bonfinius, decad. iii. l. viii. – decad. iv. l. viii. The observations of Spondanus on the life and character of Matthias Corvinus are curious and critical, (A.D. 1464, No. 1, 1475, No. 6, 1476, No. 14 – 16, 1490, No. 4, 5.) Italian fame was the object of his vanity. His actions are celebrated in the Epitome Rerum Hungaricarum (p. 322 – 412) of Peter Ranzanus, a Sicilian. His wise and facetious sayings are registered by Galestus Martius of Narni, (528 – 568,) and we have a particular narrative of his wedding and coronation. These three tracts are all contained in the first vol. of Bel’s Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum.]

    In the list of heroes, John Huniades and Scanderbeg are

    commonly associated; ^35 and they are both entitled to our notice, since their occupation of the Ottoman arms delayed the ruin of the Greek empire. John Castriot, the father of Scanderbeg, ^36 was the hereditary prince of a small district of Epirus or Albania, between the mountains and the Adriatic Sea. Unable to contend with the sultan’s power, Castriot submitted to the hard conditions of peace and tribute: he delivered his four sons as the pledges of his fidelity; and the Christian youths, after receiving the mark of circumcision, were instructed in the Mahometan religion, and trained in the arms and arts of Turkish policy. ^37 The three elder brothers were confounded in the crowd of slaves; and the poison to which their deaths are ascribed cannot be verified or disproved by any positive evidence. Yet the suspicion is in a great measure removed by the kind and paternal treatment of

    George Castriot, the fourth brother, who, from his tender youth, displayed the strength and spirit of a soldier. The successive overthrow of a Tartar and two Persians, who carried a proud defiance to the Turkish court, recommended him to the favor of Amurath, and his Turkish appellation of Scanderbeg, (Iskender beg,) or the lord Alexander, is an indelible memorial of his glory and servitude. His father’s principality was reduced into a province; but the loss was compensated by the rank and title of Sanjiak, a command of five thousand horse, and the prospect of the first dignities of the empire. He served with honor in the wars of Europe and Asia; and we may smile at the art or credulity of the historian, who supposes, that in every encounter he spared the Christians, while he fell with a thundering arm on his Mussulman foes. The glory of Huniades is without reproach: he fought in the defence of his religion and country; but the enemies who applaud the patriot, have branded his rival with the name of traitor and apostate. In the eyes of the Christian, the rebellion of Scanderberg is justified by his father’s wrongs, the ambiguous death of his three brothers, his own degradation, and the slavery of his country; and they adore the generous, though tardy, zeal, with which he asserted the faith and independence of his ancestors. But he had imbibed from his ninth year the doctrines of the Koran; he was ignorant of the Gospel; the religion of a soldier is determined by authority and habit; nor is it easy to conceive what new illumination at the age of forty ^38 could be poured into his soul. His motives would be less exposed to the suspicion of interest or revenge, had he broken his chain from the moment that he was sensible of its weight: but a long oblivion had surely impaired his original right; and every year of obedience and reward had cemented the mutual bond of the sultan and his subject. If Scanderbeg had long harbored the belief of Christianity and the intention of revolt, a worthy mind must condemn the base dissimulation, that could serve only to betray, that could promise only to be forsworn, that could actively join in the temporal and spiritual perdition of so many thousands of his unhappy brethren. Shall we praise a secret correspondence with Huniades, while he commanded the

    vanguard of the Turkish army? shall we excuse the desertion of his standard, a treacherous desertion which abandoned the victory to the enemies of his benefactor? In the confusion of a defeat, the eye of Scanderbeg was fixed on the Reis Effendi or principal secretary: with the dagger at his breast, he extorted a firman or patent for the government of Albania; and the murder of the guiltless scribe and his train prevented the consequences of an immediate discovery. With some bold companions, to whom he had revealed his design he escaped in the night, by rapid marches, from the field or battle to his paternal mountains. The gates of Croya were opened to the royal mandate; and no sooner did he command the fortress, than George Castriot dropped the mask of dissimulation; abjured the prophet and the sultan, and proclaimed himself the avenger of his family and country. The names of religion and liberty provoked a general revolt: the Albanians, a martial race, were unanimous to live and die with their hereditary prince; and the Ottoman garrisons were indulged in the choice of martyrdom or baptism. In the assembly of the states of Epirus, Scanderbeg was elected general of the Turkish war; and each of the allies engaged to furnish his respective proportion of men and money. From these contributions, from his patrimonial estate, and from the valuable salt-pits of Selina, he drew an annual revenue of two hundred thousand ducats; ^39 and the entire sum, exempt from the demands of luxury, was strictly appropriated to the public use. His manners were popular; but his discipline was severe; and every superfluous vice was banished from his camp: his example strengthened his command; and under his conduct, the Albanians were invincible in their own opinion and that of their enemies. The bravest adventurers of France and Germany were allured by his fame and retained in his service: his standing militia consisted of eight thousand horse and seven thousand foot; the horses were small, the men were active; but he viewed with a discerning eye the difficulties and resources of the mountains; and, at the blaze of the beacons, the whole nation was distributed in the strongest posts. With such unequal arms Scanderbeg resisted twenty-three years the powers of the Ottoman empire; and two conquerors,

    Amurath the Second, and his greater son, were repeatedly baffled by a rebel, whom they pursued with seeming contempt and implacable resentment. At the head of sixty thousand horse and forty thousand Janizaries, Amurath entered Albania: he might ravage the open country, occupy the defenceless towns, convert the churches into mosques, circumcise the Christian youths, and punish with death his adult and obstinate captives: but the conquests of the sultan were confined to the petty fortress of Sfetigrade; and the garrison, invincible to his arms, was oppressed by a paltry artifice and a superstitious scruple. ^40 Amurath retired with shame and loss from the walls of Croya, the castle and residence of the Castriots; the march, the siege, the retreat, were harassed by a vexatious, and almost invisible, adversary; ^41 and the disappointment might tend to imbitter, perhaps to shorten, the last days of the sultan. ^42 In the fulness of conquest, Mahomet the Second still felt at his bosom this domestic thorn: his lieutenants were permitted to negotiate a truce; and the Albanian prince may justly be praised as a firm and able champion of his national independence. The enthusiasm of chivalry and religion has ranked him with the names of Alexander and Pyrrhus; nor would they blush to acknowledge their intrepid countryman: but his narrow dominion, and slender powers, must leave him at an humble distance below the heroes of antiquity, who triumphed over the East and the Roman legions. His splendid achievements, the bashaws whom he encountered, the armies that he discomfited, and the three thousand Turks who were slain by his single hand, must be weighed in the scales of suspicious criticism. Against an illiterate enemy, and in the dark solitude of Epirus, his partial biographers may safely indulge the latitude of romance: but their fictions are exposed by the light of Italian history; and they afford a strong presumption against their own truth, by a fabulous tale of his exploits, when he passed the Adriatic with eight hundred horse to the succor of the king of Naples. ^43 Without disparagement to his fame, they might have owned, that he was finally oppressed by the Ottoman powers: in his extreme danger he applied to Pope Pius the Second for a refuge in the

    ecclesiastical state; and his resources were almost exhausted, since Scanderbeg died a fugitive at Lissus, on the Venetian territory. ^44 His sepulchre was soon violated by the Turkish conquerors; but the Janizaries, who wore his bones enchased in a bracelet, declared by this superstitious amulet their involuntary reverence for his valor. The instant ruin of his country may redound to the hero’s glory; yet, had he balanced the consequences of submission and resistance, a patriot perhaps would have declined the unequal contest which must depend on the life and genius of one man. Scanderbeg might indeed be supported by the rational, though fallacious, hope, that the pope, the king of Naples, and the Venetian republic, would join in the defence of a free and Christian people, who guarded the sea-coast of the Adriatic, and the narrow passage from Greece to Italy. His infant son was saved from the national shipwreck; the Castriots ^45 were invested with a Neapolitan dukedom, and their blood continues to flow in the noblest families of the realm. A colony of Albanian fugitives obtained a settlement in Calabria, and they preserve at this day the language and manners of their ancestors. ^46 [Footnote 35: They are ranked by Sir William Temple, in his pleasing Essay on Heroic Virtue, (Works, vol. iii. p. 385,) among the seven chiefs who have deserved without wearing, a royal crown; Belisarius, Narses, Gonsalvo of Cordova, William first prince of Orange, Alexander duke of Parma, John Huniades, and George Castriot, or Scanderbeg.]

    [Footnote 36: I could wish for some simple authentic memoirs of a friend of Scanderbeg, which would introduce me to the man, the time, and the place. In the old and national history of Marinus Barletius, a priest of Scodra, (de Vita. Moribus, et Rebus gestis Georgii Castrioti, &c. libri xiii. p. 367. Argentorat. 1537, in fol.,) his gaudy and cumbersoms robes are stuck with many false jewels. See likewise Chalcondyles, l vii. p. 185, l. viii. p. 229.] [Footnote 37: His circumcision, education, &c., are marked by Marinus with brevity and reluctance, (l. i. p. 6, 7.)]

    [Footnote 38: Since Scanderbeg died A.D. 1466, in the lxiiid year of his age, (Marinus, l. xiii. p. 370,) he was born in 1403;

    since he was torn from his parents by the Turks, when he was novennis, (Marinus, l. i. p. 1, 6,) that event must have happened in 1412, nine years before the accession of Amurath II., who must have inherited, not acquired the Albanian slave. Spondanus has remarked this inconsistency, A.D. 1431, No. 31, 1443, No. 14.] [Footnote 39: His revenue and forces are luckily given by Marinus, (l. ii. p. 44.)]

    [Footnote 40: There were two Dibras, the upper aud lower, the Bulgarian and Albanian: the former, 70 miles from Croya, (l. i. p. 17,) was contiguous to the fortress of Sfetigrade, whose inhabitants refused to drink from a well into which a dead dog had traitorously been cast, (l. v. p. 139, 140.) We want a good map of Epirus.]

    [Footnote 41: Compare the Turkish narrative of Cantemir (p. 92) with the pompous and prolix declamation in the ivth, vth, and vith books of the Albanian priest, who has been copied by the tribe of strangers and moderns.] [Footnote 42: In honor of his hero, Barletius (l. vi. p. 188 – 192) kills the sultan by disease indeed, under the walls of Croya. But this audacious fiction is disproved by the Greeks and Turks, who agree in the time and manner of Amurath’s death at Adrianople.]

    [Footnote 43: See the marvels of his Calabrian expedition in the ixth and xth books of Marinus Barletius, which may be rectified by the testimony or silence of Muratori, (Annali d’Italia, tom. xiii. p. 291,) and his original authors, (Joh. Simonetta de Rebus Francisci Sfortiae, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital. tom. xxi. p. 728, et alios.) The Albanian cavalry, under the name of Stradiots, soon became famous in the wars of Italy, (Memoires de Comines, l. viii. c. 5.)]

    [Footnote 44: Spondanus, from the best evidence, and the most rational criticism, has reduced the giant Scanderbeg to the human size, (A.D. 1461, No. 20, 1463, No. 9, 1465, No. 12, 13, 1467, No. 1.) His own letter to the pope, and the testimony of Phranza, (l. iii. c. 28,) a refugee in the neighboring isle of Corfu, demonstrate his last distress, which is awkwardly concealed by Marinus Barletius, (l. x.)]

    [Footnote 45: See the family of the Castriots, in Ducange, (Fam. Dalmaticae, &c, xviii. p. 348 – 350.)]

    [Footnote 46: This colony of Albanese is mentioned by Mr. Swinburne, (Travels into the Two Sicilies, vol. i. p. 350 – 354.)]

    In the long career of the decline and fall of the Roman

    empire, I have reached at length the last reign of the princes of Constantinople, who so feebly sustained the name and majesty of the Caesars. On the decease of John Palaeologus, who survived about four years the Hungarian crusade, ^47 the royal family, by the death of Andronicus and the monastic profession of Isidore, was reduced to three princes, Constantine, Demetrius, and Thomas, the surviving sons of the emperor Manuel. Of these the first and the last were far distant in the Morea; but Demetrius, who possessed the domain of Selybria, was in the suburbs, at the head of a party: his ambition was not chilled by the public distress; and his conspiracy with the Turks and the schismatics had already disturbed the peace of his country. The funeral of the late emperor was accelerated with singular and even suspicious haste: the claim of Demetrius to the vacant throne was justified by a trite and flimsy sophism, that he was born in the purple, the eldest son of his father’s reign. But the empress-mother, the senate and soldiers, the clergy and people, were unanimous in the cause of the lawful successor: and the despot Thomas, who, ignorant of the change, accidentally returned to the capital, asserted with becoming zeal the interest of his absent brother. An ambassador, the historian Phranza, was immediately despatched to the court of Adrianople. Amurath received him with honor and dismissed him with gifts; but the gracious approbation of the Turkish sultan announced his supremacy, and the approaching downfall of the Eastern empire. By the hands of two illustrious deputies, the Imperial crown was placed at Sparta on the head of Constantine. In the spring he sailed from the Morea, escaped the encounter of a Turkish squadron, enjoyed the acclamations of his subjects, celebrated the festival of a new

    reign, and exhausted by his donatives the treasure, or rather the indigence, of the state. The emperor immediately resigned to his brothers the possession of the Morea; and the brittle friendship of the two princes, Demetrius and Thomas, was confirmed in their mother’s presence by the frail security of oaths and embraces. His next occupation was the choice of a consort. A daughter of the doge of Venice had been proposed; but the Byzantine nobles objected the distance between an hereditary monarch and an elective magistrate; and in their subsequent distress, the chief of that powerful republic was not unmindful of the affront. Constantine afterwards hesitated between the royal families of Trebizond and Georgia; and the embassy of Phranza represents in his public and private life the last days of the Byzantine empire. ^48 [Footnote 47: The Chronology of Phranza is clear and authentic; but instead of four years and seven months, Spondanus (A.D. 1445, No. 7,) assigns seven or eight years to the reign of the last Constantine which he deduces from a spurious epistle of Eugenius IV. to the king of Aethiopia.] [Footnote 48: Phranza (l. iii. c. 1 – 6) deserves credit and esteem.]

    The protovestiare, or great chamberlain, Phranza sailed from

    Constantinople as the minister of a bridegroom; and the relics of wealth and luxury were applied to his pompous appearance. His numerous retinue consisted of nobles and guards, of physicians and monks: he was attended by a band of music; and the term of his costly embassy was protracted above two years. On his arrival in Georgia or Iberia, the natives from the towns and villages flocked around the strangers; and such was their simplicity, that they were delighted with the effects, without understanding the cause, of musical harmony. Among the crowd was an old man, above a hundred years of age, who had formerly been carried away a captive by the Barbarians, ^49 and who amused his hearers with a tale of the wonders of India, ^50 from whence he had returned to Portugal by an unknown sea. ^51 From this hospitable land, Phranza proceeded to the court of Trebizond, where he was informed by

    the Greek prince of the recent decease of Amurath. Instead of rejoicing in the deliverance, the experienced statesman expressed his apprehension, that an ambitious youth would not long adhere to the sage and pacific system of his father. After the sultan’s decease, his Christian wife, Maria, ^52 the daughter of the Servian despot, had been honorably restored to her parents; on the fame of her beauty and merit, she was recommended by the ambassador as the most worthy object of the royal choice; and Phranza recapitulates and refutes the specious objections that might be raised against the proposal. The majesty of the purple would ennoble an unequal alliance; the bar of affinity might be removed by liberal alms and the dispensation of the church; the disgrace of Turkish nuptials had been repeatedly overlooked; and, though the fair Maria was nearly fifty years of age, she might yet hope to give an heir to the empire. Constantine listened to the advice, which was transmitted in the first ship that sailed from Trebizond; but the factions of the court opposed his marriage; and it was finally prevented by the pious vow of the sultana, who ended her days in the monastic profession. Reduced to the first alternative, the choice of Phranza was decided in favor of a Georgian princess; and the vanity of her father was dazzled by the glorious alliance. Instead of demanding, according to the primitive and national custom, a price for his daughter, ^53 he offered a portion of fifty-six thousand, with an annual pension of five thousand, ducats; and the services of the ambassador were repaid by an assurance, that, as his son had been adopted in baptism by the emperor, the establishment of his daughter should be the peculiar care of the empress of Constantinople. On the return of Phranza, the treaty was ratified by the Greek monarch, who with his own hand impressed three vermilion crosses on the golden bull, and assured the Georgian envoy that in the spring his galleys should conduct the bride to her Imperial palace. But Constantine embraced his faithful servant, not with the cold approbation of a sovereign, but with the warm confidence of a friend, who, after a long absence, is impatient to pour his secrets into the bosom of his friend. “Since the death of my mother and of Cantacuzene, who alone advised me without

    interest or passion, ^54 I am surrounded,” said the emperor, “by men whom I can neither love nor trust, nor esteem. You are not a stranger to Lucas Notaras, the great admiral; obstinately attached to his own sentiments, he declares, both in private and public, that his sentiments are the absolute measure of my thoughts and actions. The rest of the courtiers are swayed by their personal or factious views; and how can I consult the monks on questions of policy and marriage? I have yet much employment for your diligence and fidelity. In the spring you shall engage one of my brothers to solicit the succor of the Western powers; from the Morea you shall sail to Cyprus on a particular commission; and from thence proceed to Georgia to receive and conduct the future empress.” – “Your commands,” replied Phranza, “are irresistible; but deign, great sir,” he added, with a serious smile, “to consider, that if I am thus perpetually absent from my family, my wife may be tempted either to seek another husband, or to throw herself into a monastery.” After laughing at his apprehensions, the emperor more gravely consoled him by the pleasing assurance that this should be his last service abroad, and that he destined for his son a wealthy and noble heiress; for himself, the important office of great logothete, or principal minister of state. The marriage was immediately stipulated: but the office, however incompatible with his own, had been usurped by the ambition of the admiral. Some delay was requisite to negotiate a consent and an equivalent; and the nomination of Phranza was half declared, and half suppressed, lest it might be displeasing to an insolent and powerful favorite. The winter was spent in the preparations of his embassy; and Phranza had resolved, that the youth his son should embrace this opportunity of foreign travel, and be left, on the appearance of danger, with his maternal kindred of the Morea. Such were the private and public designs, which were interrupted by a Turkish war, and finally buried in the ruins of the empire. [Footnote 49: Suppose him to have been captured in 1394, in Timour’s first war in Georgia, (Sherefeddin, l. iii. c. 50;) he might follow his Tartar master into Hindostan in 1398, and from thence sail to the spice islands.] [Footnote 50: The happy and pious Indians lived a hundred and fifty years, and enjoyed

    the most perfect productions of the vegetable and mineral kingdoms. The animals were on a large scale: dragons seventy cubits, ants (the formica Indica) nine inches long, sheep like elephants, elephants like sheep. Quidlibet audendi, &c.]

    [Footnote 51: He sailed in a country vessel from the spice islands to one of the ports of the exterior India; invenitque navem grandem Ibericam qua in Portugalliam est delatus. This passage, composed in 1477, (Phranza, l. iii. c. 30,) twenty years before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, is spurious or wonderful. But this new geography is sullied by the old and incompatible error which places the source of the Nile in India.]

    [Footnote 52: Cantemir, (p. 83,) who styles her the daughter of Lazarus Ogli, and the Helen of the Servians, places her marriage with Amurath in the year 1424. It will not easily be believed, that in six-and-twenty years’ cohabitation, the sultan corpus ejus non tetigit. After the taking of Constantinople, she fled to Mahomet II., (Phranza, l. iii. c. 22.)]

    [Footnote 53: The classical reader will recollect the offers of Agamemnon, (Iliad, c. v. 144,) and the general practice of antiquity.]

    [Footnote 54: Cantacuzene (I am ignorant of his relation to the emperor of that name) was great domestic, a firm assertor of the Greek creed, and a brother of the queen of Servia, whom he visited with the character of ambassador, (Syropulus, p. 37, 38, 45.)]

    Chapter LXVIII:

    Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of Eastern Empire

    Part I.

    Reign And Character Of Mahomet The Second. – Siege, Assault,

    And Final Conquest, Of Constantinople By The Turks. – Death Of Constantine Palaeologus. – Servitude Of The Greeks. – Extinction Of The Roman Empire In The East. – Consternation Of Europe. – Conquests And Death Of Mahomet The Second.

    The siege of Constantinople by the Turks attracts our first

    attention to the person and character of the great destroyer. Mahomet the Second ^1 was the son of the second Amurath; and though his mother has been decorated with the titles of Christian and princess, she is more probably confounded with the numerous concubines who peopled from every climate the harem of the sultan. His first education and sentiments were those of a devout Mussulman; and as often as he conversed with an infidel, he purified his hands and face by the legal rites of ablution. Age and empire appear to have relaxed this narrow bigotry: his aspiring genius disdained to acknowledge a power above his own; and in his looser hours he presumed (it is said) to brand the prophet of Mecca as a robber and impostor. Yet the sultan persevered in a decent reverence for the doctrine and discipline of the Koran: ^2 his private indiscretion must have been sacred from the vulgar ear; and we should suspect the credulity of strangers and sectaries, so

    prone to believe that a mind which is hardened against truth must be armed with superior contempt for absurdity and error. Under the tuition of the most skilful masters, Mahomet advanced with an early and rapid progress in the paths of knowledge; and besides his native tongue it is affirmed that he spoke or understood five languages, ^3 the Arabic, the Persian, the Chaldaean or Hebrew, the Latin, and the Greek. The Persian might indeed contribute to his amusement, and the Arabic to his edification; and such studies are familiar to the Oriental youth. In the intercourse of the Greeks and Turks, a conqueror might wish to converse with the people over which he was ambitious to reign: his own praises in Latin poetry ^4 or prose ^5 might find a passage to the royal ear; but what use or merit could recommend to the statesman or the scholar the uncouth dialect of his Hebrew slaves? The history and geography of the world were familiar to his memory: the lives of the heroes of the East, perhaps of the West, ^6 excited his emulation: his skill in astrology is excused by the folly of the times, and supposes some rudiments of mathematical science; and a profane taste for the arts is betrayed in his liberal invitation and reward of the painters of Italy. ^7 But the influence of religion and learning were employed without effect on his savage and licentious nature.

    I will not transcribe, nor do I firmly believe, the stories of his fourteen pages, whose bellies were ripped open in search of a stolen melon; or of the beauteous slave, whose head he severed from her body, to convince the Janizaries that their master was not the votary of love. ^* His sobriety is attested by the silence of the Turkish annals, which accuse three, and three only, of the Ottoman line of the vice of drunkenness. ^8 But it cannot be denied that his passions were at once furious and inexorable; that in the palace, as in the field, a torrent of blood was spilt on the slightest provocation; and that the noblest of the captive youth were often dishonored by his unnatural lust. In the Albanian war he studied the lessons, and soon surpassed the example, of his father; and the conquest of two empires, twelve kingdoms, and two hundred

    cities, a vain and flattering account, is ascribed to his invincible sword. He was doubtless a soldier, and possibly a general; Constantinople has sealed his glory; but if we compare the means, the obstacles, and the achievements, Mahomet the Second must blush to sustain a parallel with Alexander or Timour. Under his command, the Ottoman forces were always more numerous than their enemies; yet their progress was bounded by the Euphrates and the Adriatic; and his arms were checked by Huniades and Scanderbeg, by the Rhodian knights and by the Persian king. [Footnote 1: For the character of Mahomet II. it is dangerous to trust either the Turks or the Christians. The most moderate picture appears to be drawn by Phranza, (l. i. c. 33,) whose resentment had cooled in age and solitude; see likewise Spondanus, (A.D. 1451, No. 11,) and the continuator of Fleury, (tom. xxii. p. 552,) the Elogia of Paulus Jovius, (l. iii. p. 164 – 166,) and the Dictionnaire de Bayle, (tom. iii. p. 273 – 279.)]

    [Footnote 2: Cantemir, (p. 115.) and the mosques which he founded, attest his public regard for religion. Mahomet freely disputed with the Gennadius on the two religions, (Spond. A.D. 1453, No. 22.)]

    [Footnote 3: Quinque linguas praeter suam noverat, Graecam, Latinam, Chaldaicam, Persicam. The Latin translator of Phranza has dropped the Arabic, which the Koran must recommend to every Mussulman.

    Note: It appears in the original Greek text, p. 95, edit. Bonn. – M.] [Footnote 4: Philelphus, by a Latin ode, requested and obtained the liberty of his wife’s mother and sisters from the conqueror of Constantinople. It was delivered into the sultan’s hands by the envoys of the duke of Milan. Philelphus himself was suspected of a design of retiring to Constantinople; yet the orator often sounded the trumpet of holy war, (see his Life by M. Lancelot, in the Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 718, 724, &c.)]

    [Footnote 5: Robert Valturio published at Verona, in 1483, his xii. books de Re Militari, in which he first mentions the use of bombs. By his patron Sigismund Malatesta, prince of Rimini, it had been addressed with a Latin epistle to Mahomet II.]

    [Footnote 6: According to Phranza, he assiduously studied the lives and actions of Alexander, Augustus, Constantine, and Theodosius. I have read somewhere, that Plutarch’s Lives were translated by his orders into the Turkish language. If the sultan himself understood Greek, it must have been for the benefit of his subjects. Yet these lives are a school of freedom as well as of valor.

    Note: Von Hammer disdainfully rejects this fable of

    Mahomet’s knowledge of languages. Knolles adds, that he delighted in reading the history of Alexander the Great, and of Julius Caesar. The former, no doubt, was the Persian legend, which, it is remarkable, came back to Europe, and was popular throughout the middle ages as the “Romaunt of Alexander.” The founder of the Imperial dynasty of Rome, according to M. Von Hammer, is altogether unknown in the East. Mahomet was a great patron of Turkish literature: the romantic poems of Persia were translated, or imitated, under his patronage. Von Hammer vol ii. p. 268. – M.]

    [Footnote 7: The famous Gentile Bellino, whom he had invited from Venice, was dismissed with a chain and collar of gold, and a purse of 3000 ducats. With Voltaire I laugh at the foolish story of a slave purposely beheaded to instruct the painter in the action of the muscles.]

    [Footnote *: This story, the subject of Johnson’s Irene, is rejected by M. Von Hammer, vol. ii. p. 208. The German historian’s general estimate of Mahomet’s character agrees in its more marked features with Gibbon’s. – M.] [Footnote 8: These Imperial drunkards were Soliman I., Selim II., and Amurath IV., (Cantemir, p. 61.) The sophis of Persia can produce a more regular succession; and in the last age, our European travellers were the witnesses and companions of their revels.]

    In the reign of Amurath, he twice tasted of royalty, and

    twice descended from the throne: his tender age was incapable of opposing his father’s restoration, but never could he forgive the viziers who had recommended that salutary measure. His nuptials were celebrated with the daughter of a Turkman emir; and, after a festival of two months, he departed from Adrianople with his bride, to reside in the government of Magnesia. Before the end of six weeks, he was recalled by a sudden message from the divan, which announced the decease of Amurath, and the mutinous spirit of the Janizaries. His speed and vigor commanded their obedience: he passed the Hellespont with a chosen guard: and at the distance of a mile from Adrianople, the viziers and emirs, the imams and candhis, the soldiers and the people, fell prostrate before the new sultan. They affected to weep, they affected to rejoice: he ascended the throne at the age of twenty-one years, and removed the cause of sedition by the death, the inevitable death, of his infant brothers. ^9 ^* The ambassadors of Europe and Asia soon appeared to congratulate his accession and solicit his friendship; and to all he spoke the language of moderation and peace. The confidence of the Greek emperor was revived by the solemn oaths and fair assurances with which he sealed the ratification of the treaty: and a rich domain on the banks of the Strymon was assigned for the annual payment of three hundred thousand aspers, the pension of an Ottoman prince, who was detained at his request in the Byzantine court. Yet the neighbors of Mahomet might tremble at the severity with which a youthful monarch reformed the pomp of his father’s household: the expenses of luxury were applied to those of ambition, and a useless train of seven thousand falconers was either dismissed from his service, or enlisted in his troops. ^! In the first summer of his reign, he visited with an army the Asiatic provinces; but after humbling the pride, Mahomet accepted the submission, of the Caramanian, that he might not be diverted by the smallest obstacle from the execution of his great design. ^10

    [Footnote 9: Calapin, one of these royal infants, was saved from his cruel brother, and baptized at Rome under the name of Callistus Othomannus. The emperor Frederic III. presented him with an estate in Austria, where he ended his life; and Cuspinian, who in his youth conversed with the aged prince at Vienna, applauds his piety and wisdom, (de Caesaribus, p. 672, 673.)] [Footnote *: Ahmed, the son of a Greek princess, was the object of his especial jealousy. Von Hammer, p. 501. – M.]

    [Footnote !: The Janizaries obtained, for the first time, a gift on the accession of a new sovereign, p. 504. – M.]

    [Footnote 10: See the accession of Mahomet II. in Ducas, (c. 33,) Phranza, (l. i. c. 33, l. iii. c. 2,) Chalcondyles, (l. vii. p. 199,) and Cantemir, (p. 96.)]

    The Mahometan, and more especially the Turkish casuists,

    have pronounced that no promise can bind the faithful against the interest and duty of their religion; and that the sultan may abrogate his own treaties and those of his predecessors. The justice and magnanimity of Amurath had scorned this immoral privilege; but his son, though the proudest of men, could stoop from ambition to the basest arts of dissimulation and deceit. Peace was on his lips, while war was in his heart: he incessantly sighed for the possession of Constantinople; and the Greeks, by their own indiscretion, afforded the first pretence of the fatal rupture. ^11 Instead of laboring to be forgotten, their ambassadors pursued his camp, to demand the payment, and even the increase, of their annual stipend: the divan was importuned by their complaints, and the vizier, a secret friend of the Christians, was constrained to deliver the sense of his brethren.

    “Ye foolish and miserable Romans,” said Calil, “we know your devices, and ye are ignorant of your own danger! The scrupulous Amurath is no more; his throne is occupied by a young conqueror, whom no laws can bind, and no obstacles can resist: and if you escape from his hands, give praise to the

    divine clemency, which yet delays the chastisement of your sins. Why do ye seek to affright us by vain and indirect menaces? Release the fugitive Orchan, crown him sultan of Romania; call the Hungarians from beyond the Danube; arm against us the nations of the West; and be assured, that you will only provoke and precipitate your ruin.” But if the fears of the ambassadors were alarmed by the stern language of the vizier, they were soothed by the courteous audience and friendly speeches of the Ottoman prince; and Mahomet assured them that on his return to Adrianople he would redress the grievances, and consult the true interests, of the Greeks. No sooner had he repassed the Hellespont, than he issued a mandate to suppress their pension, and to expel their officers from the banks of the Strymon: in this measure he betrayed a hostile mind; and the second order announced, and in some degree commenced, the siege of Constantinople. In the narrow pass of the Bosphorus, an Asiatic fortress had formerly been raised by his grandfather; in the opposite situation, on the European side, he resolved to erect a more formidable castle; and a thousand masons were commanded to assemble in the spring on a spot named Asomaton, about five miles from the Greek metropolis. ^12 Persuasion is the resource of the feeble; and the feeble can seldom persuade: the ambassadors of the emperor attempted, without success, to divert Mahomet from the execution of his design. They represented, that his grandfather had solicited the permission of Manuel to build a castle on his own territories; but that this double fortification, which would command the strait, could only tend to violate the alliance of the nations; to intercept the Latins who traded in the Black Sea, and perhaps to annihilate the subsistence of the city. “I form the enterprise,” replied the perfidious sultan, “against the city; but the empire of Constantinople is measured by her walls. Have you forgot the distress to which my father was reduced when you formed a league with the Hungarians; when they invaded our country by land, and the Hellespont was occupied by the French galleys? Amurath was compelled to force the passage of the Bosphorus; and your strength was not equal to your malevolence. I was then a child at Adrianople; the Moslems trembled; and, for a while, the

    Gabours ^13 insulted our disgrace. But when my father had triumphed in the field of Warna, he vowed to erect a fort on the western shore, and that vow it is my duty to accomplish. Have ye the right, have ye the power, to control my actions on my own ground? For that ground is my own: as far as the shores of the Bosphorus, Asia is inhabited by the Turks, and Europe is deserted by the Romans. Return, and inform your king, that the present Ottoman is far different from his predecessors; that his resolutions surpass their wishes; and that he performs more than they could resolve. Return in safety – but the next who delivers a similar message may expect to be flayed alive.” After this declaration, Constantine, the first of the Greeks in spirit as in rank, ^14 had determined to unsheathe the sword, and to resist the approach and establishment of the Turks on the Bosphorus. He was disarmed by the advice of his civil and ecclesiastical ministers, who recommended a system less generous, and even less prudent, than his own, to approve their patience and long-suffering, to brand the Ottoman with the name and guilt of an aggressor, and to depend on chance and time for their own safety, and the destruction of a fort which could not long be maintained in the neighborhood of a great and populous city. Amidst hope and fear, the fears of the wise, and the hopes of the credulous, the winter rolled away; the proper business of each man, and each hour, was postponed; and the Greeks shut their eyes against the impending danger, till the arrival of the spring and the sultan decide the assurance of their ruin.

    [Footnote 11: Before I enter on the siege of Constantinople, I shall observe, that except the short hints of Cantemir and Leunclavius, I have not been able to obtain any Turkish account of this conquest; such an account as we possess of the siege of Rhodes by Soliman II., (Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxvi. p. 723 – 769.) I must therefore depend on the Greeks, whose prejudices, in some degree, are subdued by their distress. Our standard texts ar those of Ducas, (c. 34 – 42,) Phranza, (l. iii. c. 7 – 20,) Chalcondyles, (l. viii. p. 201 – 214,) and Leonardus Chiensis, (Historia C. P. a Turco expugnatae. Norimberghae, 1544, in 4to., 20 leaves.)

    The last of these narratives is the earliest in date, since it was composed in the Isle of Chios, the 16th of August, 1453, only seventy-nine days after the loss of the city, and in the first confusion of ideas and passions. Some hints may be added from an epistle of Cardinal Isidore (in Farragine Rerum Turcicarum, ad calcem Chalcondyl. Clauseri, Basil, 1556) to Pope Nicholas V., and a tract of Theodosius Zygomala, which he addressed in the year 1581 to Martin Crucius, (Turco-Graecia, l. i. p. 74 – 98, Basil, 1584.) The various facts and materials are briefly, though critically, reviewed by Spondanus, (A.D. 1453, No. 1 – 27.) The hearsay relations of Monstrelet and the distant Latins I shall take leave to disregard.

    Note: M. Von Hammer has added little new information on the

    siege of Constantinople, and, by his general agreement, has borne an honorable testimony to the truth, and by his close imitation to the graphic spirit and boldness, of Gibbon. – M.]

    [Footnote 12: The situation of the fortress, and the topography of the Bosphorus, are best learned from Peter Gyllius, (de Bosphoro Thracio, l. ii. c. 13,) Leunclavius, (Pandect. p. 445,) and Tournefort, (Voyage dans le Levant, tom. ii. lettre xv. p. 443, 444;) but I must regret the map or plan which Tournefort sent to the French minister of the marine. The reader may turn back to chap. xvii. of this History.]

    [Footnote 13: The opprobrious name which the Turks bestow on the infidels, is expressed by Ducas, and Giaour by Leunclavius and the moderns. The former term is derived by Ducange (Gloss. Graec tom. i. p. 530), in vulgar Greek, a tortoise, as denoting a retrograde motion from the faith. But alas! Gabour is no more than Gheber, which was transferred from the Persian to the Turkish language, from the worshippers of fire to those of the crucifix, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 375.)]

    [Footnote 14: Phranza does justice to his master’s sense and courage. Calliditatem hominis non ignorans Imperator prior

    arma movere constituit, and stigmatizes the folly of the cum sacri tum profani proceres, which he had heard, amentes spe vana pasci. Ducas was not a privy-counsellor.]

    Of a master who never forgives, the orders are seldom

    disobeyed. On the twenty-sixth of March, the appointed spot of Asomaton was covered with an active swarm of Turkish artificers; and the materials by sea and land were diligently transported from Europe and Asia. ^15 The lime had been burnt in Cataphrygia; the timber was cut down in the woods of Heraclea and Nicomedia; and the stones were dug from the Anatolian quarries. Each of the thousand masons was assisted by two workmen; and a measure of two cubits was marked for their daily task. The fortress ^16 was built in a triangular form; each angle was flanked by a strong and massy tower; one on the declivity of the hill, two along the sea-shore: a thickness of twenty-two feet was assigned for the walls, thirty for the towers; and the whole building was covered with a solid platform of lead. Mahomet himself pressed and directed the work with indefatigable ardor: his three viziers claimed the honor of finishing their respective towers; the zeal of the cadhis emulated that of the Janizaries; the meanest labor was ennobled by the service of God and the sultan; and the diligence of the multitude was quickened by the eye of a despot, whose smile was the hope of fortune, and whose frown was the messenger of death. The Greek emperor beheld with terror the irresistible progress of the work; and vainly strove, by flattery and gifts, to assuage an implacable foe, who sought, and secretly fomented, the slightest occasion of a quarrel. Such occasions must soon and inevitably be found. The ruins of stately churches, and even the marble columns which had been consecrated to Saint Michael the archangel, were employed without scruple by the profane and rapacious Moslems; and some Christians, who presumed to oppose the removal, received from their hands the crown of martyrdom. Constantine had solicited a Turkish guard to protect the fields and harvests of his subjects: the guard was fixed; but their first order was to allow free pasture to the mules and horses of

    the camp, and to defend their brethren if they should be molested by the natives. The retinue of an Ottoman chief had left their horses to pass the night among the ripe corn; the damage was felt; the insult was resented; and several of both nations were slain in a tumultuous conflict. Mahomet listened with joy to the complaint; and a detachment was commanded to exterminate the guilty village: the guilty had fled; but forty innocent and unsuspecting reapers were massacred by the soldiers. Till this provocation, Constantinople had been opened to the visits of commerce and curiosity: on the first alarm, the gates were shut; but the emperor, still anxious for peace, released on the third day his Turkish captives; ^17 and expressed, in a last message, the firm resignation of a Christian and a soldier. “Since neither oaths, nor treaty, nor submission, can secure peace, pursue,” said he to Mahomet, “your impious warfare. My trust is in God alone; if it should please him to mollify your heart, I shall rejoice in the happy change; if he delivers the city into your hands, I submit without a murmur to his holy will. But until the Judge of the earth shall pronounce between us, it is my duty to live and die in the defence of my people.” The sultan’s answer was hostile and decisive: his fortifications were completed; and before his departure for Adrianople, he stationed a vigilant Aga and four hundred Janizaries, to levy a tribute on the ships of every nation that should pass within the reach of their cannon. A Venetian vessel, refusing obedience to the new lords of the Bosphorus, was sunk with a single bullet. ^* The master and thirty sailors escaped in the boat; but they were dragged in chains to the Porte: the chief was impaled; his companions were beheaded; and the historian Ducas ^18 beheld, at Demotica, their bodies exposed to the wild beasts. The siege of Constantinople was deferred till the ensuing spring; but an Ottoman army marched into the Morea to divert the force of the brothers of Constantine. At this aera of calamity, one of these princes, the despot Thomas, was blessed or afflicted with the birth of a son; “the last heir,” says the plaintive Phranza, “of the last spark of the Roman empire.” ^19

    [Footnote 15: Instead of this clear and consistent account, the Turkish Annals (Cantemir, p. 97) revived the foolish tale of the ox’s hide, and Dido’s stratagem in the foundation of Carthage. These annals (unless we are swayed by an anti-Christian prejudice) are far less valuable than the Greek historians.]

    [Footnote 16: In the dimensions of this fortress, the old castle of Europe, Phranza does not exactly agree with Chalcondyles, whose description has been verified on the spot by his editor Leunclavius.]

    [Footnote 17: Among these were some pages of Mahomet, so conscious of his inexorable rigor, that they begged to lose their heads in the city unless they could return before sunset.]

    [Footnote *: This was from a model cannon cast by Urban the Hungarian. See p. 291. Von Hammer. p. 510. – M.]

    [Footnote 18: Ducas, c. 35. Phranza, (l. iii. c. 3,) who had sailed in his vessel, commemorates the Venetian pilot as a martyr.]

    [Footnote 19: Auctum est Palaeologorum genus, et Imperii successor, parvaeque Romanorum scintillae haeres natus, Andreas, &c., (Phranza, l. iii. c. 7.) The strong expression was inspired by his feelings.]

    The Greeks and the Turks passed an anxious and sleepless

    winter: the former were kept awake by their fears, the latter by their hopes; both by the preparations of defence and attack; and the two emperors, who had the most to lose or to gain, were the most deeply affected by the national sentiment. In Mahomet, that sentiment was inflamed by the ardor of his youth and temper: he amused his leisure with building at Adrianople ^20 the lofty palace of Jehan Numa, (the watchtower of the world;) but his serious thoughts were irrevocably bent on the conquest of the city of Caesar. At the dead of night, about the second watch, he started from his bed, and commanded the instant attendance of his prime vizier. The message, the hour, the prince, and his own

    situation, alarmed the guilty conscience of Calil Basha; who had possessed the confidence, and advised the restoration, of Amurath. On the accession of the son, the vizier was confirmed in his office and the appearances of favor; but the veteran statesman was not insensible that he trod on a thin and slippery ice, which might break under his footsteps, and plunge him in the abyss. His friendship for the Christians, which might be innocent under the late reign, had stigmatized him with the name of Gabour Ortachi, or foster-brother of the infidels; ^21 and his avarice entertained a venal and treasonable correspondence, which was detected and punished after the conclusion of the war. On receiving the royal mandate, he embraced, perhaps for the last time, his wife and children; filled a cup with pieces of gold, hastened to the palace, adored the sultan, and offered, according to the Oriental custom, the slight tribute of his duty and gratitude. ^22 “It is not my wish,” said Mahomet, “to resume my gifts, but rather to heap and multiply them on thy head. In my turn, I ask a present far more valuable and important; – Constantinople.” As soon as the vizier had recovered from his surprise, “The same God,” said he, “who has already given thee so large a portion of the Roman empire, will not deny the remnant, and the capital. His providence, and thy power, assure thy success; and myself, with the rest of thy faithful slaves, will sacrifice our lives and fortunes.” – “Lala,” ^23 (or preceptor,) continued the sultan, “do you see this pillow? All the night, in my agitation, I have pulled it on one side and the other; I have risen from my bed, again have I lain down; yet sleep has not visited these weary eyes. Beware of the gold and silver of the Romans: in arms we are superior; and with the aid of God, and the prayers of the prophet, we shall speedily become masters of Constantinople.” To sound the disposition of his soldiers, he often wandered through the streets alone, and in disguise; and it was fatal to discover the sultan, when he wished to escape from the vulgar eye. His hours were spent in delineating the plan of the hostile city; in debating with his generals and engineers, on what spot he should erect his batteries; on which side he should assault the walls; where he should spring his mines; to what place he should apply his

    scaling-ladders: and the exercises of the day repeated and proved the lucubrations of the night.

    [Footnote 20: Cantemir, p. 97, 98. The sultan was either doubtful of his conquest, or ignorant of the superior merits of Constantinople. A city or a kingdom may sometimes be ruined by the Imperial fortune of their sovereign.] [Footnote 21: It, by the president Cousin, is translated pere nourricier, most correctly indeed from the Latin version; but in his haste he has overlooked the note by which Ishmael Boillaud (ad Ducam, c. 35) acknowledges and rectifies his own error.]

    [Footnote 22: The Oriental custom of never appearing without gifts before a sovereign or a superior is of high antiquity, and seems analogous with the idea of sacrifice, still more ancient and universal. See the examples of such Persian gifts, Aelian, Hist. Var. l. i. c. 31, 32, 33.]

    [Footnote 23: The Lala of the Turks (Cantemir, p. 34) and the Tata of the Greeks (Ducas, c. 35) are derived from the natural language of children; and it may be observed, that all such primitive words which denote their parents, are the simple repetition of one syllable, composed of a labial or a dental consonant and an open vowel, (Des Brosses, Mechanisme des Langues, tom. i. p. 231 – 247.)]

    Chapter LXVIII: Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of Eastern Empire

    Part II.

    Among the implements of destruction, he studied with

    peculiar care the recent and tremendous discovery of the Latins; and his artillery surpassed whatever had yet appeared in the world. A founder of cannon, a Dane ^* or Hungarian, who had been almost starved in the Greek service, deserted to

    the Moslems, and was liberally entertained by the Turkish sultan. Mahomet was satisfied with the answer to his first question, which he eagerly pressed on the artist. “Am I able to cast a cannon capable of throwing a ball or stone of sufficient size to batter the walls of Constantinople? I am not ignorant of their strength; but were they more solid than those of Babylon, I could oppose an engine of superior power: the position and management of that engine must be left to your engineers.” On this assurance, a foundry was established at Adrianople: the metal was prepared; and at the end of three months, Urban produced a piece of brass ordnance of stupendous, and almost incredible magnitude; a measure of twelve palms is assigned to the bore; and the stone bullet weighed above six hundred pounds. ^24 ^* A vacant place before the new palace was chosen for the first experiment; but to prevent the sudden and mischievous effects of astonishment and fear, a proclamation was issued, that the cannon would be discharged the ensuing day. The explosion was felt or heard in a circuit of a hundred furlongs: the ball, by the force of gunpowder, was driven above a mile; and on the spot where it fell, it buried itself a fathom deep in the ground. For the conveyance of this destructive engine, a frame or carriage of thirty wagons was linked together and drawn along by a team of sixty oxen: two hundred men on both sides were stationed, to poise and support the rolling weight; two hundred and fifty workmen marched before to smooth the way and repair the bridges; and near two months were employed in a laborious journey of one hundred and fifty miles. A lively philosopher ^25 derides on this occasion the credulity of the Greeks, and observes, with much reason, that we should always distrust the exaggerations of a vanquished people. He calculates, that a ball, even o two hundred pounds, would require a charge of one hundred and fifty pounds of powder; and that the stroke would be feeble and impotent, since not a fifteenth part of the mass could be inflamed at the same moment. A stranger as I am to the art of destruction, I can discern that the modern improvements of artillery prefer the number of pieces to the weight of metal; the quickness of the fire to the sound, or even the consequence, of a single explosion. Yet I dare not reject the

    positive and unanimous evidence of contemporary writers; nor can it seem improbable, that the first artists, in their rude and ambitious efforts, should have transgressed the standard of moderation. A Turkish cannon, more enormous than that of Mahomet, still guards the entrance of the Dardanelles; and if the use be inconvenient, it has been found on a late trial that the effect was far from contemptible. A stone bullet of eleven hundred pounds’ weight was once discharged with three hundred and thirty pounds of powder: at the distance of six hundred yards it shivered into three rocky fragments; traversed the strait; and leaving the waters in a foam, again rose and bounded against the opposite hill. ^26

    [Footnote *: Gibbon has written Dane by mistake for Dace, or Dacian. Chalcondyles, Von Hammer, p. 510. – M.]

    [Footnote 24: The Attic talent weighed about sixty minae, or avoirdupois pounds (see Hooper on Ancient Weights, Measures, &c.;) but among the modern Greeks, that classic appellation was extended to a weight of one hundred, or one hundred and twenty-five pounds, (Ducange.) Leonardus Chiensis measured the ball or stone of the second cannon Lapidem, qui palmis undecim ex meis ambibat in gyro.]

    [Footnote *: 1200, according to Leonardus Chiensis. Von Hammer states that he had himself seen the great cannon of the Dardanelles, in which a tailor who had run away from his creditors, had concealed himself several days Von Hammer had measured balls twelve spans round. Note. p. 666. – M.] [Footnote 25: See Voltaire, (Hist. Generale, c. xci. p. 294, 295.) He was ambitious of universal monarchy; and the poet frequently aspires to the name and style of an astronomer, a chemist, &c.]

    [Footnote 26: The Baron de Tott, (tom. iii. p. 85 – 89,) who fortified the Dardanelles against the Russians, describes in a lively, and even comic, strain his own prowess, and the consternation of the Turks. But that adventurous traveller does not possess the art of gaining our confidence.]

    While Mahomet threatened the capital of the East, the Greek

    emperor implored with fervent prayers the assistance of earth and heaven. But the invisible powers were deaf to his supplications; and Christendom beheld with indifference the fall of Constantinople, while she derived at least some promise of supply from the jealous and temporal policy of the sultan of Egypt. Some states were too weak, and others too remote; by some the danger was considered as imaginary by others as inevitable: the Western princes were involved in their endless and domestic quarrels; and the Roman pontiff was exasperated by the falsehood or obstinacy of the Greeks. Instead of employing in their favor the arms and treasures of Italy, Nicholas the Fifth had foretold their approaching ruin; and his honor was engaged in the accomplishment of his prophecy. ^* Perhaps he was softened by the last extremity o their distress; but his compassion was tardy; his efforts were faint and unavailing; and Constantinople had fallen, before the squadrons of Genoa and Venice could sail from their harbors. ^27 Even the princes of the Morea and of the Greek islands affected a cold neutrality: the Genoese colony of Galata negotiated a private treaty; and the sultan indulged them in the delusive hope, that by his clemency they might survive the ruin of the empire. A plebeian crowd, and some Byzantine nobles basely withdrew from the danger of their country; and the avarice of the rich denied the emperor, and reserved for the Turks, the secret treasures which might have raised in their defence whole armies of mercenaries. ^28 The indigent and solitary prince prepared, however, to sustain his formidable adversary; but if his courage were equal to the peril, his strength was inadequate to the contest. In the beginning of the spring, the Turkish vanguard swept the towns and villages as far as the gates of Constantinople: submission was spared and protected; whatever presumed to resist was exterminated with fire and sword. The Greek places on the Black Sea, Mesembria, Acheloum, and Bizon, surrendered on the first summons; Selybria alone deserved the honors of a siege or blockade; and the bold inhabitants, while they were

    invested by land, launched their boats, pillaged the opposite coast of Cyzicus, and sold their captives in the public market. But on the approach of Mahomet himself all was silent and prostrate: he first halted at the distance of five miles; and from thence advancing in battle array, planted before the gates of St. Romanus the Imperial standard; and on the sixth day of April formed the memorable siege of Constantinople. [Footnote *: See the curious Christian and Mahometan predictions of the fall of Constantinople, Von Hammer, p. 518. – M.]

    [Footnote 27: Non audivit, indignum ducens, says the honest Antoninus; but as the Roman court was afterwards grieved and ashamed, we find the more courtly expression of Platina, in animo fuisse pontifici juvare Graecos, and the positive assertion of Aeneas Sylvius, structam classem &c. (Spond. A.D. 1453, No. 3.)]

    [Footnote 28: Antonin. in Proem. – Epist. Cardinal. Isidor. apud Spondanum and Dr. Johnson, in the tragedy of Irene, has happily seized this characteristic circumstance: –

    The groaning Greeks dig up the golden caverns. The accumulated wealth of hoarding ages; That wealth which, granted to their weeping prince, Had ranged embattled nations at their gates.]

    The troops of Asia and Europe extended on the right and left

    from the Propontis to the harbor; the Janizaries in the front were stationed before the sultan’s tent; the Ottoman line was covered by a deep intrenchment; and a subordinate army enclosed the suburb of Galata, and watched the doubtful faith of the Genoese. The inquisitive Philelphus, who resided in Greece about thirty years before the siege, is confident, that all the Turkish forces of any name or value could not exceed the number of sixty thousand horse and twenty thousand foot; and he upbraids the pusillanimity of the nations, who had tamely yielded to a handful of Barbarians. Such indeed might be the regular establishment of the Capiculi, ^29 the troops of the Porte who marched with the prince, and were paid from

    his royal treasury. But the bashaws, in their respective governments, maintained or levied a provincial militia; many lands were held by a military tenure; many volunteers were attracted by the hope of spoil and the sound of the holy trumpet invited a swarm of hungry and fearless fanatics, who might contribute at least to multiply the terrors, and in a first attack to blunt the swords, of the Christians. The whole mass of the Turkish powers is magnified by Ducas, Chalcondyles, and Leonard of Chios, to the amount of three or four hundred thousand men; but Phranza was a less remote and more accurate judge; and his precise definition of two hundred and fifty-eight thousand does not exceed the measure of experience and probability. ^30 The navy of the besiegers was less formidable: the Propontis was overspread with three hundred and twenty sail; but of these no more than eighteen could be rated as galleys of war; and the far greater part must be degraded to the condition of store-ships and transports, which poured into the camp fresh supplies of men, ammunition, and provisions. In her last decay, Constantinople was still peopled with more than a hundred thousand inhabitants; but these numbers are found in the accounts, not of war, but of captivity; and they mostly consisted of mechanics, of priests, of women, and of men devoid of that spirit which even women have sometimes exerted for the common safety. I can suppose, I could almost excuse, the reluctance of subjects to serve on a distant frontier, at the will of a tyrant; but the man who dares not expose his life in the defence of his children and his property, has lost in society the first and most active energies of nature. By the emperor’s command, a particular inquiry had been made through the streets and houses, how many of the citizens, or even of the monks, were able and willing to bear arms for their country. The lists were intrusted to Phranza; ^31 and, after a diligent addition, he informed his master, with grief and surprise, that the national defence was reduced to four thousand nine hundred and seventy Romans. Between Constantine and his faithful minister this comfortless secret was preserved; and a sufficient proportion of shields, cross-bows, and muskets, were distributed from the arsenal to the city bands. They derived some accession from a body of

    two thousand strangers, under the command of John Justiniani, a noble Genoese; a liberal donative was advanced to these auxiliaries; and a princely recompense, the Isle of Lemnos, was promised to the valor and victory of their chief. A strong chain was drawn across the mouth of the harbor: it was supported by some Greek and Italian vessels of war and merchandise; and the ships of every Christian nation, that successively arrived from Candia and the Black Sea, were detained for the public service. Against the powers of the Ottoman empire, a city of the extent of thirteen, perhaps of sixteen, miles was defended by a scanty garrison of seven or eight thousand soldiers. Europe and Asia were open to the besiegers; but the strength and provisions of the Greeks must sustain a daily decrease; nor could they indulge the expectation of any foreign succor or supply.

    [Footnote 29: The palatine troops are styled Capiculi, the provincials, Seratculi; and most of the names and institutions of the Turkish militia existed before the Canon Nameh of Soliman II, from which, and his own experience, Count Marsigli has composed his military state of the Ottoman empire.]

    [Footnote 30: The observation of Philelphus is approved by Cuspinian in the year 1508, (de Caesaribus, in Epilog. de Militia Turcica, p. 697.) Marsigli proves, that the effective armies of the Turks are much less numerous than they appear. In the army that besieged Constantinople Leonardus Chiensis reckons no more than 15,000 Janizaries.]

    [Footnote 31: Ego, eidem (Imp.) tabellas extribui non absque dolore et moestitia, mansitque apud nos duos aliis occultus numerus, (Phranza, l. iii. c. 8.) With some indulgence for national prejudices, we cannot desire a more authentic witness, not only of public facts, but of private counsels.]

    The primitive Romans would have drawn their swords in the

    resolution of death or conquest. The primitive Christians might have embraced each other, and awaited in patience and

    charity the stroke of martyrdom. But the Greeks of Constantinople were animated only by the spirit of religion, and that spirit was productive only of animosity and discord. Before his death, the emperor John Palaeologus had renounced the unpopular measure of a union with the Latins; nor was the idea revived, till the distress of his brother Constantine imposed a last trial of flattery and dissimulation. ^32 With the demand of temporal aid, his ambassadors were instructed to mingle the assurance of spiritual obedience: his neglect of the church was excused by the urgent cares of the state; and his orthodox wishes solicited the presence of a Roman legate. The Vatican had been too often deluded; yet the signs of repentance could not decently be overlooked; a legate was more easily granted than an army; and about six months before the final destruction, the cardinal Isidore of Russia appeared in that character with a retinue of priests and soldiers. The emperor saluted him as a friend and father; respectfully listened to his public and private sermons; and with the most obsequious of the clergy and laymen subscribed the act of union, as it had been ratified in the council of Florence. On the twelfth of December, the two nations, in the church of St. Sophia, joined in the communion of sacrifice and prayer; and the names of the two pontiffs were solemnly commemorated; the names of Nicholas the Fifth, the vicar of Christ, and of the patriarch Gregory, who had been driven into exile by a rebellious people.

    [Footnote 32: In Spondanus, the narrative of the union is not only partial, but imperfect. The bishop of Pamiers died in 1642, and the history of Ducas, which represents these scenes (c. 36, 37) with such truth and spirit, was not printed till the year 1649.]

    But the dress and language of the Latin priest who

    officiated at the altar were an object of scandal; and it was observed with horror, that he consecrated a cake or wafer of unleavened bread, and poured cold water into the cup of the sacrament. A national historian acknowledges with a blush, that none of his countrymen, not the emperor himself, were

    sincere in this occasional conformity. ^33 Their hasty and unconditional submission was palliated by a promise of future revisal; but the best, or the worst, of their excuses was the confession of their own perjury. When they were pressed by the reproaches of their honest brethren, “Have patience,” they whispered, “have patience till God shall have delivered the city from the great dragon who seeks to devour us. You shall then perceive whether we are truly reconciled with the Azymites.” But patience is not the attribute of zeal; nor can the arts of a court be adapted to the freedom and violence of popular enthusiasm. From the dome of St. Sophia the inhabitants of either sex, and of every degree, rushed in crowds to the cell of the monk Gennadius, ^34 to consult the oracle of the church. The holy man was invisible; entranced, as it should seem, in deep meditation, or divine rapture: but he had exposed on the door of his cell a speaking tablet; and they successively withdrew, after reading those tremendous words: “O miserable Romans, why will ye abandon the truth? and why, instead of confiding in God, will ye put your trust in the Italians? In losing your faith you will lose your city. Have mercy on me, O Lord! I protest in thy presence that I am innocent of the crime. O miserable Romans, consider, pause, and repent. At the same moment that you renounce the religion of your fathers, by embracing impiety, you submit to a foreign servitude.” According to the advice of Gennadius, the religious virgins, as pure as angels, and as proud as daemons, rejected the act of union, and abjured all communion with the present and future associates of the Latins; and their example was applauded and imitated by the greatest part of the clergy and people. From the monastery, the devout Greeks dispersed themselves in the taverns; drank confusion to the slaves of the pope; emptied their glasses in honor of the image of the holy Virgin; and besought her to defend against Mahomet the city which she had formerly saved from Chosroes and the Chagan. In the double intoxication of zeal and wine, they valiantly exclaimed, “What occasion have we for succor, or union, or Latins? Far from us be the worship of the Azymites!” During the winter that preceded the Turkish conquest, the nation was distracted by this epidemical frenzy; and the season of Lent,

    the approach of Easter, instead of breathing charity and love, served only to fortify the obstinacy and influence of the zealots. The confessors scrutinized and alarmed the conscience of their votaries, and a rigorous penance was imposed on those who had received the communion from a priest who had given an express or tacit consent to the union. His service at the altar propagated the infection to the mute and simple spectators of the ceremony: they forfeited, by the impure spectacle, the virtue of the sacerdotal character; nor was it lawful, even in danger of sudden death, to invoke the assistance of their prayers or absolution. No sooner had the church of St. Sophia been polluted by the Latin sacrifice, than it was deserted as a Jewish synagogue, or a heathen temple, by the clergy and people; and a vast and gloomy silence prevailed in that venerable dome, which had so often smoked with a cloud of incense, blazed with innumerable lights, and resounded with the voice of prayer and thanksgiving. The Latins were the most odious of heretics and infidels; and the first minister of the empire, the great duke, was heard to declare, that he had rather behold in Constantinople the turban of Mahomet, than the pope’s tiara or a cardinal’s hat. ^35 A sentiment so unworthy of Christians and patriots was familiar and fatal to the Greeks: the emperor was deprived of the affection and support of his subjects; and their native cowardice was sanctified by resignation to the divine decree, or the visionary hope of a miraculous deliverance.

    [Footnote 33: Phranza, one of the conforming Greeks, acknowledges that the measure was adopted only propter spem auxilii; he affirms with pleasure, that those who refused to perform their devotions in St. Sophia, extra culpam et in pace essent, (l. iii. c. 20.)]

    [Footnote 34: His primitive and secular name was George Scholarius, which he changed for that of Gennadius, either when he became a monk or a patriarch. His defence, at Florence, of the same union, which he so furiously attacked at Constantinople, has tempted Leo Allatius (Diatrib. de Georgiis, in Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. x. p. 760 – 786) to divide him

    into two men; but Renaudot (p. 343 – 383) has restored the identity of his person and the duplicity of his character.]

    [Footnote 35: It, may be fairly translated a cardinal’s hat. The difference of the Greek and Latin habits imbittered the schism.]

    Of the triangle which composes the figure of Constantinople,

    the two sides along the sea were made inaccessible to an enemy; the Propontis by nature, and the harbor by art. Between the two waters, the basis of the triangle, the land side was protected by a double wall, and a deep ditch of the depth of one hundred feet.

    Against this line of fortification, which Phranza, an eye-witness, prolongs to the measure of six miles, ^36 the Ottomans directed their principal attack; and the emperor, after distributing the service and command of the most perilous stations, undertook the defence of the external wall. In the first days of the siege the Greek soldiers descended into the ditch, or sallied into the field; but they soon discovered, that, in the proportion of their numbers, one Christian was of more value than twenty Turks: and, after these bold preludes, they were prudently content to maintain the rampart with their missile weapons. Nor should this prudence be accused of pusillanimity. The nation was indeed pusillanimous and base; but the last Constantine deserves the name of a hero: his noble band of volunteers was inspired with Roman virtue; and the foreign auxiliaries supported the honor of the Western chivalry. The incessant volleys of lances and arrows were accompanied with the smoke, the sound, and the fire, of their musketry and cannon. Their small arms discharged at the same time either five, or even ten, balls of lead, of the size of a walnut; and, according to the closeness of the ranks and the force of the powder, several breastplates and bodies were transpierced by the same shot. But the Turkish approaches were soon sunk in trenches, or covered with ruins. Each day added to the science of the Christians; but their inadequate

    stock of gunpowder was wasted in the operations of each day. Their ordnance was not powerful, either in size or number; and if they possessed some heavy cannon, they feared to plant them on the walls, lest the aged structure should be shaken and overthrown by the explosion. ^37 The same destructive secret had been revealed to the Moslems; by whom it was employed with the superior energy of zeal, riches, and despotism. The great cannon of Mahomet has been separately noticed; an important and visible object in the history of the times: but that enormous engine was flanked by two fellows almost of equal magnitude: ^38 the long order of the Turkish artillery was pointed against the walls; fourteen batteries thundered at once on the most accessible places; and of one of these it is ambiguously expressed, that it was mounted with one hundred and thirty guns, or that it discharged one hundred and thirty bullets. Yet in the power and activity of the sultan, we may discern the infancy of the new science. Under a master who counted the moments, the great cannon could be loaded and fired no more than seven times in one day. ^39 The heated metal unfortunately burst; several workmen were destroyed; and the skill of an artist ^* was admired who bethought himself of preventing the danger and the accident, by pouring oil, after each explosion, into the mouth of the cannon. [Footnote 36: We are obliged to reduce the Greek miles to the smallest measure which is preserved in the wersts of Russia, of 547 French toises, and of 104 2/5 to a degree. The six miles of Phranza do not exceed four English miles, (D’Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 61, 123, &c.)]

    [Footnote 37: At indies doctiores nostri facti paravere contra hostes machina menta, quae tamen avare dabantur. Pulvis erat nitri modica exigua; tela modica; bombardae, si aderant incommoditate loci primum hostes offendere, maceriebus alveisque tectos, non poterant. Nam si quae magnae erant, ne murus concuteretur noster, quiescebant. This passage of Leonardus Chiensis is curious and important.]

    [Footnote 38: According to Chalcondyles and Phranza, the great cannon burst; an incident which, according to Ducas,

    was prevented by the artist’s skill. It is evident that they do not speak of the same gun.

    Note: They speak, one of a Byzantine, one of a Turkish, gun.

    Von Hammer note, p. 669]

    [Footnote 39: Near a hundred years after the siege of Constantinople, the French and English fleets in the Channel were proud of firing 300 shot in an engagement of two hours, (Memoires de Martin du Bellay, l. x., in the Collection Generale, tom. xxi. p. 239.)]

    [Footnote *: The founder of the gun. Von Hammer, p. 526.]

    The first random shots were productive of more sound than

    effect; and it was by the advice of a Christian, that the engineers were taught to level their aim against the two opposite sides of the salient angles of a bastion. However imperfect, the weight and repetition of the fire made some impression on the walls; and the Turks, pushing their approaches to the edge of the ditch, attempted to fill the enormous chasm, and to build a road to the assault. ^40 Innumerable fascines, and hogsheads, and trunks of trees, were heaped on each other; and such was the impetuosity of the throng, that the foremost and the weakest were pushed headlong down the precipice, and instantly buried under the accumulated mass. To fill the ditch was the toil of the besiegers; to clear away the rubbish was the safety of the besieged; and after a long and bloody conflict, the web that had been woven in the day was still unravelled in the night. The next resource of Mahomet was the practice of mines; but the soil was rocky; in every attempt he was stopped and undermined by the Christian engineers; nor had the art been yet invented of replenishing those subterraneous passages with gunpowder, and blowing whole towers and cities into the air. ^41 A circumstance that distinguishes the siege of Constantinople is the reunion of the ancient and modern

    artillery. The cannon were intermingled with the mechanical engines for casting stones and darts; the bullet and the battering-ram ^* were directed against the same walls: nor had the discovery of gunpowder superseded the use of the liquid and unextinguishable fire. A wooden turret of the largest size was advanced on rollers this portable magazine of ammunition and fascines was protected by a threefold covering of bulls’ hides: incessant volleys were securely discharged from the loop-holes; in the front, three doors were contrived for the alternate sally and retreat of the soldiers and workmen. They ascended by a staircase to the upper platform, and, as high as the level of that platform, a scaling-ladder could be raised by pulleys to form a bridge, and grapple with the adverse rampart. By these various arts of annoyance, some as new as they were pernicious to the Greeks, the tower of St. Romanus was at length overturned: after a severe struggle, the Turks were repulsed from the breach, and interrupted by darkness; but they trusted that with the return of light they should renew the attack with fresh vigor and decisive success. Of this pause of action, this interval of hope, each moment was improved, by the activity of the emperor and Justiniani, who passed the night on the spot, and urged the labors which involved the safety of the church and city. At the dawn of day, the impatient sultan perceived, with astonishment and grief, that his wooden turret had been reduced to ashes: the ditch was cleared and restored; and the tower of St. Romanus was again strong and entire. He deplored the failure of his design; and uttered a profane exclamation, that the word of the thirty-seven thousand prophets should not have compelled him to believe that such a work, in so short a time, could have been accomplished by the infidels.

    [Footnote 40: I have selected some curious facts, without striving to emulate the bloody and obstinate eloquence of the abbe de Vertot, in his prolix descriptions of the sieges of Rhodes, Malta, &c. But that agreeable historian had a turn for romance; and as he wrote to please the order he had adopted the same spirit of enthusiasm and chivalry.]

    [Footnote 41: The first theory of mines with gunpowder appears in 1480 in a Ms. of George of Sienna, (Tiraboschi, tom. vi. P. i. p. 324.) They were first practised by Sarzanella, in 1487; but the honor and improvement in 1503 is ascribed to Peter of Navarre, who used them with success in the wars of Italy, (Hist. de la Ligue de Cambray, tom. ii. p. 93 – 97.)]

    [Footnote *: The battering-ram according to Von Hammer, (p. 670,) was not used – M.]

    Chapter LXVIII: Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of Eastern Empire.

    Part III.

    The generosity of the Christian princes was cold and tardy; but in the first apprehension of a siege, Constantine had negotiated, in the isles of the Archipelago, the Morea, and Sicily, the most indispensable supplies. As early as the beginning of April, five ^42 great ships, equipped for merchandise and war, would have sailed from the harbor of Chios, had not the wind blown obstinately from the north. ^43 One of these ships bore the Imperial flag; the remaining four belonged to the Genoese; and they were laden with wheat and barley, with wine, oil, and vegetables, and, above all, with soldiers and mariners for the service of the capital. After a tedious delay, a gentle breeze, and, on the second day, a strong gale from the south, carried them through the Hellespont and the Propontis: but the city was already invested by sea and land; and the Turkish fleet, at the entrance of the Bosphorus, was stretched from shore to shore, in the form of a crescent, to intercept, or at least to repel, these bold auxiliaries. The reader who has present to his mind the geographical picture of Constantinople, will conceive and admire the greatness of the spectacle. The five Christian ships continued to advance with joyful shouts, and a full press both of sails and oars, against a hostile fleet of three hundred vessels; and the rampart, the camp, the coasts of Europe and Asia, were lined with innumerable spectators, who anxiously awaited the event of this momentous succor. At the first view that event could not appear doubtful; the superiority of the Moslems was beyond all measure or account: and, in a calm, their numbers and valor must inevitably have prevailed. But their hasty and imperfect navy had been created, not by the genius of the people, but by the will of the sultan: in the height of their prosperity, the Turks have acknowledged, that if God had given them the earth, he had left the sea to the infidels; ^44 and a series of defeats, a rapid progress of decay, has established the truth of their modest confession. Except eighteen galleys of some force, the rest of their fleet consisted of open boats, rudely constructed and awkwardly managed, crowded with troops, and destitute of cannon; and since courage arises in a great measure from the consciousness of strength, the bravest of the Janizaries might tremble on a new element. In the Christian squadron, five stout and lofty ships were guided by skilful pilots, and manned with the veterans of Italy and Greece, long practised in the arts and perils of the sea. Their weight was directed to sink or scatter the weak obstacles that impeded their passage: their artillery swept the waters: their liquid fire was poured on the heads of the adversaries, who, with the design of boarding, presumed to approach them; and the winds and waves are always on the side of the ablest navigators. In this conflict, the Imperial vessel, which had been almost overpowered, was rescued by the Genoese; but the Turks, in a distant and closer attack, were twice repulsed with considerable loss. Mahomet himself sat on horseback on the beach to encourage their valor by his voice and presence, by the promise of reward, and by fear more potent than the fear of the enemy. The passions of his soul, and even the gestures of his body, ^45 seemed to imitate the actions of the combatants; and, as if he had been the lord of nature, he spurred his horse with a fearless and impotent effort into the sea. His loud reproaches, and the clamors of the camp, urged the Ottomans to a third attack, more fatal and bloody than the two former; and I must repeat, though I cannot credit, the evidence of Phranza, who affirms, from their own mouth, that they lost above twelve thousand men in the slaughter of the day. They fled in disorder to the shores of Europe and Asia, while the Christian squadron, triumphant and unhurt, steered along the Bosphorus, and securely anchored within the chain of the harbor. In the confidence of victory, they boasted that the whole Turkish power must have yielded to their arms; but the admiral, or captain bashaw, found some consolation for a painful wound in his eye, by representing that accident as the cause of his defeat. Balthi Ogli was a renegade of the race of the Bulgarian princes: his military character was tainted with the unpopular vice of avarice; and under the despotism of the prince or people, misfortune is a sufficient evidence of guilt. ^* His rank and services were annihilated by the displeasure of Mahomet. In the royal presence, the captain bashaw was extended on the ground by four slaves, and received one hundred strokes with a golden rod: ^46 his death had been pronounced; and he adored the clemency of the sultan, who was satisfied with the milder punishment of confiscation and exile. The introduction of this supply revived the hopes of the Greeks, and accused the supineness of their Western allies. Amidst the deserts of Anatolia and the rocks of Palestine, the millions of the crusades had buried themselves in a voluntary and inevitable grave; but the situation of the Imperial city was strong against her enemies, and accessible to her friends; and a rational and moderate armament of the marine states might have saved the relics of the Roman name, and maintained a Christian fortress in the heart of the Ottoman empire. Yet this was the sole and feeble attempt for the deliverance of Constantinople: the more distant powers were insensible of its danger; and the ambassador of Hungary, or at least of Huniades, resided in the Turkish camp, to remove the fears, and to direct the operations, of the sultan. ^47

    [Footnote 42: It is singular that the Greeks should not agree in the number of these illustrious vessels; the five of Ducas, the four of Phranza and Leonardus, and the two of Chalcondyles,

    must be extended to the smaller, or confined to the larger, size. Voltaire, in giving one of these ships to Frederic III., confounds the emperors of the East and West.] [Footnote 43: In bold defiance, or rather in gross ignorance, of language and geography, the president Cousin detains them in Chios with a south, and wafts them to Constantinople with a north, wind.]

    [Footnote 44: The perpetual decay and weakness of the Turkish navy may be observed in Ricaut, (State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 372 – 378,) Thevenot, (Voyages, P. i. p. 229 – 242, and Tott, (Memoires, tom. iii;) the last of whom is always solicitous to amuse and amaze his reader]

    [Footnote 45: I must confess that I have before my eyes the living picture which Thucydides (l. vii. c. 71) has drawn of the passions and gestures of the Athenians in a naval engagement in the great harbor of Syracuse.] [Footnote *: According to Ducas, one of the Afabi beat out his eye with a stone Compare Von Hammer. – M.]

    [Footnote 46: According to the exaggeration or corrupt text of Ducas, (c. 38,) this golden bar was of the enormous or incredible weight of 500 librae, or pounds. Bouillaud’s reading of 500 drachms, or five pounds, is sufficient to exercise the arm of Mahomet, and bruise the back of his admiral.] [Footnote 47: Ducas, who confesses himself ill informed of the affairs of Hungary assigns a motive of superstition, a fatal belief that Constantinople would be the term of the Turkish conquests. See Phranza (l. iii. c. 20) and Spondanus.]

    It was difficult for the Greeks to penetrate the secret of the divan; yet the Greeks are persuaded, that a resistance so obstinate and surprising, had fatigued the perseverance of Mahomet. He began to meditate a retreat; and the siege would have been speedily raised, if the ambition and jealousy of the second vizier had not opposed the perfidious advice of Calil Bashaw, who still maintained a secret correspondence with the Byzantine court. The reduction of the city appeared to be hopeless, unless a double attack could be made from the harbor as well as from the land; but the harbor was inaccessible: an impenetrable chain was now defended by eight large ships, more than twenty of a smaller size, with several galleys and sloops; and, instead of forcing this barrier, the Turks might apprehend a naval sally, and a second encounter in the open sea. In this perplexity, the genius of Mahomet conceived and executed a plan of a bold and marvellous cast, of transporting by land his lighter vessels and military stores from the Bosphorus into the higher part of the harbor. The distance is about ten ^* miles; the ground is uneven, and was overspread with thickets; and, as the road must be opened behind the suburb of Galata, their free passage or total destruction must depend on the option of the Genoese. But these selfish merchants were ambitious of the favor of being the last devoured; and the deficiency of art was supplied by the strength of obedient myraids. A level way was covered with a broad platform of strong and solid planks; and to render them more slippery and smooth, they were anointed with the fat of sheep and oxen. Fourscore light galleys and brigantines, of fifty and thirty oars, were disembarked on the Bosphorus shore; arranged successively on rollers; and drawn forwards by the power of men and pulleys. Two guides or pilots were stationed at the helm, and the prow, of each vessel: the sails were unfurled to the winds; and the labor was cheered by song and acclamation. In the course of a single night, this Turkish fleet painfully climbed the hill, steered over the plain, and was launched from the declivity into the shallow waters of the harbor, far above the molestation of the deeper vessels of the Greeks. The real importance of this operation was magnified by the consternation and confidence which it inspired: but the notorious, unquestionable fact was displayed before the eyes, and is recorded by the pens, of the two nations. ^48 A similar stratagem had been repeatedly practised by the ancients; ^49 the Ottoman galleys (I must again repeat) should be considered as large boats; and, if we compare the magnitude and the distance, the obstacles and the means, the boasted miracle ^50 has perhaps been equalled by the industry of our own times. ^51 As soon as Mahomet had occupied the upper harbor with a fleet and army, he constructed, in the narrowest part, a bridge, or rather mole, of fifty cubits in breadth, and one hundred in length: it was formed of casks and hogsheads; joined with rafters, linked with iron, and covered with a solid floor. On this floating battery he planted one of his largest cannon, while the fourscore galleys, with troops and scaling ladders, approached the most accessible side, which had formerly been stormed by the Latin conquerors. The indolence of the Christians has been accused for not destroying these unfinished works; ^! but their fire, by a superior fire, was controlled and silenced; nor were they wanting in a nocturnal attempt to burn the vessels as well as the bridge of the sultan. His vigilance prevented their approach; their foremost galiots were sunk or taken; forty youths, the bravest of Italy and Greece, were inhumanly massacred at his command; nor could the emperor’s grief be assuaged by the just though cruel retaliation, of exposing from the walls the heads of two hundred and sixty Mussulman captives. After a siege of forty days, the fate of Constantinople could no longer be averted. The diminutive garrison was exhausted by a double attack: the fortifications, which had stood for ages against hostile violence, were dismantled on all sides by the Ottoman cannon: many breaches were opened; and near the gate of St. Romanus, four towers had been levelled with the ground. For the payment of his feeble and mutinous troops, Constantine was compelled to despoil the churches with the promise of a fourfold restitution; and his sacrilege offered a new reproach to the enemies of the union. A spirit of discord impaired the remnant of the Christian strength; the Genoese and Venetian auxiliaries asserted the preeminence of their respective service; and Justiniani and the great duke, whose ambition was not extinguished by the common danger, accused each other of treachery and cowardice.

    [Footnote 48: The unanimous testimony of the four Greeks is confirmed by Cantemir (p. 96) from the Turkish annals; but I could wish to contract the distance of ten miles, and to prolong the term of one night.

    Note: Six miles, not ten. Von Hammer. – M]

    [Footnote 49: Phranza relates two examples of a similar transportation over the six miles of the Isthmus of Corinth; the one fabulous, of Augustus after the battle of Actium; the other true, of Nicetas, a Greek general in the xth century. To these he might have added a bold enterprise of Hannibal, to introduce his vessels into the harbor of Tarentum, (Polybius, l. viii. p. 749, edit. Gronov.)

    Note: Von Hammer gives a longer list of such transportations, p. 533. Dion Cassius distinctly relates the occurrence treated as fabulous by Gibbon. – M.]

    [Footnote 50: A Greek of Candia, who had served the Venetians in a similar undertaking, (Spond. A.D. 1438, No. 37,) might possibly be the adviser and agent of Mahomet.]

    [Footnote 51: I particularly allude to our own embarkations on the lakes of Canada in the years 1776 and 1777, so great in the labor, so fruitless in the event.]

    [Footnote !: They were betrayed, according to some accounts, by the Genoese of Galata. Von Hammer, p. 536. – M.]

    During the siege of Constantinople, the words of peace and capitulation had been sometimes pronounced; and several embassies had passed between the camp and the city. ^52 The Greek emperor was humbled by adversity; and would have yielded to any terms compatible with religion and royalty. The Turkish sultan was desirous of sparing the blood of his soldiers; still more desirous of securing for his own use the Byzantine treasures: and he accomplished a sacred duty in presenting to the Gabours the choice of circumcision, of tribute, or of death. The avarice of Mahomet might have been satisfied with an annual sum of one hundred thousand ducats; but his ambition grasped the capital of the East: to the prince he offered a rich equivalent, to the people a free toleration, or a safe departure: but after some fruitless treaty, he declared his resolution of finding either a throne, or a grave, under the walls of Constantinople. A sense of honor, and the fear of universal reproach, forbade Palaeologus to resign the city into the hands of the Ottomans; and he determined to abide the last extremities of war. Several days were employed by the sultan in the preparations of the assault; and a respite was granted by his favorite science of astrology, which had fixed on the twenty-ninth of May, as the fortunate and fatal hour. On the evening of the twenty-seventh, he issued his final orders; assembled in his presence the military chiefs, and dispersed his heralds through the camp to proclaim the duty, and the motives, of the perilous enterprise. Fear is the first principle of a despotic government; and his menaces were expressed in the Oriental style, that the fugitives and deserters, had they the wings of a bird, ^53 should not escape from his inexorable justice. The greatest part of his bashaws and Janizaries were the offspring of Christian parents: but the glories of the Turkish name were perpetuated by successive adoption; and in the gradual change of individuals, the spirit of a legion, a regiment, or an oda, is kept alive by imitation and discipline. In this holy warfare, the Moslems were exhorted to purify their minds with prayer, their bodies with seven ablutions; and to abstain from food till the close of the ensuing day. A crowd of dervises visited the tents, to instil the desire of martyrdom, and the assurance of spending an immortal youth amidst the rivers and gardens of paradise, and in the embraces of the black-eyed virgins. Yet Mahomet principally trusted to the efficacy of temporal and visible rewards. A double pay was promised to the victorious troops: “The city and the buildings,” said Mahomet, “are mine; but I resign to your valor the captives and the spoil, the treasures of gold and beauty; be rich and be happy. Many are the provinces of my empire: the intrepid soldier who first ascends the walls of Constantinople shall be rewarded with the government of the fairest and most wealthy; and my gratitude shall accumulate his honors and fortunes above the measure of his own hopes.” Such various and potent motives diffused among the Turks a general ardor, regardless of life and impatient for action: the camp reechoed with the Moslem shouts of “God is God: there is but one God, and Mahomet is the apostle of God;” ^54 and the sea and land, from Galata to the seven towers, were illuminated by the blaze of their nocturnal fires. ^*

    [Footnote 52: Chalcondyles and Ducas differ in the time and circumstances of the negotiation; and as it was neither glorious nor salutory, the faithful Phranza spares his prince even the thought of a surrender.] [Footnote 53: These wings (Chalcondyles, l. viii. p. 208) are no more than an Oriental figure: but in the tragedy of Irene, Mahomet’s passion soars above sense and reason: –

    Should the fierce North, upon his frozen wings. Bear him aloft above the wondering clouds, And seat him in the Pleiads’ golden chariot – Then should my fury drag him down to tortures.

    Besides the extravagance of the rant, I must observe, 1. That the operation of the winds must be confined to the lower region of the air. 2. That the name, etymology, and fable of the Pleiads are purely Greek, (Scholiast ad Homer, Sigma 686. Eudocia in Ionia, p. 399. Apollodor. l. iii. c. 10. Heyne, p. 229, Not. 682,) and had no affinity with the astronomy of the East, (Hyde ad Ulugbeg, Tabul. in Syntagma Dissert. tom. i. p. 40, 42. Goguet, Origine des Arts, &c., tom. vi. p. 73 – 78. Gebelin, Hist. du Calendrier, p. 73,) which Mahomet had studied. 3. The golden chariot does not exist either in science or fiction; but I much fear Dr. Johnson has confounded the Pleiades with the great bear or wagon, the zodiac with a northern constalation.] [Footnote 54: Phranza quarrels with these Moslem acclamations, not for the name of God, but for that of the prophet: the pious zeal of Voltaire is excessive, and even ridiculous.]

    [Footnote *: The picture is heightened by the addition of the wailing cries of Kyris, which were heard from the dark interior of the city. Von Hammer p. 539. – M.]

    Far different was the state of the Christians; who, with loud and impotent complaints, deplored the guilt, or the punishment, of their sins. The celestial image of the Virgin had been exposed in solemn procession; but their divine patroness was deaf to their entreaties: they accused the obstinacy of the emperor for refusing a timely surrender; anticipated the horrors of their fate; and sighed for the repose and security of Turkish servitude. The noblest of the Greeks, and the bravest of the allies, were summoned to the palace, to prepare them, on the evening of the twenty-eighth, for the duties and dangers of the general assault. The last speech of Palaeologus was the funeral oration of the Roman empire: ^55 he promised, he conjured, and he vainly attempted to infuse the hope which was extinguished in his own mind. In this world all was comfortless and gloomy; and neither the gospel nor the church have proposed any conspicuous recompense to the heroes who fall in the service of their country. But the example of their prince, and the confinement of a siege, had armed these warriors with the courage of despair, and the pathetic scene is described by the feelings of the historian Phranza, who was himself present at this mournful assembly. They wept, they embraced; regardless of their families and fortunes, they devoted their lives; and each commander, departing to his station, maintained all night a vigilant and anxious watch on the rampart. The emperor, and some faithful companions, entered the dome of St. Sophia, which in a few hours was to be converted into a mosque; and devoutly received, with tears and prayers, the sacrament of the holy communion. He reposed some moments in the palace, which resounded with cries and lamentations; solicited the pardon of all whom he might have injured; ^56 and mounted on horseback to visit the guards, and explore the motions of the enemy. The distress and fall of the last Constantine are more glorious than the long prosperity of the Byzantine Caesars. ^* [Footnote 55: I am afraid that this discourse was composed by Phranza himself; and it smells so grossly of the sermon and the convent, that I almost doubt whether it was pronounced by Constantine. Leonardus assigns him another speech, in which he addresses himself more respectfully to the Latin auxiliaries.]

    [Footnote 56: This abasement, which devotion has sometimes extorted from dying princes, is an improvement of the gospel doctrine of the forgiveness of injuries: it is more easy to forgive 490 times, than once to ask pardon of an inferior.]

    [Footnote *: Compare the very curious Armenian elegy on the fall of Constantinople, translated by M. Bore, in the Journal Asiatique for March, 1835; and by M. Brosset, in the new edition of Le Beau, (tom. xxi. p. 308.) The author thus ends his poem: “I, Abraham, loaded with sins, have composed this elegy with the most lively sorrow; for I have seen Constantinople in the days of its glory.” – M.]

    In the confusion of darkness, an assailant may sometimes succeed; out in this great and general attack, the military judgment and astrological knowledge of Mahomet advised him to expect the morning, the memorable twenty- ninth of May, in the fourteen hundred and fifty-third year of the Christian aera. The preceding night had been strenuously employed: the troops, the cannons, and the fascines, were advanced to the edge of the ditch, which in many parts presented a smooth and level passage to the breach; and his fourscore galleys almost touched, with the prows and their scaling-ladders, the less defensible walls of the harbor. Under pain of death, silence was enjoined: but the physical laws of motion and sound are not obedient to discipline or fear; each individual might suppress his voice and measure his footsteps; but the march and labor of thousands must inevitably produce a strange confusion of dissonant clamors, which reached the ears of the watchmen of the towers. At daybreak, without the customary signal of the morning gun, the Turks assaulted the city by sea and land; and the similitude of a twined or twisted thread has been applied to the closeness and continuity of their line of attack. ^57 The foremost ranks consisted of the refuse of the host, a voluntary crowd who fought without order or command; of the feebleness of age or childhood, of peasants and vagrants, and of all who had joined the camp in the blind hope of plunder and martyrdom. The common impulse drove them onwards to the wall; the most audacious to climb were instantly precipitated; and not a dart, not a bullet, of the Christians, was idly wasted on the accumulated throng. But their strength and ammunition were exhausted in this laborious defence: the ditch was filled with the bodies of the slain; they supported the footsteps of their companions; and of this devoted vanguard the death was more serviceable than the life. Under their respective bashaws and sanjaks, the troops of Anatolia and Romania were successively led to the charge: their progress was various and doubtful; but, after a conflict of two hours, the Greeks still maintained, and improved their advantage; and the voice of the emperor was heard, encouraging his soldiers to achieve, by a last effort, the deliverance of their country. In that fatal moment, the Janizaries arose, fresh, vigorous, and invincible. The sultan himself on horseback, with an iron mace in his hand, was the spectator and judge of their valor: he was surrounded by ten thousand of his domestic troops, whom he reserved for the decisive occasion; and the tide of battle was directed and impelled by his voice and eye. His numerous ministers of justice were posted behind the line, to urge, to restrain, and to punish; and if danger was in the front, shame and inevitable death were in the rear, of the fugitives. The cries of fear and of pain were drowned in the martial music of drums, trumpets, and attaballs; and experience has proved, that the mechanical operation of sounds, by quickening the circulation of the blood and spirits, will act on the human machine more forcibly than the eloquence of reason and honor. From the lines, the galleys, and the bridge, the Ottoman artillery thundered on all sides; and the camp and city, the Greeks and the Turks, were involved in a cloud of smoke which could only be dispelled by the final deliverance or destruction of the Roman empire. The single combats of the heroes of history or fable amuse our fancy and engage our affections: the skilful evolutions of war may inform the mind, and improve a necessary, though pernicious, science. But in the uniform and odious pictures of a general assault, all is blood, and horror, and confusion nor shall I strive, at the distance of three centuries, and a thousand miles, to delineate a scene of which there could be no spectators, and of which the actors themselves were incapable of forming any just or adequate idea.

    [Footnote 57: Besides the 10,000 guards, and the sailors and the marines, Ducas numbers in this general assault 250,000 Turks, both horse and foot.] The immediate loss of Constantinople may be ascribed to the bullet, or arrow, which pierced the gauntlet of John Justiniani. The sight of his blood, and the exquisite pain, appalled the courage of the chief, whose arms and counsels were the firmest rampart of the city. As he withdrew from his station in quest of a surgeon, his flight was perceived and stopped by the indefatigable emperor. “Your wound,” exclaimed Palaeologus, “is slight; the danger is pressing: your presence is necessary; and whither will you retire?” – “I will retire,” said the trembling Genoese, “by the same road which God has opened to the Turks;” and at these words he hastily passed through one of the breaches of the inner wall. By this pusillanimous act he stained the honors of a military life; and the few days which he survived in Galata, or the Isle of Chios, were embittered by his own and the public reproach. ^58 His example was imitated by the greatest part of the Latin auxiliaries, and the defence began to slacken when the attack was pressed with redoubled vigor. The number of the Ottomans was fifty, perhaps a hundred, times superior to that of the Christians; the double walls were reduced by the cannon to a heap of ruins: in a circuit of several miles, some places must be found more easy of access, or more feebly guarded; and if the besiegers could penetrate in a single point, the whole city was irrecoverably lost. The first who deserved the sultan’s reward was Hassan the Janizary, of gigantic stature and strength. With his cimeter in one hand and his buckler in the other, he ascended the outward fortification: of the thirty Janizaries, who were emulous of his valor, eighteen perished in the bold adventure. Hassan and his twelve companions had reached the summit: the giant was precipitated from the rampart: he rose on one knee, and was again oppressed by a shower of darts and stones. But his success had proved that the achievement was possible: the walls and towers were instantly covered with a swarm of Turks; and the Greeks, now driven from the vantage ground, were overwhelmed by increasing multitudes. Amidst these multitudes, the emperor, ^59 who accomplished all the duties of a general and a soldier, was long seen and finally lost. The nobles, who fought round his person, sustained, till their last breath, the honorable names of Palaeologus and Cantacuzene: his mournful exclamation was heard, “Cannot there be found a Christian to cut off my head?” ^60 and his last fear was that of falling alive into the hands of the infidels. ^61 The prudent despair of Constantine cast away the purple: amidst the tumult he fell by an unknown hand, and his body was buried under a mountain of the slain. After his death, resistance and order were no more: the Greeks fled towards the city; and many were pressed and stifled in the narrow pass of the gate of St. Romanus. The victorious Turks rushed through the breaches of the inner wall; and as they advanced into the streets, they were soon joined by their brethren, who had forced the gate Phenar on the side of the harbor. ^62 In the first heat of the pursuit, about two thousand Christians were put to the sword; but avarice soon prevailed over cruelty; and the victors acknowledged, that they should immediately have given quarter if the valor of the emperor and his chosen bands had not prepared them for a similar opposition in every part of the capital. It was thus, after a siege of fifty-three days, that Constantinople, which had defied the power of Chosroes, the Chagan, and the caliphs, was irretrievably subdued by the arms of Mahomet the Second. Her empire only had been subverted by the Latins: her religion was trampled in the dust by the Moslem conquerors. ^63 [Footnote 58: In the severe censure of the flight of Justiniani, Phranza expresses his own feelings and those of the public. For some private reasons, he is treated with more lenity and respect by Ducas; but the words of Leonardus Chiensis express his strong and recent indignation, gloriae salutis suique oblitus. In the whole series of their Eastern policy, his countrymen, the Genoese, were always suspected, and often guilty.

    Note: M. Brosset has given some extracts from the Georgian account of the siege of Constantinople, in which Justiniani’s wound in the left foot is represented as more serious. With charitable ambiguity the chronicler adds that his soldiers carried him away with them in their vessel. – M.] [Footnote 59: Ducas kills him with two blows of Turkish soldiers; Chalcondyles wounds him in the shoulder, and then tramples him in the gate. The grief of Phranza, carrying him among the enemy, escapes from the precise image of his death; but we may, without flattery, apply these noble lines of Dryden: –

    As to Sebastian, let them search the field; And where they find a mountain of the slain, Send one to climb, and looking down beneath, There they will find him at his manly length, With his face up to heaven, in that red monument Which his good sword had digged.]

    [Footnote 60: Spondanus, (A.D. 1453, No. 10,) who has hopes of his salvation, wishes to absolve this demand from the guilt of suicide.]

    [Footnote 61: Leonardus Chiensis very properly observes, that the Turks, had they known the emperor, would have labored to save and secure a captive so acceptable to the sultan.]

    [Footnote 62: Cantemir, p. 96. The Christian ships in the mouth of the harbor had flanked and retarded this naval attack.]

    [Footnote 63: Chalcondyles most absurdly supposes, that Constantinople was sacked by the Asiatics in revenge for the ancient calamities of Troy; and the grammarians of the xvth century are happy to melt down the uncouth appellation of Turks into the more classical name of Teucri.]

    The tidings of misfortune fly with a rapid wing; yet such was the extent of Constantinople, that the more distant quarters might prolong, some moments, the happy ignorance of their ruin. ^64 But in the general consternation, in the feelings of selfish or social anxiety, in the tumult and thunder of the assault, a sleepless night and morning ^* must have elapsed; nor can I believe that many Grecian ladies were awakened by the Janizaries from a sound and tranquil slumber. On the assurance of the public calamity, the houses and convents were instantly deserted; and the trembling inhabitants flocked together in the streets, like a herd of timid animals, as if accumulated weakness could be productive of strength, or in the vain hope, that amid the crowd each individual might be safe and invisible. From every part of the capital, they flowed into the church of St. Sophia: in the space of an hour, the sanctuary, the choir, the nave, the upper and lower galleries, were filled with the multitudes of fathers and husbands, of women and children, of priests, monks, and religious virgins: the doors were barred on the inside, and they sought protection from the sacred dome, which they had so lately abhorred as a profane and polluted edifice. Their confidence was founded on the prophecy of an enthusiast or impostor; that one day the Turks would enter Constantinople, and pursue the Romans as far as the column of Constantine in the square before St. Sophia: but that this would be the term of their calamities: that an angel would descend from heaven, with a sword in his hand, and would deliver the empire, with that celestial weapon, to a poor man seated at the foot of the column. “Take this sword,” would he say, “and avenge the people of the Lord.” At these animating words, the Turks would instantly fly, and the victorious Romans would drive them from the West, and from all Anatolia as far as the frontiers of Persia. It is on this occasion that Ducas, with some fancy and much truth, upbraids the discord and obstinacy of the Greeks. “Had that angel appeared,” exclaims the historian, “had he offered to exterminate your foes if you would consent to the union of the church, even event then, in that fatal moment, you would have rejected your safety, or have deceived your God.” ^65

    [Footnote 64: When Cyrus suppressed Babylon during the celebration of a festival, so vast was the city, and so careless were the inhabitants, that much time elapsed before the distant quarters knew that they were captives. Herodotus, (l. i. c. 191,) and Usher, (Annal. p. 78,) who has quoted from the prophet Jeremiah a passage of similar import.]

    [Footnote *: This refers to an expression in Ducas, who, to heighten the effect of his description, speaks of the “sweet morning sleep resting on the eyes of youths and maidens,” p. 288. Edit. Bekker. – M.]

    [Footnote 65: This lively description is extracted from Ducas, (c. 39,) who two years afterwards was sent ambassador from the prince of Lesbos to the sultan, (c. 44.) Till Lesbos was subdued in 1463, (Phranza, l. iii. c. 27,) that island must have been full of the fugitives of Constantinople, who delighted to repeat, perhaps to adorn, the tale of their misery.]

    The immediate loss of Constantinople may be ascribed to the bullet, or arrow, which pierced the gauntlet of John Justiniani.  The sight of his blood, and the exquisite pain, appalled the courage of the chief, whose arms and counsel were the firmest rampart of the city. As he withdrew from his station in quest of a surgeon, his flight was perceived and stopped by the indefatigable emperor. “Your wound,” exclaimed Palæologus, “is slight; the danger is pressing; your presence is necessary; and whither will you retire?” “I will retire,” said the trembling Genoese, “by the same road which God has opened to the Turks;” and at these words he hastily passed through one of the breaches of the inner wall. By this pusillanimous act, he stained the honours of a military life; and the few days which he survived in Galata, or the isle of Chios, were embittered by his own and the public reproach.81 His example was imitated by the greatest part of the Latin auxiliaries, and the defence began to slacken when the attack was pressed with redoubled vigour. The number of the Ottomans was fifty, perhaps an hundred, times superior to that of the Christians; the double walls were reduced by the cannon to an heap of ruins; in a circuit of several miles, some places must be found more easy of access or more feebly guarded; and, if the besiegers could penetrate in a single point, the whole city was irrecoverably lost. The first who deserved the sultan’s reward was Hassan, the Janizary, of gigantic stature and strength. With his scymetar in one hand and his buckler in the other, he ascended the outward fortification; of the thirty Janizaries, who were emulous of his valour, eighteen perished in the bold adventure. Hassan and his twelve companions had reached the summit: the giant was precipitated from the rampart; he rose on one knee, and was again oppressed by a shower of darts and stones. But his success had proved that the achievement was possible: the walls and towers were instantly covered with a swarm of Turks; and the Greeks, now driven from the vantage-ground, were overwhelmed by increasing multitudes.82 Amidst these multitudes, the emperor,83 who accomplished all the duties of a general and a soldier, was long seen, and finally lost. The nobles who fought round his person sustained, till their last breath, the honourable names of Palæologus and Cantacuzene: his mournful exclamation was heard, “Cannot there be found a Christian to cut off my head?”84 and his last fear was that of falling alive into the hands of the infidels.85 The prudent despair of Constantine cast away the purple; amidst the tumult, he fell by an unknown hand, and his body was buried under a mountain of the slain. After his death, resistance and order were no more; the Greeks fled towards the city; and many were pressed and stifled in the narrow pass of the gate of St. Romanus. The victorious Turks rushed through the breaches of the inner wall; and, as they advanced into the streets, they were soon joined by their brethren, who had forced the gate Phenar on the side of the harbour. In the first heat of the pursuit, about two thousand Christians were put to the sword; but avarice soon prevailed over cruelty; and the victors acknowledged that they should immediately have given quarter, if the valour of the emperor and his chosen bands had not prepared them for a similar opposition in every part of the capital. It was thus, after a siege of fifty-three days, that Constantinople, which had defied the power of Chosroes, the Chagan, and the caliphs, was irretrievably subdued by the arms of Mahomet the Second. Her empire only had been subverted by the Latins; her religion was trampled in the dust by the Moslem conquerors.

    The tidings of misfortune fly with a rapid wing; yet such was the extent of Constantinople that the more distant quarters might prolong, some moments, the happy ignorance of their ruin.88 But in the general consternation, in the feelings of selfish or social anxiety, in the tumult and thunder of the assault, a sleepless night and morning must have elapsed; nor can I believe that many Grecian ladies were awakened by the Janizaries from a sound and tranquil slumber. On the assurance of the public calamity, the houses and convents were instantly deserted; and the trembling inhabitants flocked together in the streets, like an herd of timid animals, as if accumulated weakness could be productive of strength, or in the vain hope that amid the crowd each individual might be safe and invisible. From every part of the capital, they flowed into the church of St. Sophia: in the space of an hour, the sanctuary, the choir, the nave, the upper and lower galleries, were filled with the multitudes of fathers and husbands, of women and children, of priests, monks, and religious virgins; the doors were barred on the inside, and they sought protection from the sacred dome which they had so lately abhorred as a profane and polluted edifice. Their confidence was founded on the prophecy of an enthusiast or impostor, that one day the Turks would enter Constantinople, and pursue the Romans as far as the column of Constantine in the square before St. Sophia; but that this would be the term of their calamities; that an angel would descend from heaven, with a sword in his hand, and would deliver the empire, with that celestial weapon, to a poor man seated at the foot of the column. “Take this sword,” would he say, “and avenge the people of the Lord.” At these animating words, the Turks would instantly fly, and the victorious Romans would drive them from the West, and from all Anatolia, as far as the frontiers of Persia. It is on this occasion that Ducas, with some fancy and much truth, upbraids the discord and obstinacy of the Greeks. “Had that angel appeared,” exclaims the historian, “had he offered to exterminate your foes if you would consent to the union of the church, even then, in that fatal moment, you would have rejected your safety or have deceived your God.”89

    While they expected the descent of the tardy angel, the doors were broken with axes; and, as the Turks encountered no resistance, their bloodless hands were employed in selecting and securing the multitude of their prisoners. Youth, beauty, and the appearance of wealth attracted their choice; and the right of property was decided among themselves by a prior seizure, by personal strength, and by the authority of command. In the space of an hour, the male captives were bound with cords, the females with their veils and girdles. The senators were linked with their slaves; the prelates with the porters of the church; and young men of a plebeian class with noble maids, whose faces had been invisible to the sun and their nearest kindred. In this common captivity, the ranks of society were confounded; the ties of nature were cut asunder; and the inexorable soldier was careless of the father’s groans, the tears of the mother, and the lamentations of the children. The loudest in their wailings were the nuns, who were torn from the altar with naked bosoms, outstretched hands, and dishevelled hair; and we should piously believe that few could be tempted to prefer the vigils of the harem to those of the monastery. Of these unfortunate Greeks, of these domestic animals, whole strings were rudely driven through the streets; and, as the conquerors were eager to return for more prey, their trembling pace was quickened with menaces and blows. At the same hour, a similar rapine was exercised in all the churches and monasteries, in all the palaces and habitations of the capital; nor could any palace, however sacred or sequestered, protect the persons or the property of the Greeks. Above sixty thousand90 of this devoted people were transported from the city to the camp and fleet; exchanged or sold according to the caprice or interest of their masters, and dispersed in remote servitude through the provinces of the Ottoman empire. Among these we may notice some remarkable characters. The historian Phranza, first chamberlain and principal secretary, was involved with his family in the common lot. After suffering four months the hardships of slavery, he recovered his freedom; in the ensuing winter he ventured to Hadrianople, and ransomed his wife from the mir bashi, or master of horse; but his two children, in the flower of youth and beauty, had been seized for the use of Mahomet himself. The daughter of Phranza died in the seraglio, perhaps a virgin; his son, in the fifteenth year of his age, preferred death to infamy, and was stabbed by the hand of the royal lover.91 A deed thus inhuman cannot surely be expiated by the taste and liberality with which he released a Grecian matron and her two daughters, on receiving a Latin ode from Philelphus, who had chosen a wife in that noble family.92 The pride or cruelty of Mahomet would have been most sensibly gratified by the capture of a Roman legate; but the dexterity of Cardinal Isidore eluded the search, and he escaped from Galata in a plebeian habit.93

    The chain and entrance of the outward harbour was still occupied by the Italian ships of merchandise and war. They had signalised their valour in the siege; they embraced the moment of retreat, while the Turkish mariners were dissipated in the pillage of the city. When they hoisted sail, the beach was covered with a suppliant and lamentable crowd; but the means of transportation were scanty; the Venetians and Genoese selected their countrymen; and, notwithstanding the fairest promises of the sultan, the inhabitants of Galata evacuated their houses and embarked with their most precious effects.

    In the fall and the sack of great cities, an historian is condemned to repeat the tale of uniform calamity; the same effects must be produced by the same passions; and, when those passions may be indulged without control, small, alas! is the difference between civilised and savage man. Amidst the vague exclamations of bigotry and hatred, the Turks are not accused of a wanton or immoderate effusion of Christian blood; but, according to their maxims (the maxims of antiquity), the lives of the vanquished were forfeited; and the legitimate reward of the conqueror was derived from the service, the sale, or the ransom of his captives of both sexes. The wealth of Constantinople had been granted by the sultan to his victorious troops; and the rapine of an hour is more productive than the industry of years. But, as no regular division was attempted of the spoil, the respective shares were not determined by merit; and the rewards of valour were stolen away by the followers of the camp, who had declined the toil and danger of the battle. The narrative of their depredations could not afford either amusement or instruction; the total amount, in the last poverty of the empire, has been valued at four millions of ducats;95 and of this sum a small part was the property of the Venetians, the Genoese, the Florentines, and the merchants of Ancona. Of these foreigners, the stock was improved in quick and perpetual circulation; but the riches of the Greeks were displayed in the idle ostentation of palaces and wardrobes, or deeply buried in treasures of ingots and old coin, lest it should be demanded at their hands for the defence of their country. The profanation and plunder of the monasteries and churches excited the most tragic complaints. The dome of St. Sophia itself, the earthly heaven, the second firmament, the vehicle of the cherubim, the throne of the glory of God,96 was despoiled of the oblations of ages; and the gold and silver, the pearls and jewels, the vases and sacerdotal ornaments, were most wickedly converted to the service of mankind. After the divine images had been stripped of all that could be valuable to a profane eye, the canvas, or the wood, was torn, or broken, or burnt, or trod under foot, or applied, in the stables or the kitchen, to the vilest uses. The example of sacrilege was imitated, however, from the Latin conquerors of Constantinople; and the treatment which Christ, the Virgin, and the saints had sustained from the guilty Catholic might be inflicted by the zealous Musulman on the monuments of idolatry. Perhaps, instead of joining the public clamour, a philosopher will observe that in the decline of the arts the workmanship could not be more valuable than the work, and that a fresh supply of visions and miracles would speedily be renewed by the craft of the priest and the credulity of the people. He will more seriously deplore the loss of the Byzantine libraries, which were destroyed or scattered in the general confusion: one hundred and twenty thousand manuscripts are said to have disappeared;97 ten volumes might be purchased for a single ducat; and the same ignominious price, too high perhaps for a shelf of theology, included the whole works of Aristotle and Homer, the noblest productions of the science and literature of ancient Greece. We may reflect with pleasure that an inestimable portion of our classic treasures was safely deposited in Italy; and that the mechanics of a German town had invented an art which derides the havoc of time and barbarism.

    From the first hour98 of the memorable twenty-ninth of May, disorder and rapine prevailed in Constantinople till the eighth hour of the same day; when the sultan himself passed in triumph through the gate of St. Romanus. He was attended by his vizirs, bashaws, and guards, each of whom (says a Byzantine historian) was robust as Hercules, dexterous as Apollo, and equal in battle to any ten of the race of ordinary mortals. The conqueror99 gazed with satisfaction and wonder on the strange though splendid appearance of the domes and palaces, so dissimilar from the style of Oriental architecture. In the hippodrome, or atmeidan, his eye was attracted by the twisted column of the three serpents; and, as a trial of his strength, he shattered with his iron mace or battle-axe the under-jaw of one of these monsters,100 which in the eye of the Turks were the idols or talismans of the city. At the principal door of St. Sophia, he alighted from his horse and entered the dome;101 and such was his jealous regard for that monument of his glory that, on observing a zealous Musulman in the act of breaking the marble pavement, he admonished him with his scymetar that, if the spoil and captives were granted to the soldiers, the public and private buildings had been reserved for the prince. By his command the metropolis of the Eastern church was transformed into a mosch: the rich and portable instruments of superstition had been removed; the crosses were thrown down; and the walls, which were covered with images and mosaics, were washed and purified and restored to a state of naked simplicity. On the same day, or on the ensuing Friday, the muezin or crier ascended the most lofty turret, and proclaimed the ezan, or public invitation, in the name of God and his prophet; the imam preached; and Mahomet the Second performed the namaz of prayer and thanksgiving on the great altar, where the Christian mysteries had so lately been celebrated before the last of the Cæsars. From St. Sophia he proceeded to the august but desolate mansion of an hundred successors of the great Constantine; but which, in a few hours, had been stripped of the pomp of royalty. A melancholy reflection on the vicissitudes of human greatness forced itself on his mind; and he repeated an elegant distich of Persian poetry, “The spider has wove his web in the imperial palace; and the owl hath sung her watch-song on the towers of Afrasiab.”

    Yet his mind was not satisfied, nor did the victory seem complete, till he was informed of the fate of Constantine; whether he had escaped, or been made prisoner, or had fallen in the battle. Two Janizaries claimed the honour and reward of his death: the body, under a heap of slain, was discovered by the golden eagles embroidered on his shoes; the Greeks acknowledged with tears the head of their late emperor; and, after exposing the bloody trophy, Mahomet bestowed on his rival the honours of a decent funeral. After his decease, Lucas Notaras, great duke, and first minister of the empire, was the most important prisoner. When he offered his person and his treasures at the foot of the throne, “And why,” said the indignant sultan, “did you not employ these treasures in the defence of your prince and country?” “They were yours,” answered the slave; “God had reserved them for your hands.” “If he reserved them for me,” replied the despot, “how have you presumed to withhold them so long by a fruitless and fatal resistance?” The great duke alleged the obstinacy of the strangers, and some secret encouragement from the Turkish vizir; and from this perilous interview he was at length dismissed with the assurance of pardon and protection. Mahomet condescended to visit his wife, a venerable princess, oppressed with sickness and grief; and his consolation for her misfortunes was in the most tender strain of humanity and filial reverence. A similar clemency was extended to the principal officers of state, of whom several were ransomed at his expense; and during some days he declared himself the friend and father of the vanquished people. But the scene was soon changed; and before his departure the hippodrome streamed with the blood of his noblest captives. His perfidious cruelty is execrated by the Christians. They adorn with the colours of heroic martyrdom the execution of the great duke and his two sons; and his death is ascribed to the generous refusal of delivering his children to the tyrant’s lust. Yet a Byzantine historian has dropt an unguarded word of conspiracy, deliverance,  and Italian succour: such treason may be glorious; but the rebel who bravely ventures has justly forfeited his life; nor should we blame a conqueror for destroying the enemies whom he can no longer trust. On the eighteenth of June, the victorious sultan returned to Hadrianople; and smiled at the base and hollow embassies of the Christian princes, who viewed their approaching ruin in the fall of the Eastern empire.

    Constantinople had been left naked and desolate, without a prince or a people. But she could not be despoiled of the incomparable situation which marks her for the metropolis of a great empire; and the genius of the place will ever triumph over the accidents of time and fortune. Boursa and Hadrianople, the ancient seats of the Ottomans, sunk into provincial towns; and Mahomet the Second established his own residence, and that of his successors, on the same commanding spot which had been chosen by Constantine.108 The fortifications of Galata, which might afford a shelter to the Latins, were prudently destroyed; but the damage of the Turkish cannon was soon repaired; and before the month of August great quantities of lime had been burnt for the restoration of the walls of the capital. As the entire property of the soil and buildings, whether public or private, or profane or sacred, was now transferred to the conqueror, he first separated a space of eight furlongs from the point of the triangle for the establishment of his seraglio, or palace. It is here, in the bosom of luxury, that the grand Signor (as he has been emphatically named by the Italians) appears to reign over Europe and Asia; but his person on the shores of the Bosphorus may not always be secure from the insults of an hostile navy. In the new character of a mosch, the cathedral of St. Sophia was endowed with an ample revenue, crowned with lofty minarets, and surrounded with groves and fountains, for the devotion and refreshment of the Moslems. The same model was imitated in the jami, or royal moschs; and the first of these was built by Mahomet himself, on the ruins of the church of the Holy Apostles and the tombs of the Greek emperors. On the third day after the conquest, the grave of Abu Ayub, or Job, who had fallen in the first siege of the Arabs, was revealed in a vision; and it is before the sepulchre of the martyr that the new sultans are girded with the sword of empire.109 Constantinople no longer appertains to the Roman historian; nor shall I enumerate the civil and religious edifices that were profaned or erected by its Turkish masters: the population was speedily renewed; and before the end of September five thousand families of Anatolia and Romania had obeyed the royal mandate, which enjoined them, under pain of death, to occupy their new habitations in the capital.110 The throne of Mahomet was guarded by the numbers and fidelity of his Moslem subjects; but his rational policy aspired to collect the remnant of the Greeks; and they returned in crowds, as soon as they were assured of their lives, their liberties, and the free exercise of their religion.111 In the election and investiture of a patriarch, the ceremonial of the Byzantine  court was revived and imitated. With a mixture of satisfaction and horror, they beheld the sultan on his throne, who delivered into the hands of Gennadius the crosier, or pastoral staff, the symbol of his ecclesiastical office; who conducted the patriarch to the gate of the seraglio, presented him with an horse richly caparisoned, and directed the vizirs and bashaws to lead him to the palace which had been allotted for his residence. The churches of Constantinople were shared between the two religions: their limits were marked; and, till it was infringed by Selim, the grandson of Mahomet, the Greeks enjoyed above sixty years the benefit of this equal partition. Encouraged by the ministers of the divan, who wished to elude the fanaticism of the sultan, the Christian advocates presumed to allege that this division had been an act, not of generosity but of justice; not a concession, but a compact; and that, if one half of the city had been taken by storm, the other moiety had surrendered on the faith of a sacred capitulation. The original grant had indeed been consumed by fire; but the loss was supplied by the testimony of three aged Janizaries who remembered the transaction; and their venal oaths are of more weight in the opinion of Cantemir than the positive and unanimous consent of the history of the times.

    The remaining fragments of the Greek kingdom in Europe and Asia I shall abandon to the Turkish arms; but the final extinction of the two last dynasties115 which have reigned in Constantinople should terminate the decline and fall of the Roman empire in the East. The despots of the Morea, Demetrius and Thomas,116 the two surviving brothers of the name of Palæologus, were astonished by the death of the emperor Constantine and the ruin of the monarchy. Hopeless of defence, they prepared, with the noble Greeks who adhered to their fortune, to seek a refuge in Italy, beyond the reach of the Ottoman thunder. Their first apprehensions were dispelled by the victorious sultan, who contented himself with a tribute of twelve thousand ducats; and, while his ambition explored the continent and the islands in search of prey, he indulged the Morea in a respite of seven years. But this respite was a period of grief, discord, and misery. The hexamilion, the rampart of the Isthmus, so often raised and so often subverted, could not long be defended by three hundred Italian archers: the keys of Corinth were seized by the Turks; they returned from their summer excursions with a train of captives and spoil; and the complaints of the injured Greeks were heard with indifference and disdain.117 The Albanians, a vagrant tribe of shepherds and robbers, filled the peninsula with rapine and murder; the two despots implored the dangerous and humiliating aid of a neighbouring bashaw; and, when he had quelled the revolt, his lessons inculcated the rule of their future conduct. Neither the ties of blood, nor the oaths which they repeatedly pledged in the communion and before the altar, nor the stronger pressure of necessity, could reconcile or suspend their domestic quarrels. They ravaged each other’s patrimony with fire and sword; the alms and succours of the West were consumed in civil hostility; and their power was only exerted in savage and arbitrary executions. The distress and revenge of the weaker rival invoked their supreme lord; and, in the season of maturity and revenge, Mahomet declared himself the friend of Demetrius, and marched into the Morea with an irresistible force. When he had taken possession of Sparta, “You are too weak,” said the sultan, “to control this turbulent province. I will take your daughter to my bed; and you shall pass the remainder of your life in security and honour.” Demetrius sighed, and obeyed; surrendered his daughter and his castles; followed to Hadrianople his sovereign and son; and received, for his own maintenance, and that of his followers, a city in Thrace, and the adjacent isles of Imbros, Lemnos, and Samothrace. He was joined the next year by a companion of misfortune, the last of the Comnenian race, who, after the taking of Constantinople by the Latins, had founded a new empire on the coast of the Black Sea. In the progress of his Anatolian conquests, Mahomet invested, with a fleet and army, the capital of David, who presumed to style himself Emperor of Trebizond; and the negotiation was comprised in a short and peremptory question, “Will you secure your life and treasures by resigning your kingdom? or had you rather forfeit your kingdom, your treasures, and your life?” The feeble Comnenus was subdued by his own fears, and the example of a Musulman neighbour, the prince of Sinope,120 who, on a similar summons, had yielded a fortified city with four hundred cannon and ten or twelve thousand soldiers. The capitulation of Trebizond was faithfully performed; and the emperor, with his family, was transported to a castle in Romania; but on a slight suspicion of corresponding with the Persian king, David and the whole Comnenian race were sacrificed to the jealousy or avarice of the conqueror. Nor could the name of father long protect the unfortunate Demetrius from exile and confiscation: his abject submission moved the pity and contempt of the sultan; his followers were transplanted to Constantinople; and his poverty was alleviated by a pension of fifty thousand aspers, till a monastic habit and a tardy death released Palæologus from an earthly master. It is not easy to pronounce whether the servitude of Demetrius or the exile of his brother Thomas121 be the most inglorious. On the conquest of the Morea, the despot escaped to Corfu, and from thence to Italy, with some naked adherents; his name, his sufferings, and the head of the apostle St. Andrew entitled him to the hospitality of the Vatican; and his misery was prolonged by a pension of six thousand ducats from the pope and cardinals. His two sons, Andrew and Manuel, were educated in Italy; but the eldest, contemptible to his enemies and burdensome to his friends, was degraded by the baseness of his life and marriage. A title was his sole inheritance; and that inheritance he successively sold to the kings of France and Arragon. During this transient prosperity, Charles the Eighth was ambitious of joining the empire of the East with the kingdom of Naples: in a public festival, he assumed the appellation and the purple of Augustus: the Greeks rejoiced, and the Ottoman already trembled, at the approach of the French chivalry. Manuel Palæologus, the second son, was tempted to revisit his native country: his return might be grateful, and could not be dangerous, to the Porte; he was maintained at Constantinople in safety and ease; and an honourable train of Christians and Moslems attended him to the grave. If there be some animals of so generous a nature that they refuse to propagate in a domestic state, the last of the Imperial race must be ascribed to an inferior kind: he accepted from the sultan’s liberality two beautiful females; and his surviving son was lost in the habit and religion of a Turkish slave.

    The importance of Constantinople was felt and magnified in its loss: the pontificate of Nicholas the Fifth, however peaceful and prosperous, was dishonoured by the fall of the Eastern empire; and the grief and terror of the Latins revived, or seemed to revive, the old enthusiasm of the crusades. In one of the most distant countries of the West, Philip, duke of Burgundy, entertained, at Lisle in Flanders, an assembly of his nobles; and the pompous pageants of the feast were skilfully adapted to their fancy and feelings.124 In the midst of the banquet, a gigantic Saracen entered the hall, leading a fictitious elephant with a castle on his back; a matron in a mourning robe, the symbol of religion, was seen to issue from the castle; she deplored her oppression and accused the slowness of her champions; the principal herald of the golden fleece advanced, bearing on his fist a live pheasant, which, according to the rites of chivalry, he presented to the duke. At this extraordinary summons, Philip, a wise and aged prince, engaged his person and powers in the holy war against the Turks; his example was imitated by the barons and knights of the assembly; they swore to God, the Virgin, the ladies, and the pheasant; and their particular vows were not less extravagant than the general sanction of their oath. But the performance was made to depend on some future and foreign contingency; and, during twelve years, till the last hour of his life, the duke of Burgundy might be scrupulously, and perhaps sincerely, on the eve of his departure. Had every breast glowed with the same ardour; had the union of the Christians corresponded with their bravery;  had every country, from Sweden to Naples, supplied a just proportion of cavalry and infantry, of men and money, it is indeed probable that Constantinople would have been delivered, and that the Turks might have been chased beyond the Hellespont or the Euphrates. But the secretary of the emperor, who composed every epistle and attended every meeting, Æneas Sylvius, a statesman and orator, describes from his own experience the repugnant state and spirit of Christendom. “It is a body,” says he, “without an head; a republic without laws or magistrates. The pope and the emperor may shine as lofty titles, as splendid images; but they are unable to command, and none are willing to obey; every state has a separate prince, and every prince has a separate interest. What eloquence could unite so many discordant and hostile powers under the same standard? Could they be assembled in arms, who would dare to assume the office of general? What order could be maintained? — what military discipline? Who would undertake to feed such an enormous multitude? Who would understand their various languages, or direct their stranger and incompatible manners? What mortal could reconcile the English with the French, Genoa with Arragon, the Germans with the natives of Hungary and Bohemia? If a small number enlisted in the holy war, they must be overthrown by the infidels; if many, by their own weight and confusion.” Yet the same Æneas, when he was raised to the papal throne, under the name of Pius the Second, devoted his life to the prosecution of the Turkish war. In the council of Mantua, he excited some sparks of a false or feeble enthusiasm; but, when the pontiff appeared at Ancona, to embark in person with the troops, engagements vanished in excuses; a precise day was adjourned to an indefinite term; and his effective army consisted of some German pilgrims, whom he was obliged to disband with indulgences and alms. Regardless of futurity, his successors and the powers of Italy were involved in the schemes of present and domestic ambition; and the distance or proximity of each object determined, in their eyes, its apparent magnitude. A more enlarged view of their interest would have taught them to maintain a defensive and naval war against the common enemy; and the support of Scanderbeg and his brave Albanians might have prevented the subsequent invasion of the kingdom of Naples. The siege and sack of Otranto by the Turks diffused a general consternation; and Pope Sixtus was preparing to fly beyond the Alps, when the storm was instantly dispelled by the death of Mahomet the Second, in the fifty-first year of his age. His lofty genius aspired to the conquest of Italy: he was possessed of a strong city and a capacious harbour; and the same reign might have been decorated with the trophies of the New and the Ancient Rome.

  • Edward Gibbon《History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire》LXII-LXV

    Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.

    Part I.The Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople. – Elevation And Reign Of Michael Palaeologus. – His False Union With The Pope And The Latin Church. – Hostile Designs Of Charles Of Anjou. – Revolt Of Sicily. – War Of The Catalans In Asia And Greece. – Revolutions And Present State Of Athens.

    The loss of Constantinople restored a momentary vigor to the Greeks. From their palaces, the princes and nobles were driven into the field; and the fragments of the falling monarchy were grasped by the hands of the most vigorous or the most skilful candidates. In the long and barren pages of the Byzantine annals, ^1 it would not be an easy task to equal the two characters of Theodore Lascaris and John Ducas Vataces, ^2 who replanted and upheld the Roman standard at Nice in Bithynia. The difference of their virtues was happily suited to the diversity of their situation. In his first efforts, the fugitive Lascaris commanded only three cities and two thousand soldiers: his reign was the season of generous and active despair: in every military operation he staked his life and crown; and his enemies of the Hellespont and the Maeander, were surprised by his celerity and subdued by his boldness. A victorious reign of eighteen years expanded the principality of Nice to the magnitude of an empire. The throne of his successor and son-in-law Vataces was founded on a more solid basis, a larger scope, and more plentiful resources; and it was the temper, as well as the interest, of Vataces to calculate the risk, to expect the moment, and to insure the success, of his ambitious designs. In the decline of the Latins, I have briefly exposed the progress of the Greeks; the prudent and gradual advances of a conqueror, who, in a reign of thirty-three years, rescued the provinces from national and foreign usurpers, till he pressed on all sides the Imperial city, a leafless and sapless trunk, which must full at the first stroke of the axe. But his interior and peaceful administration is still more deserving of notice and praise. ^3 The calamities of the times had wasted the numbers and the substance of the Greeks; the motives and the means of agriculture were extirpated; and the most fertile lands were left without cultivation or inhabitants. A portion of this vacant property was occupied and improved by the command, and for the benefit, of the emperor: a powerful hand and a vigilant eye supplied and surpassed, by a skilful management, the minute diligence of a private farmer: the royal domain became the garden and granary of Asia; and without impoverishing the people, the sovereign acquired a fund of innocent and productive wealth. According to the nature of the soil, his lands were sown with corn or planted with vines; the pastures were filled with horses and oxen, with sheep and hogs; and when Vataces presented to the empress a crown of diamonds and pearls, he informed her, with a smile, that this precious ornament arose from the sale of the eggs of his innumerable poultry. The produce of his domain was applied to the maintenance of his palace and hospitals, the calls of dignity and benevolence: the lesson was still more useful than the revenue: the plough was restored to its ancient security and honor; and the nobles were taught to seek a sure and independent revenue from their estates, instead of adorning their splendid beggary by the oppression of the people, or (what is almost the same) by the favors of the court. The superfluous stock of corn and cattle was eagerly purchased by the Turks, with whom Vataces preserved a strict and sincere alliance; but he discouraged the importation of foreign manufactures, the costly silks of the East, and the curious labors of the Italian looms. “The demands of nature and necessity,” was he accustomed to say, “are indispensable; but the influence of fashion may rise and sink at the breath of a monarch;” and both his precept and example recommended simplicity of manners and the use of domestic industry. The education of youth and the revival of learning were the most serious objects of his care; and, without deciding the precedency, he pronounced with truth, that a prince and a philosopher ^4 are the two most eminent characters of human society. His first wife was Irene, the daughter of Theodore Lascaris, a woman more illustrious by her personal merit, the milder virtues of her sex, than by the blood of the Angeli and Comneni that flowed in her veins, and transmitted the inheritance of the empire. After her death he was contracted to Anne, or Constance, a natural daughter of the emperor Frederic ^* the Second; but as the bride had not attained the years of puberty, Vataces placed in his solitary bed an Italian damsel of her train; and his amorous weakness bestowed on the concubine the honors, though not the title, of a lawful empress. His frailty was censured as a flagitious and damnable sin by the monks; and their rude invectives exercised and displayed the patience of the royal lover. A philosophic age may excuse a single vice, which was redeemed by a crowd of virtues; and in the review of his faults, and the more intemperate passions of Lascaris, the judgment of their contemporaries was softened by gratitude to the second founders of the empire. ^5 The slaves of the Latins, without law or peace, applauded the happiness of their brethren who had resumed their national freedom; and Vataces employed the laudable policy of convincing the Greeks of every dominion that it was their interest to be enrolled in the number of his subjects. [Footnote 1: For the reigns of the Nicene emperors, more especially of John Vataces and his son, their minister, George Acropolita, is the only genuine contemporary; but George Pachymer returned to Constantinople with the Greeks at the age of nineteen, (Hanckius de Script. Byzant. c. 33, 34, p. 564 – 578. Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 448 – 460.) Yet the history of Nicephorus Gregoras, though of the xivth century, is a valuable narrative from the taking of Constantinople by the Latins.]

    [Footnote 2: Nicephorus Gregoras (l. ii. c. 1) distinguishes between Lascaris, and Vataces. The two portraits are in a very good style.] [Footnote 3: Pachymer, l. i. c. 23, 24. Nic. Greg. l. ii. c. 6. The reader of the Byzantines must observe how rarely we are indulged with such precious details.]

    [Footnote 4: (Greg. Acropol. c. 32.) The emperor, in a familiar conversation, examined and encouraged the studies of his future logothete.] [Footnote *: Sister of Manfred, afterwards king of Naples. Nic Greg. p. 45. – M.]

    [Footnote 5: Compare Acropolita, (c. 18, 52,) and the two first books of Nicephorus Gregoras.]

    A strong shade of degeneracy is visible between John Vataces and his son Theodore; between the founder who sustained the weight, and the heir who enjoyed the splendor, of the Imperial crown. ^6 Yet the character of Theodore was not devoid of energy; he had been educated in the school of his father, in the exercise of war and hunting; Constantinople was yet spared; but in the three years of a short reign, he thrice led his armies into the heart of Bulgaria. His virtues were sullied by a choleric and suspicious temper: the first of these may be ascribed to the ignorance of control; and the second might naturally arise from a dark and imperfect view of the corruption of mankind. On a march in Bulgaria, he consulted on a question of policy his principal ministers; and the Greek logothete, George Acropolita, presumed to offend him by the declaration of a free and honest opinion. The emperor half unsheathed his cimeter; but his more deliberate rage reserved Acropolita for a baser punishment. One of the first officers of the empire was ordered to dismount, stripped of his robes, and extended on the ground in the presence of the prince and army. In this posture he was chastised with so many and such heavy blows from the clubs of two guards or executioners, that when Theodore commanded them to cease, the great logothete was scarcely able to rise and crawl away to his tent. After a seclusion of some days, he was recalled by a peremptory mandate to his seat in council; and so dead were the Greeks to the sense of honor and shame, that it is from the narrative of the sufferer himself that we acquire the knowledge of his disgrace. ^7 The cruelty of the emperor was exasperated by the pangs of sickness, the approach of a premature end, and the suspicion of poison and magic. The lives and fortunes, the eyes and limbs, of his kinsmen and nobles, were sacrificed to each sally of passion; and before he died, the son of Vataces might deserve from the people, or at least from the court, the appellation of tyrant. A matron of the family of the Palaeologi had provoked his anger by refusing to bestow her beauteous daughter on the vile plebeian who was recommended by his caprice.

    Without regard to her birth or age, her body, as high as the neck, was enclosed in a sack with several cats, who were pricked with pins to irritate their fury against their unfortunate fellow-captive. In his last hours the emperor testified a wish to forgive and be forgiven, a just anxiety for the fate of John his son and successor, who, at the age of eight years, was condemned to the dangers of a long minority. His last choice intrusted the office of guardian to the sanctity of the patriarch Arsenius, and to the courage of George Muzalon, the great domestic, who was equally distinguished by the royal favor and the public hatred. Since their connection with the Latins, the names and privileges of hereditary rank had insinuated themselves into the Greek monarchy; and the noble families ^8 were provoked by the elevation of a worthless favorite, to whose influence they imputed the errors and calamities of the late reign. In the first council, after the emperor’s death, Muzalon, from a lofty throne, pronounced a labored apology of his conduct and intentions: his modesty was subdued by a unanimous assurance of esteem and fidelity; and his most inveterate enemies were the loudest to salute him as the guardian and savior of the Romans. Eight days were sufficient to prepare the execution of the conspiracy. On the ninth, the obsequies of the deceased monarch were solemnized in the cathedral of Magnesia, ^9 an Asiatic city, where he expired, on the banks of the Hermus, and at the foot of Mount Sipylus. The holy rites were interrupted by a sedition of the guards; Muzalon, his brothers, and his adherents, were massacred at the foot of the altar; and the absent patriarch was associated with a new colleague, with Michael Palaeologus, the most illustrious, in birth and merit, of the Greek nobles. ^10

    [Footnote 6: A Persian saying, that Cyrus was the father and Darius the master, of his subjects, was applied to Vataces and his son. But Pachymer (l. i. c. 23) has mistaken the mild Darius for the cruel Cambyses, despot or tyrant of his people. By the institution of taxes, Darius had incurred the less odious, but more contemptible, name of merchant or broker, (Herodotus, iii. 89.)]

    [Footnote 7: Acropolita (c. 63) seems to admire his own firmness in sustaining a beating, and not returning to council till he was called. He relates the exploits of Theodore, and his own services, from c. 53 to c. 74 of his history. See the third book of Nicephorus Gregoras.]

    [Footnote 8: Pachymer (l. i. c. 21) names and discriminates fifteen or twenty Greek families. Does he mean, by this decoration, a figurative or a real golden chain? Perhaps, both.]

    [Footnote 9: The old geographers, with Cellarius and D’Anville, and our travellers, particularly Pocock and Chandler, will teach us to distinguish the two Magnesias of Asia Minor, of the Maeander and of Sipylus. The latter, our present object, is still flourishing for a Turkish city, and lies eight hours, or leagues, to the north-east of Smyrna, (Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xxii. p. 365 – 370. Chandler’s Travels into Asia Minor, p. 267.)] [Footnote 10: See Acropolita, (c. 75, 76, &c.,) who lived too near the times; Pachymer, (l. i. c. 13 – 25,) Gregoras, (l. iii. c. 3, 4, 5.)]

    Of those who are proud of their ancestors, the far greater part must be content with local or domestic renown; and few there are who dare trust the memorials of their family to the public annals of their country. As early as the middle of the eleventh century, the noble race of the Palaeologi ^11 stands high and conspicuous in the Byzantine history: it was the valiant George Palaeologus who placed the father of the Comneni on the throne; and his kinsmen or descendants continue, in each generation, to lead the armies and councils of the state. The purple was not dishonored by their alliance, and had the law of succession, and female succession, been strictly observed, the wife of Theodore Lascaris must have yielded to her elder sister, the mother of Michael Palaeologus, who afterwards raised his family to the throne. In his person, the splendor of birth was dignified by the merit of the soldier and statesman: in his early youth he was promoted to the office of constable or commander of the French mercenaries; the private expense of a day never exceeded three pieces of gold; but his ambition was rapacious and profuse; and his gifts were doubled by the graces of his conversation and manners. The love of the soldiers and people excited the jealousy of the court, and Michael thrice escaped from the dangers in which he was involved by his own imprudence or that of his friends. I. Under the reign of Justice and Vataces, a dispute arose ^12 between two officers, one of whom accused the other of maintaining the hereditary right of the Palaeologi The cause was decided, according to the new jurisprudence of the Latins, by single combat; the defendant was overthrown; but he persisted in declaring that himself alone was guilty; and that he had uttered these rash or treasonable speeches without the approbation or knowledge of his patron Yet a cloud of suspicion hung over the innocence of the constable; he was still pursued by the whispers of malevolence; and a subtle courtier, the archbishop of Philadelphia, urged him to accept the judgment of God in the fiery proof of the ordeal. ^13 Three days before the trial, the patient’s arm was enclosed in a bag, and secured by the royal signet; and it was incumbent on him to bear a red-hot ball of iron three times from the altar to the rails of the sanctuary, without artifice and without injury. Palaeologus eluded the dangerous experiment with sense and pleasantry. “I am a soldier,” said he, “and will boldly enter the lists with my accusers; but a layman, a sinner like myself, is not endowed with the gift of miracles. Your piety, most holy prelate, may deserve the interposition of Heaven, and from your hands I will receive the fiery globe, the pledge of my innocence.” The archbishop started; the emperor smiled; and the absolution or pardon of Michael was approved by new rewards and new services. II. In the succeeding reign, as he held the government of Nice, he was secretly informed, that the mind of the absent prince was poisoned with jealousy; and that death, or blindness, would be his final reward. Instead of awaiting the return and sentence of Theodore, the constable, with some followers, escaped from the city and the empire; and though he was plundered by the Turkmans of the desert, he found a hospitable refuge in the court of the sultan. In the ambiguous state of an exile, Michael reconciled the duties of gratitude and loyalty: drawing his sword against the Tartars; admonishing the garrisons of the Roman limit; and promoting, by his influence, the restoration of peace, in which his pardon and recall were honorably included. III. While he guarded the West against the despot of Epirus, Michael was again suspected and condemned in the palace; and such was his loyalty or weakness, that he submitted to be led in chains above six hundred miles from Durazzo to Nice. The civility of the messenger alleviated his disgrace; the emperor’s sickness dispelled his danger; and the last breath of Theodore, which recommended his infant son, at once acknowledged the innocence and the power of Palaeologus. [Footnote 11: The pedigree of Palaeologus is explained by Ducange, (Famil. Byzant. p. 230, &c.:) the events of his private life are related by Pachymer (l. i. c. 7 – 12) and Gregoras (l. ii. 8, l. iii. 2, 4, l. iv. 1) with visible favor to the father of the reigning dynasty.]

    [Footnote 12: Acropolita (c. 50) relates the circumstances of this curious adventure, which seem to have escaped the more recent writers.] [Footnote 13: Pachymer, (l. i. c. 12,) who speaks with proper contempt of this barbarous trial, affirms, that he had seen in his youth many person who had sustained, without injury, the fiery ordeal. As a Greek, he is credulous; but the ingenuity of the Greeks might furnish some remedies of art or fraud against their own superstition, or that of their tyrant.]

    But his innocence had been too unworthily treated, and his power was too strongly felt, to curb an aspiring subject in the fair field that was opened to his ambition. ^14 In the council, after the death of Theodore, he was the first to pronounce, and the first to violate, the oath of allegiance to Muzalon; and so dexterous was his conduct, that he reaped the benefit, without incurring the guilt, or at least the reproach, of the subsequent massacre. In the choice of a regent, he balanced the interests and passions of the candidates; turned their envy and hatred from himself against each other, and forced every competitor to own, that after his own claims, those of Palaeologus were best entitled to the preference. Under the title of great duke, he accepted or assumed, during a long minority, the active powers of government; the patriarch was a venerable name; and the factious nobles were seduced, or oppressed, by the ascendant of his genius. The fruits of the economy of Vataces were deposited in a strong castle on the banks of the Hermus, in the custody of the faithful Varangians: the constable retained his command or influence over the foreign troops; he employed the guards to possess the treasure, and the treasure to corrupt the guards; and whatsoever might be the abuse of the public money, his character was above the suspicion of private avarice. By himself, or by his emissaries, he strove to persuade every rank of subjects, that their own prosperity would rise in just proportion to the establishment of his authority. The weight of taxes was suspended, the perpetual theme of popular complaint; and he prohibited the trials by the ordeal and judicial combat. These Barbaric institutions were already abolished or undermined in France ^15 and England; ^16 and the appeal to the sword offended the sense of a civilized, ^17 and the temper of an unwarlike, people. For the future maintenance of their wives and children, the veterans were grateful: the priests and the philosophers applauded his ardent zeal for the advancement of religion and learning; and his vague promise of rewarding merit was applied by every candidate to his own hopes. Conscious of the influence of the clergy, Michael successfully labored to secure the suffrage of that powerful order. Their expensive journey from Nice to Magnesia, afforded a decent and ample pretence: the leading prelates were tempted by the liberality of his nocturnal visits; and the incorruptible patriarch was flattered by the homage of his new colleague, who led his mule by the bridle into the town, and removed to a respectful distance the importunity of the crowd. Without renouncing his title by royal descent, Palaeologus encouraged a free discussion into the advantages of elective monarchy; and his adherents asked, with the insolence of triumph, what patient would trust his health, or what merchant would abandon his vessel, to the hereditary skill of a physician or a pilot? The youth of the emperor, and the impending dangers of a minority, required the support of a mature and experienced guardian; of an associate raised above the envy of his equals, and invested with the name and prerogatives of royalty. For the interest of the prince and people, without any selfish views for himself or his family, the great duke consented to guard and instruct the son of Theodore; but he sighed for the happy moment when he might restore to his firmer hands the administration of his patrimony, and enjoy the blessings of a private station. He was first invested with the title and prerogatives of despot, which bestowed the purple ornaments and the second place in the Roman monarchy. It was afterwards agreed that John and Michael should be proclaimed as joint emperors, and raised on the buckler, but that the preeminence should be reserved for the birthright of the former. A mutual league of amity was pledged between the royal partners; and in case of a rupture, the subjects were bound, by their oath of allegiance, to declare themselves against the aggressor; an ambiguous name, the seed of discord and civil war. Palaeologus was content; but, on the day of the coronation, and in the cathedral of Nice, his zealous adherents most vehemently urged the just priority of his age and merit. The unseasonable dispute was eluded by postponing to a more convenient opportunity the coronation of John Lascaris; and he walked with a slight diadem in the train of his guardian, who alone received the Imperial crown from the hands of the patriarch. It was not without extreme reluctance that Arsenius abandoned the cause of his pupil; out the Varangians brandished their battle-axes; a sign of assent was extorted from the trembling youth; and some voices were heard, that the life of a child should no longer impede the settlement of the nation. A full harvest of honors and employments was distributed among his friends by the grateful Palaeologus. In his own family he created a despot and two sebastocrators; Alexius Strategopulus was decorated with the title of Caesar; and that veteran commander soon repaid the obligation, by restoring Constantinople to the Greek emperor. [Footnote 14: Without comparing Pachymer to Thucydides or Tacitus, I will praise his narrative, (l. i. c. 13 – 32, l. ii. c. 1 – 9,) which pursues the ascent of Palaeologus with eloquence, perspicuity, and tolerable freedom. Acropolita is more cautious, and Gregoras more concise.]

    [Footnote 15: The judicial combat was abolished by St. Louis in his own territories; and his example and authority were at length prevalent in France, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. c. 29.)]

    [Footnote 16: In civil cases Henry II. gave an option to the defendant: Glanville prefers the proof by evidence; and that by judicial combat is reprobated in the Fleta. Yet the trial by battle has never been abrogated in the English law, and it was ordered by the judges as late as the beginning of the last century. Note *: And even demanded in the present – M.]

    [Footnote 17: Yet an ingenious friend has urged to me in mitigation of this practice, 1. That in nations emerging from barbarism, it moderates the license of private war and arbitrary revenge. 2. That it is less absurd than the trials by the ordeal, or boiling water, or the cross, which it has contributed to abolish. 3. That it served at least as a test of personal courage; a quality so seldom united with a base disposition, that the danger of a trial might be some check to a malicious prosecutor, and a useful barrier against injustice supported by power. The gallant and unfortunate earl of Surrey might probably have escaped his unmerited fate, had not his demand of the combat against his accuser been overruled]

    It was in the second year of his reign, while he resided in the palace and gardens of Nymphaeum, ^18 near Smyrna, that the first messenger arrived at the dead of night; and the stupendous intelligence was imparted to Michael, after he had been gently waked by the tender precaution of his sister Eulogia. The man was unknown or obscure; he produced no letters from the victorious Caesar; nor could it easily be credited, after the defeat of Vataces and the recent failure of Palaeologus himself, that the capital had been surprised by a detachment of eight hundred soldiers. As a hostage, the doubtful author was confined, with the assurance of death or an ample recompense; and the court was left some hours in the anxiety of hope and fear, till the messengers of Alexius arrived with the authentic intelligence, and displayed the trophies of the conquest, the sword and sceptre, ^19 the buskins and bonnet, ^20 of the usurper Baldwin, which he had dropped in his precipitate flight. A general assembly of the bishops, senators, and nobles, was immediately convened, and never perhaps was an event received with more heartfelt and universal joy. In a studied oration, the new sovereign of Constantinople congratulated his own and the public fortune. “There was a time,” said he, “a far distant time, when the Roman empire extended to the Adriatic, the Tigris, and the confines of Aethiopia. After the loss of the provinces, our capital itself, in these last and calamitous days, has been wrested from our hands by the Barbarians of the West. From the lowest ebb, the tide of prosperity has again returned in our favor; but our prosperity was that of fugitives and exiles: and when we were asked, which was the country of the Romans, we indicated with a blush the climate of the globe, and the quarter of the heavens. The divine Providence has now restored to our arms the city of Constantine, the sacred seat of religion and empire; and it will depend on our valor and conduct to render this important acquisition the pledge and omen of future victories.” So eager was the impatience of the prince and people, that Michael made his triumphal entry into Constantinople only twenty days after the expulsion of the Latins. The golden gate was thrown open at his approach; the devout conqueror dismounted from his horse; and a miraculous image of Mary the Conductress was borne before him, that the divine Virgin in person might appear to conduct him to the temple of her Son, the cathedral of St. Sophia. But after the first transport of devotion and pride, he sighed at the dreary prospect of solitude and ruin. The palace was defiled with smoke and dirt, and the gross intemperance of the Franks; whole streets had been consumed by fire, or were decayed by the injuries of time; the sacred and profane edifices were stripped of their ornaments: and, as if they were conscious of their approaching exile, the industry of the Latins had been confined to the work of pillage and destruction. Trade had expired under the pressure of anarchy and distress, and the numbers of inhabitants had decreased with the opulence of the city. It was the first care of the Greek monarch to reinstate the nobles in the palaces of their fathers; and the houses or the ground which they occupied were restored to the families that could exhibit a legal right of inheritance. But the far greater part was extinct or lost; the vacant property had devolved to the lord; he repeopled Constantinople by a liberal invitation to the provinces; and the brave volunteers were seated in the capital which had been recovered by their arms. The French barons and the principal families had retired with their emperor; but the patient and humble crowd of Latins was attached to the country, and indifferent to the change of masters. Instead of banishing the factories of the Pisans, Venetians, and Genoese, the prudent conqueror accepted their oaths of allegiance, encouraged their industry, confirmed their privileges, and allowed them to live under the jurisdiction of their proper magistrates. Of these nations, the Pisans and Venetians preserved their respective quarters in the city; but the services and power of the Genoese deserved at the same time the gratitude and the jealousy of the Greeks. Their independent colony was first planted at the seaport town of Heraclea in Thrace. They were speedily recalled, and settled in the exclusive possession of the suburb of Galata, an advantageous post, in which they revived the commerce, and insulted the majesty, of the Byzantine empire. ^21 [Footnote 18: The site of Nymphaeum is not clearly defined in ancient or modern geography. But from the last hours of Vataces, (Acropolita, c. 52,) it is evident the palace and gardens of his favorite residence were in the neighborhood of Smyrna. Nymphaeum might be loosely placed in Lydia, (Gregoras, l. vi. 6.)]

    [Footnote 19: This sceptre, the emblem of justice and power, was a long staff, such as was used by the heroes in Homer. By the latter Greeks it was named Dicanice, and the Imperial sceptre was distinguished as usual by the red or purple color]

    [Footnote 20: Acropolita affirms (c. 87,) that this bonnet was after the French fashion; but from the ruby at the point or summit, Ducange (Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 28, 29) believes that it was the high-crowned hat of the Greeks. Could Acropolita mistake the dress of his own court?]

    [Footnote 21: See Pachymer, (l. ii. c. 28 – 33,) Acropolita, (c. 88,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. iv. 7,) and for the treatment of the subject Latins, Ducange, (l. v. c. 30, 31.)]

    The recovery of Constantinople was celebrated as the aera of a new empire: the conqueror, alone, and by the right of the sword, renewed his coronation in the church of St. Sophia; and the name and honors of John Lascaris, his pupil and lawful sovereign, were insensibly abolished. But his claims still lived in the minds of the people; and the royal youth must speedily attain the years of manhood and ambition. By fear or conscience, Palaeologus was restrained from dipping his hands in innocent and royal blood; but the anxiety of a usurper and a parent urged him to secure his throne by one of those imperfect crimes so familiar to the modern Greeks. The loss of sight incapacitated the young prince for the active business of the world; instead of the brutal violence of tearing out his eyes, the visual nerve was destroyed by the intense glare of a red-hot basin, ^22 and John Lascaris was removed to a distant castle, where he spent many years in privacy and oblivion. Such cool and deliberate guilt may seem incompatible with remorse; but if Michael could trust the mercy of Heaven, he was not inaccessible to the reproaches and vengeance of mankind, which he had provoked by cruelty and treason. His cruelty imposed on a servile court the duties of applause or silence; but the clergy had a right to speak in the name of their invisible Master; and their holy legions were led by a prelate, whose character was above the temptations of hope or fear. After a short abdication of his dignity, Arsenius ^23 had consented to ascend the ecclesiastical throne of Constantinople, and to preside in the restoration of the church. His pious simplicity was long deceived by the arts of Palaeologus; and his patience and submission might soothe the usurper, and protect the safety of the young prince. On the news of his inhuman treatment, the patriarch unsheathed the spiritual sword; and superstition, on this occasion, was enlisted in the cause of humanity and justice. In a synod of bishops, who were stimulated by the example of his zeal, the patriarch pronounced a sentence of excommunication; though his prudence still repeated the name of Michael in the public prayers. The Eastern prelates had not adopted the dangerous maxims of ancient Rome; nor did they presume to enforce their censures, by deposing princes, or absolving nations from their oaths of allegiance. But the Christian, who had been separated from God and the church, became an object of horror; and, in a turbulent and fanatic capital, that horror might arm the hand of an assassin, or inflame a sedition of the people. Palaeologus felt his danger, confessed his guilt, and deprecated his judge: the act was irretrievable; the prize was obtained; and the most rigorous penance, which he solicited, would have raised the sinner to the reputation of a saint. The unrelenting patriarch refused to announce any means of atonement or any hopes of mercy; and condescended only to pronounce, that for so great a crime, great indeed must be the satisfaction. “Do you require,” said Michael, “that I should abdicate the empire?” and at these words, he offered, or seemed to offer, the sword of state. Arsenius eagerly grasped this pledge of sovereignty; but when he perceived that the emperor was unwilling to purchase absolution at so dear a rate, he indignantly escaped to his cell, and left the royal sinner kneeling and weeping before the door. ^24

    [Footnote 22: This milder invention for extinguishing the sight was tried by the philosopher Democritus on himself, when he sought to withdraw his mind from the visible world: a foolish story! The word abacinare, in Latin and Italian, has furnished Ducange (Gloss. Lat.) with an opportunity to review the various modes of blinding: the more violent were scooping, burning with an iron, or hot vinegar, and binding the head with a strong cord till the eyes burst from their sockets. Ingenious tyrants!]

    [Footnote 23: See the first retreat and restoration of Arsenius, in Pachymer (l. ii. c. 15, l. iii. c. 1, 2) and Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. iii. c. 1, l. iv. c. 1.) Posterity justly accused Arsenius the virtues of a hermit, the vices of a minister, (l. xii. c. 2.)]

    [Footnote 24: The crime and excommunication of Michael are fairly told by Pachymer (l. iii. c. 10, 14, 19, &c.) and Gregoras, (l. iv. c. 4.) His confession and penance restored their freedom.]

    Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.

    Part II.

    The danger and scandal of this excommunication subsisted above three years, till the popular clamor was assuaged by time and repentance; till the brethren of Arsenius condemned his inflexible spirit, so repugnant to the unbounded forgiveness of the gospel. The emperor had artfully insinuated, that, if he were still rejected at home, he might seek, in the Roman pontiff, a more indulgent judge; but it was far more easy and effectual to find or to place that judge at the head of the Byzantine church. Arsenius was involved in a vague rumor of conspiracy and disaffection; ^* some irregular steps in his ordination and government were liable to censure; a synod deposed him from the episcopal office; and he was transported under a guard of soldiers to a small island of the Propontis. Before his exile, he sullenly requested that a strict account might be taken of the treasures of the church; boasted, that his sole riches, three pieces of gold, had been earned by transcribing the psalms; continued to assert the freedom of his mind; and denied, with his last breath, the pardon which was implored by the royal sinner. ^25 After some delay, Gregory, ^* bishop of Adrianople, was translated to the Byzantine throne; but his authority was found insufficient to support the absolution of the emperor; and Joseph, a reverend monk, was substituted to that important function. This edifying scene was represented in the presence of the senate and the people; at the end of six years the humble penitent was restored to the communion of the faithful; and humanity will rejoice, that a milder treatment of the captive Lascaris was stipulated as a proof of his remorse. But the spirit of Arsenius still survived in a powerful faction of the monks and clergy, who persevered about forty-eight years in an obstinate schism. Their scruples were treated with tenderness and respect by Michael and his son; and the reconciliation of the Arsenites was the serious labor of the church and state. In the confidence of fanaticism, they had proposed to try their cause by a miracle; and when the two papers, that contained their own and the adverse cause, were cast into a fiery brazier, they expected that the Catholic verity would be respected by the flames. Alas! the two papers were indiscriminately consumed, and this unforeseen accident produced the union of a day, and renewed the quarrel of an age. ^26 The final treaty displayed the victory of the Arsenites: the clergy abstained during forty days from all ecclesiastical functions; a slight penance was imposed on the laity; the body of Arsenius was deposited in the sanctuary; and, in the name of the departed saint, the prince and people were released from the sins of their fathers. ^27 [Footnote *: Except the omission of a prayer for the emperor, the charges against Arsenius were of different nature: he was accused of having allowed the sultan of Iconium to bathe in vessels signed with the cross, and to have admitted him to the church, though unbaptized, during the service. It was pleaded, in favor of Arsenius, among other proofs of the sultan’s Christianity, that he had offered to eat ham. Pachymer, l. iv. c. 4, p. 265. It was after his exile that he was involved in a charge of conspiracy. – M.] [Footnote 25: Pachymer relates the exile of Arsenius, (l. iv. c. 1 – 16:) he was one of the commissaries who visited him in the desert island. The last testament of the unforgiving patriarch is still extant, (Dupin, Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. x. p. 95.)]

    [Footnote *: Pachymer calls him Germanus. – M.]

    [Footnote 26: Pachymer (l. vii. c. 22) relates this miraculous trial like a philosopher, and treats with similar contempt a plot of the Arsenites, to hide a revelation in the coffin of some old saint, (l. vii. c. 13.) He compensates this incredulity by an image that weeps, another that bleeds, (l. vii. c. 30,) and the miraculous cures of a deaf and a mute patient, (l. xi. c. 32.)] [Footnote 27: The story of the Arsenites is spread through the thirteen books of Pachymer. Their union and triumph are reserved for Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. vii. c. 9,) who neither loves nor esteems these sectaries.]

    The establishment of his family was the motive, or at least the pretence, of the crime of Palaeologus; and he was impatient to confirm the succession, by sharing with his eldest son the honors of the purple. Andronicus, afterwards surnamed the Elder, was proclaimed and crowned emperor of the Romans, in the fifteenth year of his age; and, from the first aera of a prolix and inglorious reign, he held that august title nine years as the colleague, and fifty as the successor, of his father. Michael himself, had he died in a private station, would have been thought more worthy of the empire; and the assaults of his temporal and spiritual enemies left him few moments to labor for his own fame or the happiness of his subjects. He wrested from the Franks several of the noblest islands of the Archipelago, Lesbos, Chios, and Rhodes: his brother Constantine was sent to command in Malvasia and Sparta; and the eastern side of the Morea, from Argos and Napoli to Cape Thinners, was repossessed by the Greeks. This effusion of Christian blood was loudly condemned by the patriarch; and the insolent priest presumed to interpose his fears and scruples between the arms of princes. But in the prosecution of these western conquests, the countries beyond the Hellespont were left naked to the Turks; and their depredations verified the prophecy of a dying senator, that the recovery of Constantinople would be the ruin of Asia. The victories of Michael were achieved by his lieutenants; his sword rusted in the palace; and, in the transactions of the emperor with the popes and the king of Naples, his political acts were stained with cruelty and fraud. ^28 [Footnote 28: Of the xiii books of Pachymer, the first six (as the ivth and vth of Nicephorus Gregoras) contain the reign of Michael, at the time of whose death he was forty years of age. Instead of breaking, like his editor the Pere Poussin, his history into two parts, I follow Ducange and Cousin, who number the xiii. books in one series.]

    1. The Vatican was the most natural refuge of a Latin

    emperor, who had been driven from his throne; and Pope Urban the Fourth appeared to pity the misfortunes, and vindicate the cause, of the fugitive Baldwin. A crusade, with plenary indulgence, was preached by his command against the schismatic Greeks: he excommunicated their allies and adherents; solicited Louis the Ninth in favor of his kinsman; and demanded a tenth of the ecclesiastical revenues of France and England for the service of the holy war. ^29 The subtle Greek, who watched the rising tempest of the West, attempted to suspend or soothe the hostility of the pope, by suppliant embassies and respectful letters; but he insinuated that the establishment of peace must prepare the reconciliation and obedience of the Eastern church. The Roman court could not be deceived by so gross an artifice; and Michael was admonished, that the repentance of the son should precede the forgiveness of the father; and that faith (an ambiguous word) was the only basis of friendship and alliance. After a long and affected delay, the approach of danger, and the importunity of Gregory the Tenth, compelled him to enter on a more serious negotiation: he alleged the example of the great Vataces; and the Greek clergy, who understood the intentions of their prince, were not alarmed by the first steps of reconciliation and respect. But when he pressed the conclusion of the treaty, they strenuously declared, that the Latins, though not in name, were heretics in fact, and that they despised those strangers as the vilest and most despicable portion of the human race. ^30 It was the task of the emperor to persuade, to corrupt, to intimidate the most popular ecclesiastics, to gain the vote of each individual, and alternately to urge the arguments of Christian charity and the public welfare. The texts of the fathers and the arms of the Franks were balanced in the theological and political scale; and without approving the addition to the Nicene creed, the most moderate were taught to confess, that the two hostile propositions of proceeding from the Father by the Son, and of proceeding from the Father and the Son, might be reduced to a safe and Catholic sense. ^31 The supremacy of the pope was a doctrine more easy to conceive, but more painful to acknowledge: yet Michael represented to his monks and prelates, that they might submit to name the Roman bishop as the first of the patriarchs; and that their distance and discretion would guard the liberties of the Eastern church from the mischievous consequences of the right of appeal. He protested that he would sacrifice his life and empire rather than yield the smallest point of orthodox faith or national independence; and this declaration was sealed and ratified by a golden bull. The patriarch Joseph withdrew to a monastery, to resign or resume his throne, according to the event of the treaty: the letters of union and obedience were subscribed by the emperor, his son Andronicus, and thirty-five archbishops and metropolitans, with their respective synods; and the episcopal list was multiplied by many dioceses which were annihilated under the yoke of the infidels. An embassy was composed of some trusty ministers and prelates: they embarked for Italy, with rich ornaments and rare perfumes for the altar of St. Peter; and their secret orders authorized and recommended a boundless compliance. They were received in the general council of Lyons, by Pope Gregory the Tenth, at the head of five hundred bishops. ^32 He embraced with tears his long-lost and repentant children; accepted the oath of the ambassadors, who abjured the schism in the name of the two emperors; adorned the prelates with the ring and mitre; chanted in Greek and Latin the Nicene creed with the addition of filioque; and rejoiced in the union of the East and West, which had been reserved for his reign. To consummate this pious work, the Byzantine deputies were speedily followed by the pope’s nuncios; and their instruction discloses the policy of the Vatican, which could not be satisfied with the vain title of supremacy. After viewing the temper of the prince and people, they were enjoined to absolve the schismatic clergy, who should subscribe and swear their abjuration and obedience; to establish in all the churches the use of the perfect creed; to prepare the entrance of a cardinal legate, with the full powers and dignity of his office; and to instruct the emperor in the advantages which he might derive from the temporal protection of the Roman pontiff. ^33

    [Footnote 29: Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 33, &c., from the Epistles of Urban IV.]

    [Footnote 30: From their mercantile intercourse with the Venetians and Genoese, they branded the Latins: (Pachymer, l. v. c. 10.) “Some are heretics in name; others, like the Latins, in fact,” said the learned Veccus, (l. v. c. 12,) who soon afterwards became a convert (c. 15, 16) and a patriarch, (c. 24.)]

    [Footnote 31: In this class we may place Pachymer himself, whose copious and candid narrative occupies the vth and vith books of his history. Yet the Greek is silent on the council of Lyons, and seems to believe that the popes always resided in Rome and Italy, (l. v. c. 17, 21.)]

    [Footnote 32: See the acts of the council of Lyons in the year 1274. Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, tom. xviii. p. 181 – 199. Dupin, Bibliot. Eccles. tom. x. p. 135.]

    [Footnote 33: This curious instruction, which has been drawn with more or less honesty by Wading and Leo Allatius from the archives of the Vatican, is given in an abstract or version by Fleury, (tom. xviii. p. 252 – 258.)]

    But they found a country without a friend, a nation in which the names of Rome and Union were pronounced with abhorrence. The patriarch Joseph was indeed removed: his place was filled by Veccus, an ecclesiastic of learning and moderation; and the emperor was still urged by the same motives, to persevere in the same professions. But in his private language Palaeologus affected to deplore the pride, and to blame the innovations, of the Latins; and while he debased his character by this double hypocrisy, he justified and punished the opposition of his subjects. By the joint suffrage of the new and the ancient Rome, a sentence of excommunication was pronounced against the obstinate schismatics; the censures of the church were executed by the sword of Michael; on the failure of persuasion, he tried the arguments of prison and exile, of whipping and mutilation; those touchstones, says an historian, of cowards and the brave. Two Greeks still reigned in Aetolia, Epirus, and Thessaly, with the appellation of despots: they had yielded to the sovereign of Constantinople, but they rejected the chains of the Roman pontiff, and supported their refusal by successful arms. Under their protection, the fugitive monks and bishops assembled in hostile synods; and retorted the name of heretic with the galling addition of apostate: the

    prince of Trebizond was tempted to assume the forfeit title of emperor; ^* and even the Latins of Negropont, Thebes, Athens, and the Morea, forgot the merits of the convert, to join, with open or clandestine aid, the enemies of Palaeologus. His favorite generals, of his own blood, and family, successively deserted, or betrayed, the sacrilegious trust. His sister Eulogia, a niece, and two female cousins, conspired against him; another niece, Mary queen of Bulgaria, negotiated his ruin with the sultan of Egypt; and, in the public eye, their treason was consecrated as the most sublime virtue. ^34 To the pope’s nuncios, who urged the consummation of the work, Palaeologus exposed a naked recital of all that he had done and suffered for their sake. They were assured that the guilty sectaries, of both sexes and every rank, had been deprived of their honors, their fortunes, and their liberty; a spreading list of confiscation and punishment, which involved many persons, the dearest to the emperor, or the best deserving of his favor. They were conducted to the prison, to behold four princes of the royal blood chained in the four corners, and shaking their fetters in an agony of grief and rage. Two of these captives were afterwards released; the one by submission, the other by death: but the obstinacy of their two companions was chastised by the loss of their eyes; and the Greeks, the least adverse to the union, deplored that cruel and inauspicious tragedy. ^35 Persecutors must expect the hatred of those whom they oppress; but they commonly find some consolation in the testimony of their conscience, the applause of their party, and, perhaps, the success of their undertaking. But the hypocrisy of Michael, which was prompted only by political motives, must have forced him to hate himself, to despise his followers, and to esteem and envy the rebel champions by whom he was detested and despised. While his violence was abhorred at Constantinople, at Rome his slowness was arraigned, and his sincerity suspected; till at length Pope Martin the Fourth excluded the Greek emperor from the pale of a church, into which he was striving to reduce a schismatic people. No sooner had the tyrant expired, than the union was dissolved, and abjured by unanimous consent; the churches were purified; the penitents were reconciled; and

    his son Andronicus, after weeping the sins and errors of his youth most piously denied his father the burial of a prince and a Christian. ^36

    [Footnote *: According to Fallmarayer he had always maintained this title. – M.]

    [Footnote 34: This frank and authentic confession of Michael’s distress is exhibited in barbarous Latin by Ogerius, who signs himself Protonotarius Interpretum, and transcribed by Wading from the MSS. of the Vatican, (A.D. 1278, No. 3.) His annals of the Franciscan order, the Fratres Minores, in xvii. volumes in folio, (Rome, 1741,) I have now accidentally seen among the waste paper of a bookseller.]

    [Footnote 35: See the vith book of Pachymer, particularly the chapters 1, 11, 16, 18, 24 – 27. He is the more credible, as he speaks of this persecution with less anger than sorrow.]

    [Footnote 36: Pachymer, l. vii. c. 1 – ii. 17. The speech of Andronicus the Elder (lib. xii. c. 2) is a curious record, which proves that if the Greeks were the slaves of the emperor, the emperor was not less the slave of superstition and the clergy.]

    1. In the distress of the Latins, the walls and towers of

    Constantinople had fallen to decay: they were restored and fortified by the policy of Michael, who deposited a plenteous store of corn and salt provisions, to sustain the siege which he might hourly expect from the resentment of the Western powers. Of these, the sovereign of the Two Sicilies was the most formidable neighbor: but as long as they were possessed by Mainfroy, the bastard of Frederic the Second, his monarchy was the bulwark, rather than the annoyance, of the Eastern empire. The usurper, though a brave and active prince, was sufficiently employed in the defence of his throne: his proscription by successive popes had separated Mainfroy from the common cause of the Latins; and the forces that might have besieged Constantinople were detained in a crusade against the domestic enemy of Rome. The prize of her avenger,

    the crown of the Two Sicilies, was won and worn by the brother of St Louis, by Charles count of Anjou and Provence, who led the chivalry of France on this holy expedition. ^37 The disaffection of his Christian subjects compelled Mainfroy to enlist a colony of Saracens whom his father had planted in Apulia; and this odious succor will explain the defiance of the Catholic hero, who rejected all terms of accommodation. “Bear this message,” said Charles, “to the sultan of Nocera, that God and the sword are umpire between us; and that he shall either send me to paradise, or I will send him to the pit of hell.” The armies met: and though I am ignorant of Mainfroy’s doom in the other world, in this he lost his friends, his kingdom, and his life, in the bloody battle of Benevento. Naples and Sicily were immediately peopled with a warlike race of French nobles; and their aspiring leader embraced the future conquest of Africa, Greece, and Palestine. The most specious reasons might point his first arms against the Byzantine empire; and Palaeologus, diffident of his own strength, repeatedly appealed from the ambition of Charles to the humanity of St. Louis, who still preserved a just ascendant over the mind of his ferocious brother. For a while the attention of that brother was confined at home by the invasion of Conradin, the last heir to the imperial house of Swabia; but the hapless boy sunk in the unequal conflict; and his execution on a public scaffold taught the rivals of Charles to tremble for their heads as well as their dominions. A second respite was obtained by the last crusade of St. Louis to the African coast; and the double motive of interest and duty urged the king of Naples to assist, with his powers and his presence, the holy enterprise. The death of St. Louis released him from the importunity of a virtuous censor: the king of Tunis confessed himself the tributary and vassal of the crown of Sicily; and the boldest of the French knights were free to enlist under his banner against the Greek empire. A treaty and a marriage united his interest with the house of Courtenay; his daughter Beatrice was promised to Philip, son and heir of the emperor Baldwin; a pension of six hundred ounces of gold was allowed for his maintenance; and his generous father distributed among his aliens the kingdoms and provinces of

    the East, reserving only Constantinople, and one day’s journey round the city for the imperial domain. ^38 In this perilous moment, Palaeologus was the most eager to subscribe the creed, and implore the protection, of the Roman pontiff, who assumed, with propriety and weight, the character of an angel of peace, the common father of the Christians. By his voice, the sword of Charles was chained in the scabbard; and the Greek ambassadors beheld him, in the pope’s antechamber, biting his ivory sceptre in a transport of fury, and deeply resenting the refusal to enfranchise and consecrate his arms. He appears to have respected the disinterested mediation of Gregory the Tenth; but Charles was insensibly disgusted by the pride and partiality of Nicholas the Third; and his attachment to his kindred, the Ursini family, alienated the most strenuous champion from the service of the church. The hostile league against the Greeks, of Philip the Latin emperor, the king of the Two Sicilies, and the republic of Venice, was ripened into execution; and the election of Martin the Fourth, a French pope, gave a sanction to the cause. Of the allies, Philip supplied his name; Martin, a bull of excommunication; the Venetians, a squadron of forty galleys; and the formidable powers of Charles consisted of forty counts, ten thousand men at arms, a numerous body of infantry, and a fleet of more than three hundred ships and transports. A distant day was appointed for assembling this mighty force in the harbor of Brindisi; and a previous attempt was risked with a detachment of three hundred knights, who invaded Albania, and besieged the fortress of Belgrade. Their defeat might amuse with a triumph the vanity of Constantinople; but the more sagacious Michael, despairing of his arms, depended on the effects of a conspiracy; on the secret workings of a rat, who gnawed the bowstring ^39 of the Sicilian tyrant.

    [Footnote 37: The best accounts, the nearest the time, the most full and entertaining, of the conquest of Naples by Charles of Anjou, may be found in the Florentine Chronicles of Ricordano Malespina, (c. 175 – 193,) and Giovanni Villani, (l. vii. c. 1 – 10, 25 – 30,) which are published by Muratori in the viiith and xiiith volumes of the Historians of Italy. In his

    Annals (tom. xi. p. 56 – 72) he has abridged these great events which are likewise described in the Istoria Civile of Giannone. tom. l. xix. tom. iii. l. xx] [Footnote 38: Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 49 – 56, l. vi. c. 1 – 13. See Pachymer, l. iv. c. 29, l. v. c. 7 – 10, 25 l. vi. c. 30, 32, 33, and Nicephorus Gregoras, l. iv. 5, l. v. 1, 6.]

    [Footnote 39: The reader of Herodotus will recollect how miraculously the Assyrian host of Sennacherib was disarmed and destroyed, (l. ii. c. 141.)]

    Among the proscribed adherents of the house of Swabia, John

    of Procida forfeited a small island of that name in the Bay of Naples. His birth was noble, but his education was learned; and in the poverty of exile, he was relieved by the practice of physic, which he had studied in the school of Salerno. Fortune had left him nothing to lose, except life; and to despise life is the first qualification of a rebel. Procida was endowed with the art of negotiation, to enforce his reasons and disguise his motives; and in his various transactions with nations and men, he could persuade each party that he labored solely for their interest. The new kingdoms of Charles were afflicted by every species of fiscal and military oppression; ^40 and the lives and fortunes of his Italian subjects were sacrificed to the greatness of their master and the licentiousness of his followers. The hatred of Naples was repressed by his presence; but the looser government of his vicegerents excited the contempt, as well as the aversion, of the Sicilians: the island was roused to a sense of freedom by the eloquence of Procida; and he displayed to every baron his private interest in the common cause. In the confidence of foreign aid, he successively visited the courts of the Greek emperor, and of Peter king of Arragon, ^41 who possessed the maritime countries of Valentia and Catalonia. To the ambitious Peter a crown was presented, which he might justly claim by his marriage with the sister ^* of Mainfroy, and by the dying voice of Conradin, who from the scaffold had cast a ring to his heir and avenger. Palaeologus was easily persuaded to divert his

    enemy from a foreign war by a rebellion at home; and a Greek subsidy of twenty-five thousand ounces of gold was most profitably applied to arm a Catalan fleet, which sailed under a holy banner to the specious attack of the Saracens of Africa. In the disguise of a monk or beggar, the indefatigable missionary of revolt flew from Constantinople to Rome, and from Sicily to Saragossa: the treaty was sealed with the signet of Pope Nicholas himself, the enemy of Charles; and his deed of gift transferred the fiefs of St. Peter from the house of Anjou to that of Arragon. So widely diffused and so freely circulated, the secret was preserved above two years with impenetrable discretion; and each of the conspirators imbibed the maxim of Peter, who declared that he would cut off his left hand if it were conscious of the intentions of his right. The mine was prepared with deep and dangerous artifice; but it may be questioned, whether the instant explosion of Palermo were the effect of accident or design.

    [Footnote 40: According to Sabas Malaspina, (Hist. Sicula, l. iii. c. 16, in Muratori, tom. viii. p. 832,) a zealous Guelph, the subjects of Charles, who had reviled Mainfroy as a wolf, began to regret him as a lamb; and he justifies their discontent by the oppressions of the French government, (l. vi. c. 2, 7.) See the Sicilian manifesto in Nicholas Specialis, (l. i. c. 11, in Muratori, tom. x. p. 930.)]

    [Footnote 41: See the character and counsels of Peter, king of Arragon, in Mariana, (Hist. Hispan. l. xiv. c. 6, tom. ii. p. 133.) The reader for gives the Jesuit’s defects, in favor, always of his style, and often of his sense.] [Footnote *: Daughter. See Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 517. – M.]

    On the vigil of Easter, a procession of the disarmed

    citizens visited a church without the walls; and a noble damsel was rudely insulted by a French soldier. ^42 The ravisher was instantly punished with death; and if the people was at first scattered by a military force, their numbers and fury prevailed: the conspirators seized the opportunity; the flame spread over the island; and eight thousand French were exterminated in a

    promiscuous massacre, which has obtained the name of the Sicilian Vespers. ^43 From every city the banners of freedom and the church were displayed: the revolt was inspired by the presence or the soul of Procida and Peter of Arragon, who sailed from the African coast to Palermo, was saluted as the king and savior of the isle. By the rebellion of a people on whom he had so long trampled with impunity, Charles was astonished and confounded; and in the first agony of grief and devotion, he was heard to exclaim, “O God! if thou hast decreed to humble me, grant me at least a gentle and gradual descent from the pinnacle of greatness!” His fleet and army, which already filled the seaports of Italy, were hastily recalled from the service of the Grecian war; and the situation of Messina exposed that town to the first storm of his revenge. Feeble in themselves, and yet hopeless of foreign succor, the citizens would have repented, and submitted on the assurance of full pardon and their ancient privileges. But the pride of the monarch was already rekindled; and the most fervent entreaties of the legate could extort no more than a promise, that he would forgive the remainder, after a chosen list of eight hundred rebels had been yielded to his discretion. The despair of the Messinese renewed their courage: Peter of Arragon approached to their relief; ^44 and his rival was driven back by the failure of provision and the terrors of the equinox to the Calabrian shore. At the same moment, the Catalan admiral, the famous Roger de Loria, swept the channel with an invincible squadron: the French fleet, more numerous in transports than in galleys, was either burnt or destroyed; and the same blow assured the independence of Sicily and the safety of the Greek empire. A few days before his death, the emperor Michael rejoiced in the fall of an enemy whom he hated and esteemed; and perhaps he might be content with the popular judgment, that had they not been matched with each other, Constantinople and Italy must speedily have obeyed the same master. ^45 From this disastrous moment, the life of Charles was a series of misfortunes: his capital was insulted, his son was made prisoner, and he sunk into the grave without recovering the Isle of Sicily, which, after a war of twenty years, was finally severed from the throne of Naples,

    and transferred, as an independent kingdom, to a younger branch of the house of Arragon. ^46

    [Footnote 42: After enumerating the sufferings of his country, Nicholas Specialis adds, in the true spirit of Italian jealousy, Quae omnia et graviora quidem, ut arbitror, patienti animo Siculi tolerassent, nisi (quod primum cunctis dominantibus cavendum est) alienas foeminas invasissent, (l. i. c. 2, p. 924.)]

    [Footnote 43: The French were long taught to remember this bloody lesson: “If I am provoked, (said Henry the Fourth,) I will breakfast at Milan, and dine at Naples.” “Your majesty (replied the Spanish ambassador) may perhaps arrive in Sicily for vespers.”]

    [Footnote 44: This revolt, with the subsequent victory, are related by two national writers, Bartholemy a Neocastro (in Muratori, tom. xiii.,) and Nicholas Specialis (in Muratori, tom. x.,) the one a contemporary, the other of the next century. The patriot Specialis disclaims the name of rebellion, and all previous correspondence with Peter of Arragon, (nullo communicato consilio,) who happened to be with a fleet and army on the African coast, (l. i. c. 4, 9.)]

    [Footnote 45: Nicephorus Gregoras (l. v. c. 6) admires the wisdom of Providence in this equal balance of states and princes. For the honor of Palaeologus, I had rather this balance had been observed by an Italian writer.]

    [Footnote 46: See the Chronicle of Villani, the xith volume of the Annali d’Italia of Muratori, and the xxth and xxist books of the Istoria Civile of Giannone.]

    Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.

    Part III.

    I shall not, I trust, be accused of superstition; but I must

    remark that, even in this world, the natural order of events will sometimes afford the strong appearances of moral retribution. The first Palaeologus had saved his empire by involving the kingdoms of the West in rebellion and blood; and from these scenes of discord uprose a generation of iron men, who assaulted and endangered the empire of his son. In modern times our debts and taxes are the secret poison which still corrodes the bosom of peace: but in the weak and disorderly government of the middle ages, it was agitated by the present evil of the disbanded armies. Too idle to work, too proud to beg, the mercenaries were accustomed to a life of rapine: they could rob with more dignity and effect under a banner and a chief; and the sovereign, to whom their service was useless, and their presence importunate, endeavored to discharge the torrent on some neighboring countries. After the peace of Sicily, many thousands of Genoese, Catalans, ^47 &c., who had fought, by sea and land, under the standard of Anjou or Arragon, were blended into one nation by the resemblance of their manners and interest. They heard that the Greek provinces of Asia were invaded by the Turks: they resolved to share the harvest of pay and plunder: and Frederic king of Sicily most liberally contributed the means of their departure. In a warfare of twenty years, a ship, or a camp, was become their country; arms were their sole profession and property; valor was the only virtue which they knew; their women had imbibed the fearless temper of their lovers and husbands: it was reported, that, with a stroke of their broadsword, the Catalans could cleave a horseman and a horse; and the report itself was a powerful weapon. Roger de Flor ^* was the most popular of their chiefs; and his personal merit overshadowed the dignity of his prouder rivals of Arragon. The offspring of a marriage between a German gentleman of the court of Frederic the Second and a damsel of Brindisi, Roger was successively a templar, an apostate, a pirate, and at length the richest and most powerful admiral of the Mediterranean. He sailed from Messina to Constantinople,

    with eighteen galleys, four great ships, and eight thousand adventurers; ^* and his previous treaty was faithfully accomplished by Andronicus the elder, who accepted with joy and terror this formidable succor. A palace was allotted for his reception, and a niece of the emperor was given in marriage to the valiant stranger, who was immediately created great duke or admiral of Romania. After a decent repose, he transported his troops over the Propontis, and boldly led them against the Turks: in two bloody battles thirty thousand of the Moslems were slain: he raised the siege of Philadelphia, and deserved the name of the deliverer of Asia. But after a short season of prosperity, the cloud of slavery and ruin again burst on that unhappy province. The inhabitants escaped (says a Greek historian) from the smoke into the flames; and the hostility of the Turks was less pernicious than the friendship of the Catalans. ^! The lives and fortunes which they had rescued they considered as their own: the willing or reluctant maid was saved from the race of circumcision for the embraces of a Christian soldier: the exaction of fines and supplies was enforced by licentious rapine and arbitrary executions; and, on the resistance of Magnesia, the great duke besieged a city of the Roman empire. ^48 These disorders he excused by the wrongs and passions of a victorious army; nor would his own authority or person have been safe, had he dared to punish his faithful followers, who were defrauded of the just and covenanted price of their services. The threats and complaints of Andronicus disclosed the nakedness of the empire. His golden bull had invited no more than five hundred horse and a thousand foot soldiers; yet the crowds of volunteers, who migrated to the East, had been enlisted and fed by his spontaneous bounty. While his bravest allies were content with three byzants or pieces of gold, for their monthly pay, an ounce, or even two ounces, of gold were assigned to the Catalans, whose annual pension would thus amount to near a hundred pounds sterling: one of their chiefs had modestly rated at three hundred thousand crowns the value of his future merits; and above a million had been issued from the treasury for the maintenance of these costly mercenaries. A cruel tax had been imposed on the corn of the husbandman:

    one third was retrenched from the salaries of the public officers; and the standard of the coin was so shamefully debased, that of the four-and-twenty parts only five were of pure gold. ^49 At the summons of the emperor, Roger evacuated a province which no longer supplied the materials of rapine; ^* but he refused to disperse his troops; and while his style was respectful, his conduct was independent and hostile. He protested, that if the emperor should march against him, he would advance forty paces to kiss the ground before him; but in rising from this prostrate attitude Roger had a life and sword at the service of his friends. The great duke of Romania condescended to accept the title and ornaments of Caesar; but he rejected the new proposal of the government of Asia with a subsidy of corn and money, ^* on condition that he should reduce his troops to the harmless number of three thousand men. Assassination is the last resource of cowards. The Caesar was tempted to visit the royal residence of Adrianople; in the apartment, and before the eyes, of the empress he was stabbed by the Alani guards; and though the deed was imputed to their private revenge, ^!! his countrymen, who dwelt at Constantinople in the security of peace, were involved in the same proscription by the prince or people. The loss of their leader intimidated the crowd of adventurers, who hoisted the sails of flight, and were soon scattered round the coasts of the Mediterranean. But a veteran band of fifteen hundred Catalans, or French, stood firm in the strong fortress of Gallipoli on the Hellespont, displayed the banners of Arragon, and offered to revenge and justify their chief, by an equal combat of ten or a hundred warriors. Instead of accepting this bold defiance, the emperor Michael, the son and colleague of Andronicus, resolved to oppress them with the weight of multitudes: every nerve was strained to form an army of thirteen thousand horse and thirty thousand foot; and the Propontis was covered with the ships of the Greeks and Genoese. In two battles by sea and land, these mighty forces were encountered and overthrown by the despair and discipline of the Catalans: the young emperor fled to the palace; and an insufficient guard of light-horse was left for the protection of the open country. Victory renewed the hopes and

    numbers of the adventures: every nation was blended under the name and standard of the great company; and three thousand Turkish proselytes deserted from the Imperial service to join this military association. In the possession of Gallipoli, ^!!! the Catalans intercepted the trade of Constantinople and the Black Sea, while they spread their devastation on either side of the Hellespont over the confines of Europe and Asia. To prevent their approach, the greatest part of the Byzantine territory was laid waste by the Greeks themselves: the peasants and their cattle retired into the city; and myriads of sheep and oxen, for which neither place nor food could be procured, were unprofitably slaughtered on the same day. Four times the emperor Andronicus sued for peace, and four times he was inflexibly repulsed, till the want of provisions, and the discord of the chiefs, compelled the Catalans to evacuate the banks of the Hellespont and the neighborhood of the capital. After their separation from the Turks, the remains of the great company pursued their march through Macedonia and Thessaly, to seek a new establishment in the heart of Greece. ^50

    [Footnote 47: In this motley multitude, the Catalans and Spaniards, the bravest of the soldiery, were styled by themselves and the Greeks Amogavares. Moncada derives their origin from the Goths, and Pachymer (l. xi. c. 22) from the Arabs; and in spite of national and religious pride, I am afraid the latter is in the right.]

    [Footnote *: On Roger de Flor and his companions, see an historical fragment, detailed and interesting, entitled “The Spaniards of the Fourteenth Century,” and inserted in “L’Espagne en 1808,” a work translated from the German, vol. ii. p. 167. This narrative enables us to detect some slight errors which have crept into that of Gibbon. – G.]

    [Footnote *: The troops of Roger de Flor, according to his companions Ramon de Montaner, were 1500 men at arms, 4000 Almogavares, and 1040 other foot, besides the sailors and mariners, vol. ii. p. 137. – M.]

    [Footnote !: Ramon de Montaner suppresses the cruelties and oppressions of the Catalans, in which, perhaps, he shared. – M]

    [Footnote 48: Some idea may be formed of the population of these cities, from the 36,000 inhabitants of Tralles, which, in the preceding reign, was rebuilt by the emperor, and ruined by the Turks. (Pachymer, l. vi. c. 20, 21.)] [Footnote 49: I have collected these pecuniary circumstances from Pachymer, (l. xi. c. 21, l. xii. c. 4, 5, 8, 14, 19,) who describes the progressive degradation of the gold coin. Even in the prosperous times of John Ducas Vataces, the byzants were composed in equal proportions of the pure and the baser metal. The poverty of Michael Palaeologus compelled him to strike a new coin, with nine parts, or carats, of gold, and fifteen of copper alloy. After his death, the standard rose to ten carats, till in the public distress it was reduced to the moiety. The prince was relieved for a moment, while credit and commerce were forever blasted. In France, the gold coin is of twenty-two carats, (one twelfth alloy,) and the standard of England and Holland is still higher.]

    [Footnote *: Roger de Flor, according to Ramon de Montaner, was recalled from Natolia, on account of the war which had arisen on the death of Asan, king of Bulgaria. Andronicus claimed the kingdom for his nephew, the sons of Asan by his sister. Roger de Flor turned the tide of success in favor of the emperor of Constantinople and made peace. – M.]

    [Footnote *: Andronicus paid the Catalans in the debased money, much to their indignation. – M.]

    [Footnote !!: According to Ramon de Montaner, he was murdered by order of Kyr Michael, son of the emperor. p. 170. – M.]

    [Footnote !!!: Ramon de Montaner describes his sojourn at Gallipoli: Nous etions si riches, que nous ne semions, ni ne labourions, ni ne faisions enver des vins ni ne cultivions les vignes: et cependant tous les ans nous recucillions tour ce qu’il nous fallait, en vin, froment et avoine. p. 193. This lasted

    for five merry years. Ramon de Montaner is high authority, for he was “chancelier et maitre rational de l’armee,” (commissary of rations.) He was left governor; all the scribes of the army remained with him, and with their aid he kept the books in which were registered the number of horse and foot employed on each expedition. According to this book the plunder was shared, of which he had a fifth for his trouble. p. 197. – M.] [Footnote 50: The Catalan war is most copiously related by Pachymer, in the xith, xiith, and xiiith books, till he breaks off in the year 1308. Nicephorus Gregoras (l. vii. 3 – 6) is more concise and complete. Ducange, who adopts these adventurers as French, has hunted their footsteps with his usual diligence, (Hist. de C. P. l. vi. c. 22 – 46.) He quotes an Arragonese history, which I have read with pleasure, and which the Spaniards extol as a model of style and composition, (Expedicion de los Catalanes y Arragoneses contra Turcos y Griegos: Barcelona, 1623 in quarto: Madrid, 1777, in octavo.) Don Francisco de Moncada Conde de Ossona, may imitate Caesar or Sallust; he may transcribe the Greek or Italian contemporaries: but he never quotes his authorities, and I cannot discern any national records of the exploits of his countrymen.

    Note: Ramon de Montaner, one of the Catalans, who

    accompanied Roger de Flor, and who was governor of Gallipoli, has written, in Spanish, the history of this band of adventurers, to which he belonged, and from which he separated when it left the Thracian Chersonese to penetrate into Macedonia and Greece. – G.

    The autobiography of Ramon de Montaner has been published in

    French by M. Buchon, in the great collection of Memoires relatifs a l’Histoire de France. I quote this edition. – M.]

    After some ages of oblivion, Greece was awakened to new

    misfortunes by the arms of the Latins. In the two hundred and fifty years between the first and the last conquest of Constantinople, that venerable land was disputed by a multitude of petty tyrants; without the comforts of freedom and genius, her ancient cities were again plunged in foreign and intestine war; and, if servitude be preferable to anarchy, they might repose with joy under the Turkish yoke. I shall not pursue the obscure and various dynasties, that rose and fell on the continent or in the isles; but our silence on the fate of Athens ^51 would argue a strange ingratitude to the first and purest school of liberal science and amusement. In the partition of the empire, the principality of Athens and Thebes was assigned to Otho de la Roche, a noble warrior of Burgundy, ^52 with the title of great duke, ^53 which the Latins understood in their own sense, and the Greeks more foolishly derived from the age of Constantine. ^54 Otho followed the standard of the marquis of Montferrat: the ample state which he acquired by a miracle of conduct or fortune, ^55 was peaceably inherited by his son and two grandsons, till the family, though not the nation, was changed, by the marriage of an heiress into the elder branch of the house of Brienne. The son of that marriage, Walter de Brienne, succeeded to the duchy of Athens; and, with the aid of some Catalan mercenaries, whom he invested with fiefs, reduced above thirty castles of the vassal or neighboring lords. But when he was informed of the approach and ambition of the great company, he collected a force of seven hundred knights, six thousand four hundred horse, and eight thousand foot, and boldly met them on the banks of the River Cephisus in Boeotia. The Catalans amounted to no more than three thousand five hundred horse, and four thousand foot; but the deficiency of numbers was compensated by stratagem and order. They formed round their camp an artificial inundation; the duke and his knights advanced without fear or precaution on the verdant meadow; their horses plunged into the bog; and he was cut in pieces, with the greatest part of the French cavalry. His family and nation were expelled; and his son Walter de Brienne, the titular duke of Athens, the tyrant of Florence, and the constable of France, lost his life in the field

    of Poitiers Attica and Boeotia were the rewards of the victorious Catalans; they married the widows and daughters of the slain; and during fourteen years, the great company was the terror of the Grecian states. Their factions drove them to acknowledge the sovereignty of the house of Arragon; and during the remainder of the fourteenth century, Athens, as a government or an appanage, was successively bestowed by the kings of Sicily. After the French and Catalans, the third dynasty was that of the Accaioli, a family, plebeian at Florence, potent at Naples, and sovereign in Greece. Athens, which they embellished with new buildings, became the capital of a state, that extended over Thebes, Argos, Corinth, Delphi, and a part of Thessaly; and their reign was finally determined by Mahomet the Second, who strangled the last duke, and educated his sons in the discipline and religion of the seraglio.

    [Footnote 51: See the laborious history of Ducange, whose accurate table of the French dynasties recapitulates the thirty-five passages, in which he mentions the dukes of Athens.]

    [Footnote 52: He is twice mentioned by Villehardouin with honor, (No. 151, 235;) and under the first passage, Ducange observes all that can be known of his person and family.]

    [Footnote 53: From these Latin princes of the xivth century, Boccace, Chaucer. and Shakspeare, have borrowed their Theseus duke of Athens. An ignorant age transfers its own language and manners to the most distant times.] [Footnote 54: The same Constantine gave to Sicily a king, to Russia the magnus dapifer of the empire, to Thebes the primicerius; and these absurd fables are properly lashed by Ducange, (ad Nicephor. Greg. l. vii. c. 5.) By the Latins, the lord of Thebes was styled, by corruption, the Megas Kurios, or Grand Sire!]

    [Footnote 55: Quodam miraculo, says Alberic. He was probably received by Michael Choniates, the archbishop who had defended Athens against the tyrant Leo Sgurus, (Nicetas urbs capta, p. 805, ed. Bek.) Michael was the brother of the historian Nicetas; and his encomium of Athens is still extant

    in Ms. in the Bodleian library, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec tom. vi. p. 405.)

    Note: Nicetas says expressly that Michael surrendered the

    Acropolis to the marquis. – M.]

    Athens, ^56 though no more than the shadow of her former

    self, still contains about eight or ten thousand inhabitants; of these, three fourths are Greeks in religion and language; and the Turks, who compose the remainder, have relaxed, in their intercourse with the citizens, somewhat of the pride and gravity of their national character. The olive-tree, the gift of Minerva, flourishes in Attica; nor has the honey of Mount Hymettus lost any part of its exquisite flavor: ^57 but the languid trade is monopolized by strangers, and the agriculture of a barren land is abandoned to the vagrant Walachians. The Athenians are still distinguished by the subtlety and acuteness of their understandings; but these qualities, unless ennobled by freedom, and enlightened by study, will degenerate into a low and selfish cunning: and it is a proverbial saying of the country, “From the Jews of Thessalonica, the Turks of Negropont, and the Greeks of Athens, good Lord deliver us!” This artful people has eluded the tyranny of the Turkish bashaws, by an expedient which alleviates their servitude and aggravates their shame. About the middle of the last century, the Athenians chose for their protector the Kislar Aga, or chief black eunuch of the seraglio. This Aethiopian slave, who possesses the sultan’s ear, condescends to accept the tribute of thirty thousand crowns: his lieutenant, the Waywode, whom he annually confirms, may reserve for his own about five or six thousand more; and such is the policy of the citizens, that they seldom fail to remove and punish an oppressive governor. Their private differences are decided by the archbishop, one of the richest prelates of the Greek church, since he possesses a revenue of one thousand pounds sterling; and by a tribunal of the eight geronti or

    elders, chosen in the eight quarters of the city: the noble families cannot trace their pedigree above three hundred years; but their principal members are distinguished by a grave demeanor, a fur cap, and the lofty appellation of archon. By some, who delight in the contrast, the modern language of Athens is represented as the most corrupt and barbarous of the seventy dialects of the vulgar Greek: ^58 this picture is too darkly colored: but it would not be easy, in the country of Plato and Demosthenes, to find a reader or a copy of their works. The Athenians walk with supine indifference among the glorious ruins of antiquity; and such is the debasement of their character, that they are incapable of admiring the genius of their predecessors. ^59

    [Footnote 56: The modern account of Athens, and the Athenians, is extracted from Spon, (Voyage en Grece, tom. ii. p. 79 – 199,) and Wheeler, (Travels into Greece, p. 337 – 414,) Stuart, (Antiquities of Athens, passim,) and Chandler, (Travels into Greece, p. 23 – 172.) The first of these travellers visited Greece in the year 1676; the last, 1765; and ninety years had not produced much difference in the tranquil scene.]

    [Footnote 57: The ancients, or at least the Athenians, believed that all the bees in the world had been propagated from Mount Hymettus. They taught, that health might be preserved, and life prolonged, by the external use of oil, and the internal use of honey, (Geoponica, l. xv. c 7, p. 1089 – 1094, edit. Niclas.)]

    [Footnote 58: Ducange, Glossar. Graec. Praefat. p. 8, who quotes for his author Theodosius Zygomalas, a modern grammarian. Yet Spon (tom. ii. p. 194) and Wheeler, (p. 355,) no incompetent judges, entertain a more favorable opinion of the Attic dialect.]

    [Footnote 59: Yet we must not accuse them of corrupting the name of Athens, which they still call Athini. We have formed our own barbarism of Setines.

    Note: Gibbon did not foresee a Bavarian prince on the throne

    of Greece, with Athens as his capital. – M.]

    Chapter LXIII:

    Civil Wars And The Ruin Of The Greek Empire.

    Part I.

    Civil Wars, And Ruin Of The Greek Empire. – Reigns Of

    Andronicus, The Elder And Younger, And John Palaeologus. – Regency, Revolt, Reign, And Abdication Of John Cantacuzene. – Establishment Of A Genoese Colony At Pera Or Galata. – Their Wars With The Empire And City Of Constantinople.

    The long reign of Andronicus ^1 the elder is chiefly

    memorable by the disputes of the Greek church, the invasion of the Catalans, and the rise of the Ottoman power. He is celebrated as the most learned and virtuous prince of the age; but such virtue, and such learning, contributed neither to the perfection of the individual, nor to the happiness of society A slave of the most abject superstition, he was surrounded on all sides by visible and invisible enemies; nor were the flames of hell less dreadful to his fancy, than those of a Catalan or Turkish war. Under the reign of the Palaeologi, the choice of the patriarch was the most important business of the state; the heads of the Greek church were ambitious and fanatic monks; and their vices or virtues, their learning or ignorance, were equally mischievous or contemptible. By his intemperate discipline, the patriarch Athanasius ^2 excited the hatred of the clergy and people: he was heard to declare, that the sinner should swallow the last dregs of the cup of penance; and the foolish tale was propagated of his punishing a sacrilegious ass that had tasted the lettuce of a convent garden. Driven from

    the throne by the universal clamor, Athanasius composed before his retreat two papers of a very opposite cast. His public testament was in the tone of charity and resignation; the private codicil breathed the direst anathemas against the authors of his disgrace, whom he excluded forever from the communion of the holy trinity, the angels, and the saints. This last paper he enclosed in an earthen pot, which was placed, by his order, on the top of one of the pillars, in the dome of St. Sophia, in the distant hope of discovery and revenge. At the end of four years, some youths, climbing by a ladder in search of pigeons’ nests, detected the fatal secret; and, as Andronicus felt himself touched and bound by the excommunication, he trembled on the brink of the abyss which had been so treacherously dug under his feet. A synod of bishops was instantly convened to debate this important question: the rashness of these clandestine anathemas was generally condemned; but as the knot could be untied only by the same hand, as that hand was now deprived of the crosier, it appeared that this posthumous decree was irrevocable by any earthly power. Some faint testimonies of repentance and pardon were extorted from the author of the mischief; but the conscience of the emperor was still wounded, and he desired, with no less ardor than Athanasius himself, the restoration of a patriarch, by whom alone he could be healed. At the dead of night, a monk rudely knocked at the door of the royal bed-chamber, announcing a revelation of plague and famine, of inundations and earthquakes. Andronicus started from his bed, and spent the night in prayer, till he felt, or thought that he felt, a slight motion of the earth. The emperor on foot led the bishops and monks to the cell of Athanasius; and, after a proper resistance, the saint, from whom this message had been sent, consented to absolve the prince, and govern the church of Constantinople. Untamed by disgrace, and hardened by solitude, the shepherd was again odious to the flock, and his enemies contrived a singular, and as it proved, a successful, mode of revenge. In the night, they stole away the footstool or foot-cloth of his throne, which they secretly replaced with the decoration of a satirical picture. The emperor was painted with a bridle in his mouth, and Athanasius

    leading the tractable beast to the feet of Christ. The authors of the libel were detected and punished; but as their lives had been spared, the Christian priest in sullen indignation retired to his cell; and the eyes of Andronicus, which had been opened for a moment, were again closed by his successor.

    [Footnote 1: Andronicus himself will justify our freedom in the invective, (Nicephorus Gregoras, l. i. c. i.,) which he pronounced against historic falsehood. It is true, that his censure is more pointedly urged against calumny than against adulation.]

    [Footnote 2: For the anathema in the pigeon’s nest, see Pachymer, (l. ix. c. 24,) who relates the general history of Athanasius, (l. viii. c. 13 – 16, 20, 24, l. x. c. 27 – 29, 31 – 36, l. xi. c. 1 – 3, 5, 6, l. xiii. c. 8, 10, 23, 35,) and is followed by Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. vi. c. 5, 7, l. vii. c. 1, 9,) who includes the second retreat of this second Chrysostom.]

    If this transaction be one of the most curious and important

    of a reign of fifty years, I cannot at least accuse the brevity of my materials, since I reduce into some few pages the enormous folios of Pachymer, ^3 Cantacuzene, ^4 and Nicephorus Gregoras, ^5 who have composed the prolix and languid story of the times. The name and situation of the emperor John Cantacuzene might inspire the most lively curiosity. His memorials of forty years extend from the revolt of the younger Andronicus to his own abdication of the empire; and it is observed, that, like Moses and Caesar, he was the principal actor in the scenes which he describes. But in this eloquent work we should vainly seek the sincerity of a hero or a penitent. Retired in a cloister from the vices and passions of the world, he presents not a confession, but an apology, of the life of an ambitious statesman. Instead of unfolding the true counsels and characters of men, he displays the smooth and specious surface of events, highly varnished with his own praises and those of his friends. Their motives are always pure; their ends always legitimate: they

    conspire and rebel without any views of interest; and the violence which they inflict or suffer is celebrated as the spontaneous effect of reason and virtue. [Footnote 3: Pachymer, in seven books, 377 folio pages, describes the first twenty-six years of Andronicus the Elder; and marks the date of his composition by the current news or lie of the day, (A.D. 1308.) Either death or disgust prevented him from resuming the pen.]

    [Footnote 4: After an interval of twelve years, from the conclusion of Pachymer, Cantacuzenus takes up the pen; and his first book (c. 1 – 59, p. 9 – 150) relates the civil war, and the eight last years of the elder Andronicus. The ingenious comparison with Moses and Caesar is fancied by his French translator, the president Cousin.]

    [Footnote 5: Nicephorus Gregoras more briefly includes the entire life and reign of Andronicus the elder, (l. vi. c. 1, p. 96 – 291.) This is the part of which Cantacuzene complains as a false and malicious representation of his conduct.]

    After the example of the first of the Palaeologi, the elder

    Andronicus associated his son Michael to the honors of the purple; and from the age of eighteen to his premature death, that prince was acknowledged, above twenty- five years, as the second emperor of the Greeks. ^6 At the head of an army, he excited neither the fears of the enemy, nor the jealousy of the court; his modesty and patience were never tempted to compute the years of his father; nor was that father compelled to repent of his liberality either by the virtues or vices of his son. The son of Michael was named Andronicus from his grandfather, to whose early favor he was introduced by that nominal resemblance. The blossoms of wit and beauty increased the fondness of the elder Andronicus; and, with the common vanity of age, he expected to realize in the second, the hope which had been disappointed in the first, generation. The boy was educated in the palace as an heir and a favorite; and in the oaths and acclamations of the people, the august triad

    was formed by the names of the father, the son, and the grandson. But the younger Andronicus was speedily corrupted by his infant greatness, while he beheld with puerile impatience the double obstacle that hung, and might long hang, over his rising ambition. It was not to acquire fame, or to diffuse happiness, that he so eagerly aspired: wealth and impunity were in his eyes the most precious attributes of a monarch; and his first indiscreet demand was the sovereignty of some rich and fertile island, where he might lead a life of independence and pleasure. The emperor was offended by the loud and frequent intemperance which disturbed his capital; the sums which his parsimony denied were supplied by the Genoese usurers of Pera; and the oppressive debt, which consolidated the interest of a faction, could be discharged only by a revolution. A beautiful female, a matron in rank, a prostitute in manners, had instructed the younger Andronicus in the rudiments of love; but he had reason to suspect the nocturnal visits of a rival; and a stranger passing through the street was pierced by the arrows of his guards, who were placed in ambush at her door. That stranger was his brother, Prince Manuel, who languished and died of his wound; and the emperor Michael, their common father, whose health was in a declining state, expired on the eighth day, lamenting the loss of both his children. ^7 However guiltless in his intention, the younger Andronicus might impute a brother’s and a father’s death to the consequence of his own vices; and deep was the sigh of thinking and feeling men, when they perceived, instead of sorrow and repentance, his ill-dissembled joy on the removal of two odious competitors. By these melancholy events, and the increase of his disorders, the mind of the elder emperor was gradually alienated; and, after many fruitless reproofs, he transferred on another grandson ^8 his hopes and affection. The change was announced by the new oath of allegiance to the reigning sovereign, and the person whom he should appoint for his successor; and the acknowledged heir, after a repetition of insults and complaints, was exposed to the indignity of a public trial. Before the sentence, which would probably have condemned him to a dungeon or a cell, the emperor was informed that the palace courts were filled with

    the armed followers of his grandson; the judgment was softened to a treaty of reconciliation; and the triumphant escape of the prince encouraged the ardor of the younger faction. [Footnote 6: He was crowned May 21st, 1295, and died October 12th, 1320, (Ducange, Fam. Byz. p. 239.) His brother Theodore, by a second marriage, inherited the marquisate of Montferrat, apostatized to the religion and manners of the Latins, (Nic. Greg. l. ix. c. 1,) and founded a dynasty of Italian princes, which was extinguished A.D. 1533, (Ducange, Fam. Byz. p. 249 – 253.)]

    [Footnote 7: We are indebted to Nicephorus Gregoras (l. viii. c. 1) for the knowledge of this tragic adventure; while Cantacuzene more discreetly conceals the vices of Andronicus the Younger, of which he was the witness and perhaps the associate, (l. i. c. 1, &c.)]

    [Footnote 8: His destined heir was Michael Catharus, the bastard of Constantine his second son. In this project of excluding his grandson Andronicus, Nicephorus Gregoras (l. viii. c. 3) agrees with Cantacuzene, (l. i. c. 1, 2.)]

    Yet the capital, the clergy, and the senate, adhered to the

    person, or at least to the government, of the old emperor; and it was only in the provinces, by flight, and revolt, and foreign succor, that the malecontents could hope to vindicate their cause and subvert his throne. The soul of the enterprise was the great domestic John Cantacuzene; the sally from Constantinople is the first date of his actions and memorials; and if his own pen be most descriptive of his patriotism, an unfriendly historian has not refused to celebrate the zeal and ability which he displayed in the service of the young emperor. ^* That prince escaped from the capital under the pretence of hunting; erected his standard at Adrianople; and, in a few days, assembled fifty thousand horse and foot, whom neither honor nor duty could have armed against the Barbarians. Such a force might have saved or commanded the empire; but their counsels were discordant, their motions were slow and

    doubtful, and their progress was checked by intrigue and negotiation. The quarrel of the two Andronici was protracted, and suspended, and renewed, during a ruinous period of seven years. In the first treaty, the relics of the Greek empire were divided: Constantinople, Thessalonica, and the islands, were left to the elder, while the younger acquired the sovereignty of the greatest part of Thrace, from Philippi to the Byzantine limit. By the second treaty, he stipulated the payment of his troops, his immediate coronation, and an adequate share of the power and revenue of the state. The third civil war was terminated by the surprise of Constantinople, the final retreat of the old emperor, and the sole reign of his victorious grandson. The reasons of this delay may be found in the characters of the men and of the times. When the heir of the monarchy first pleaded his wrongs and his apprehensions, he was heard with pity and applause: and his adherents repeated on all sides the inconsistent promise, that he would increase the pay of the soldiers and alleviate the burdens of the people. The grievances of forty years were mingled in his revolt; and the rising generation was fatigued by the endless prospect of a reign, whose favorites and maxims were of other times. The youth of Andronicus had been without spirit, his age was without reverence: his taxes produced an unusual revenue of five hundred thousand pounds; yet the richest of the sovereigns of Christendom was incapable of maintaining three thousand horse and twenty galleys, to resist the destructive progress of the Turks. ^9 “How different,” said the younger Andronicus, “is my situation from that of the son of Philip! Alexander might complain, that his father would leave him nothing to conquer: alas! my grandsire will leave me nothing to lose.” But the Greeks were soon admonished, that the public disorders could not be healed by a civil war; and that their young favorite was not destined to be the savior of a falling empire. On the first repulse, his party was broken by his own levity, their intestine discord, and the intrigues of the ancient court, which tempted each malecontent to desert or betray the cause of the rebellion. Andronicus the younger was touched with remorse, or fatigued with business, or deceived by negotiation: pleasure

    rather than power was his aim; and the license of maintaining a thousand hounds, a thousand hawks, and a thousand huntsmen, was sufficient to sully his fame and disarm his ambition. [Footnote *: The conduct of Cantacuzene, by his own showing, was inexplicable. He was unwilling to dethrone the old emperor, and dissuaded the immediate march on Constantinople. The young Andronicus, he says, entered into his views, and wrote to warn the emperor of his danger when the march was determined. Cantacuzenus, in Nov. Byz. Hist. Collect. vol. i. p. 104, &c. – M.]

    [Footnote 9: See Nicephorus Gregoras, l. viii. c. 6. The younger Andronicus complained, that in four years and four months a sum of 350,000 byzants of gold was due to him for the expenses of his household, (Cantacuzen l. i. c. 48.) Yet he would have remitted the debt, if he might have been allowed to squeeze the farmers of the revenue]

    Let us now survey the catastrophe of this busy plot, and the

    final situation of the principal actors. ^10 The age of Andronicus was consumed in civil discord; and, amidst the events of war and treaty, his power and reputation continually decayed, till the fatal night in which the gates of the city and palace were opened without resistance to his grandson. His principal commander scorned the repeated warnings of danger; and retiring to rest in the vain security of ignorance, abandoned the feeble monarch, with some priests and pages, to the terrors of a sleepless night. These terrors were quickly realized by the hostile shouts, which proclaimed the titles and victory of Andronicus the younger; and the aged emperor, falling prostrate before an image of the Virgin, despatched a suppliant message to resign the sceptre, and to obtain his life at the hands of the conqueror. The answer of his grandson was decent and pious; at the prayer of his friends, the younger Andronicus assumed the sole administration; but the elder still enjoyed the name and preeminence of the first emperor, the use of the great palace, and a pension of twenty-four thousand pieces of gold, one half of which was assigned on the

    royal treasury, and the other on the fishery of Constantinople. But his impotence was soon exposed to contempt and oblivion; the vast silence of the palace was disturbed only by the cattle and poultry of the neighborhood, ^* which roved with impunity through the solitary courts; and a reduced allowance of ten thousand pieces of gold ^11 was all that he could ask, and more than he could hope. His calamities were imbittered by the gradual extinction of sight; his confinement was rendered each day more rigorous; and during the absence and sickness of his grandson, his inhuman keepers, by the threats of instant death, compelled him to exchange the purple for the monastic habit and profession. The monk Antony had renounced the pomp of the world; yet he had occasion for a coarse fur in the winter season, and as wine was forbidden by his confessor, and water by his physician, the sherbet of Egypt was his common drink. It was not without difficulty that the late emperor could procure three or four pieces to satisfy these simple wants; and if he bestowed the gold to relieve the more painful distress of a friend, the sacrifice is of some weight in the scale of humanity and religion. Four years after his abdication, Andronicus or Antony expired in a cell, in the seventy-fourth year of his age: and the last strain of adulation could only promise a more splendid crown of glory in heaven than he had enjoyed upon earth. ^12 ^* [Footnote 10: I follow the chronology of Nicephorus Gregoras, who is remarkably exact. It is proved that Cantacuzene has mistaken the dates of his own actions, or rather that his text has been corrupted by ignorant transcribers.]

    [Footnote *: And the washerwomen, according to Nic. Gregoras, p. 431 – M.] [Footnote 11: I have endeavored to reconcile the 24,000 pieces of Cantacuzene (l. ii. c. 1) with the 10,000 of Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. ix. c. 2;) the one of whom wished to soften, the other to magnify, the hardships of the old emperor]

    [Footnote 12: See Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. ix. 6, 7, 8, 10, 14, l. x. c. 1.) The historian had tasted of the prosperity, and shared the retreat, of his benefactor; and that friendship which “waits

    or to the scaffold or the cell,” should not lightly be accused as “a hireling, a prostitute to praise.”

    Note: But it may be accused of unparalleled absurdity. He

    compares the extinction of the feeble old man to that of the sun: his coffin is to be floated like Noah’s ark by a deluge of tears. – M.]

    [Footnote *: Prodigies (according to Nic. Gregoras, p. 460) announced the departure of the old and imbecile Imperial Monk

    from

    his earthly prison. – M.] Nor was the reign of the younger, more glorious or fortunate

    than that of the elder, Andronicus. ^13 He gathered the fruits of ambition; but the taste was transient and bitter: in the supreme station he lost the remains of his early popularity; and the defects of his character became still more conspicuous to the world. The public reproach urged him to march in person against the Turks; nor did his courage fail in the hour of trial; but a defeat and a wound were the only trophies of his expedition in Asia, which confirmed the establishment of the Ottoman monarchy. The abuses of the civil government attained their full maturity and perfection: his neglect of forms, and the confusion of national dresses, are deplored by the Greeks as the fatal symptoms of the decay of the empire. Andronicus was old before his time; the intemperance of youth had accelerated the infirmities of age; and after being rescued from a dangerous malady by nature, or physic, or the Virgin, he was snatched away before he had accomplished his forty-fifth year. He was twice married; and, as the progress of the Latins in arms and arts had softened the prejudices of the Byzantine court, his two wives were chosen in the princely houses of Germany and Italy. The first, Agnes at home, Irene in Greece, was daughter of the duke of Brunswick. Her father ^14 was a petty lord ^15 in the poor and savage regions of the

    north of Germany: ^16 yet he derived some revenue from his silver mines; ^17 and his family is celebrated by the Greeks as the most ancient and noble of the Teutonic name. ^18 After the death of this childish princess, Andronicus sought in marriage Jane, the sister of the count of Savoy; ^19 and his suit was preferred to that of the French king. ^20 The count respected in his sister the superior majesty of a Roman empress: her retinue was composed of knights and ladies; she was regenerated and crowned in St. Sophia, under the more orthodox appellation of Anne; and, at the nuptial feast, the Greeks and Italians vied with each other in the martial exercises of tilts and tournaments.

    [Footnote 13: The sole reign of Andronicus the younger is described by Cantacuzene (l. ii. c. 1 – 40, p. 191 – 339) and Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. ix c. 7 – l. xi. c. 11, p. 262 – 361.)]

    [Footnote 14: Agnes, or Irene, was the daughter of Duke Henry the Wonderful, the chief of the house of Brunswick, and the fourth in descent from the famous Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony and Bavaria, and conqueror of the Sclavi on the Baltic coast. Her brother Henry was surnamed the Greek, from his two journeys into the East: but these journeys were subsequent to his sister’s marriage; and I am ignorant how Agnes was discovered in the heart of Germany, and recommended to the Byzantine court. (Rimius, Memoirs of the House of Brunswick, p. 126 – 137.]

    [Footnote 15: Henry the Wonderful was the founder of the branch of Gruben hagen, extinct in the year 1596, (Rimius, p. 287.) He resided in the castle of Wolfenbuttel, and possessed no more than a sixth part of the allodial estates of Brunswick and Luneburgh, which the Guelph family had saved from the confiscation of their great fiefs. The frequent partitions among brothers had almost ruined the princely houses of Germany, till that just, but pernicious, law was slowly superseded by the right of primogeniture. The principality of Grubenhagen, one of the last remains of the Hercynian forest, is a woody, mountainous, and barren tract, (Busching’s Geography, vol. vi. p. 270 – 286, English translation.)]

    [Footnote 16: The royal author of the Memoirs of Brandenburgh will teach us, how justly, in a much later period, the north of Germany deserved the epithets of poor and barbarous. (Essai sur les Moeurs, &c.) In the year 1306, in the woods of Luneburgh, some wild people of the Vened race were allowed to bury alive their infirm and useless parents. (Rimius, p. 136.)] [Footnote 17: The assertion of Tacitus, that Germany was destitute of the precious metals, must be taken, even in his own time, with some limitation, (Germania, c. 5. Annal. xi. 20.) According to Spener, (Hist. Germaniae Pragmatica, tom. i. p. 351,) Argentifodinae in Hercyniis montibus, imperante Othone magno (A.D. 968) primum apertae, largam etiam opes augendi dederunt copiam: but Rimius (p. 258, 259) defers till the year 1016 the discovery of the silver mines of Grubenhagen, or the Upper Hartz, which were productive in the beginning of the xivth century, and which still yield a considerable revenue to the house of Brunswick.]

    [Footnote 18: Cantacuzene has given a most honorable testimony. The praise is just in itself, and pleasing to an English ear.]

    [Footnote 19: Anne, or Jane, was one of the four daughters of Amedee the Great, by a second marriage, and half-sister of his successor Edward count of Savoy. (Anderson’s Tables, p. 650. See Cantacuzene, (l. i. c. 40 – 42.)] [Footnote 20: That king, if the fact be true, must have been Charles the Fair who in five years (1321 – 1326) was married to three wives, (Anderson, p. 628.) Anne of Savoy arrived at Constantinople in February, 1326.]

    The empress Anne of Savoy survived her husband: their son,

    John Palaeologus, was left an orphan and an emperor in the ninth year of his age; and his weakness was protected by the first and most deserving of the Greeks. The long and cordial friendship of his father for John Cantacuzene is alike honorable to the prince and the subject. It had been formed

    amidst the pleasures of their youth: their families were almost equally noble; ^21 and the recent lustre of the purple was amply compensated by the energy of a private education. We have seen that the young emperor was saved by Cantacuzene from the power of his grandfather; and, after six years of civil war, the same favorite brought him back in triumph to the palace of Constantinople. Under the reign of Andronicus the younger, the great domestic ruled the emperor and the empire; and it was by his valor and conduct that the Isle of Lesbos and the principality of Aetolia were restored to their ancient allegiance. His enemies confess, that, among the public robbers, Cantacuzene alone was moderate and abstemious; and the free and voluntary account which he produces of his own wealth ^22 may sustain the presumption that he was devolved by inheritance, and not accumulated by rapine. He does not indeed specify the value of his money, plate, and jewels; yet, after a voluntary gift of two hundred vases of silver, after much had been secreted by his friends and plundered by his foes, his forfeit treasures were sufficient for the equipment of a fleet of seventy galleys. He does not measure the size and number of his estates; but his granaries were heaped with an incredible store of wheat and barley; and the labor of a thousand yoke of oxen might cultivate, according to the practice of antiquity, about sixty-two thousand five hundred acres of arable land. ^23 His pastures were stocked with two thousand five hundred brood mares, two hundred camels, three hundred mules, five hundred asses, five thousand horned cattle, fifty thousand hogs, and seventy thousand sheep: ^24 a precious record of rural opulence, in the last period of the empire, and in a land, most probably in Thrace, so repeatedly wasted by foreign and domestic hostility. The favor of Cantacuzene was above his fortune. In the moments of familiarity, in the hour of sickness, the emperor was desirous to level the distance between them and pressed his friend to accept the diadem and purple. The virtue of the great domestic, which is attested by his own pen, resisted the dangerous proposal; but the last testament of Andronicus the younger named him the guardian of his son, and the regent of the empire.

    [Footnote 21: The noble race of the Cantacuzeni (illustrious from the xith century in the Byzantine annals) was drawn from the Paladins of France, the heroes of those romances which, in the xiiith century, were translated and read by the Greeks, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 258.)]

    [Footnote 22: See Cantacuzene, (l. iii. c. 24, 30, 36.)]

    [Footnote 23: Saserna, in Gaul, and Columella, in Italy or Spain, allow two yoke of oxen, two drivers, and six laborers, for two hundred jugera (125 English acres) of arable land, and three more men must be added if there be much underwood, (Columella de Re Rustica, l. ii. c. 13, p 441, edit. Gesner.)] [Footnote 24: In this enumeration (l. iii. c. 30) the French translation of the president Cousin is blotted with three palpable and essential errors. 1. He omits the 1000 yoke of working oxen. 2. He interprets by the number of fifteen hundred. 3. He confounds myriads with chiliads, and gives Cantacuzene no

    more

    than 5000 hogs. Put not your trust in translations!] Note: There seems to be another reading. Niebuhr’s edit. in

    los.

    – M.] Had the regent found a suitable return of obedience and

    gratitude, perhaps he would have acted with pure and zealous fidelity in the service of his pupil. ^25 A guard of five hundred soldiers watched over his person and the palace; the funeral of the late emperor was decently performed; the capital was silent and submissive; and five hundred letters, which Cantacuzene despatched in the first month, informed the provinces of their loss and their duty. The prospect of a tranquil minority was blasted by the great duke or admiral Apocaucus, and to exaggerate his perfidy, the Imperial historian is pleased to magnify his own imprudence, in raising him to that office against the advice of his more sagacious sovereign. Bold and subtle, rapacious and profuse, the avarice and ambition of Apocaucus were by turns subservient to each other; and his talents were applied to the ruin of his country.

    His arrogance was heightened by the command of a naval force and an impregnable castle, and under the mask of oaths and flattery he secretly conspired against his benefactor. The female court of the empress was bribed and directed; he encouraged Anne of Savoy to assert, by the law of nature, the tutelage of her son; the love of power was disguised by the anxiety of maternal tenderness: and the founder of the Palaeologi had instructed his posterity to dread the example of a perfidious guardian. The patriarch John of Apri was a proud and feeble old man, encompassed by a numerous and hungry kindred. He produced an obsolete epistle of Andronicus, which bequeathed the prince and people to his pious care: the fate of his predecessor Arsenius prompted him to prevent, rather than punish, the crimes of a usurper; and Apocaucus smiled at the success of his own flattery, when he beheld the Byzantine priest assuming the state and temporal claims of the Roman pontiff. ^26 Between three persons so different in their situation and character, a private league was concluded: a shadow of authority was restored to the senate; and the people was tempted by the name of freedom. By this powerful confederacy, the great domestic was assaulted at first with clandestine, at length with open, arms. His prerogatives were disputed; his opinions slighted; his friends persecuted; and his safety was threatened both in the camp and city. In his absence on the public service, he was accused of treason; proscribed as an enemy of the church and state; and delivered with all his adherents to the sword of justice, the vengeance of the people, and the power of the devil; his fortunes were confiscated; his aged mother was cast into prison; ^* all his past services were buried in oblivion; and he was driven by injustice to perpetrate the crime of which he was accused. ^27 From the review of his preceding conduct, Cantacuzene appears to have been guiltless of any treasonable designs; and the only suspicion of his innocence must arise from the vehemence of his protestations, and the sublime purity which he ascribes to his own virtue. While the empress and the patriarch still affected the appearances of harmony, he repeatedly solicited the permission of retiring to a private, and even a monastic, life. After he had been declared a public

    enemy, it was his fervent wish to throw himself at the feet of the young emperor, and to receive without a murmur the stroke of the executioner: it was not without reluctance that he listened to the voice of reason, which inculcated the sacred duty of saving his family and friends, and proved that he could only save them by drawing the sword and assuming the Imperial title.

    [Footnote 25: See the regency and reign of John Cantacuzenus, and the whole progress of the civil war, in his own history, (l. iii. c. 1 – 100, p. 348 – 700,) and in that of Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. xii. c. 1 – l. xv. c. 9, p. 353 – 492.)]

    [Footnote 26: He assumes the royal privilege of red shoes or buskins; placed on his head a mitre of silk and gold; subscribed his epistles with hyacinth or green ink, and claimed for the new, whatever Constantine had given to the ancient, Rome, (Cantacuzen. l. iii. c. 36. Nic. Gregoras, l. xiv. c. 3.)]

    [Footnote *: She died there through persecution and neglect. – M.]

    [Footnote 27: Gregoras (l. xii. c. 5.) confesses the innocence and virtues of Cantacuzenus, the guilt and flagitious vices of Apocaucus; nor does he dissemble the motive of his personal and religious enmity to the former.

    Note: They were the religious enemies and persecutors of Nicephorus.]

    Chapter LXIII: Civil Wars And The Ruin Of The Greek Empire.

    Part II.

    In the strong city of Demotica, his peculiar domain, the

    emperor John Cantacuzenus was invested with the purple buskins: his right leg was clothed by his noble kinsmen, the left by the Latin chiefs, on whom he conferred the order of knighthood. But even in this act of revolt, he was still studious of loyalty; and the titles of John Palaeologus and Anne of Savoy were proclaimed before his own name and that of his wife Irene. Such vain ceremony is a thin disguise of rebellion, nor are there perhaps any personal wrongs that can authorize a subject to take arms against his sovereign: but the want of preparation and success may confirm the assurance of the usurper, that this decisive step was the effect of necessity rather than of choice. Constantinople adhered to the young emperor; the king of Bulgaria was invited to the relief of Adrianople: the principal cities of Thrace and Macedonia, after some hesitation, renounced their obedience to the great domestic; and the leaders of the troops and provinces were induced, by their private interest, to prefer the loose dominion of a woman and a priest. ^* The army of Cantacuzene, in sixteen divisions, was stationed on the banks of the Melas to tempt or to intimidate the capital: it was dispersed by treachery or fear; and the officers, more especially the mercenary Latins, accepted the bribes, and embraced the service, of the Byzantine court. After this loss, the rebel emperor (he fluctuated between the two characters) took the road of Thessalonica with a chosen remnant; but he failed in his enterprise on that important place; and he was closely pursued by the great duke, his enemy Apocaucus, at the head of a superior power by sea and land. Driven from the coast, in his march, or rather flight, into the mountains of Servia, Cantacuzene assembled his troops to scrutinize those who were worthy and willing to accompany his broken fortunes. A base majority bowed and retired; and his trusty band was diminished to two thousand, and at last to five hundred, volunteers. The cral, ^28 or despot of the Servians received him with general hospitality; but the ally was insensibly degraded to a suppliant, a hostage, a captive; and in this miserable dependence, he waited at the door of the Barbarian, who could dispose of the life and liberty of a Roman emperor. The most tempting offers could not persuade the cral to violate

    his trust; but he soon inclined to the stronger side; and his friend was dismissed without injury to a new vicissitude of hopes and perils. Near six years the flame of discord burnt with various success and unabated rage: the cities were distracted by the faction of the nobles and the plebeians; the Cantacuzeni and Palaeologi: and the Bulgarians, the Servians, and the Turks, were invoked on both sides as the instruments of private ambition and the common ruin. The regent deplored the calamities, of which he was the author and victim: and his own experience might dictate a just and lively remark on the different nature of foreign and civil war. “The former,” said he, “is the external warmth of summer, always tolerable, and often beneficial; the latter is the deadly heat of a fever, which consumes without a remedy the vitals of the constitution.” ^29

    [Footnote *: Cantacuzene asserts, that in all the cities, the populace were on the side of the emperor, the aristocracy on his.

    The populace took the opportunity of rising and plundering the wealthy as Cantacuzenites, vol. iii. c. 29 Ages of common oppression and ruin had not extinguished these republican factions. – M.]

    [Footnote 28: The princes of Servia (Ducange, Famil. Dalmaticae, &c., c. 2, 3, 4, 9) were styled Despots in Greek, and Cral in their native idiom, (Ducange, Gloss. Graec. p. 751.) That title, the equivalent of king, appears to be of Sclavonic origin, from whence it has been borrowed by the Hungarians, the modern Greeks, and even by the Turks, (Leunclavius, Pandect. Turc. p. 422,) who reserve the name of Padishah for the emperor. To obtain the latter instead of the former is the ambition of the French at Constantinople, (Aversissement a l’Histoire de Timur Bec, p. 39.)]

    [Footnote 29: Nic. Gregoras, l. xii. c. 14. It is surprising that Cantacuzene has not inserted this just and lively image in his own writings.]

    The introduction of barbarians and savages into the contests

    of civilized nations, is a measure pregnant with shame and mischief; which the interest of the moment may compel, but which is reprobated by the best principles of humanity and reason. It is the practice of both sides to accuse their enemies of the guilt of the first alliances; and those who fail in their negotiations are loudest in their censure of the example which they envy and would gladly imitate. The Turks of Asia were less barbarous perhaps than the shepherds of Bulgaria and Servia; but their religion rendered them implacable foes of Rome and Christianity. To acquire the friendship of their emirs, the two factions vied with each other in baseness and profusion: the dexterity of Cantacuzene obtained the preference: but the succor and victory were dearly purchased by the marriage of his daughter with an infidel, the captivity of many thousand Christians, and the passage of the Ottomans into Europe, the last and fatal stroke in the fall of the Roman empire. The inclining scale was decided in his favor by the death of Apocaucus, the just though singular retribution of his crimes. A crowd of nobles or plebeians, whom he feared or hated, had been seized by his orders in the capital and the provinces; and the old palace of Constantine was assigned as the place of their confinement. Some alterations in raising the walls, and narrowing the cells, had been ingeniously contrived to prevent their escape, and aggravate their misery; and the work was incessantly pressed by the daily visits of the tyrant. His guards watched at the gate, and as he stood in the inner court to overlook the architects, without fear or suspicion, he was assaulted and laid breathless on the ground, by two ^* resolute prisoners of the Palaeologian race, ^30 who were armed with sticks, and animated by despair. On the rumor of revenge and liberty, the captive multitude broke their fetters, fortified their prison, and exposed from the battlements the tyrant’s head, presuming on the favor of the people and the clemency of the empress. Anne of Savoy might rejoice in the fall of a haughty and ambitious minister, but while she delayed to resolve or to act, the populace, more especially the mariners, were excited by the widow of the great duke to a sedition, an assault, and a massacre. The prisoners (of whom the far greater part were guiltless or inglorious of the deed)

    escaped to a neighboring church: they were slaughtered at the foot of the altar; and in his death the monster was not less bloody and venomous than in his life. Yet his talents alone upheld the cause of the young emperor; and his surviving associates, suspicious of each other, abandoned the conduct of the war, and rejected the fairest terms of accommodation. In the beginning of the dispute, the empress felt, and complained, that she was deceived by the enemies of Cantacuzene: the patriarch was employed to preach against the forgiveness of injuries; and her promise of immortal hatred was sealed by an oath, under the penalty of excommunication. ^31 But Anne soon learned to hate without a teacher: she beheld the misfortunes of the empire with the indifference of a stranger: her jealousy was exasperated by the competition of a rival empress; and on the first symptoms of a more yielding temper, she threatened the patriarch to convene a synod, and degrade him from his office. Their incapacity and discord would have afforded the most decisive advantage; but the civil war was protracted by the weakness of both parties; and the moderation of Cantacuzene has not escaped the reproach of timidity and indolence. He successively recovered the provinces and cities; and the realm of his pupil was measured by the walls of Constantinople; but the metropolis alone counterbalanced the rest of the empire; nor could he attempt that important conquest till he had secured in his favor the public voice and a private correspondence. An Italian, of the name of Facciolati, ^32 had succeeded to the office of great duke: the ships, the guards, and the golden gate, were subject to his command; but his humble ambition was bribed to become the instrument of treachery; and the revolution was accomplished without danger or bloodshed. Destitute of the powers of resistance, or the hope of relief, the inflexible Anne would have still defended the palace, and have smiled to behold the capital in flames, rather than in the possession of a rival. She yielded to the prayers of her friends and enemies; and the treaty was dictated by the conqueror, who professed a loyal and zealous attachment to the son of his benefactor. The marriage of his daughter with John Palaeologus was at length consummated: the hereditary right of the pupil was

    acknowledged; but the sole administration during ten years was vested in the guardian. Two emperors and three empresses were seated on the Byzantine throne; and a general amnesty quieted the apprehensions, and confirmed the property, of the most guilty subjects. The festival of the coronation and nuptials was celebrated with the appearances of concord and magnificence, and both were equally fallacious. During the late troubles, the treasures of the state, and even the furniture of the palace, had been alienated or embezzled; the royal banquet was served in pewter or earthenware; and such was the proud poverty of the times, that the absence of gold and jewels was supplied by the paltry artifices of glass and gilt-leather. ^33

    [Footnote 30: The two avengers were both Palaeologi, who might resent, with royal indignation, the shame of their chains. The tragedy of Apocaucus may deserve a peculiar reference to Cantacuzene (l. iii. c. 86) and Nic. Gregoras, (l. xiv. c. 10.)]

    [Footnote 31: Cantacuzene accuses the patriarch, and spares the empress, the mother of his sovereign, (l. iii. 33, 34,) against whom Nic. Gregoras expresses a particular animosity, (l. xiv. 10, 11, xv. 5.) It is true that they do not speak exactly of the same time.]

    [Footnote *: Nicephorus says four, p.734.]

    [Footnote 32: The traitor and treason are revealed by Nic. Gregoras, (l. xv. c. 8;) but the name is more discreetly suppressed by his great accomplice, (Cantacuzen. l. iii. c. 99.)]

    [Footnote 33: Nic. Greg. l. xv. 11. There were, however, some true pearls, but very thinly sprinkled.]

    I hasten to conclude the personal history of John

    Cantacuzene. ^34 He triumphed and reigned; but his reign and triumph were clouded by the discontent of his own and the adverse faction. His followers might style the general amnesty an act of pardon for his enemies, and of oblivion for his friends: ^35 in his cause their estates had been forfeited or

    plundered; and as they wandered naked and hungry through the streets, they cursed the selfish generosity of a leader, who, on the throne of the empire, might relinquish without merit his private inheritance. The adherents of the empress blushed to hold their lives and fortunes by the precarious favor of a usurper; and the thirst of revenge was concealed by a tender concern for the succession, and even the safety, of her son. They were justly alarmed by a petition of the friends of Cantacuzene, that they might be released from their oath of allegiance to the Palaeologi, and intrusted with the defence of some cautionary towns; a measure supported with argument and eloquence; and which was rejected (says the Imperial historian) “by my sublime, and almost incredible virtue.” His repose was disturbed by the sound of plots and seditions; and he trembled lest the lawful prince should be stolen away by some foreign or domestic enemy, who would inscribe his name and his wrongs in the banners of rebellion. As the son of Andronicus advanced in the years of manhood, he began to feel and to act for himself; and his rising ambition was rather stimulated than checked by the imitation of his father’s vices. If we may trust his own professions, Cantacuzene labored with honest industry to correct these sordid and sensual appetites, and to raise the mind of the young prince to a level with his fortune. In the Servian expedition, the two emperors showed themselves in cordial harmony to the troops and provinces; and the younger colleague was initiated by the elder in the mysteries of war and government. After the conclusion of the peace, Palaeologus was left at Thessalonica, a royal residence, and a frontier station, to secure by his absence the peace of Constantinople, and to withdraw his youth from the temptations of a luxurious capital. But the distance weakened the powers of control, and the son of Andronicus was surrounded with artful or unthinking companions, who taught him to hate his guardian, to deplore his exile, and to vindicate his rights. A private treaty with the cral or despot of Servia was soon followed by an open revolt; and Cantacuzene, on the throne of the elder Andronicus, defended the cause of age and prerogative, which in his youth he had so vigorously attacked. At his request the empress-mother undertook the voyage of

    Thessalonica, and the office of mediation: she returned without success; and unless Anne of Savoy was instructed by adversity, we may doubt the sincerity, or at least the fervor, of her zeal. While the regent grasped the sceptre with a firm and vigorous hand, she had been instructed to declare, that the ten years of his legal administration would soon elapse; and that, after a full trial of the vanity of the world, the emperor Cantacuzene sighed for the repose of a cloister, and was ambitious only of a heavenly crown.

    Had these sentiments been genuine, his voluntary abdication would have restored the peace of the empire, and his conscience would have been relieved by an act of justice. Palaeologus alone was responsible for his future government; and whatever might be his vices, they were surely less formidable than the calamities of a civil war, in which the Barbarians and infidels were again invited to assist the Greeks in their mutual destruction. By the arms of the Turks, who now struck a deep and everlasting root in Europe, Cantacuzene prevailed in the third contest in which he had been involved; and the young emperor, driven from the sea and land, was compelled to take shelter among the Latins of the Isle of Tenedos. His insolence and obstinacy provoked the victor to a step which must render the quarrel irreconcilable; and the association of his son Matthew, whom he invested with the purple, established the succession in the family of the Cantacuzeni. But Constantinople was still attached to the blood of her ancient princes; and this last injury accelerated the restoration of the rightful heir. A noble Genoese espoused the cause of Palaeologus, obtained a promise of his sister, and achieved the revolution with two galleys and two thousand five hundred auxiliaries. Under the pretence of distress, they were admitted into the lesser port; a gate was opened, and the Latin shout of, “Long life and victory to the emperor, John Palaeologus!” was answered by a general rising in his favor. A numerous and loyal party yet adhered to the standard of Cantacuzene: but he asserts in his history (does he hope for belief?) that his tender conscience rejected the assurance of conquest; that, in free obedience to the voice of religion and

    philosophy, he descended from the throne and embraced with pleasure the monastic habit and profession. ^36 So soon as he ceased to be a prince, his successor was not unwilling that he should be a saint: the remainder of his life was devoted to piety and learning; in the cells of Constantinople and Mount Athos, the monk Joasaph was respected as the temporal and spiritual father of the emperor; and if he issued from his retreat, it was as the minister of peace, to subdue the obstinacy, and solicit the pardon, of his rebellious son. ^37

    [Footnote 34: From his return to Constantinople, Cantacuzene continues his history and that of the empire, one year beyond the abdication of his son Matthew, A.D. 1357, (l. iv. c. l – 50, p. 705 – 911.) Nicephorus Gregoras ends with the synod of Constantinople, in the year 1351, (l. xxii. c. 3, p. 660; the rest, to the conclusion of the xxivth book, p. 717, is all controversy;) and his fourteen last books are still Mss. in the king of France’s library.] [Footnote 35: The emperor (Cantacuzen. l. iv. c. 1) represents his own virtues, and Nic. Gregoras (l. xv. c. 11) the complaints of his friends, who suffered by its effects. I have lent them the words of our poor cavaliers after the Restoration.]

    [Footnote 36: The awkward apology of Cantacuzene, (l. iv. c. 39 – 42,) who relates, with visible confusion, his own downfall, may be supplied by the less accurate, but more honest, narratives of Matthew Villani (l. iv. c. 46, in the Script. Rerum Ital. tom. xiv. p. 268) and Ducas, (c 10, 11.)] [Footnote 37: Cantacuzene, in the year 1375, was honored with a letter from the pope, (Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xx. p. 250.) His death is placed by a respectable authority on the 20th of November, 1411, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 260.) But if he were of the age of his companion Andronicus the Younger, he must have lived 116 years; a rare instance of longevity, which in so illustrious a person would have attracted universal notice.]

    Yet in the cloister, the mind of Cantacuzene was still

    exercised by theological war. He sharpened a controversial pen against the Jews and Mahometans; ^38 and in every state he defended with equal zeal the divine light of Mount Thabor, a memorable question which consummates the religious follies of the Greeks. The fakirs of India, ^39 and the monks of the Oriental church, were alike persuaded, that in the total abstraction of the faculties of the mind and body, the purer spirit may ascend to the enjoyment and vision of the Deity. The opinion and practice of the monasteries of Mount Athos ^40 will be best represented in the words of an abbot, who flourished in the eleventh century. “When thou art alone in thy cell,” says the ascetic teacher, “shut thy door, and seat thyself in a corner: raise thy mind above all things vain and transitory; recline thy beard and chin on thy breast; turn thy eyes and thy thoughts toward the middle of thy belly, the region of the navel; and search the place of the heart, the seat of the soul. At first, all will be dark and comfortless; but if you persevere day and night, you will feel an ineffable joy; and no sooner has the soul discovered the place of the heart, than it is involved in a mystic and ethereal light.” This light, the production of a distempered fancy, the creature of an empty stomach and an empty brain, was adored by the Quietists as the pure and perfect essence of God himself; and as long as the folly was confined to Mount Athos, the simple solitaries were not inquisitive how the divine essence could be a material substance, or how an immaterial substance could be perceived by the eyes of the body. But in the reign of the younger Andronicus, these monasteries were visited by Barlaam, ^41 a Calabrian monk, who was equally skilled in philosophy and theology; who possessed the language of the Greeks and Latins; and whose versatile genius could maintain their opposite creeds, according to the interest of the moment. The indiscretion of an ascetic revealed to the curious traveller the secrets of mental prayer and Barlaam embraced the opportunity of ridiculing the Quietists, who placed the soul in the navel; of accusing the monks of Mount Athos of heresy and blasphemy. His attack compelled the more learned to renounce or dissemble the simple devotion of their brethren; and Gregory Palamas introduced a scholastic distinction

    between the essence and operation of God. His inaccessible essence dwells in the midst of an uncreated and eternal light; and this beatific vision of the saints had been manifested to the disciples on Mount Thabor, in the transfiguration of Christ. Yet this distinction could not escape the reproach of polytheism; the eternity of the light of Thabor was fiercely denied; and Barlaam still charged the Palamites with holding two eternal substances, a visible and an invisible God. From the rage of the monks of Mount Athos, who threatened his life, the Calabrian retired to Constantinople, where his smooth and specious manners introduced him to the favor of the great domestic and the emperor. The court and the city were involved in this theological dispute, which flamed amidst the civil war; but the doctrine of Barlaam was disgraced by his flight and apostasy: the Palamites triumphed; and their adversary, the patriarch John of Apri, was deposed by the consent of the adverse factions of the state. In the character of emperor and theologian, Cantacuzene presided in the synod of the Greek church, which established, as an article of faith, the uncreated light of Mount Thabor; and, after so many insults, the reason of mankind was slightly wounded by the addition of a single absurdity. Many rolls of paper or parchment have been blotted; and the impenitent sectaries, who refused to subscribe the orthodox creed, were deprived of the honors of Christian burial; but in the next age the question was forgotten; nor can I learn that the axe or the fagot were employed for the extirpation of the Barlaamite heresy. ^42

    [Footnote 38: His four discourses, or books, were printed at Bazil, 1543, (Fabric Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 473.) He composed them to satisfy a proselyte who was assaulted with letters from his friends of Ispahan. Cantacuzene had read the Koran; but I understand from Maracci that he adopts the vulgar prejudices and fables against Mahomet and his religion.] [Footnote 39: See the Voyage de Bernier, tom. i. p. 127.]

    [Footnote 40: Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 522, 523. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xx. p. 22, 24, 107 – 114, &c. The former unfolds the causes with the judgment of a philosopher,

    the latter transcribes and transcribes and translates with the prejudices of a Catholic priest.]

    [Footnote 41: Basnage (in Canisii antiq. Lectiones, tom. iv. p. 363 – 368) has investigated the character and story of Barlaam. The duplicity of his opinions had inspired some doubts of the identity of his person. See likewise Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. tom. x. p. 427 – 432.)]

    [Footnote 42: See Cantacuzene (l. ii. c. 39, 40, l. iv. c. 3, 23, 24, 25) and Nic. Gregoras, (l. xi. c. 10, l. xv. 3, 7, &c.,) whose last books, from the xixth to xxivth, are almost confined to a subject so interesting to the authors. Boivin, (in Vit. Nic. Gregorae,) from the unpublished books, and Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. tom. x. p. 462 – 473,) or rather Montfaucon, from the Mss. of the Coislin library, have added some facts and documents.]

    For the conclusion of this chapter, I have reserved the

    Genoese war, which shook the throne of Cantacuzene, and betrayed the debility of the Greek empire. The Genoese, who, after the recovery of Constantinople, were seated in the suburb of Pera or Galata, received that honorable fief from the bounty of the emperor. They were indulged in the use of their laws and magistrates; but they submitted to the duties of vassals and subjects; the forcible word of liegemen ^43 was borrowed from the Latin jurisprudence; and their podesta, or chief, before he entered on his office, saluted the emperor with loyal acclamations and vows of fidelity. Genoa sealed a firm alliance with the Greeks; and, in case of a defensive war, a supply of fifty empty galleys and a succor of fifty galleys, completely armed and manned, was promised by the republic to the empire. In the revival of a naval force, it was the aim of Michael Palaeologus to deliver himself from a foreign aid; and his vigorous government contained the Genoese of Galata within those limits which the insolence of wealth and freedom provoked them to exceed. A sailor threatened that they should soon be masters of Constantinople, and slew the Greek who

    resented this national affront; and an armed vessel, after refusing to salute the palace, was guilty of some acts of piracy in the Black Sea. Their countrymen threatened to support their cause; but the long and open village of Galata was instantly surrounded by the Imperial troops; till, in the moment of the assault, the prostrate Genoese implored the clemency of their sovereign. The defenceless situation which secured their obedience exposed them to the attack of their Venetian rivals, who, in the reign of the elder Andronicus, presumed to violate the majesty of the throne. On the approach of their fleets, the Genoese, with their families and effects, retired into the city: their empty habitations were reduced to ashes; and the feeble prince, who had viewed the destruction of his suburb, expressed his resentment, not by arms, but by ambassadors. This misfortune, however, was advantageous to the Genoese, who obtained, and imperceptibly abused, the dangerous license of surrounding Galata with a strong wall; of introducing into the ditch the waters of the sea; of erecting lofty turrets; and of mounting a train of military engines on the rampart. The narrow bounds in which they had been circumscribed were insufficient for the growing colony; each day they acquired some addition of landed property; and the adjacent hills were covered with their villas and castles, which they joined and protected by new fortifications. ^44 The navigation and trade of the Euxine was the patrimony of the Greek emperors, who commanded the narrow entrance, the gates, as it were, of that inland sea. In the reign of Michael Palaeologus, their prerogative was acknowledged by the sultan of Egypt, who solicited and obtained the liberty of sending an annual ship for the purchase of slaves in Circassia and the Lesser Tartary: a liberty pregnant with mischief to the Christian cause; since these youths were transformed by education and discipline into the formidable Mamalukes. ^45 From the colony of Pera, the Genoese engaged with superior advantage in the lucrative trade of the Black Sea; and their industry supplied the Greeks with fish and corn; two articles of food almost equally important to a superstitious people. The spontaneous bounty of nature appears to have bestowed the harvests of Ukraine,

    the produce of a rude and savage husbandry; and the endless exportation of salt fish and caviare is annually renewed by the enormous sturgeons that are caught at the mouth of the Don or Tanais, in their last station of the rich mud and shallow water of the Maeotis. ^46 The waters of the Oxus, the Caspian, the Volga, and the Don, opened a rare and laborious passage for the gems and spices of India; and after three months’ march the caravans of Carizme met the Italian vessels in the harbors of Crimaea. ^47 These various branches of trade were monopolized by the diligence and power of the Genoese.

    Their rivals of Venice and Pisa were forcibly expelled; the natives were awed by the castles and cities, which arose on the foundations of their humble factories; and their principal establishment of Caffa ^48 was besieged without effect by the Tartar powers. Destitute of a navy, the Greeks were oppressed by these haughty merchants, who fed, or famished, Constantinople, according to their interest. They proceeded to usurp the customs, the fishery, and even the toll, of the Bosphorus; and while they derived from these objects a revenue of two hundred thousand pieces of gold, a remnant of thirty thousand was reluctantly allowed to the emperor. ^49 The colony of Pera or Galata acted, in peace and war, as an independent state; and, as it will happen in distant settlements, the Genoese podesta too often forgot that he was the servant of his own masters. [Footnote 43: Pachymer (l. v. c. 10) very properly explains (ligios). The use of these words in the Greek and Latin of the feudal times may be amply understood from the Glossaries of Ducange, (Graec. p. 811, 812. Latin. tom. iv. p. 109 – 111.)]

    [Footnote 44: The establishment and progress of the Genoese at Pera, or Galata, is described by Ducange (C. P. Christiana, l. i. p. 68, 69) from the Byzantine historians, Pachymer, (l. ii. c. 35, l. v. 10, 30, l. ix. 15 l. xii. 6, 9,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. v. c. 4, l. vi. c. 11, l. ix. c. 5, l. ix. c. 1, l. xv. c. 1, 6,) and Cantacuzene, (l. i. c. 12, l. ii. c. 29, &c.)] [Footnote 45: Both Pachymer (l. iii. c. 3, 4, 5) and Nic. Greg. (l. iv. c. 7) understand and deplore the effects of this dangerous indulgence. Bibars, sultan of Egypt, himself a Tartar, but a

    devout Mussulman, obtained from the children of Zingis the permission to build a stately mosque in the capital of Crimea, (De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 343.)]

    [Footnote 46: Chardin (Voyages en Perse, tom. i. p. 48) was assured at Caffa, that these fishes were sometimes twenty-four or twenty-six feet long, weighed eight or nine hundred pounds, and yielded three or four quintals of caviare. The corn of the Bosphorus had supplied the Athenians in the time of Demosthenes.]

    [Footnote 47: De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 343, 344. Viaggi di Ramusio, tom. i. fol. 400. But this land or water carriage could only be practicable when Tartary was united under a wise and powerful monarch.] [Footnote 48: Nic. Gregoras (l. xiii. c. 12) is judicious and well informed on the trade and colonies of the Black Sea. Chardin describes the present ruins of Caffa, where, in forty days, he saw above 400 sail employed in the corn and fish trade, (Voyages en Perse, tom. i. p. 46 – 48.)]

    [Footnote 49: See Nic. Gregoras, l. xvii. c. 1]

    These usurpations were encouraged by the weakness of the elder Andronicus, and by the civil wars that afflicted his age and the minority of his grandson. The talents of Cantacuzene were employed to the ruin, rather than the restoration, of the empire; and after his domestic victory, he was condemned to an ignominious trial, whether the Greeks or the Genoese should reign in Constantinople. The merchants of Pera were offended by his refusal of some contiguous land, some commanding heights, which they proposed to cover with new fortifications; and in the absence of the emperor, who was detained at Demotica by sickness, they ventured to brave the debility of a female reign. A Byzantine vessel, which had presumed to fish at the mouth of the harbor, was sunk by these audacious strangers; the fishermen were murdered. Instead of suing for pardon, the Genoese demanded satisfaction; required, in a haughty strain, that the Greeks should renounce the exercise of navigation; and encountered

    with regular arms the first sallies of the popular indignation. They instantly occupied the debatable land; and by the labor of a whole people, of either sex and of every age, the wall was raised, and the ditch was sunk, with incredible speed. At the same time, they attacked and burnt two Byzantine galleys; while the three others, the remainder of the Imperial navy, escaped from their hands: the habitations without the gates, or along the shore, were pillaged and destroyed; and the care of the regent, of the empress Irene, was confined to the preservation of the city. The return of Cantacuzene dispelled the public consternation: the emperor inclined to peaceful counsels; but he yielded to the obstinacy of his enemies, who rejected all reasonable terms, and to the ardor of his subjects, who threatened, in the style of Scripture, to break them in pieces like a potter’s vessel. Yet they reluctantly paid the taxes, that he imposed for the construction of ships, and the expenses of the war; and as the two nations were masters, the one of the land, the other of the sea, Constantinople and Pera were pressed by the evils of a mutual siege. The merchants of the colony, who had believed that a few days would terminate the war, already murmured at their losses: the succors from their mother-country were delayed by the factions of Genoa; and the most cautious embraced the opportunity of a Rhodian vessel to remove their families and effects from the scene of hostility. In the spring, the Byzantine fleet, seven galleys and a train of smaller vessels, issued from the mouth of the harbor, and steered in a single line along the shore of Pera; unskilfully presenting their sides to the beaks of the adverse squadron. The crews were composed of peasants and mechanics; nor was their ignorance compensated by the native courage of Barbarians: the wind was strong, the waves were rough; and no sooner did the Greeks perceive a distant and inactive enemy, than they leaped headlong into the sea, from a doubtful, to an inevitable peril. The troops that marched to the attack of the lines of Pera were struck at the same moment with a similar panic; and the Genoese were astonished, and almost ashamed, at their double victory. Their triumphant vessels, crowned with flowers, and dragging after them the captive galleys, repeatedly passed and repassed before the

    palace: the only virtue of the emperor was patience; and the hope of revenge his sole consolation. Yet the distress of both parties interposed a temporary agreement; and the shame of the empire was disguised by a thin veil of dignity and power. Summoning the chiefs of the colony, Cantacuzene affected to despise the trivial object of the debate; and, after a mild reproof, most liberally granted the lands, which had been previously resigned to the seeming custody of his officers. ^50 [Footnote 50: The events of this war are related by Cantacuzene (l. iv. c. 11 with obscurity and confusion, and by Nic. Gregoras (l. xvii. c. 1 – 7) in a clear and honest narrative. The priest was less responsible than the prince for the defeat of the fleet.]

    But the emperor was soon solicited to violate the treaty,

    and to join his arms with the Venetians, the perpetual enemies of Genoa and her colonies. While he compared the reasons of peace and war, his moderation was provoked by a wanton insult of the inhabitants of Pera, who discharged from their rampart a large stone that fell in the midst of Constantinople. On his just complaint, they coldly blamed the imprudence of their engineer; but the next day the insult was repeated; and they exulted in a second proof that the royal city was not beyond the reach of their artillery. Cantacuzene instantly signed his treaty with the Venetians; but the weight of the Roman empire was scarcely felt in the balance of these opulent and powerful republics. ^51 From the Straits of Gibraltar to the mouth of the Tanais, their fleets encountered each other with various success; and a memorable battle was fought in the narrow sea, under the walls of Constantinople. It would not be an easy task to reconcile the accounts of the Greeks, the Venetians, and the Genoese; ^52 and while I depend on the narrative of an impartial historian, ^53 I shall borrow from each nation the facts that redound to their own disgrace, and the honor of their foes. The Venetians, with their allies the Catalans, had the advantage of number; and their fleet, with the poor addition of eight Byzantine galleys, amounted to seventy-five sail: the Genoese did not exceed sixty-four; but in

    those times their ships of war were distinguished by the superiority of their size and strength. The names and families of their naval commanders, Pisani and Doria, are illustrious in the annals of their country; but the personal merit of the former was eclipsed by the fame and abilities of his rival. They engaged in tempestuous weather; and the tumultuary conflict was continued from the dawn to the extinction of light. The enemies of the Genoese applaud their prowess; the friends of the Venetians are dissatisfied with their behavior; but all parties agree in praising the skill and boldness of the Catalans, ^* who, with many wounds, sustained the brunt of the action. On the separation of the fleets, the event might appear doubtful; but the thirteen Genoese galleys, that had been sunk or taken, were compensated by a double loss of the allies; of fourteen Venetians, ten Catalans, and two Greeks; ^! and even the grief of the conquerors expressed the assurance and habit of more decisive victories. Pisani confessed his defeat, by retiring into a fortified harbor, from whence, under the pretext of the orders of the senate, he steered with a broken and flying squadron for the Isle of Candia, and abandoned to his rivals the sovereignty of the sea. In a public epistle, ^54 addressed to the doge and senate, Petrarch employs his eloquence to reconcile the maritime powers, the two luminaries of Italy. The orator celebrates the valor and victory of the Genoese, the first of men in the exercise of naval war: he drops a tear on the misfortunes of their Venetian brethren; but he exhorts them to pursue with fire and sword the base and perfidious Greeks; to purge the metropolis of the East from the heresy with which it was infected. Deserted by their friends, the Greeks were incapable of resistance; and three months after the battle, the emperor Cantacuzene solicited and subscribed a treaty, which forever banished the Venetians and Catalans, and granted to the Genoese a monopoly of trade, and almost a right of dominion. The Roman empire (I smile in transcribing the name) might soon have sunk into a province of Genoa, if the ambition of the republic had not been checked by the ruin of her freedom and naval power. A long contest of one hundred and thirty years was determined by the triumph of Venice; and the factions of the

    Genoese compelled them to seek for domestic peace under the protection of a foreign lord, the duke of Milan, or the French king. Yet the spirit of commerce survived that of conquest; and the colony of Pera still awed the capital and navigated the Euxine, till it was involved by the Turks in the final servitude of Constantinople itself.

    [Footnote 51: The second war is darkly told by Cantacuzene, (l. iv. c. 18, p. 24, 25, 28 – 32,) who wishes to disguise what he dares not deny. I regret this part of Nic. Gregoras, which is still in Ms. at Paris.

    Note: This part of Nicephorus Gregoras has not been printed

    in the new edition of the Byzantine Historians. The editor expresses a hope that it may be undertaken by Hase. I should join in the regret of Gibbon, if these books contain any historical information: if they are but a continuation of the controversies which fill the last books in our present copies, they may as well sleep their eternal sleep in Ms. as in print. – M.]

    [Footnote 52: Muratori (Annali d’ Italia, tom. xii. p. 144) refers to the most ancient Chronicles of Venice (Caresinus, the continuator of Andrew Dandulus, tom. xii. p. 421, 422) and Genoa, (George Stella Annales Genuenses, tom. xvii. p. 1091, 1092;) both which I have diligently consulted in his great Collection of the Historians of Italy.]

    [Footnote 53: See the Chronicle of Matteo Villani of Florence, l. ii. c. 59, p. 145 – 147, c. 74, 75, p. 156, 157, in Muratori’s Collection, tom.]

    [Footnote *: Cantacuzene praises their bravery, but imputes their losses to their ignorance of the seas: they suffered more by the breakers than by the enemy, vol. iii. p. 224. – M.]

    [Footnote !: Cantacuzene says that the Genoese lost twenty-eight ships with their crews; the Venetians and Catalans sixteen, the Imperials, none Cantacuzene accuses Pisani of cowardice, in not following up the victory, and destroying the

    Genoese. But Pisani’s conduct, and indeed Cantacuzene’s account of the battle, betray the superiority of the Genoese – M]

    [Footnote 54: The Abbe de Sade (Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 257 – 263) translates this letter, which he copied from a MS. in the king of France’s library. Though a servant of the duke of Milan, Petrarch pours forth his astonishment and grief at the defeat and despair of the Genoese in the following year, (p. 323 – 332.)]

    Chapter LXIV:

    Moguls, Ottoman Turkds.

    Part I.

    Conquests Of Zingis Khan And The Moguls From China To

    Poland. – Escape Of Constantinople And The Greeks. – Origin Of The Ottoman Turks In Bithynia. – Reigns And Victories Of Othman, Orchan, Amurath The First, And Bajazet The First. – Foundation And Progress Of The Turkish Monarchy In Asia And Europe. – Danger Of Constantinople And The Greek Empire.

    From the petty quarrels of a city and her suburbs, from the

    cowardice and discord of the falling Greeks, I shall now ascend to the victorious Turks; whose domestic slavery was ennobled by martial discipline, religious enthusiasm, and the energy of the national character. The rise and progress of the Ottomans, the present sovereigns of Constantinople, are connected with the most important scenes of modern history; but they are founded on a previous knowledge of the great eruption of the Moguls ^* and Tartars; whose rapid conquests may be compared with the primitive convulsions of nature, which have agitated and altered the surface of the globe. I have long since asserted my claim to introduce the nations, the immediate or remote authors of the fall of the Roman empire; nor can I refuse myself to those events, which, from their uncommon magnitude, will interest a philosophic mind in the history of blood. ^1

    [Footnote *: Mongol seems to approach the nearest to the proper name of this race. The Chinese call them Mong-kou; the Mondchoux, their neighbors, Monggo or Monggou. They called themselves also Beda. This fact seems to have been proved by M. Schmidt against the French Orientalists. See De Brosset. Note on Le Beau, tom. xxii p. 402.]

    [Footnote 1: The reader is invited to review chapters xxii. to xxvi., and xxiii. to xxxviii., the manners of pastoral nations, the conquests of Attila and the Huns, which were composed at a time when I entertained the wish, rather than the hope, of concluding my history.]

    From the spacious highlands between China, Siberia, and the

    Caspian Sea, the tide of emigration and war has repeatedly been poured. These ancient seats of the Huns and Turks were occupied in the twelfth century by many pastoral tribes, of the same descent and similar manners, which were united and led to conquest by the formidable Zingis. ^* In his ascent to greatness, that Barbarian (whose private appellation was Temugin) had trampled on the necks of his equals. His birth was noble; but it was the pride of victory, that the prince or people deduced his seventh ancestor from the immaculate conception of a virgin. His father had reigned over thirteen hordes, which composed about thirty or forty thousand families: above two thirds refused to pay tithes or obedience to his infant son; and at the age of thirteen, Temugin fought a battle against his rebellious subjects. The future conqueror of Asia was reduced to fly and to obey; but he rose superior to his fortune, and in his fortieth year he had established his fame and dominion over the circumjacent tribes. In a state of society, in which policy is rude and valor is universal, the ascendant of one man must be founded on his power and resolution to punish his enemies and recompense his friends. His first military league was ratified by the simple rites of sacrificing a horse and tasting of a running stream: Temugin pledged himself to divide with his followers the sweets and the bitters of life; and when he had shared among them his horses

    and apparel, he was rich in their gratitude and his own hopes. After his first victory, he placed seventy caldrons on the fire, and seventy of the most guilty rebels were cast headlong into the boiling water. The sphere of his attraction was continually enlarged by the ruin of the proud and the submission of the prudent; and the boldest chieftains might tremble, when they beheld, enchased in silver, the skull of the khan of Keraites; ^2 who, under the name of Prester John, had corresponded with the Roman pontiff and the princes of Europe. The ambition of Temugin condescended to employ the arts of superstition; and it was from a naked prophet, who could ascend to heaven on a white horse, that he accepted the title of Zingis, ^3 the most great; and a divine right to the conquest and dominion of the earth. In a general couroultai, or diet, he was seated on a felt, which was long afterwards revered as a relic, and solemnly proclaimed great khan, or emperor of the Moguls ^4 and Tartars. ^5 Of these kindred, though rival, names, the former had given birth to the imperial race; and the latter has been extended by accident or error over the spacious wilderness of the north. [Footnote *: On the traditions of the early life of Zingis, see D’Ohson, Hist des Mongols; Histoire des Mongols, Paris, 1824. Schmidt, Geschichte des Ost- Mongolen, p. 66, &c., and Notes. – M.]

    [Footnote 2: The khans of the Keraites were most probably incapable of reading the pompous epistles composed in their name by the Nestorian missionaries, who endowed them with the fabulous wonders of an Indian kingdom. Perhaps these Tartars (the Presbyter or Priest John) had submitted to the rites of baptism and ordination, (Asseman, Bibliot Orient tom. iii. p. ii. p. 487 – 503.)] [Footnote 3: Since the history and tragedy of Voltaire, Gengis, at least in French, seems to be the more fashionable spelling; but Abulghazi Khan must have known the true name of his ancestor.

    His etymology appears just: Zin, in the Mogul tongue, signifies great, and gis is the superlative termination, (Hist. Genealogique des Tatars, part iii. p. 194, 195.) From the same

    idea of magnitude, the appellation of Zingis is bestowed on the ocean.] [Footnote 4: The name of Moguls has prevailed among the Orientals, and still adheres to the titular sovereign, the Great Mogul of Hindastan.

    Note: M. Remusat (sur les Langues Tartares, p. 233) justly

    observes, that Timour was a Turk, not a Mogul, and, p. 242, that probably there was not Mogul in the army of Baber, who established the Indian throne of the “Great Mogul.” – M.]

    [Footnote 5: The Tartars (more properly Tatars) were descended from Tatar Khan, the brother of Mogul Khan, (see Abulghazi, part i. and ii.,) and once formed a horde of 70,000 families on the borders of Kitay, (p. 103 – 112.) In the great invasion of Europe (A.D. 1238) they seem to have led the vanguard; and the similitude of the name of Tartarei, recommended that of Tartars to the Latins, (Matt. Paris, p. 398, &c.)

    Note: This relationship, according to M. Klaproth, is

    fabulous, and invented by the Mahometan writers, who, from religious zeal, endeavored to connect the traditions of the nomads of Central Asia with those of the Old Testament, as preserved in the Koran. There is no trace of it in the Chinese writers de l’Asie, p. 156. – M.]

    The code of laws which Zingis dictated to his subjects was

    adapted to the preservation of a domestic peace, and the exercise of foreign hostility. The punishment of death was inflicted on the crimes of adultery, murder, perjury, and the capital thefts of a horse or ox; and the fiercest of men were mild and just in their intercourse with each other. The future election of the great khan was vested in the princes of his family and the heads of the tribes; and the regulations of the chase were essential to the pleasures and plenty of a Tartar camp. The victorious nation was held sacred from all servile

    labors, which were abandoned to slaves and strangers; and every labor was servile except the profession of arms. The service and discipline of the troops, who were armed with bows, cimeters, and iron maces, and divided by hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands, were the institutions of a veteran commander. Each officer and soldier was made responsible, under pain of death, for the safety and honor of his companions; and the spirit of conquest breathed in the law, that peace should never be granted unless to a vanquished and suppliant enemy. But it is the religion of Zingis that best deserves our wonder and applause. ^* The Catholic inquisitors of Europe, who defended nonsense by cruelty, might have been confounded by the example of a Barbarian, who anticipated the lessons of philosophy, ^6 and established by his laws a system of pure theism and perfect toleration. His first and only article of faith was the existence of one God, the Author of all good; who fills by his presence the heavens and earth, which he has created by his power. The Tartars and Moguls were addicted to the idols of their peculiar tribes; and many of them had been converted by the foreign missionaries to the religions of Moses, of Mahomet, and of Christ. These various systems in freedom and concord were taught and practised within the precincts of the same camp; and the Bonze, the Imam, the Rabbi, the Nestorian, and the Latin priest, enjoyed the same honorable exemption from service and tribute: in the mosque of Bochara, the insolent victor might trample the Koran under his horse’s feet, but the calm legislator respected the prophets and pontiffs of the most hostile sects. The reason of Zingis was not informed by books: the khan could neither read nor write; and, except the tribe of the Igours, the greatest part of the Moguls and Tartars were as illiterate as their sovereign. ^* The memory of their exploits was preserved by tradition: sixty- eight years after the death of Zingis, these traditions were collected and transcribed; ^7 the brevity of their domestic annals may be supplied by the Chinese, ^8 Persians, ^9 Armenians, ^10 Syrians, ^11 Arabians, ^12 Greeks, ^13 Russians, ^14 Poles, ^15 Hungarians, ^16 and Latins; ^17 and each nation will deserve credit in the relation of their own disasters and defeats. ^18

    [Footnote *: Before his armies entered Thibet, he sent an embassy to Bogdosottnam Dsimmo, a Lama high priest, with a letter to this effect: “I have chosen thee as high priest for myself and my empire. Repair then to me, and promote the present and future happiness of man: I will be thy supporter and protector: let us establish a system of religion, and unite it with the monarchy,” &c. The high priest accepted the invitation; and the Mongol history literally terms this step the period of the first respect for religion; because the monarch, by his public profession, made it the religion of the state. Klaproth. “Travels in Caucasus,” ch. 7, Eng. Trans. p. 92. Neither Dshingis nor his son and successor Oegodah had, on account of their continual wars, much leisure for the propagation of the religion of the Lama. By religion they understand a distinct, independent, sacred moral code, which has but one origin, one source, and one object. This notion they universally propagate, and even believe that the brutes, and all created beings, have a religion adapted to their sphere of action. The different forms of the various religions they ascribe to the difference of individuals, nations, and legislators. Never do you hear of their inveighing against any creed, even against the obviously absurd Schaman paganism, or of their persecuting others on that account. They themselves, on the other hand, endure every hardship, and even persecutions, with perfect resignation, and indulgently excuse the follies of others, nay, consider them as a motive for increased arder in prayer, ch. ix. p. 109. – M.]

    [Footnote 6: A singular conformity may be found between the religious laws of Zingis Khan and of Mr. Locke, (Constitutions of Carolina, in his works, vol. iv. p. 535, 4to. edition, 1777.)]

    [Footnote *: See the notice on Tha-tha-toung-o, the Ouogour minister of Tchingis, in Abel Remusat’s 2d series of Recherch. Asiat. vol. ii. p. 61. He taught the son of Tchingis to write: “He was the instructor of the Moguls in writing, of which they were before ignorant;” and hence the application of the Ouigour characters to the Mogul language cannot be placed earlier than the year 1204 or 1205, nor so late as the time of Pa-sse-

    pa, who lived under Khubilai. A new alphabet, approaching to that of Thibet, was introduced under Khubilai. – M.]

    [Footnote 7: In the year 1294, by the command of Cazan, khan of Persia, the fourth in descent from Zingis. From these traditions, his vizier Fadlallah composed a Mogul history in the Persian language, which has been used by Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de Genghizcan, p. 537 – 539.) The Histoire Genealogique des Tatars (a Leyde, 1726, in 12mo., 2 tomes) was translated by the Swedish prisoners in Siberia from the Mogul MS. of Abulgasi Bahadur Khan, a descendant of Zingis, who reigned over the Usbeks of Charasm, or Carizme, (A.D. 1644 – 1663.) He is of most value and credit for the names, pedigrees, and manners of his nation. Of his nine parts, the ist descends from Adam to Mogul Khan; the iid, from Mogul to Zingis; the iiid is the life of Zingis; the ivth, vth, vith, and viith, the general history of his four sons and their posterity; the viiith and ixth, the particular history of the descendants of Sheibani Khan, who reigned in Maurenahar and Charasm.]

    [Footnote 8: Histoire de Gentchiscan, et de toute la Dinastie des Mongous ses Successeurs, Conquerans de la Chine; tiree de l’Histoire de la Chine par le R. P. Gaubil, de la Societe de Jesus, Missionaire a Peking; a Paris, 1739, in 4to. This translation is stamped with the Chinese character of domestic accuracy and foreign ignorance.]

    [Footnote 9: See the Histoire du Grand Genghizcan, premier Empereur des Moguls et Tartares, par M. Petit de la Croix, a Paris, 1710, in 12mo.; a work of ten years’ labor, chiefly drawn from the Persian writers, among whom Nisavi, the secretary of Sultan Gelaleddin, has the merit and prejudices of a contemporary. A slight air of romance is the fault of the originals, or the compiler. See likewise the articles of Genghizcan, Mohammed, Gelaleddin, &c., in the Bibliotheque Orientale of D’Herbelot.

    Note: The preface to the Hist. des Mongols, (Paris, 1824)

    gives a catalogue of the Arabic and Persian authorities. – M.]

    [Footnote 10: Haithonus, or Aithonus, an Armenian prince, and afterwards a monk of Premontre, (Fabric, Bibliot. Lat. Medii Aevi, tom. i. p. 34,) dictated in the French language, his book de Tartaris, his old fellow-soldiers. It was immediately translated into Latin, and is inserted in the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynaeus, (Basil, 1555, in folio.)

    Note: A precis at the end of the new edition of Le Beau,

    Hist. des Empereurs, vol. xvii., by M. Brosset, gives large extracts from the accounts of the Armenian historians relating to the Mogul conquests. – M.] [Footnote 11: Zingis Khan, and his first successors, occupy the conclusion of the ixth Dynasty of Abulpharagius, (vers. Pocock, Oxon. 1663, in 4to.;) and his xth Dynasty is that of the Moguls of Persia. Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii.) has extracted some facts from his Syriac writings, and the lives of the Jacobite maphrians, or primates of the East.]

    [Footnote 12: Among the Arabians, in language and religion, we may distinguish Abulfeda, sultan of Hamah in Syria, who fought in person, under the Mamaluke standard, against the Moguls.]

    [Footnote 13: Nicephorus Gregoras (l. ii. c. 5, 6) has felt the necessity of connecting the Scythian and Byzantine histories. He describes with truth and elegance the settlement and manners of the Moguls of Persia, but he is ignorant of their origin, and corrupts the names of Zingis and his sons.] [Footnote 14: M. Levesque (Histoire de Russie, tom. ii.) has described the conquest of Russia by the Tartars, from the patriarch Nicon, and the old chronicles.]

    [Footnote 15: For Poland, I am content with the Sarmatia Asiatica et Europaea of Matthew a Michou, or De Michovia, a canon and physician of Cracow, (A.D. 1506,) inserted in the Novus Orbis of Grynaeus. Fabric Bibliot. Latin. Mediae et Infimae Aetatis, tom. v. p. 56.]

    [Footnote 16: I should quote Thuroczius, the oldest general historian (pars ii. c. 74, p. 150) in the 1st volume of the Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum, did not the same volume contain the original narrative of a contemporary, an eye-witness, and a sufferer, (M. Rogerii, Hungari, Varadiensis Capituli Canonici, Carmen miserabile, seu Historia super Destructione Regni Hungariae Temporibus Belae IV. Regis per Tartaros facta, p. 292 – 321;) the best picture that I have ever seen of all the circumstances of a Barbaric invasion.] [Footnote 17: Matthew Paris has represented, from authentic documents, the danger and distress of Europe, (consult the word Tartari in his copious Index.) From motives of zeal and curiosity, the court of the great khan in the xiiith century was visited by two friars, John de Plano Carpini, and William Rubruquis, and by Marco Polo, a Venetian gentleman. The Latin relations of the two former are inserted in the 1st volume of Hackluyt; the Italian original or version of the third (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Medii Aevi, tom. ii. p. 198, tom. v. p. 25) may be found in the second tome of Ramusio.] [Footnote 18: In his great History of the Huns, M. de Guignes has most amply treated of Zingis Khan and his successors. See tom. iii. l. xv. – xix., and in the collateral articles of the Seljukians of Roum, tom. ii. l. xi., the Carizmians, l. xiv., and the Mamalukes, tom. iv. l. xxi.; consult likewise the tables of the 1st volume. He is ever learned and accurate; yet I am only indebted to him for a general view, and some passages of Abulfeda, which are still latent in the Arabic text.

    Note: To this catalogue of the historians of the Moguls may

    be added D’Ohson, Histoire des Mongols; Histoire des Mongols, (from Arabic and Persian authorities,) Paris, 1824. Schmidt, Geschichte der Ost Mongolen, St. Petersburgh, 1829. This curious work, by Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi, published in the original Mongol, was written after the conversion of the nation to Buddhism: it is enriched with very valuable notes by the editor and translator; but, unfortunately, is very barren of information about the

    European and even the western Asiatic conquests of the Mongols. – M.]

    Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turkds.

    Part II.

    The arms of Zingis and his lieutenants successively reduced

    the hordes of the desert, who pitched their tents between the wall of China and the Volga; and the Mogul emperor became the monarch of the pastoral world, the lord of many millions of shepherds and soldiers, who felt their united strength, and were impatient to rush on the mild and wealthy climates of the south. His ancestors had been the tributaries of the Chinese emperors; and Temugin himself had been disgraced by a title of honor and servitude. The court of Pekin was astonished by an embassy from its former vassal, who, in the tone of the king of nations, exacted the tribute and obedience which he had paid, and who affected to treat the son of heaven as the most contemptible of mankind. A haughty answer disguised their secret apprehensions; and their fears were soon justified by the march of innumerable squadrons, who pierced on all sides the feeble rampart of the great wall. Ninety cities were stormed, or starved, by the Moguls; ten only escaped; and Zingis, from a knowledge of the filial piety of the Chinese, covered his vanguard with their captive parents; an unworthy, and by degrees a fruitless, abuse of the virtue of his enemies. His invasion was supported by the revolt of a hundred thousand Khitans, who guarded the frontier: yet he listened to a treaty; and a princess of China, three thousand horses, five hundred youths, and as many virgins, and a tribute of gold and silk, were the price of his retreat. In his second expedition, he compelled the Chinese emperor to retire beyond the yellow river to a more southern residence. The siege of Pekin ^19 was long and laborious: the inhabitants were reduced by famine to

    decimate and devour their fellow-citizens; when their ammunition was spent, they discharged ingots of gold and silver from their engines; but the Moguls introduced a mine to the centre of the capital; and the conflagration of the palace burnt above thirty days. China was desolated by Tartar war and domestic faction; and the five northern provinces were added to the empire of Zingis.

    [Footnote 19: More properly Yen-king, an ancient city, whose ruins still appear some furlongs to the south-east of the modern Pekin, which was built by Cublai Khan, (Gaubel, p. 146.) Pe-king and Nan-king are vague titles, the courts of the north and of the south. The identity and change of names perplex the most skilful readers of the Chinese geography, (p. 177.)

    Note: And likewise in Chinese history – see Abel Remusat,

    Mel. Asiat. 2d tom. ii. p. 5. – M.]

    In the West, he touched the dominions of Mohammed, sultan of

    Carizime, who reigned from the Persian Gulf to the borders of India and Turkestan; and who, in the proud imitation of Alexander the Great, forgot the servitude and ingratitude of his fathers to the house of Seljuk. It was the wish of Zingis to establish a friendly and commercial intercourse with the most powerful of the Moslem princes: nor could he be tempted by the secret solicitations of the caliph of Bagdad, who sacrificed to his personal wrongs the safety of the church and state. A rash and inhuman deed provoked and justified the Tartar arms in the invasion of the southern Asia. ^! A caravan of three ambassadors and one hundred and fifty merchants were arrested and murdered at Otrar, by the command of Mohammed; nor was it till after a demand and denial of justice, till he had prayed and fasted three nights on a mountain, that the Mogul emperor appealed to the judgment of God and his sword. Our European battles, says a philosophic writer, ^20 are petty skirmishes, if compared to

    the numbers that have fought and fallen in the fields of Asia. Seven hundred thousand Moguls and Tartars are said to have marched under the standard of Zingis and his four sons. In the vast plains that extend to the north of the Sihon or Jaxartes, they were encountered by four hundred thousand soldiers of the sultan; and in the first battle, which was suspended by the night, one hundred and sixty thousand Carizmians were slain. Mohammed was astonished by the multitude and valor of his enemies: he withdrew from the scene of danger, and distributed his troops in the frontier towns; trusting that the Barbarians, invincible in the field, would be repulsed by the length and difficulty of so many regular sieges. But the prudence of Zingis had formed a body of Chinese engineers, skilled in the mechanic arts; informed perhaps of the secret of gunpowder, and capable, under his discipline, of attacking a foreign country with more vigor and success than they had defended their own. The Persian historians will relate the sieges and reduction of Otrar, Cogende, Bochara, Samarcand, Carizme, Herat, Merou, Nisabour, Balch, and Candahar; and the conquest of the rich and populous countries of Transoxiana, Carizme, and Chorazan. ^* The destructive hostilities of Attila and the Huns have long since been elucidated by the example of Zingis and the Moguls; and in this more proper place I shall be content to observe, that, from the Caspian to the Indus, they ruined a tract of many hundred miles, which was adorned with the habitations and labors of mankind, and that five centuries have not been sufficient to repair the ravages of four years. The Mogul emperor encouraged or indulged the fury of his troops: the hope of future possession was lost in the ardor of rapine and slaughter; and the cause of the war exasperated their native fierceness by the pretence of justice and revenge. The downfall and death of the sultan Mohammed, who expired, unpitied and alone, in a desert island of the Caspian Sea, is a poor atonement for the calamities of which he was the author. Could the Carizmian empire have been saved by a single hero, it would have been saved by his son Gelaleddin, whose active valor repeatedly checked the Moguls in the career of victory. Retreating, as he fought, to the banks of the Indus,

    he was oppressed by their innumerable host, till, in the last moment of despair, Gelaleddin spurred his horse into the waves, swam one of the broadest and most rapid rivers of Asia, and extorted the admiration and applause of Zingis himself. It was in this camp that the Mogul conqueror yielded with reluctance to the murmurs of his weary and wealthy troops, who sighed for the enjoyment of their native land. Eucumbered with the spoils of Asia, he slowly measured back his footsteps, betrayed some pity for the misery of the vanquished, and declared his intention of rebuilding the cities which had been swept away by the tempest of his arms. After he had repassed the Oxus and Jaxartes, he was joined by two generals, whom he had detached with thirty thousand horse, to subdue the western provinces of Persia. They had trampled on the nations which opposed their passage, penetrated through the gates of Derbent, traversed the Volga and the desert, and accomplished the circuit of the Caspian Sea, by an expedition which had never been attempted, and has never been repeated. The return of Zingis was signalized by the overthrow of the rebellious or independent kingdoms of Tartary; and he died in the fulness of years and glory, with his last breath exhorting and instructing his sons to achieve the conquest of the Chinese empire. ^* [Footnote !: See the particular account of this transaction, from the Kholauesut Akbaur, in Price, vol. ii. p. 402. – M.]

    [Footnote 20: M. de Voltaire, Essai sur l’Histoire Generale, tom. iii. c. 60, p. 8. His account of Zingis and the Moguls contains, as usual, much general sense and truth, with some particular errors.]

    [Footnote *: Every where they massacred all classes, except the artisans, whom they made slaves. Hist. des Mongols. – M.]

    [Footnote *: Their first duty, which he bequeathed to them, was to massacre the king of Tangcoute and all the inhabitants of Ninhia, the surrender of the city being already agreed upon, Hist. des Mongols. vol. i. p. 286. – M.]

    The harem of Zingis was composed of five hundred wives and

    concubines; and of his numerous progeny, four sons, illustrious by their birth and merit, exercised under their father the principal offices of peace and war. Toushi was his great huntsman, Zagatai ^21 his judge, Octai his minister, and Tuli his general; and their names and actions are often conspicuous in the history of his conquests. Firmly united for their own and the public interest, the three brothers and their families were content with dependent sceptres; and Octai, by general consent, was proclaimed great khan, or emperor of the Moguls and Tartars. He was succeeded by his son Gayuk, after whose death the empire devolved to his cousins Mangou and Cublai, the sons of Tuli, and the grandsons of Zingis. In the sixty-eight years of his four first successors, the Mogul subdued almost all Asia, and a large portion of Europe. Without confining myself to the order of time, without expatiating on the detail of events, I shall present a general picture of the progress of their arms; I. In the East; II. In the South; III. In the West; and IV. In the North. [Footnote 21: Zagatai gave his name to his dominions of Maurenahar, or Transoxiana; and the Moguls of Hindostan, who emigrated from that country, are styled Zagatais by the Persians.

    This certain etymology, and the similar example of Uzbek, Nogai, &c., may warn us not absolutely to reject the derivations of a national, from a personal, name.

    Note: See a curious anecdote of Tschagatai. Hist. des

    Mongols, p. 370. M]

    1. Before the invasion of Zingis, China was divided into

    two empires or dynasties of the North and South; ^22 and the difference of origin and interest was smoothed by a general conformity of laws, language, and national manners. The

    Northern empire, which had been dismembered by Zingis, was finally subdued seven years after his death. After the loss of Pekin, the emperor had fixed his residence at Kaifong, a city many leagues in circumference, and which contained, according to the Chinese annals, fourteen hundred thousand families of inhabitants and fugitives. He escaped from thence with only seven horsemen, and made his last stand in a third capital, till at length the hopeless monarch, protesting his innocence and accusing his fortune, ascended a funeral pile, and gave orders, that, as soon as he had stabbed himself, the fire should be kindled by his attendants. The dynasty of the Song, the native and ancient sovereigns of the whole empire, survived about forty-five years the fall of the Northern usurpers; and the perfect conquest was reserved for the arms of Cublai. During this interval, the Moguls were often diverted by foreign wars; and, if the Chinese seldom dared to meet their victors in the field, their passive courage presented and endless succession of cities to storm and of millions to slaughter. In the attack and defence of places, the engines of antiquity and the Greek fire were alternately employed: the use of gunpowder in cannon and bombs appears as a familiar practice; ^23 and the sieges were conducted by the Mahometans and Franks, who had been liberally invited into the service of Cublai. After passing the great river, the troops and artillery were conveyed along a series of canals, till they invested the royal residence of Hamcheu, or Quinsay, in the country of silk, the most delicious climate of China. The emperor, a defenceless youth, surrendered his person and sceptre; and before he was sent in exile into Tartary, he struck nine times the ground with his forehead, to adore in prayer or thanksgiving the mercy of the great khan. Yet the war (it was now styled a rebellion) was still maintained in the southern provinces from Hamcheu to Canton; and the obstinate remnant of independence and hostility was transported from the land to the sea. But when the fleet of the Song was surrounded and oppressed by a superior armament, their last champion leaped into the waves with his infant emperor in his arms. “It is more glorious,” he cried, “to die a prince, than to live a slave.” A hundred thousand Chinese imitated his

    example; and the whole empire, from Tonkin to the great wall, submitted to the dominion of Cublai. His boundless ambition aspired to the conquest of Japan: his fleet was twice shipwrecked; and the lives of a hundred thousand Moguls and Chinese were sacrificed in the fruitless expedition. But the circumjacent kingdoms, Corea, Tonkin, Cochinchina, Pegu, Bengal, and Thibet, were reduced in different degrees of tribute and obedience by the effort or terror of his arms. He explored the Indian Ocean with a fleet of a thousand ships: they sailed in sixty-eight days, most probably to the Isle of Borneo, under the equinoctial line; and though they returned not without spoil or glory, the emperor was dissatisfied that the savage king had escaped from their hands.

    [Footnote 22: In Marco Polo, and the Oriental geographers, the names of Cathay and Mangi distinguish the northern and southern empires, which, from A.D. 1234 to 1279, were those of the great khan, and of the Chinese. The search of Cathay, after China had been found, excited and misled our navigators of the sixteenth century, in their attempts to discover the north- east passage.] [Footnote 23: I depend on the knowledge and fidelity of the Pere Gaubil, who translates the Chinese text of the annals of the Moguls or Yuen, (p. 71, 93, 153;) but I am ignorant at what time these annals were composed and published. The two uncles of Marco Polo, who served as engineers at the siege of Siengyangfou, (l. ii. 61, in Ramusio, tom. ii. See Gaubil, p. 155, 157) must have felt and related the effects of this destructive powder, and their silence is a weighty, and almost decisive objection. I entertain a suspicion, that their recent discovery was carried from Europe to China by the caravans of the xvth century and falsely adopted as an old national discovery before the arrival of the Portuguese and Jesuits in the xvith. Yet the Pere Gaubil affirms, that the use of gunpowder has been known to the Chinese above 1600 years.

    Note: Sou-houng-kian-lon. Abel Remusat. – M.

    Note: La poudre a canon et d’autres compositions

    inflammantes, dont ils se servent pour construire des pieces d’artifice d’un effet suprenant, leur etaient connues depuis tres long-temps, et l’on croit que des bombardes et des pierriers, dont ils avaient enseigne l’usage aux Tartares, ont pu donner en Europe l’idee d’artillerie, quoique la forme des fusils et des canons dont ils se servent actuellement, leur ait ete apportee par les Francs, ainsi que l’attestent les noms memes qu’ils donnent a ces sortes d’armes. Abel Remusat, Melanges Asiat. 2d ser tom. i. p. 23. – M.]

    1. The conquest of Hindostan by the Moguls was reserved in

    a later period for the house of Timour; but that of Iran, or Persia, was achieved by Holagou Khan, ^* the grandson of Zingis, the brother and lieutenant of the two successive emperors, Mangou and Cublai. I shall not enumerate the crowd of sultans, emirs, and atabeks, whom he trampled into dust; but the extirpation of the Assassins, or Ismaelians ^24 of Persia, may be considered as a service to mankind. Among the hills to the south of the Caspian, these odious sectaries had reigned with impunity above a hundred and sixty years; and their prince, or Imam, established his lieutenant to lead and govern the colony of Mount Libanus, so famous and formidable in the history of the crusades. ^25 With the fanaticism of the Koran the Ismaelians had blended the Indian transmigration, and the visions of their own prophets; and it was their first duty to devote their souls and bodies in blind obedience to the vicar of God. The daggers of his missionaries were felt both in the East and West: the Christians and the Moslems enumerate, and persons multiply, the illustrious victims that were sacrificed to the zeal, avarice, or resentment of the old man (as he was corruptly styled) of the mountain. But these daggers, his only arms, were broken by the sword of Holagou, and not a vestige is left of the enemies of mankind, except the word assassin, which, in the most odious sense, has been adopted in the languages of Europe. The extinction of the Abbassides cannot be indifferent to the spectators of their greatness and decline. Since the fall of their Seljukian tyrants the caliphs had recovered their lawful dominion of

    Bagdad and the Arabian Irak; but the city was distracted by theological factions, and the commander of the faithful was lost in a harem of seven hundred conubines. The invasion of the Moguls he encountered with feeble arms and haughty embassies. “On the divine decree,” said the caliph Mostasem, “is founded the throne of the sons of Abbas: and their foes shall surely be destroyed in this world and in the next. Who is this Holagou that dares to rise against them? If he be desirous of peace, let him instantly depart from the sacred territory; and perhaps he may obtain from our clemency the pardon of his fault.” This presumption was cherished by a perfidious vizier, who assured his master, that, even if the Barbarians had entered the city, the women and children, from the terraces, would be sufficient to overwhelm them with stones. But when Holagou touched the phantom, it instantly vanished into smoke. After a siege of two months, Bagdad was stormed and sacked by the Moguls; ^* and their savage commander pronounced the death of the caliph Mostasem, the last of the temporal successors of Mahomet; whose noble kinsmen, of the race of Abbas, had reigned in Asia above five hundred years. Whatever might be the designs of the conqueror, the holy cities of Mecca and Medina ^26 were protected by the Arabian desert; but the Moguls spread beyond the Tigris and Euphrates, pillaged Aleppo and Damascus, and threatened to join the Franks in the deliverance of Jerusalem. Egypt was lost, had she been defended only by her feeble offspring; but the Mamalukes had breathed in their infancy the keenness of a Scythian air: equal in valor, superior in discipline, they met the Moguls in many a well-fought field; and drove back the stream of hostility to the eastward of the Euphrates. ^! But it overflowed with resistless violence the kingdoms of Armenia ^!! and Anatolia, of which the former was possessed by the Christians, and the latter by the Turks. The sultans of Iconium opposed some resistance to the Mogul arms, till Azzadin sought a refuge among the Greeks of Constantinople, and his feeble successors, the last of the Seljukian dynasty, were finally extirpated by the khans of Persia. ^*

    [Footnote *: See the curious account of the expedition of Holagou, translated from the Chinese, by M. Abel Remusat, Melanges Asiat. 2d ser. tom. i. p. 171. – M.]

    [Footnote 24: All that can be known of the Assassins of Persia and Syria is poured from the copious, and even profuse, erudition of M. Falconet, in two Memoires read before the Academy of Inscriptions, (tom. xvii. p. 127 – 170.)

    Note: Von Hammer’s History of the Assassins has now thrown

    Falconet’s Dissertation into the shade. – M.]

    [Footnote 25: The Ismaelians of Syria, 40,000 Assassins, had acquired or founded ten castles in the hills above Tortosa. About the year 1280, they were extirpated by the Mamalukes.]

    [Footnote *: Compare Von Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 283, 307. Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzuge, vol. vii. p. 406. Price, Chronological Retrospect, vol. ii. p. 217 – 223. – M.]

    [Footnote 26: As a proof of the ignorance of the Chinese in foreign transactions, I must observe, that some of their historians extend the conquest of Zingis himself to Medina, the country of Mahomet, (Gaubil p. 42.)] [Footnote !: Compare Wilken, vol. vii. p. 410 – M.]

    [Footnote !!: On the friendly relations of the Armenians with the Mongols see Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzuge, vol. vii. p. 402. They eagerly desired an alliance against the Mahometan powers. – M.]

    [Footnote *: Trebizond escaped, apparently by the dexterous politics of the sovereign, but it acknowledged the Mogul supremacy. Falmerayer, p. 172 – M.]

    III. No sooner had Octai subverted the northern empire of

    China, than he resolved to visit with his arms the most remote countries of the West. Fifteen hundred thousand Moguls and

    Tartars were inscribed on the military roll: of these the great khan selected a third, which he intrusted to the command of his nephew Batou, the son of Tuli; who reigned over his father’s conquests to the north of the Caspian Sea. ^! After a festival of forty days, Batou set forwards on this great expedition; and such was the speed and ardor of his innumerable squadrons, than in less than six years they had measured a line of ninety degrees of longitude, a fourth part of the circumference of the globe. The great rivers of Asia and Europe, the Volga and Kama, the Don and Borysthenes, the Vistula and Danube, they either swam with their horses or passed on the ice, or traversed in leathern boats, which followed the camp, and transported their wagons and artillery. By the first victories of Batou, the remains of national freedom were eradicated in the immense plains of Turkestan and Kipzak. ^27 In his rapid progress, he overran the kingdoms, as they are now styled, of Astracan and Cazan; and the troops which he detached towards Mount Caucasus explored the most secret recesses of Georgia and Circassia. The civil discord of the great dukes, or princes, of Russia, betrayed their country to the Tartars. They spread from Livonia to the Black Sea, and both Moscow and Kiow, the modern and the ancient capitals, were reduced to ashes; a temporary ruin, less fatal than the deep, and perhaps indelible, mark, which a servitude of two hundred years has imprinted on the character of the Russians. The Tartars ravaged with equal fury the countries which they hoped to possess, and those which they were hastening to leave. From the permanent conquest of Russia they made a deadly, though transient, inroad into the heart of Poland, and as far as the borders of Germany. The cities of Lublin and Cracow were obliterated: ^* they approached the shores of the Baltic; and in the battle of Lignitz they defeated the dukes of Silesia, the Polish palatines, and the great master of the Teutonic order, and filled nine sacks with the right ears of the slain. From Lignitz, the extreme point of their western march, they turned aside to the invasion of Hungary; and the presence or spirit of Batou inspired the host of five hundred thousand men: the Carpathian hills could not be long impervious to their divided

    columns; and their approach had been fondly disbelieved till it was irresistibly felt. The king, Bela the Fourth, assembled the military force of his counts and bishops; but he had alienated the nation by adopting a vagrant horde of forty thousand families of Comans, and these savage guests were provoked to revolt by the suspicion of treachery and the murder of their prince. The whole country north of the Danube was lost in a day, and depopulated in a summer; and the ruins of cities and churches were overspread with the bones of the natives, who expiated the sins of their Turkish ancestors. An ecclesiastic, who fled from the sack of Waradin, describes the calamities which he had seen, or suffered; and the sanguinary rage of sieges and battles is far less atrocious than the treatment of the fugitives, who had been allured from the woods under a promise of peace and pardon and who were coolly slaughtered as soon as they had performed the labors of the harvest and vintage. In the winter the Tartars passed the Danube on the ice, and advanced to Gran or Strigonium, a German colony, and the metropolis of the kingdom. Thirty engines were planted against the walls; the ditches were filled with sacks of earth and dead bodies; and after a promiscuous massacre, three hundred noble matrons were slain in the presence of the khan. Of all the cities and fortresses of Hungary, three alone survived the Tartar invasion, and the unfortunate Bata hid his head among the islands of the Adriatic. [Footnote !: See the curious extracts from the Mahometan writers, Hist. des Mongols, p. 707. – M.]

    [Footnote 27: The Dashte Kipzak, or plain of Kipzak, extends on either side of the Volga, in a boundless space towards the Jaik and Borysthenes, and is supposed to contain the primitive name and nation of the Cossacks.] [Footnote *: Olmutz was gallantly and successfully defended by Stenberg, Hist. des Mongols, p. 396. – M.]

    The Latin world was darkened by this cloud of savage

    hostility: a Russian fugitive carried the alarm to Sweden; and the remote nations of the Baltic and the ocean trembled at the

    approach of the Tartars, ^28 whom their fear and ignorance were inclined to separate from the human species. Since the invasion of the Arabs in the eighth century, Europe had never been exposed to a similar calamity: and if the disciples of Mahomet would have oppressed her religion and liberty, it might be apprehended that the shepherds of Scythia would extinguish her cities, her arts, and all the institutions of civil society. The Roman pontiff attempted to appease and convert these invincible Pagans by a mission of Franciscan and Dominican friars; but he was astonished by the reply of the khan, that the sons of God and of Zingis were invested with a divine power to subdue or extirpate the nations; and that the pope would be involved in the universal destruction, unless he visited in person, and as a suppliant, the royal horde.

    The emperor Frederic the Second embraced a more generous mode of defence; and his letters to the kings of France and England, and the princes of Germany, represented the common danger, and urged them to arm their vassals in this just and rational crusade. ^29 The Tartars themselves were awed by the fame and valor of the Franks; the town of Newstadt in Austria was bravely defended against them by fifty knights and twenty crossbows; and they raised the siege on the appearance of a German army. After wasting the adjacent kingdoms of Servia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria, Batou slowly retreated from the Danube to the Volga to enjoyed the rewards of victory in the city and palace of Serai, which started at his command from the midst of the desert.*

    [Footnote 28: In the year 1238, the inhabitants of Gothia (Sweden) and Frise were prevented, by their fear of the Tartars, from sending, as usual, their ships to the herring fishery on the coast of England; and as there was no exportation, forty or fifty of these fish were sold for a shilling, (Matthew Paris, p. 396.) It is whimsical enough, that the orders of a Mogul khan, who reigned on the borders of China, should have lowered the price of herrings in the English market.]

    [Footnote 29: I shall copy his characteristic or flattering epithets of the different countries of Europe: Furens ac fervens ad arma Germania, strenuae militiae genitrix et alumna Francia, bellicosa et audax Hispania, virtuosa viris et classe munita fertilis Anglia, impetuosis bellatoribus referta Alemannia, navalis Dacia, indomita Italia, pacis ignara Burgundia, inquieta Apulia, cum maris Graeci, Adriatici et Tyrrheni insulis pyraticis et invictis, Creta, Cypro, Sicilia, cum Oceano conterminis insulis, et regionibus, cruenta Hybernia, cum agili Wallia palustris Scotia, glacialis Norwegia, suam electam militiam sub vexillo Crucis destinabunt, &c. (Matthew Paris, p. 498.)] [Footnote *: He was recalled by the death of Octai – M.]

    1. Even the poor and frozen regions of the north attracted

    the arms of the Moguls: Sheibani khan, the brother of the great Batou, led a horde of fifteen thousand families into the wilds of Siberia; and his descendants reigned at Tobolskoi above three centuries, till the Russian conquest. The spirit of enterprise which pursued the course of the Oby and Yenisei must have led to the discovery of the icy sea. After brushing away the monstrous fables, of men with dogs’ heads and cloven feet, we shall find, that, fifteen years after the death of Zingis, the Moguls were informed of the name and manners of the Samoyedes in the neighborhood of the polar circle, who dwelt in subterraneous huts, and derived their furs and their food from the sole occupation of hunting. ^30

    [Footnote 30: See Carpin’s relation in Hackluyt, vol. i. p. 30. The pedigree of the khans of Siberia is given by Abulghazi, (part viii. p. 485 – 495.) Have the Russians found no Tartar chronicles at Tobolskoi?

    Note: See the account of the Mongol library in Bergman,

    Nomadische Strensreyen, vol. iii. p. 185, 205, and Remusat, Hist. des Langues Tartares, p. 327, and preface to Schmidt, Geschichte der Ost-Mongolen. – M.]

    While China, Syria, and Poland, were invaded at the same

    time by the Moguls and Tartars, the authors of the mighty mischief were content with the knowledge and declaration, that their word was the sword of death. Like the first caliphs, the first successors of Zingis seldom appeared in person at the head of their victorious armies. On the banks of the Onon and Selinga, the royal or golden horde exhibited the contrast of simplicity and greatness; of the roasted sheep and mare’s milk which composed their banquets; and of a distribution in one day of five hundred wagons of gold and silver. The ambassadors and princes of Europe and Asia were compelled to undertake this distant and laborious pilgrimage; and the life and reign of the great dukes of Russia, the kings of Georgia and Armenia, the sultans of Iconium, and the emirs of Persia, were decided by the frown or smile of the great khan. The sons and grandsons of Zingis had been accustomed to the pastoral life; but the village of Caracorum ^31 was gradually ennobled by their election and residence. A change of manners is implied in the removal of Octai and Mangou from a tent to a house; and their example was imitated by the princes of their family and the great officers of the empire. Instead of the boundless forest, the enclosure of a park afforded the more indolent pleasures of the chase; their new habitations were decorated with painting and sculpture; their superfluous treasures were cast in fountains, and basins, and statues of massy silver; and the artists of China and Paris vied with each other in the service of the great khan. ^32 Caracorum contained two streets, the one of Chinese mechanics, the other of Mahometan traders; and the places of religious worship, one Nestorian church, two mosques, and twelve temples of various idols, may represent in some degree the number and division of inhabitants. Yet a French missionary declares, that the town of St. Denys, near Paris, was more considerable than the Tartar capital; and that the whole palace of Mangou was scarcely equal to a tenth part of that Benedictine abbey. The conquests of Russia and Syria might amuse the vanity of the great khans; but they were seated on the borders of China; the

    acquisition of that empire was the nearest and most interesting object; and they might learn from their pastoral economy, that it is for the advantage of the shepherd to protect and propagate his flock. I have already celebrated the wisdom and virtue of a Mandarin who prevented the desolation of five populous and cultivated provinces. In a spotless administration of thirty years, this friend of his country and of mankind continually labored to mitigate, or suspend, the havoc of war; to save the monuments, and to rekindle the flame, of science; to restrain the military commander by the restoration of civil magistrates; and to instil the love of peace and justice into the minds of the Moguls. He struggled with the barbarism of the first conquerors; but his salutary lessons produced a rich harvest in the second generation. ^* The northern, and by degrees the southern, empire acquiesced in the government of Cublai, the lieutenant, and afterwards the successor, of Mangou; and the nation was loyal to a prince who had been educated in the manners of China. He restored the forms of her venerable constitution; and the victors submitted to the laws, the fashions, and even the prejudices, of the vanquished people. This peaceful triumph, which has been more than once repeated, may be ascribed, in a great measure, to the numbers and servitude of the Chinese. The Mogul army was dissolved in a vast and populous country; and their emperors adopted with pleasure a political system, which gives to the prince the solid substance of despotism, and leaves to the subject the empty names of philosophy, freedom, and filial obedience. ^* Under the reign of Cublai, letters and commerce, peace and justice, were restored; the great canal, of five hundred miles, was opened from Nankin to the capital: he fixed his residence at Pekin; and displayed in his court the magnificence of the greatest monarch of Asia. Yet this learned prince declined from the pure and simple religion of his great ancestor: he sacrificed to the idol Fo; and his blind attachment to the lamas of Thibet and the bonzes of China ^33 provoked the censure of the disciples of Confucius. His successors polluted the palace with a crowd of eunuchs, physicians, and astrologers, while thirteen millions of their subjects were consumed in the

    provinces by famine. One hundred and forty years after the death of Zingis, his degenerate race, the dynasty of the Yuen, was expelled by a revolt of the native Chinese; and the Mogul emperors were lost in the oblivion of the desert. Before this revolution, they had forfeited their supremacy over the dependent branches of their house, the khans of Kipzak and Russia, the khans of Zagatai, or Transoxiana, and the khans of Iran or Persia. By their distance and power, these royal lieutenants had soon been released from the duties of obedience; and after the death of Cublai, they scorned to accept a sceptre or a title from his unworthy successors. According to their respective situations, they maintained the simplicity of the pastoral life, or assumed the luxury of the cities of Asia; but the princes and their hordes were alike disposed for the reception of a foreign worship. After some hesitation between the Gospel and the Koran, they conformed to the religion of Mahomet; and while they adopted for their brethren the Arabs and Persians, they renounced all intercourse with the ancient Moguls, the idolaters of China.

    [Footnote 31: The Map of D’Anville and the Chinese Itineraries (De Guignes, tom. i. part ii. p. 57) seem to mark the position of Holin, or Caracorum, about six hundred miles to the north-west of Pekin. The distance between Selinginsky and Pekin is near 2000 Russian versts, between 1300 and 1400 English miles, (Bell’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 67.)]

    [Footnote 32: Rubruquis found at Caracorum his countryman Guillaume Boucher, orfevre de Paris, who had executed for the khan a silver tree supported by four lions, and ejecting four different liquors. Abulghazi (part iv. p. 366) mentions the painters of Kitay or China.]

    [Footnote *: See the interesting sketch of the life of this minister (Yelin- Thsouthsai) in the second volume of the second series of Recherches Asiatiques, par A Remusat, p. 64. – M.]

    [Footnote *: Compare Hist. des Mongols, p. 616. – M.]

    [Footnote 33: The attachment of the khans, and the hatred of the mandarins, to the bonzes and lamas (Duhalde, Hist. de la Chine, tom. i. p. 502, 503) seems to represent them as the priests of the same god, of the Indian Fo, whose worship prevails among the sects of Hindostan Siam, Thibet, China, and Japan. But this mysterious subject is still lost in a cloud, which the researchers of our Asiatic Society may gradually dispel.]

    Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turkds.

    Part III.

    In this shipwreck of nations, some surprise may be excited

    by the escape of the Roman empire, whose relics, at the time of the Mogul invasion, were dismembered by the Greeks and Latins. Less potent than Alexander, they were pressed, like the Macedonian, both in Europe and Asia, by the shepherds of Scythia; and had the Tartars undertaken the siege, Constantinople must have yielded to the fate of Pekin, Samarcand, and Bagdad. The glorious and voluntary retreat of Batou from the Danube was insulted by the vain triumph of the Franks and Greeks; ^34 and in a second expedition death surprised him in full march to attack the capital of the Caesars. His brother Borga carried the Tartar arms into Bulgaria and Thrace; but he was diverted from the Byzantine war by a visit to Novogorod, in the fifty-seventh degree of latitude, where he numbered the inhabitants and regulated the tributes of Russia. The Mogul khan formed an alliance with the Mamalukes against his brethren of Persia: three hundred thousand horse penetrated through the gates of Derbend; and the Greeks might rejoice in the first example of domestic war. After the recovery of Constantinople, Michael Palaeologus, ^35 at a distance from his court and army, was surprised and surrounded in a Thracian castle, by twenty

    thousand Tartars. But the object of their march was a private interest: they came to the deliverance of Azzadin, the Turkish sultan; and were content with his person and the treasure of the emperor. Their general Noga, whose name is perpetuated in the hordes of Astracan, raised a formidable rebellion against Mengo Timour, the third of the khaus of Kipzak; obtained in marriage Maria, the natural daughter of Palaeologus; and guarded the dominions of his friend and father. The subsequent invasions of a Scythian cast were those of outlaws and fugitives: and some thousands of Alani and Comans, who had been driven from their native zeats, were reclaimed from a vagrant life, and enlisted in the service of the empire. Such was the influence in Europe of the invasion of the Moguls. The first terror of their arms secured, rather than disturbed, the peace of the Roman Asia. The sultan of Iconium solicited a personal interview with John Vataces; and his artful policy encouraged the Turks to defend their barrier against the common enemy. ^36 That barrier indeed was soon overthrown; and the servitude and ruin of the Seljukians exposed the nakedness of the Greeks. The formidable Holagou threatened to march to Constantinople at the head of four hundred thousand men; and the groundless panic of the citizens of Nice will present an image of the terror which he had inspired. The accident of a procession, and the sound of a doleful litany, “From the fury of the Tartars, good Lord, deliver us,” had scattered the hasty report of an assault and massacre. In the blind credulity of fear, the streets of Nice were crowded with thousands of both sexes, who knew not from what or to whom they fled; and some hours elapsed before the firmness of the military officers could relieve the city from this imaginary foe. But the ambition of Holagou and his successors was fortunately diverted by the conquest of Bagdad, and a long vicissitude of Syrian wars; their hostility to the Moslems inclined them to unite with the Greeks and Franks; ^37 and their generosity or contempt had offered the kingdom of Anatolia as the reward of an Armenian vassal. The fragments of the Seljukian monarchy were disputed by the emirs who had occupied the cities or the mountains; but they all confessed the supremacy of the khans of Persia; and he

    often interposed his authority, and sometimes his arms, to check their depredations, and to preserve the peace and balance of his Turkish frontier. The death of Cazan, ^38 one of the greatest and most accomplished princes of the house of Zingis, removed this salutary control; and the decline of the Moguls gave a free scope to the rise and progress of the Ottoman Empire. ^39 [Footnote 34: Some repulse of the Moguls in Hungary (Matthew Paris, p. 545, 546) might propagate and color the report of the union and victory of the kings of the Franks on the confines of Bulgaria. Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 310) after forty years, beyond the Tigris, might be easily deceived.] [Footnote 35: See Pachymer, l. iii. c. 25, and l. ix. c. 26, 27; and the false alarm at Nice, l. iii. c. 27. Nicephorus Gregoras, l. iv. c. 6.] [Footnote 36: G. Acropolita, p. 36, 37. Nic. Greg. l. ii. c. 6, l. iv. c. 5.] [Footnote 37: Abulpharagius, who wrote in the year 1284, declares that the Moguls, since the fabulous defeat of Batou, had not attacked either the Franks or Greeks; and of this he is a competent witness. Hayton likewise, the Armenian prince, celebrates their friendship for himself and his nation.] [Footnote 38: Pachymer gives a splendid character of Cazan Khan, the rival of Cyrus and Alexander, (l. xii. c. 1.) In the conclusion of his history (l. xiii. c. 36) he hopes much from the arrival of 30,000 Tochars, or Tartars, who were ordered by the successor of Cazan to restrain the Turks of Bithynia, A.D. 1308.]

    [Footnote 39: The origin of the Ottoman dynasty is illustrated by the critical learning of Mm. De Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 329 – 337) and D’Anville, (Empire Turc, p. 14 – 22,) two inhabitants of Paris, from whom the Orientals may learn the history and geography of their own country.

    Note: They may be still more enlightened by the Geschichte

    des Osman Reiches, by M. von Hammer Purgstall of Vienna. – M.]

    After the retreat of Zingis, the sultan Gelaleddin of

    Carizme had returned from India to the possession and defence of his Persian kingdoms. In the space of eleven years, than hero fought in person fourteen battles; and such was his activity, that he led his cavalry in seventeen days from Teflia to Kerman, a march of a thousand miles. Yet he was oppressed by the jealousy of the Moslem princes, and the innumerable armies of the Moguls; and after his last defeat, Gelaleddin perished ignobly in the mountains of Curdistan. His death dissolved a veteran and adventurous army, which included under the name of Carizmians or Corasmins many Turkman hordes, that had attached themselves to the sultan’s fortune. The bolder and more powerful chiefs invaded Syria, and violated the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem: the more humble engaged in the service of Aladin, sultan of Iconium; and among these were the obscure fathers of the Ottoman line. They had formerly pitched their tents near the southern banks of the Oxus, in the plains of Mahan and Nesa; and it is somewhat remarkable, that the same spot should have produced the first authors of the

    Parthian and Turkish empires. At the head, or in the rear, of a Carizmian army, Soliman Shah was drowned in the passage of the Euphrates: his son Orthogrul became the soldier and subject of Aladin, and established at Surgut, on the banks of the Sangar, a camp of four hundred families or tents, whom he governed fifty-two years both in peace and war. He was the father of Thaman, or Athman, whose Turkish name has been melted into the appellation of the caliph Othman; and if we describe that pastoral chief as a shepherd and a robber, we must separate from those characters all idea of ignominy and baseness. Othman possessed, and perhaps surpassed, the ordinary virtues of a soldier; and the circumstances of time and place were propitious to his independence and success. The Seljukian dynasty was no more; and the distance and decline of the Mogul khans soon enfranchised him from the control of a superior. He was situate on the verge of the Greek empire: the Koran sanctified his gazi, or holy war, against the infidels; and their political errors unlocked the passes of

    Mount Olympus, and invited him to descend into the plains of Bithynia. Till the reign of Palaeologus, these passes had been vigilantly guarded by the militia of the country, who were repaid by their own safety and an exemption from taxes. The emperor abolished their privilege and assumed their office; but the tribute was rigorously collected, the custody of the passes was neglected, and the hardy mountaineers degenerated into a trembling crowd of peasants without spirit or discipline. It was on the twenty-seventh of July, in the year twelve hundred and ninety-nine of the Christian aera, that Othman first invaded the territory of Nicomedia; ^40 and the singular accuracy of the date seems to disclose some foresight of the rapid and destructive growth of the monster. The annals of the twenty-seven years of his reign would exhibit a repetition of the same inroads; and his hereditary troops were multiplied in each campaign by the accession of captives and volunteers. Instead of retreating to the hills, he maintained the most useful and defensive posts; fortified the towns and castles which he had first pillaged; and renounced the pastoral life for the baths and palaces of his infant capitals. But it was not till Othman was oppressed by age and infirmities, that he received the welcome news of the conquest of Prusa, which had been surrendered by famine or treachery to the arms of his son Orchan. The glory of Othman is chiefly founded on that of his descendants; but the Turks have transcribed or composed a royal testament of his last counsels of justice and moderation. ^41

    [Footnote 40: See Pachymer, l. x. c. 25, 26, l. xiii. c. 33, 34, 36; and concerning the guard of the mountains, l. i. c. 3 – 6: Nicephorus Gregoras, l. vii. c. l., and the first book of Laonicus Chalcondyles, the Athenian.] [Footnote 41: I am ignorant whether the Turks have any writers older than Mahomet II., nor can I reach beyond a meagre chronicle (Annales Turcici ad Annum 1550) translated by John Gaudier, and published by Leunclavius, (ad calcem Laonic. Chalcond. p. 311 – 350,) with copious pandects, or commentaries. The history of the Growth and Decay (A.D. 1300 – 1683) of the Othman empire was translated into English from the Latin Ms. of Demetrius Cantemir, prince of Moldavia, (London, 1734, in folio.) The

    author is guilty of strange blunders in Oriental history; but he was conversant with the language, the annals, and institutions of the Turks. Cantemir partly draws his materials from the Synopsis of Saadi Effendi of Larissa, dedicated in the year 1696 to Sultan Mustapha, and a valuable abridgment of the original historians. In one of the Ramblers, Dr Johnson praises Knolles (a General History of the Turks to the present Year. London, 1603) as the first of historians, unhappy only in the choice of his subject. Yet I much doubt whether a partial and verbose compilation from Latin writers, thirteen hundred folio pages of speeches and battles, can either instruct or amuse an enlightened age, which requires from the historian some tincture of philosophy and criticism.

    Note: We could have wished that M. von Hammer had given a

    more clear and distinct reply to this question of Gibbon. In a note, vol. i. p. 630. M. von Hammer shows that they had not only sheiks (religious writers) and learned lawyers, but poets and authors on medicine. But the inquiry of Gibbon obviously refers to historians. The oldest of their historical works, of which V. Hammer makes use, is the “Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade,” i. e. the History of the Great Grandson of Aaschik Pasha, who was a dervis and celebrated ascetic poet in the reign of Murad (Amurath) I. Ahmed, the author of the work, lived during the reign of Bajazet II., but, he says, derived much information from the book of Scheik Jachshi, the son of Elias, who was Imaum to Sultan Orchan, (the second Ottoman king) and who related, from the lips of his father, the circumstances of the earliest Ottoman history. This book (having searched for it in vain for five-and-twenty years) our author found at length in the Vatican. All the other Turkish histories on his list, as indeed this, were written during the reign of Mahomet II. It does not appear whether any of the rest cite earlier authorities of equal value with that claimed by the “Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade.” – M. (in Quarterly Review, vol. xlix. p. 292.)]

    From the conquest of Prusa, we may date the true aera of the

    Ottoman empire. The lives and possessions of the Christian subjects were redeemed by a tribute or ransom of thirty thousand crowns of gold; and the city, by the labors of Orchan, assumed the aspect of a Mahometan capital; Prusa was decorated with a mosque, a college, and a hospital, of royal foundation; the Seljukian coin was changed for the name and impression of the new dynasty: and the most skilful professors, of human and divine knowledge, attracted the Persian and Arabian students from the ancient schools of Oriental learning. The office of vizier was instituted for Aladin, the brother of Orchan; ^* and a different habit distinguished the citizens from the peasants, the Moslems from the infidels. All the troops of Othman had consisted of loose squadrons of Turkman cavalry; who served without pay and fought without discipline: but a regular body of infantry was first established and trained by the prudence of his son. A great number of volunteers was enrolled with a small stipend, but with the permission of living at home, unless they were summoned to the field: their rude manners, and seditious temper, disposed Orchan to educate his young captives as his soldiers and those of the prophet; but the Turkish peasants were still allowed to mount on horseback, and follow his standard, with the appellation and the hopes of freebooters. ^! By these arts he formed an army of twenty-five thousand Moslems: a train of battering engines was framed for the use of sieges; and the first successful experiment was made on the cities of Nice and Nicomedia. Orchan granted a safe-conduct to all who were desirous of departing with their families and effects; but the widows of the slain were given in marriage to the conquerors; and the sacrilegious plunder, the books, the vases, and the images, were sold or ransomed at Constantinople. The emperor Andronicus the Younger was vanquished and wounded by the son of Othman: ^42 ^!! he subdued the whole province or kingdom of Bithynia, as far as the shores of the Bosphorus and Hellespont; and the Christians confessed the justice and clemency of a reign which claimed the voluntary

    attachment of the Turks of Asia. Yet Orchan was content with the modest title of emir; and in the list of his compeers, the princes of Roum or Anatolia, ^43 his military forces were surpassed by the emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, each of whom could bring into the field an army of forty thousand men. Their domains were situate in the heart of the Seljukian kingdom; but the holy warriors, though of inferior note, who formed new principalities on the Greek empire, are more conspicuous in the light of history. The maritime country from the Propontis to the Maeander and the Isle of Rhodes, so long threatened and so often pillaged, was finally lost about the thirteenth year of Andronicus the Elder. ^44 Two Turkish chieftains, Sarukhan and Aidin, left their names to their conquests, and their conquests to their posterity. The captivity or ruin of the seven churches of Asia was consummated; and the barbarous lords of Ionia and Lydia still trample on the monuments of classic and Christian antiquity. In the loss of Ephesus, the Christians deplored the fall of the first angel, the extinction of the first candlestick, of the Revelations; ^45 the desolation is complete; and the temple of Diana, or the church of Mary, will equally elude the search of the curious traveller. The circus and three stately theatres of Laodicea are now peopled with wolves and foxes; Sardes is reduced to a miserable village; the God of Mahomet, without a rival or a son, is invoked in the mosques of Thyatira and Pergamus; and the populousness of Smyrna is supported by the foreign trade of the Franks and Armenians. Philadelphia alone has been saved by prophecy, or courage. At a distance from the sea, forgotten by the emperors, encompassed on all sides by the Turks, her valiant citizens defended their religion and freedom above fourscore years; and at length capitulated with the proudest of the Ottomans. Among the Greek colonies and churches of Asia, Philadelphia is still erect; a column in a scene of ruins; a pleasing example, that the paths of honor and safety may sometimes be the same. The servitude of Rhodes was delayed about two centuries by the establishment of the knights of St. John of Jerusalem: ^46 under the discipline of the order, that island emerged into fame and opulence; the noble and warlike monks were renowned by land

    and sea: and the bulwark of Christendom provoked, and repelled, the arms of the Turks and Saracens.

    [Footnote *: Von Hammer, Osm. Geschichte, vol. i. p. 82. – M.] [Footnote !: Ibid. p. 91. – M.]

    [Footnote 42: Cantacuzene, though he relates the battle and heroic flight of the younger Androcinus, (l. ii. c. 6, 7, 8,) dissembles by his silence the loss of Prusa, Nice, and Nicomedia, which are fairly confessed by Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. viii. 15, ix. 9, 13, xi. 6.) It appears that Nice was taken by Orchan in 1330, and Nicomedia in 1339, which are somewhat different from the Turkish dates.]

    [Footnote !!: For the conquests of Orchan over the ten pachaliks, or kingdoms of the Seljukians, in Asia Minor. see V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 112. – M.] [Footnote 43: The partition of the Turkish emirs is extracted from two contemporaries, the Greek Nicephorus Gregoras (l. vii. 1) and the Arabian Marakeschi, (De Guignes, tom. ii. P. ii. p. 76, 77.) See likewise the first book of Laonicus Chalcondyles.]

    [Footnote 44: Pachymer, l. xiii. c. 13.]

    [Footnote 45: See the Travels of Wheeler and Spon, of Pocock and Chandler, and more particularly Smith’s Survey of the Seven Churches of Asia, p. 205 – 276. The more pious antiquaries labor to reconcile the promises and threats of the author of the Revelations with the present state of the seven cities. Perhaps it would be more prudent to confine his predictions to the characters and events of his own times.]

    [Footnote 46: Consult the ivth book of the Histoire de ‘Ordre de Malthe, par l’Abbe de Vertot. That pleasing writer betrays his ignorance, in supposing that Othman, a freebooter of the Bithynian hills, could besiege Rhodes by sea and land.]

    The Greeks, by their intestine divisions, were the authors

    of their final ruin. During the civil wars of the elder and younger Andronicus, the son of Othman achieved, almost without resistance, the conquest of Bithynia; and the same disorders encouraged the Turkish emirs of Lydia and Ionia to build a fleet, and to pillage the adjacent islands and the sea-coast of Europe. In the defence of his life and honor, Cantacuzene was tempted to prevent, or imitate, his adversaries, by calling to his aid the public enemies of his religion and country. Amir, the son of Aidin, concealed under a Turkish garb the humanity and politeness of a Greek; he was united with the great domestic by mutual esteem and reciprocal services; and their friendship is compared, in the vain rhetoric of the times, to the perfect union of Orestes and Pylades. ^47 On the report of the danger of his friend, who was persecuted by an ungrateful court, the prince of Ionia assembled at Smyrna a fleet of three hundred vessels, with an army of twenty-nine thousand men; sailed in the depth of winter, and cast anchor at the mouth of the Hebrus. From thence, with a chosen band of two thousand Turks, he marched along the banks of the river, and rescued the empress, who was besieged in Demotica by the wild Bulgarians. At that disastrous moment, the life or death of his beloved Cantacuzene was concealed by his flight into Servia: but the grateful Irene, impatient to behold her deliverer, invited him to enter the city, and accompanied her message with a present of rich apparel and a hundred horses. By a peculiar strain of delicacy, the Gentle Barbarian refused, in the absence of an unfortunate friend, to visit his wife, or to taste the luxuries of the palace; sustained in his tent the rigor of the winter; and rejected the hospitable gift, that he might share the hardships of two thousand companions, all as deserving as himself of that honor and distinction. Necessity and revenge might justify his predatory excursions by sea and land: he left nine thousand five hundred men for the guard of his fleet; and persevered in the fruitless search of Cantacuzene, till his embarkation was hastened by a fictitious letter, the severity of the season, the clamors of his independent troops, and the weight of his spoil and captives. In the prosecution of the civil war, the prince of Ionia twice

    returned to Europe; joined his arms with those of the emperor; besieged Thessalonica, and threatened Constantinople. Calumny might affix some reproach on his imperfect aid, his hasty departure, and a bribe of ten thousand crowns, which he accepted from the Byzantine court; but his friend was satisfied; and the conduct of Amir is excused by the more sacred duty of defending against the Latins his hereditary dominions. The maritime power of the Turks had united the pope, the king of Cyprus, the republic of Venice, and the order of St. John, in a laudable crusade; their galleys invaded the coast of Ionia; and Amir was slain with an arrow, in the attempt to wrest from the Rhodian knights the citadel of Smyrna. ^48 Before his death, he generously recommended another ally of his own nation; not more sincere or zealous than himself, but more able to afford a prompt and powerful succor, by his situation along the Propontis and in the front of Constantinople. By the prospect of a more advantageous treaty, the Turkish prince of Bithynia was detached from his engagements with Anne of Savoy; and the pride of Orchan dictated the most solemn protestations, that if he could obtain the daughter of Cantacuzene, he would invariably fulfil the duties of a subject and a son. Parental tenderness was silenced by the voice of ambition: the Greek clergy connived at the marriage of a Christian princess with a sectary of Mahomet; and the father of Theodora describes, with shameful satisfaction, the dishonor of the purple. ^49 A body of Turkish cavalry attended the ambassadors, who disembarked from thirty vessels, before his camp of Selybria. A stately pavilion was erected, in which the empress Irene passed the night with her daughters. In the morning, Theodora ascended a throne, which was surrounded with curtains of silk and gold: the troops were under arms; but the emperor alone was on horseback. At a signal the curtains were suddenly withdrawn to disclose the bride, or the victim, encircled by kneeling eunuchs and hymeneal torches: the sound of flutes and trumpets proclaimed the joyful event; and her pretended happiness was the theme of the nuptial song, which was chanted by such poets as the age could produce. Without the rites of the church, Theodora was delivered to her barbarous

    lord: but it had been stipulated, that she should preserve her religion in the harem of Bursa; and her father celebrates her charity and devotion in this ambiguous situation. After his peaceful establishment on the throne of Constantinople, the Greek emperor visited his Turkish ally, who with four sons, by various wives, expected him at Scutari, on the Asiatic shore. The two princes partook, with seeming cordiality, of the pleasures of the banquet and the chase; and Theodora was permitted to repass the Bosphorus, and to enjoy some days in the society of her mother. But the friendship of Orchan was subservient to his religion and interest; and in the Genoese war he joined without a blush the enemies of Cantacuzene.

    [Footnote 47: Nicephorus Gregoras has expatiated with pleasure on this amiable character, (l. xii. 7, xiii. 4, 10, xiv. 1, 9, xvi. 6.) Cantacuzene speaks with honor and esteem of his ally, (l. iii. c. 56, 57, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 86, 89, 95, 96;) but he seems ignorant of his own sentimental passion for the Turks, and indirectly denies the possibility of such unnatural friendship, (l. iv. c. 40.)]

    [Footnote 48: After the conquest of Smyrna by the Latins, the defence of this fortress was imposed by Pope Gregory XI. on the knights of Rhodes, (see Vertot, l. v.)]

    [Footnote 49: See Cantacuzenus, l. iii. c. 95. Nicephorus Gregoras, who, for the light of Mount Thabor, brands the emperor with the names of tyrant and Herod, excuses, rather than blames, this Turkish marriage, and alleges the passion and power of Orchan, Turkish, (l. xv. 5.) He afterwards celebrates his kingdom and armies. See his reign in Cantemir, p. 24 – 30.]

    In the treaty with the empress Anne, the Ottoman prince had

    inserted a singular condition, that it should be lawful for him to sell his prisoners at Constantinople, or transport them into Asia. A naked crowd of Christians of both sexes and every age, of priests and monks, of matrons and virgins, was exposed in the public market; the whip was frequently used to quicken

    the charity of redemption; and the indigent Greeks deplored the fate of their brethren, who were led away to the worst evils of temporal and spiritual bondage ^50 Cantacuzene was reduced to subscribe the same terms; and their execution must have been still more pernicious to the empire: a body of ten thousand Turks had been detached to the assistance of the empress Anne; but the entire forces of Orchan were exerted in the service of his father. Yet these calamities were of a transient nature; as soon as the storm had passed away, the fugitives might return to their habitations; and at the conclusion of the civil and foreign wars, Europe was completely evacuated by the Moslems of Asia. It was in his last quarrel with his pupil that Cantacuzene inflicted the deep and deadly wound, which could never be healed by his successors, and which is poorly expiated by his theological dialogues against the prophet Mahomet. Ignorant of their own history, the modern Turks confound their first and their final passage of the Hellespont, ^51 and describe the son of Orchan as a nocturnal robber, who, with eighty companions, explores by stratagem a hostile and unknown shore. Soliman, at the head of ten thousand horse, was transported in the vessels, and entertained as the friend, of the Greek emperor. In the civil wars of Romania, he performed some service and perpetrated more mischief; but the Chersonesus was insensibly filled with a Turkish colony; and the Byzantine court solicited in vain the restitution of the fortresses of Thrace. After some artful delays between the Ottoman prince and his son, their ransom was valued at sixty thousand crowns, and the first payment had been made when an earthquake shook the walls and cities of the provinces; the dismantled places were occupied by the Turks; and Gallipoli, the key of the Hellespont, was rebuilt and repeopled by the policy of Soliman. The abdication of Cantacuzene dissolved the feeble bands of domestic alliance; and his last advice admonished his countrymen to decline a rash contest, and to compare their own weakness with the numbers and valor, the discipline and enthusiasm, of the Moslems. His prudent counsels were despised by the headstrong vanity of youth, and soon justified by the victories of the Ottomans. But as he practised in the field the exercise

    of the jerid, Soliman was killed by a fall from his horse; and the aged Orchan wept and expired on the tomb of his valiant son. ^*

    [Footnote 50: The most lively and concise picture of this captivity may be found in the history of Ducas, (c. 8,) who fairly describes what Cantacuzene confesses with a guilty blush!]

    [Footnote 51: In this passage, and the first conquests in Europe, Cantemir (p. 27, &c.) gives a miserable idea of his Turkish guides; nor am I much better satisfied with Chalcondyles, (l. i. p. 12, &c.) They forget to consult the most authentic record, the ivth book of Cantacuzene. I likewise regret the last books, which are still manuscript, of Nicephorus Gregoras.

    Note: Von Hammer excuses the silence with which the Turkish

    historians pass over the earlier intercourse of the Ottomans with the European continent, of which he enumerates sixteen different occasions, as if they disdained those peaceful incursions by which they gained no conquest, and established no permanent footing on the Byzantine territory. Of the romantic account of Soliman’s first expedition, he says, “As yet the prose of history had not asserted its right over the poetry of tradition.” This defence would scarcely be accepted as satisfactory by the historian of the Decline and Fall. – M. (in Quarterly Review, vol. xlix. p. 293.)

    Note: In the 75th year of his age, the 35th of his reign.

    1. Hammer. M.]

    Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turkds.

    Part IV.

    But the Greeks had not time to rejoice in the death of their

    enemies; and the Turkish cimeter was wielded with the same spirit by Amurath the First, the son of Orchan, and the brother of Soliman. By the pale and fainting light of the Byzantine annals, ^52 we can discern, that he subdued without resistance the whole province of Romania or Thrace, from the Hellespont to Mount Haemus, and the verge of the capital; and that Adrianople was chosen for the royal seat of his government and religion in Europe. Constantinople, whose decline is almost coeval with her foundation, had often, in the lapse of a thousand years, been assaulted by the Barbarians of the East and West; but never till this fatal hour had the Greeks been surrounded, both in Asia and Europe, by the arms of the same hostile monarchy. Yet the prudence or generosity of Amurath postponed for a while this easy conquest; and his pride was satisfied with the frequent and humble attendance of the emperor John Palaeologus and his four sons, who followed at his summons the court and camp of the Ottoman prince. He marched against the Sclavonian nations between the Danube and the Adriatic, the Bulgarians, Servians, Bosnians, and Albanians; and these warlike tribes, who had so often insulted the majesty of the empire, were repeatedly broken by his destructive inroads. Their countries did not abound either in gold or silver; nor were their rustic hamlets and townships enriched by commerce or decorated by the arts of luxury. But the natives of the soil have been distinguished in every age by their hardiness of mind and body; and they were converted by a prudent institution into the firmest and most faithful supporters of the Ottoman greatness. ^53 The vizier of Amurath reminded his sovereign that, according to the Mahometan law, he was entitled to a fifth part of the spoil and captives; and that the duty might easily be levied, if vigilant officers were stationed in Gallipoli, to watch the passage, and to select for his use the stoutest and most beautiful of the Christian youth. The advice was followed: the edict was proclaimed; many thousands of the

    European captives were educated in religion and arms; and the new militia was consecrated and named by a celebrated dervis. Standing in the front of their ranks, he stretched the sleeve of his gown over the head of the foremost soldier, and his blessing was delivered in these words: “Let them be called Janizaries, (Yengi cheri, or new soldiers;) may their countenance be ever bright! their hand victorious! their sword keen! may their spear always hang over the heads of their enemies! and wheresoever they go, may they return with a white face!” ^54 ^* Such was the origin of these haughty troops, the terror of the nations, and sometimes of the sultans themselves. Their valor has declined, their discipline is relaxed, and their tumultuary array is incapable of contending with the order and weapons of modern tactics; but at the time of their institution, they possessed a decisive superiority in war; since a regular body of infantry, in constant exercise and pay, was not maintained by any of the princes of Christendom. The Janizaries fought with the zeal of proselytes against their idolatrous countrymen; and in the battle of Cossova, the league and independence of the Sclavonian tribes was finally crushed. As the conqueror walked over the field, he observed that the greatest part of the slain consisted of beardless youths; and listened to the flattering reply of his vizier, that age and wisdom would have taught them not to oppose his irresistible arms. But the sword of his Janizaries could not defend him from the dagger of despair; a Servian soldier started from the crowd of dead bodies, and Amurath was pierced in the belly with a mortal wound. ^* The grandson of Othman was mild in his temper, modest in his apparel, and a lover of learning and virtue; but the Moslems were scandalized at his absence from public worship; and he was corrected by the firmness of the mufti, who dared to reject his testimony in a civil cause: a mixture of servitude and freedom not unfrequent in Oriental history. ^55 [Footnote 52: After the conclusion of Cantacuzene and Gregoras, there follows a dark interval of a hundred years. George Phranza, Michael Ducas, and Laonicus Chalcondyles, all three wrote after the taking of Constantinople.] [Footnote 53: See Cantemir, p. 37 – 41, with his own large and curious annotations.]

    [Footnote 54: White and black face are common and proverbial expressions of praise and reproach in the Turkish language. Hic niger est, hunc tu Romane caveto, was likewise a Latin sentence.]

    [Footnote *: According to Von Hammer. vol. i. p. 90, Gibbon and the European writers assign too late a date to this enrolment of the Janizaries. It took place not in the reign of Amurath, but in that of his predecessor Orchan. – M.]

    [Footnote *: Ducas has related this as a deliberate act of self-devotion on the part of a Servian noble who pretended to desert, and stabbed Amurath during a conference which he had requested. The Italian translator of Ducas, published by Bekker in the new edition of the Byzantines, has still further heightened the romance. See likewise in Von Hammer (Osmanische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 138) the popular Servian account, which resembles that of Ducas, and may have been the source of that of his Italian translator. The Turkish account agrees more nearly with Gibbon; but the Servian, (Milosch Kohilovisch) while he lay among the heap of the dead, pretended to have some secret to impart to Amurath, and stabbed him while he leaned over to listen. – M.] [Footnote 55: See the life and death of Morad, or Amurath I., in Cantemir, (p 33 – 45,) the first book of Chalcondyles, and the Annales Turcici of Leunclavius. According to another story, the sultan was stabbed by a Croat in his tent; and this accident was alleged to Busbequius (Epist i. p. 98) as an excuse for the unworthy precaution of pinioning, as if were, between two attendants, an ambassador’s arms, when he is introduced to the royal presence.]

    The character of Bajazet, the son and successor of Amurath,

    is strongly expressed in his surname of Ilderim, or the lightning; and he might glory in an epithet, which was drawn from the fiery energy of his soul and the rapidity of his destructive march. In the fourteen years of his reign, ^56 he incessantly moved at the head of his armies, from Boursa to

    Adrianople, from the Danube to the Euphrates; and, though he strenuously labored for the propagation of the law, he invaded, with impartial ambition, the Christian and Mahometan princes of Europe and Asia.

    From Angora to Amasia and Erzeroum, the northern regions of Anatolia were reduced to his obedience: he stripped of their hereditary possessions his brother emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, of Aidin and Sarukhan; and after the conquest of Iconium the ancient kingdom of the Seljukians again revived in the Ottoman dynasty. Nor were the conquests of Bajazet less rapid or important in Europe. No sooner had he imposed a regular form of servitude on the Servians and Bulgarians, than he passed the Danube to seek new enemies and new subjects in the heart of Moldavia. ^57 Whatever yet adhered to the Greek empire in Thrace, Macedonia, and Thessaly, acknowledged a Turkish master: an obsequious bishop led him through the gates of Thermopylae into Greece; and we may observe, as a singular fact, that the widow of a Spanish chief, who possessed the ancient seat of the oracle of Delphi, deserved his favor by the sacrifice of a beauteous daughter. The Turkish communication between Europe and Asia had been dangerous and doubtful, till he stationed at Gallipoli a fleet of galleys, to command the Hellespont and intercept the Latin succors of Constantinople. While the monarch indulged his passions in a boundless range of injustice and cruelty, he imposed on his soldiers the most rigid laws of modesty and abstinence; and the harvest was peaceably reaped and sold within the precincts of his camp. Provoked by the loose and corrupt administration of justice, he collected in a house the judges and lawyers of his dominions, who expected that in a few moments the fire would be kindled to reduce them to ashes. His ministers trembled in silence: but an Aethiopian buffoon presumed to insinuate the true cause of the evil; and future venality was left without excuse, by annexing an adequate salary to the office of cadhi. ^58 The humble title of emir was no longer suitable to the Ottoman greatness; and Bajazet condescended to accept a patent of sultan from the caliphs who served in Egypt under the yoke of the Mamalukes:

    ^59 a last and frivolous homage that was yielded by force to opinion; by the Turkish conquerors to the house of Abbas and the successors of the Arabian prophet. The ambition of the sultan was inflamed by the obligation of deserving this august title; and he turned his arms against the kingdom of Hungary, the perpetual theatre of the Turkish victories and defeats. Sigismond, the Hungarian king, was the son and brother of the emperors of the West: his cause was that of Europe and the church; and, on the report of his danger, the bravest knights of France and Germany were eager to march under his standard and that of the cross. In the battle of Nicopolis, Bajazet defeated a confederate army of a hundred thousand Christians, who had proudly boasted, that if the sky should fall, they could uphold it on their lances. The far greater part were slain or driven into the Danube; and Sigismond, escaping to Constantinople by the river and the Black Sea, returned after a long circuit to his exhausted kingdom. ^60 In the pride of victory, Bajazet threatened that he would besiege Buda; that he would subdue the adjacent countries of Germany and Italy, and that he would feed his horse with a bushel of oats on the altar of St. Peter at Rome. His progress was checked, not by the miraculous interposition of the apostle, not by a crusade of the Christian powers, but by a long and painful fit of the gout. The disorders of the moral, are sometimes corrected by those of the physical, world; and an acrimonious humor falling on a single fibre of one man, may prevent or suspend the misery of nations.

    [Footnote 56: The reign of Bajazet I., or Ilderim Bayazid, is contained in Cantemir, (p. 46,) the iid book of Chalcondyles, and the Annales Turcici. The surname of Ilderim, or lightning, is an example, that the conquerors and poets of every age have felt the truth of a system which derives the sublime from the principle of terror.]

    [Footnote 57: Cantemir, who celebrates the victories of the great Stephen over the Turks, (p. 47,) had composed the ancient and modern state of his principality of Moldavia, which has been long promised, and is still unpublished.]

    [Footnote 58: Leunclav. Annal. Turcici, p. 318, 319. The venality of the cadhis has long been an object of scandal and satire; and if we distrust the observations of our travellers, we may consult the feeling of the Turks themselves, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orientale, p. 216, 217, 229, 230.)] [Footnote 59: The fact, which is attested by the Arabic history of Ben Schounah, a contemporary Syrian, (De Guignes Hist. des Huns. tom. iv. p. 336.) destroys the testimony of Saad Effendi and Cantemir, (p. 14, 15,) of the election of Othman to the dignity of sultan.]

    [Footnote 60: See the Decades Rerum Hungaricarum (Dec. iii. l. ii. p. 379) of Bonfinius, an Italian, who, in the xvth century, was invited into Hungary to compose an eloquent history of that kingdom. Yet, if it be extant and accessible, I should give the preference to some homely chronicle of the time and country.]

    Such is the general idea of the Hungarian war; but the

    disastrous adventure of the French has procured us some memorials which illustrate the victory and character of Bajazet. ^61 The duke of Burgundy, sovereign of Flanders, and uncle of Charles the Sixth, yielded to the ardor of his son, John count of Nevers; and the fearless youth was accompanied by four princes, his cousins, and those of the French monarch. Their inexperience was guided by the Sire de Coucy, one of the best and oldest captain of Christendom; ^62 but the constable, admiral, and marshal of France ^63 commanded an army which did not exceed the number of a thousand knights and squires. ^* These splendid names were the source of presumption and the bane of discipline. So many might aspire to command, that none were willing to obey; their national spirit despised both their enemies and their allies; and in the persuasion that Bajazet would fly, or must fall, they began to compute how soon they should visit Constantinople and deliver the holy sepulchre. When their scouts announced the approach of the Turks, the gay and thoughtless youths were at table, already heated with wine; they instantly clasped their armor, mounted their horses, rode full speed to the

    vanguard, and resented as an affront the advice of Sigismond, which would have deprived them of the right and honor of the foremost attack. The battle of Nicopolis would not have been lost, if the French would have obeyed the prudence of the Hungarians; but it might have been gloriously won, had the Hungarians imitated the valor of the French. They dispersed the first line, consisting of the troops of Asia; forced a rampart of stakes, which had been planted against the cavalry; broke, after a bloody conflict, the Janizaries themselves; and were at length overwhelmed by the numerous squadrons that issued from the woods, and charged on all sides this handful of intrepid warriors. In the speed and secrecy of his march, in the order and evolutions of the battle, his enemies felt and admired the military talents of Bajazet. They accuse his cruelty in the use of victory. After reserving the count of Nevers, and four-and-twenty lords, ^* whose birth and riches were attested by his Latin interpreters, the remainder of the French captives, who had survived the slaughter of the day, were led before his throne; and, as they refused to abjure their faith, were successively beheaded in his presence. The sultan was exasperated by the loss of his bravest Janizaries; and if it be true, that, on the eve of the engagement, the French had massacred their Turkish prisoners, ^64 they might impute to themselves the consequences of a just retaliation. ^! A knight, whose life had been spared, was permitted to return to Paris, that he might relate the deplorable tale, and solicit the ransom of the noble captives. In the mean while, the count of Nevers, with the princes and barons of France, were dragged along in the marches of the Turkish camp, exposed as a grateful trophy to the Moslems of Europe and Asia, and strictly confined at Boursa, as often as Bajazet resided in his capital. The sultan was pressed each day to expiate with their blood the blood of his martyrs; but he had pronounced that they should live, and either for mercy or destruction his word was irrevocable. He was assured of their value and importance by the return of the messenger, and the gifts and intercessions of the kings of France and of Cyprus. Lusignan presented him with a gold saltcellar of curious workmanship, and of the price of ten thousand ducats; and Charles the Sixth despatched by the

    way of Hungary a cast of Norwegian hawks, and six horse-loads of scarlet cloth, of fine linen of Rheims, and of Arras tapestry, representing the battles of the great Alexander. After much delay, the effect of distance rather than of art, Bajazet agreed to accept a ransom of two hundred thousand ducats for the count of Nevers and the surviving princes and barons: the marshal Boucicault, a famous warrior, was of the number of the fortunate; but the admiral of France had been slain in battle; and the constable, with the Sire de Coucy, died in the prison of Boursa. This heavy demand, which was doubled by incidental costs, fell chiefly on the duke of Burgundy, or rather on his Flemish subjects, who were bound by the feudal laws to contribute for the knighthood and captivity of the eldest son of their lord. For the faithful discharge of the debt, some merchants of Genoa gave security to the amount of five times the sum; a lesson to those warlike times, that commerce and credit are the links of the society of nations. It had been stipulated in the treaty, that the French captives should swear never to bear arms against the person of their conqueror; but the ungenerous restraint was abolished by Bajazet himself. “I despise,” said he to the heir of Burgundy, “thy oaths and thy arms. Thou art young, and mayest be ambitious of effacing the disgrace or misfortune of thy first chivalry. Assemble thy powers, proclaim thy design, and be assured that Bajazet will rejoice to meet thee a second time in a field of battle.” Before their departure, they were indulged in the freedom and hospitality of the court of Boursa. The French princes admired the magnificence of the Ottoman, whose hunting and hawking equipage was composed of seven thousand huntsmen and seven thousand falconers. ^65 In their presence, and at his command, the belly of one of his chamberlains was cut open, on a complaint against him for drinking the goat’s milk of a poor woman. The strangers were astonished by this act of justice; but it was the justice of a sultan who disdains to balance the weight of evidence, or to measure the degrees of guilt.

    [Footnote 61: I should not complain of the labor of this work, if my materials were always derived from such books as the

    chronicle of honest Froissard, (vol. iv. c. 67, 72, 74, 79-83, 85, 87, 89,) who read little, inquired much, and believed all. The original Memoires of the Marechal de Boucicault (

    Partie i. c. 22-28) add some facts, but they are dry and deficient, if compared with the pleasant garrulity of Froissard.]

    [Footnote 62: An accurate Memoir on the Life of Enguerrand VII., Sire de Coucy, has been given by the Baron de Zurlauben, (Hist. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv.) His rank and possessions were equally considerable in France and England; and, in 1375, he led an army of adventurers into Switzerland, to recover a large patrimony which he claimed in right of his grandmother, the daughter of the emperor Albert I. of Austria, (Sinner, Voyage dans la Suisse Occidentale, tom. i. p. 118-124.)]

    [Footnote 63: That military office, so respectable at present, was still more conspicuous when it was divided between two persons, (Daniel, Hist. de la Milice Francoise, tom. ii. p. 5.) One of these, the marshal of the crusade, was the famous Boucicault, who afterwards defended Constantinople, governed Genoa, invaded the coast of Asia, and died in the field of Azincour.] [Footnote *: Daru, Hist. de Venice, vol. ii. p. 104, makes the whole French army amount to 10,000 men, of whom 1000 were knights. The curious volume of Schiltberger, a German of Munich, who was taken prisoner in the battle, (edit. Munich, 1813,) and which V. Hammer receives as authentic, gives the whole number at 6000. See Schiltberger. Reise in dem Orient. and V. Hammer, note, p. 610. – M.]

    [Footnote *: According to Shiltberger there were only twelve French lords granted to the prayer of the “duke of Burgundy,” and “Herr Stephan Synther, and Johann von Bodem.” Schiltberger, p. 13. – M.]

    [Footnote 64: For this odious fact, the Abbe de Vertot quotes the Hist. Anonyme de St. Denys, l. xvi. c. 10, 11. (Ordre de Malthe, tom. ii. p. 310.] [Footnote !: See Schiltberger’s very graphic account of the

    massacre. He was led out to be slaughtered in cold blood with the rest f the Christian prisoners, amounting to 10,000. He was spared at the intercession of the son of Bajazet, with a few others, on account of their extreme youth. No one under 20 years of age was put to death. The “duke of Burgundy” was obliged to be a spectator of this butchery which lasted from early in the morning till four o’clock, P. M. It ceased only at the supplication of the leaders of Bajazet’s army. Schiltberger, p. 14. – M.]

    [Footnote 65: Sherefeddin Ali (Hist. de Timour Bec, l. v. c. 13) allows Bajazet a round number of 12,000 officers and servants of the chase. A part of his spoils was afterwards displayed in a hunting-match of Timour, l. hounds with satin housings; 2. leopards with collars set with jewels; 3. Grecian greyhounds; and 4, dogs from Europe, as strong as African lions, (idem, l. vi. c. 15.) Bajazet was particularly fond of flying his hawks at cranes, (Chalcondyles, l. ii. p. 85.)]

    After his enfranchisement from an oppressive guardian, John

    Palaeologus remained thirty-six years, the helpless, and, as it should seem, the careless spectator of the public ruin. ^66 Love, or rather lust, was his only vigorous passion; and in the embraces of the wives and virgins of the city, the Turkish slave forgot the dishonor of the emperor of the Romans Andronicus, his eldest son, had formed, at Adrianople, an intimate and guilty friendship with Sauzes, the son of Amurath; and the two youths conspired against the authority and lives of their parents. The presence of Amurath in Europe soon discovered and dissipated their rash counsels; and, after depriving Sauzes of his sight, the Ottoman threatened his vassal with the treatment of an accomplice and an enemy, unless he inflicted a similar punishment on his own son. Palaeologus trembled and obeyed; and a cruel precaution involved in the same sentence the childhood and innocence of John, the son of the criminal. But the operation was so mildly, or so unskilfully, performed, that the one retained the sight of an eye, and the other was afflicted only with the infirmity of

    squinting. Thus excluded from the succession, the two princes were confined in the tower of Anema; and the piety of Manuel, the second son of the reigning monarch, was rewarded with the gift of the Imperial crown. But at the end of two years, the turbulence of the Latins and the levity of the Greeks, produced a revolution; ^* and the two emperors were buried in the tower from whence the two prisoners were exalted to the throne. Another period of two years afforded Palaeologus and Manuel the means of escape: it was contrived by the magic or subtlety of a monk, who was alternately named the angel or the devil: they fled to Scutari; their adherents armed in their cause; and the two Byzantine factions displayed the ambition and animosity with which Caesar and Pompey had disputed the empire of the world. The Roman world was now contracted to a corner of Thrace, between the Propontis and the Black Sea, about fifty miles in length and thirty in breadth; a space of ground not more extensive than the lesser principalities of Germany or Italy, if the remains of Constantinople had not still represented the wealth and populousness of a kingdom. To restore the public peace, it was found necessary to divide this fragment of the empire; and while Palaeologus and Manuel were left in possession of the capital, almost all that lay without the walls was ceded to the blind princes, who fixed their residence at Rhodosto and Selybria. In the tranquil slumber of royalty, the passions of John Palaeologus survived his reason and his strength: he deprived his favorite and heir of a blooming princess of Trebizond; and while the feeble emperor labored to consummate his nuptials, Manuel, with a hundred of the noblest Greeks, was sent on a peremptory summons to the Ottoman porte. They served with honor in the wars of Bajazet; but a plan of fortifying Constantinople excited his jealousy: he threatened their lives; the new works were instantly demolished; and we shall bestow a praise, perhaps above the merit of Palaeologus, if we impute this last humiliation as the cause of his death.

    [Footnote 66: For the reigns of John Palaeologus and his son Manuel, from 1354 to 1402, see Ducas, c. 9 – 15, Phranza, l. i. c. 16 – 21, and the ist and iid books of Chalcondyles, whose

    proper subject is drowned in a sea of episode.] [Footnote *: According to Von Hammer it was the power of Bajazet, vol. i. p. 218.]

    The earliest intelligence of that event was communicated to

    Manuel, who escaped with speed and secrecy from the palace of Boursa to the Byzantine throne. Bajazet affected a proud indifference at the loss of this valuable pledge; and while he pursued his conquests in Europe and Asia, he left the emperor to struggle with his blind cousin John of Selybria, who, in eight years of civil war, asserted his right of primogeniture. At length, the ambition of the victorious sultan pointed to the conquest of Constantinople; but he listened to the advice of his vizier, who represented that such an enterprise might unite the powers of Christendom in a second and more formidable crusade. His epistle to the emperor was conceived in these words: “By the divine clemency, our invincible cimeter has reduced to our obedience almost all Asia, with many and large countries in Europe, excepting only the city of Constantinople; for beyond the walls thou hast nothing left. Resign that city; stipulate thy reward; or tremble, for thyself and thy unhappy people, at the consequences of a rash refusal.” But his ambassadors were instructed to soften their tone, and to propose a treaty, which was subscribed with submission and gratitude. A truce of ten years was purchased by an annual tribute of thirty thousand crowns of gold; the Greeks deplored the public toleration of the law of Mahomet, and Bajazet enjoyed the glory of establishing a Turkish cadhi, and founding a royal mosque in the metropolis of the Eastern church. ^67 Yet this truce was soon violated by the restless sultan: in the cause of the prince of Selybria, the lawful emperor, an army of Ottomans again threatened Constantinople; and the distress of Manuel implored the protection of the king of France. His plaintive embassy obtained much pity and some relief; and the conduct of the succor was intrusted to the marshal Boucicault, ^68 whose religious chivalry was inflamed by the desire of revenging his captivity on the infidels. He sailed with four ships of war, from

    Aiguesmortes to the Hellespont; forced the passage, which was guarded by seventeen Turkish galleys; landed at Constantinople a supply of six hundred men-at-arms and sixteen hundred archers; and reviewed them in the adjacent plain, without condescending to number or array the multitude of Greeks. By his presence, the blockade was raised both by sea and land; the flying squadrons of Bajazet were driven to a more respectful distance; and several castles in Europe and Asia were stormed by the emperor and the marshal, who fought with equal valor by each other’s side. But the Ottomans soon returned with an increase of numbers; and the intrepid Boucicault, after a year’s struggle, resolved to evacuate a country which could no longer afford either pay or provisions for his soldiers. The marshal offered to conduct Manuel to the French court, where he might solicit in person a supply of men and money; and advised, in the mean while, that, to extinguish all domestic discord, he should leave his blind competitor on the throne. The proposal was embraced: the prince of Selybria was introduced to the capital; and such was the public misery, that the lot of the exile seemed more fortunate than that of the sovereign. Instead of applauding the success of his vassal, the Turkish sultan claimed the city as his own; and on the refusal of the emperor John, Constantinople was more closely pressed by the calamities of war and famine. Against such an enemy prayers and resistance were alike unavailing; and the savage would have devoured his prey, if, in the fatal moment, he had not been overthrown by another savage stronger than himself. By the victory of Timour or Tamerlane, the fall of Constantinople was delayed about fifty years; and this important, though accidental, service may justly introduce the life and character of the Mogul conqueror.

    [Footnote 67: Cantemir, p. 50 – 53. Of the Greeks, Ducas alone (c. 13, 15) acknowledges the Turkish cadhi at Constantinople. Yet even Ducas dissembles the mosque.]

    [Footnote 68: Memoires du bon Messire Jean le Maingre, dit Boucicault, Marechal de France, partie c. 30, 35.]

    Chapter LXV:

    Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His Death

    Part I.

    Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane To The Throne Of Samarcand.

    – His Conquests In Persia, Georgia, Tartary Russia, India, Syria, And Anatolia. – His Turkish War. – Defeat And Captivity Of Bajazet. – Death Of Timour. – Civil War Of The Sons Of Bajazet. – Restoration Of The Turkish Monarchy By Mahomet The First. – Siege Of Constantinople By Amurath The Second.

    The conquest and monarchy of the world was the first object

    of the ambition of Timour. To live in the memory and esteem of future ages was the second wish of his magnanimous spirit. All the civil and military transactions of his reign were diligently recorded in the journals of his secretaries: ^1 the authentic narrative was revised by the persons best informed of each particular transaction; and it is believed in the empire and family of Timour, that the monarch himself composed the commentaries ^2 of his life, and the institutions ^3 of his government. ^4 But these cares were ineffectual for the preservation of his fame, and these precious memorials in the Mogul or Persian language were concealed from the world, or, at least, from the knowledge of Europe. The nations which he vanquished exercised a base and impotent revenge; and ignorance has long repeated the tale of calumny, ^5 which had disfigured the birth and character, the person, and even the name, of Tamerlane. ^6 Yet his real merit would be enhanced,

    rather than debased, by the elevation of a peasant to the throne of Asia; nor can his lameness be a theme of reproach, unless he had the weakness to blush at a natural, or perhaps an honorable, infirmity. ^*

    [Footnote 1: These journals were communicated to Sherefeddin, or Cherefeddin Ali, a native of Yezd, who composed in the Persian language a history of Timour Beg, which has been translated into French by M. Petit de la Croix, (Paris, 1722, in 4 vols. 12 mo.,) and has always been my faithful guide. His geography and chronology are wonderfully accurate; and he may be trusted for public facts, though he servilely praises the virtue and fortune of the hero. Timour’s attention to procure intelligence from his own and foreign countries may be seen in the Institutions, p. 215, 217, 349, 351.]

    [Footnote 2: These Commentaries are yet unknown in Europe: but Mr. White gives some hope that they may be imported and translated by his friend Major Davy, who had read in the East this “minute and faithful narrative of an interesting and eventful period.”

    Note: The manuscript of Major Davy has been translated by

    Major Stewart, and published by the Oriental Translation Committee of London. It contains the life of Timour, from his birth to his forty-first year; but the last thirty years of western war and conquest are wanting. Major Stewart intimates that two manuscripts exist in this country containing the whole work, but excuses himself, on account of his age, from undertaking the laborious task of completing the translation. It is to be hoped that the European public will be soon enabled to judge of the value and authenticity of the Commentaries of the Caesar of the East. Major Stewart’s work commences with the Book of Dreams and Omens – a wild, but characteristic, chronicle of Visions and Sortes Koranicae. Strange that a life of Timour should awaken a reminiscence of the diary of Archbishop Laud! The early dawn and the gradual expression

    of his not less splendid but more real visions of ambition are touched with the simplicity of truth and nature. But we long to escape from the petty feuds of the pastoral chieftain, to the triumphs and the legislation of the conqueror of the world – M.]

    [Footnote 3: I am ignorant whether the original institution, in the Turki or Mogul language, be still extant. The Persic version, with an English translation, and most valuable index, was published (Oxford, 1783, in 4to.) by the joint labors of Major Davy and Mr. White, the Arabic professor. This work has been since translated from the Persic into French, (Paris, 1787,) by M. Langles, a learned Orientalist, who has added the life of Timour, and many curious notes.]

    [Footnote 4: Shaw Allum, the present Mogul, reads, values, but cannot imitate, the institutions of his great ancestor. The English translator relies on their internal evidence; but if any suspicions should arise of fraud and fiction, they will not be dispelled by Major Davy’s letter. The Orientals have never cultivated the art of criticism; the patronage of a prince, less honorable, perhaps, is not less lucrative than that of a bookseller; nor can it be deemed incredible that a Persian, the real author, should renounce the credit, to raise the value and price, of the work.]

    [Footnote 5: The original of the tale is found in the following work, which is much esteemed for its florid elegance of style: Ahmedis Arabsiadae (Ahmed Ebn Arabshah) Vitae et Rerum gestarum Timuri. Arabice et Latine. Edidit Samuel Henricus Manger. Franequerae, 1767, 2 tom. in 4to. This Syrian author is ever a malicious, and often an ignorant enemy: the very titles of his chapters are injurious; as how the wicked, as how the impious, as how the viper, &c. The copious article of Timur, in Bibliotheque Orientale, is of a mixed nature, as D’Herbelot indifferently draws his materials (p. 877 – 888) from Khondemir Ebn Schounah, and the Lebtarikh.]

    [Footnote 6: Demir or Timour signifies in the Turkish language, Iron; and it is the appellation of a lord or prince. By

    the change of a letter or accent, it is changed into Lenc, or Lame; and a European corruption confounds the two words in the name of Tamerlane.

    Note: According to the memoirs he was so called by a Shaikh,

    who, when visited by his mother on his birth, was reading the verse of the Koran, ‘Are you sure that he who dwelleth in heaven will not cause the earth to swallow you up, and behold it shall shake, Tamurn.” The Shaikh then stopped and said, “We have named your son Timur,” p. 21. – M.]

    [Footnote *: He was lamed by a wound at the siege of the capital of Sistan. Sherefeddin, lib. iii. c. 17. p. 136. See Von Hammer,

    vol.

    1. p. 260. – M.] In the eyes of the Moguls, who held the indefeasible

    succession of the house of Zingis, he was doubtless a rebel subject; yet he sprang from the noble tribe of Berlass: his fifth ancestor, Carashar Nevian, had been the vizier ^! of Zagatai, in his new realm of Transoxiana; and in the ascent of some generations, the branch of Timour is confounded, at least by the females, ^7 with the Imperial stem. ^8 He was born forty miles to the south of Samarcand in the village of Sebzar, in the fruitful territory of Cash, of which his fathers were the hereditary chiefs, as well as of a toman of ten thousand horse. ^9 His birth ^10 was cast on one of those periods of anarchy, which announce the fall of the Asiatic dynasties, and open a new field to adventurous ambition. The khans of Zagatai were extinct; the emirs aspired to independence; and their domestic feuds could only be suspended by the conquest and tyranny of the khans of Kashgar, who, with an army of Getes or Calmucks, ^11 invaded the Transoxian kingdom. From the twelfth year of his age, Timour had entered the field of action; in the twenty-fifth ^!! he stood forth as the deliverer of his country; and the eyes and wishes of the people were turned towards a hero who suffered in their cause. The chiefs of the

    law and of the army had pledged their salvation to support him with their lives and fortunes; but in the hour of danger they were silent and afraid; and, after waiting seven days on the hills of Samarcand, he retreated to the desert with only sixty horsemen. The fugitives were overtaken by a thousand Getes, whom he repulsed with incredible slaughter, and his enemies were forced to exclaim, “Timour is a wonderful man: fortune and the divine favor are with him.” But in this bloody action his own followers were reduced to ten, a number which was soon diminished by the desertion of three Carizmians. ^!!! He wandered in the desert with his wife, seven companions, and four horses; and sixty-two days was he plunged in a loathsome dungeon, from whence he escaped by his own courage and the remorse of the oppressor. After swimming the broad and rapid steam of the Jihoon, or Oxus, he led, during some months, the life of a vagrant and outlaw, on the borders of the adjacent states. But his fame shone brighter in adversity; he learned to distinguish the friends of his person, the associates of his fortune, and to apply the various characters of men for their advantage, and, above all, for his own. On his return to his native country, Timour was successively joined by the parties of his confederates, who anxiously sought him in the desert; nor can I refuse to describe, in his pathetic simplicity, one of their fortunate encounters. He presented himself as a guide to three chiefs, who were at the head of seventy horse. “When their eyes fell upon me,” says Timour, “they were overwhelmed with joy; and they alighted from their horses; and they came and kneeled; and they kissed my stirrup. I also came down from my horse, and took each of them in my arms. And I put my turban on the head of the first chief; and my girdle, rich in jewels and wrought with gold, I bound on the loins of the second; and the third I clothed in my own coat. And they wept, and I wept also; and the hour of prayer was arrived, and we prayed. And we mounted our horses, and came to my dwelling; and I collected my people, and made a feast.” His trusty bands were soon increased by the bravest of the tribes; he led them against a superior foe; and, after some vicissitudes of war the Getes were finally driven from the kingdom of Transoxiana. He had

    done much for his own glory; but much remained to be done, much art to be exerted, and some blood to be spilt, before he could teach his equals to obey him as their master. The birth and power of emir Houssein compelled him to accept a vicious and unworthy colleague, whose sister was the best beloved of his wives. Their union was short and jealous; but the policy of Timour, in their frequent quarrels, exposed his rival to the reproach of injustice and perfidy; and, after a final defeat, Houssein was slain by some sagacious friends, who presumed, for the last time, to disobey the commands of their lord. ^* At the age of thirty-four, ^12 and in a general diet or couroultai, he was invested with Imperial command, but he affected to revere the house of Zingis; and while the emir Timour reigned over Zagatai and the East, a nominal khan served as a private officer in the armies of his servant. A fertile kingdom, five hundred miles in length and in breadth, might have satisfied the ambition of a subject; but Timour aspired to the dominion of the world; and before his death, the crown of Zagatai was one of the twenty- seven crowns which he had placed on his head. Without expatiating on the victories of thirty-five campaigns; without describing the lines of march, which he repeatedly traced over the continent of Asia; I shall briefly represent his conquests in, I. Persia, II. Tartary, and, III. India, ^13 and from thence proceed to the more interesting narrative of his Ottoman war.

    [Footnote !: In the memoirs, the title Gurgan is in one place (p. 23) interpreted the son-in-law; in another (p. 28) as Kurkan, great prince, generalissimo, and prime minister of Jagtai. – M.]

    [Footnote 7: After relating some false and foolish tales of Timour Lenc, Arabshah is compelled to speak truth, and to own him for a kinsman of Zingis, per mulieres, (as he peevishly adds,) laqueos Satanae, (pars i. c. i. p. 25.) The testimony of Abulghazi Khan (P. ii. c. 5, P. v. c. 4) is clear, unquestionable, and decisive.]

    [Footnote 8: According to one of the pedigrees, the fourth ancestor of Zingis, and the ninth of timour, were brothers; and they agreed, that the posterity of the elder should succeed to

    the dignity of khan, and that the descendants of the younger should fill the office of their minister and general. This tradition was at least convenient to justify the first steps of Timour’s ambition, (Institutions, p. 24, 25, from the MS. fragments of Timour’s History.)]

    [Footnote 9: See the preface of Sherefeddin, and Abulfeda’s Geography, (Chorasmiae, &c., Descriptio, p. 60, 61,) in the iiid volume of Hudson’s Minor Greek Geographers.]

    [Footnote 10: See his nativity in Dr. Hyde, (Syntagma Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 466,) as it was cast by the astrologers of his grandson Ulugh Beg. He was born, A.D. 1336, April 9, 11 degrees 57 minutes. P. M., lat. 36. I know not whether they can prove the great conjunction of the planets from whence, like other conquerors and prophets, Timour derived the surname of Saheb Keran, or master of the conjunctions, (Bibliot. Orient. p. 878.)]

    [Footnote 11: In the Institutions of Timour, these subjects of the khan of Kashgar are most improperly styled Ouzbegs, or Usbeks, a name which belongs to another branch and country of Tartars, (Abulghazi, P. v. c. v. P. vii. c. 5.) Could I be sure that this word is in the Turkish original, I would boldly pronounce, that the Institutions were framed a century after the death of Timour, since the establishment of the Usbeks in Transoxiana.

    Note: Col. Stewart observes, that the Persian translator has

    sometimes made use of the name Uzbek by anticipation. He observes, likewise, that these Jits (Getes) are not to be confounded with the ancient Getae: they were unconverted Turks. Col. Tod (History of Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 166) would identify the Jits with the ancient race. – M.]

    [Footnote !!: He was twenty-seven before he served his first wars under the emir Houssein, who ruled over Khorasan and Mawerainnehr. Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 262. Neither of these statements agrees with the Memoirs. At twelve he was a boy. “I

    fancied that I perceived in myself all the signs of greatness and wisdom, and whoever came to visit me, I received with great hauteur and dignity.” At seventeen he undertook the management of the flocks and herds of the family, (p. 24.) At nineteen he became religious, and “left off playing chess,” made a kind of Budhist vow never to injure living thing and felt his foot paralyzed from having accidentally trod upon an ant, (p. 30.) At twenty, thoughts of rebellion and greatness rose in his mind; at twenty-one, he seems to have performed his first feat of arms. He was a practised warrior when he served, in his twenty-seventh year, under Emir Houssein.]

    [Footnote !!!: Compare Memoirs, page 61. The imprisonment is there stated at fifty-three days. “At this time I made a vow to God that I would never keep any person, whether guilty or innocent, for any length of time, in prison or in chains.” p. 63. – M.]

    [Footnote *: Timour, on one occasion, sent him this message: “He who wishes to embrace the bride of royalty must kiss her across the edge of the sharp sword,” p. 83. The scene of the trial of Houssein, the resistance of Timour gradually becoming more feeble, the vengeance of the chiefs becoming proportionably more determined, is strikingly portrayed. Mem. p 130 – M.] [Footnote 12: The ist book of Sherefeddin is employed on the private life of the hero: and he himself, or his secretary, (Institutions, p. 3 – 77,) enlarges with pleasure on the thirteen designs and enterprises which most truly constitute his personal merit. It even shines through the dark coloring of Arabshah, (P. i. c. 1 – 12.)]

    [Footnote 13: The conquests of Persia, Tartary, and India, are represented in the iid and iiid books of Sherefeddin, and by Arabshah, (c. 13 – 55.) Consult the excellent Indexes to the Institutions.

    Note: Compare the seventh book of Von Hammer, Geschichte des

    Osman ischen Reiches. – M.]

    1. For every war, a motive of safety or revenge, of honor

    or zeal, of right or convenience, may be readily found in the jurisprudence of conquerors. No sooner had Timour reunited to the patrimony of Zagatai the dependent countries of Carizme and Candahar, than he turned his eyes towards the kingdoms of Iran or Persia. From the Oxus to the Tigris, that extensive country was left without a lawful sovereign since the death of Abousaid, the last of the descendants of the great Holacou. Peace and justice had been banished from the land above forty years; and the Mogul invader might seem to listen to the cries of an oppressed people.

    Their petty tyrants might have opposed him with confederate arms: they separately stood, and successively fell; and the difference of their fate was only marked by the promptitude of submission or the obstinacy of resistance. Ibrahim, prince of Shirwan, or Albania, kissed the footstool of the Imperial throne. His peace-offerings of silks, horses, and jewels, were composed, according to the Tartar fashion, each article of nine pieces; but a critical spectator observed, that there were only eight slaves.

    “I myself am the ninth,” replied Ibrahim, who was prepared for the remark; and his flattery was rewarded by the smile of Timour. ^14 Shah Mansour, prince of Fars, or the proper Persia, was one of the least powerful, but most dangerous, of his enemies. In a battle under the walls of Shiraz, he broke, with three or four thousand soldiers, the coul or main body of thirty thousand horse, where the emperor fought in person. No more than fourteen or fifteen guards remained near the standard of Timour: he stood firm as a rock, and received on his helmet two weighty strokes of a cimeter: ^15 the Moguls rallied; the head of Mansour was thrown at his feet; and he declared his esteem of the valor of a foe, by extirpating all the males of so intrepid a race. From Shiraz, his troops advanced to the Persian Gulf; and the richness and weakness of Ormuz ^16 were displayed in an annual tribute of six hundred thousand dinars of gold. Bagdad was no longer the city of

    peace, the seat of the caliphs; but the noblest conquest of Holacou could not be overlooked by his ambitious successor. The whole course of the Tigris and Euphrates, from the mouth to the sources of those rivers, was reduced to his obedience: he entered Edessa; and the Turkmans of the black sheep were chastised for the sacrilegious pillage of a caravan of Mecca. In the mountains of Georgia, the native Christians still braved the law and the sword of Mahomet, by three expeditions he obtained the merit of the gazie, or holy war; and the prince of Teflis became his proselyte and friend. [Footnote 14: The reverence of the Tartars for the mysterious number of nine is declared by Abulghazi Khan, who, for that reason, divides his Genealogical History into nine parts.]

    [Footnote 15: According to Arabshah, (P. i. c. 28, p. 183,) the coward Timour ran away to his tent, and hid himself from the pursuit of Shah Mansour under the women’s garments. Perhaps Sherefeddin (l. iii. c. 25) has magnified his courage.]

    [Footnote 16: The history of Ormuz is not unlike that of Tyre. The old city, on the continent, was destroyed by the Tartars, and renewed in a neighboring island, without fresh water or vegetation. The kings of Ormuz, rich in the Indian trade and the pearl fishery, possessed large territories both in Persia and Arabia; but they were at first the tributaries of the sultans of Kerman, and at last were delivered (A.D. 1505) by the Portuguese tyrants from the tyranny of their own viziers, (Marco Polo, l. i. c. 15, 16, fol. 7, 8. Abulfeda, Geograph. tabul. xi. p. 261, 262, an original Chronicle of Ormuz, in Texeira, or Stevens’s History of Persia, p. 376 – 416, and the Itineraries inserted in the ist volume of Ramusio, of Ludovico Barthema, (1503,) fol. 167, of Andrea Corsali, (1517) fol. 202, 203, and of Odoardo Barbessa, (in 1516,) fol 313 – 318.)]

    1. A just retaliation might be urged for the invasion of

    Turkestan, or the Eastern Tartary. The dignity of Timour could not endure the impunity of the Getes: he passed the Sihoon, subdued the kingdom of Kashgar, and marched seven times

    into the heart of their country. His most distant camp was two months’ journey, or four hundred and eighty leagues to the north-east of Samarcand; and his emirs, who traversed the River Irtish, engraved in the forests of Siberia a rude memorial of their exploits. The conquest of Kipzak, or the Western Tartary, ^17 was founded on the double motive of aiding the distressed, and chastising the ungrateful. Toctamish, a fugitive prince, was entertained and protected in his court: the ambassadors of Auruss Khan were dismissed with a haughty denial, and followed on the same day by the armies of Zagatai; and their success established Toctamish in the Mogul empire of the North. But, after a reign of ten years, the new khan forgot the merits and the strength of his benefactor; the base usurper, as he deemed him, of the sacred rights of the house of Zingis. Through the gates of Derbend, he entered Persia at the head of ninety thousand horse: with the innumerable forces of Kipzak, Bulgaria, Circassia, and Russia, he passed the Sihoon, burnt the palaces of Timour, and compelled him, amidst the winter snows, to contend for Samarcand and his life. After a mild expostulation, and a glorious victory, the emperor resolved on revenge; and by the east, and the west, of the Caspian, and the Volga, he twice invaded Kipzak with such mighty powers, that thirteen miles were measured from his right to his left wing. In a march of five months, they rarely beheld the footsteps of man; and their daily subsistence was often trusted to the fortune of the chase. At length the armies encountered each other; but the treachery of the standard-bearer, who, in the heat of action, reversed the Imperial standard of Kipzak, determined the victory of the Zagatais; and Toctamish (I peak the language of the Institutions) gave the tribe of Toushi to the wind of desolation. ^18 He fled to the Christian duke of Lithuania; again returned to the banks of the Volga; and, after fifteen battles with a domestic rival, at last perished in the wilds of Siberia. The pursuit of a flying enemy carried Timour into the tributary provinces of Russia: a duke of the reigning family was made prisoner amidst the ruins of his capital; and Yeletz, by the pride and ignorance of the Orientals, might easily be confounded with the genuine metropolis of the nation. Moscow trembled at the approach of

    the Tartar, and the resistance would have been feeble, since the hopes of the Russians were placed in a miraculous image of the Virgin, to whose protection they ascribed the casual and voluntary retreat of the conqueror. Ambition and prudence recalled him to the South, the desolate country was exhausted, and the Mogul soldiers were enriched with an immense spoil of precious furs, of linen of Antioch, ^19 and of ingots of gold and silver. ^20 On the banks of the Don, or Tanais, he received an humble deputation from the consuls and merchants of Egypt, ^21 Venice, Genoa, Catalonia, and Biscay, who occupied the commerce and city of Tana, or Azoph, at the mouth of the river. They offered their gifts, admired his magnificence, and trusted his royal word. But the peaceful visit of an emir, who explored the state of the magazines and harbor, was speedily followed by the destructive presence of the Tartars. The city was reduced to ashes; the Moslems were pillaged and dismissed; but all the Christians, who had not fled to their ships, were condemned either to death or slavery. ^22 Revenge prompted him to burn the cities of Serai and Astrachan, the monuments of rising civilization; and his vanity proclaimed, that he had penetrated to the region of perpetual daylight, a strange phenomenon, which authorized his Mahometan doctors to dispense with the obligation of evening prayer. ^23 [Footnote 17: Arabshah had travelled into Kipzak, and acquired a singular knowledge of the geography, cities, and revolutions, of that northern region, (P. i. c. 45 – 49.)]

    [Footnote 18: Institutions of Timour, p. 123, 125. Mr. White, the editor, bestows some animadversion on the superficial account of Sherefeddin, (l. iii. c. 12, 13, 14,) who was ignorant of the designs of Timour, and the true springs of action.]

    [Footnote 19: The furs of Russia are more credible than the ingots. But the linen of Antioch has never been famous: and Antioch was in ruins. I suspect that it was some manufacture of Europe, which the Hanse merchants had imported by the way of Novogorod.]

    [Footnote 20: M. Levesque (Hist. de Russie, tom. ii. p. 247. Vie de Timour, p. 64 – 67, before the French version of the Institutes) has corrected the error of Sherefeddin, and marked the true limit of Timour’s conquests. His arguments are superfluous; and a simple appeal to the Russian annals is sufficient to prove that Moscow, which six years before had been taken by Toctamish, escaped the arms of a more formidable invader.] [Footnote 21: An Egyptian consul from Grand Cairo is mentioned in Barbaro’s voyage to Tana in 1436, after the city had been rebuilt, (Ramusio, tom. ii. fol. 92.)]

    [Footnote 22: The sack of Azoph is described by Sherefeddin, (l. iii. c. 55,) and much more particularly by the author of an Italian chronicle, (Andreas de Redusiis de Quero, in Chron. Tarvisiano, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xix. p. 802 – 805.) He had conversed with the Mianis, two Venetian brothers, one of whom had been sent a deputy to the camp of Timour, and the other had lost at Azoph three sons and 12,000 ducats.] [Footnote 23: Sherefeddin only says (l. iii. c. 13) that the rays of the setting, and those of the rising sun, were scarcely separated by any interval; a problem which may be solved in the latitude of Moscow, (the 56th degree,) with the aid of the Aurora Borealis, and a long summer twilight. But a day of forty days (Khondemir apud D’Herbelot, p. 880) would rigorously confine us within the polar circle.]

    III. When Timour first proposed to his princes and emirs

    the invasion of India or Hindostan, ^24 he was answered by a murmur of discontent: “The rivers! and the mountains and deserts! and the soldiers clad in armor! and the elephants, destroyers of men!” But the displeasure of the emperor was more dreadful than all these terrors; and his superior reason was convinced, that an enterprise of such tremendous aspect was safe and easy in the execution. He was informed by his spies of the weakness and anarchy of Hindostan: the soubahs of the provinces had erected the standard of rebellion; and the

    perpetual infancy of Sultan Mahmoud was despised even in the harem of Delhi. The Mogul army moved in three great divisions; and Timour observes with pleasure, that the ninety-two squadrons of a thousand horse most fortunately corresponded with the ninety-two names or epithets of the prophet Mahomet. ^* Between the Jihoon and the Indus they crossed one of the ridges of mountains, which are styled by the Arabian geographers The Stony Girdles of the Earth. The highland robbers were subdued or extirpated; but great numbers of men and horses perished in the snow; the emperor himself was let down a precipice on a portable scaffold – the ropes were one hundred and fifty cubits in length; and before he could reach the bottom, this dangerous operation was five times repeated. Timour crossed the Indus at the ordinary passage of Attok; and successively traversed, in the footsteps of Alexander, the Punjab, or five rivers, ^25 that fall into the master stream. From Attok to Delhi, the high road measures no more than six hundred miles; but the two conquerors deviated to the south-east; and the motive of Timour was to join his grandson, who had achieved by his command the conquest of Moultan. On the eastern bank of the Hyphasis, on the edge of the desert, the Macedonian hero halted and wept: the Mogul entered the desert, reduced the fortress of Batmir, and stood in arms before the gates of Delhi, a great and flourishing city, which had subsisted three centuries under the dominion of the Mahometan kings. ^! The siege, more especially of the castle, might have been a work of time; but he tempted, by the appearance of weakness, the sultan Mahmoud and his vizier to descend into the plain, with ten thousand cuirassiers, forty thousand of his foot-guards, and one hundred and twenty elephants, whose tusks are said to have been armed with sharp and poisoned daggers. Against these monsters, or rather against the imagination of his troops, he condescended to use some extraordinary precautions of fire and a ditch, of iron spikes and a rampart of bucklers; but the event taught the Moguls to smile at their own fears; and as soon as these unwieldy animals were routed, the inferior species (the men of India) disappeared from the field. Timour made his triumphal entry into the capital of Hindostan; and

    admired, with a view to imitate, the architecture of the stately mosque; but the order or license of a general pillage and massacre polluted the festival of his victory. He resolved to purify his soldiers in the blood of the idolaters, or Gentoos, who still surpass, in the proportion of ten to one, the numbers of the Moslems. ^* In this pious design, he advanced one hundred miles to the north-east of Delhi, passed the Ganges, fought several battles by land and water, and penetrated to the famous rock of Coupele, the statue of the cow, ^!! that seems to discharge the mighty river, whose source is far distant among the mountains of Thibet. ^26 His return was along the skirts of the northern hills; nor could this rapid campaign of one year justify the strange foresight of his emirs, that their children in a warm climate would degenerate into a race of Hindoos.

    [Footnote 24: For the Indian war, see the Institutions, (p. 129 – 139,) the fourth book of Sherefeddin, and the history of Ferishta, (in Dow, vol. ii. p. 1 – 20,) which throws a general light on the affairs of Hindostan.] [Footnote *: Gibbon (observes M. von Hammer) is mistaken in the correspondence of the ninety-two squadrons of his army with the ninety-two names of God: the names of God are ninety-nine. and Allah is the hundredth, p. 286, note. But Gibbon speaks of the names or epithets of Mahomet, not of God. – M] [Footnote 25: The rivers of the Punjab, the five eastern branches of the Indus, have been laid down for the first time with truth and accuracy in Major Rennel’s incomparable map of Hindostan. In this Critical Memoir he illustrates with judgment and learning the marches of Alexander and Timour.

    Note *: See vol. i. ch. ii. note 1. – M.]

    [Footnote !: They took, on their march, 100,000 slaves, Guebers they were all murdered. V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 286. They are called idolaters. Briggs’s Ferishta, vol. i. p. 491. – M]

    [Footnote *: See a curious passage on the destruction of the Hindoo idols, Memoirs, p. 15. – M.]

    [Footnote !!: Consult the very striking description of the Cow’s Mouth by Captain Hodgson, Asiat. Res. vol. xiv. p. 117. “A most wonderful scene. The B’hagiratha or Ganges issues from under a very low arch at the foot of the grand snow bed. My guide, an illiterate mountaineer compared the pendent icicles to Mahodeva’s hair.” (Compare Poems, Quarterly Rev. vol. xiv. p. 37, and at the end of my translation of Nala.) “Hindoos of research may formerly have been here; and f so. I cannot think of any place to which they might more aptly give the name of a cow’s mouth than to this extraordinary debouche – M.] [Footnote 26: The two great rivers, the Ganges and Burrampooter, rise in Thibet, from the opposite ridges of the same hills, separate from each other to the distance of 1200 miles, and, after a winding course of 2000 miles, again meet in one point near the Gulf of Bengal. Yet so capricious is Fame, that the Burrampooter is a late discovery, while his brother Ganges has been the theme of ancient and modern story Coupele, the scene of Timour’s last victory, must be situate near Loldong, 1100 miles from Calcutta; and in 1774, a British camp! (Rennel’s Memoir, p. 7, 59, 90, 91, 99.)]

    It was on the banks of the Ganges that Timour was informed,

    by his speedy messengers, of the disturbances which had arisen on the confines of Georgia and Anatolia, of the revolt of the Christians, and the ambitious designs of the sultan Bajazet. His vigor of mind and body was not impaired by sixty-three years, and innumerable fatigues; and, after enjoying some tranquil months in the palace of Samarcand, he proclaimed a new expedition of seven years into the western countries of Asia. ^27 To the soldiers who had served in the Indian war he granted the choice of remaining at home, or following their prince; but the troops of all the provinces and kingdoms of Persia were commanded to assemble at Ispahan, and wait the arrival of the Imperial standard. It was first directed against the Christians of Georgia, who were strong only in their rocks, their castles, and the winter season; but these obstacles were overcome by the zeal and perseverance of Timour: the rebels submitted to the tribute or the Koran; and

    if both religions boasted of their martyrs, that name is more justly due to the Christian prisoners, who were offered the choice of abjuration or death. On his descent from the hills, the emperor gave audience to the first ambassadors of Bajazet, and opened the hostile correspondence of complaints and menaces, which fermented two years before the final explosion. Between two jealous and haughty neighbors, the motives of quarrel will seldom be wanting.

    The Mogul and Ottoman conquests now touched each other in the neighborhood of Erzerum, and the Euphrates; nor had the doubtful limit been ascertained by time and treaty. Each of these ambitious monarchs might accuse his rival of violating his territory, of threatening his vassals, and protecting his rebels; and, by the name of rebels, each understood the fugitive princes, whose kingdoms he had usurped, and whose life or liberty he implacably pursued. The resemblance of character was still more dangerous than the opposition of interest; and in their victorious career, Timour was impatient of an equal, and Bajazet was ignorant of a superior. The first epistle ^28 of the Mogul emperor must have provoked, instead of reconciling, the Turkish sultan, whose family and nation he affected to despise. ^29 “Dost thou not know, that the greatest part of Asia is subject to our arms and our laws? that our invincible forces extend from one sea to the other? that the potentates of the earth form a line before our gate? and that we have compelled Fortune herself to watch over the prosperity of our empire. What is the foundation of thy insolence and folly? Thou hast fought some battles in the woods of Anatolia; contemptible trophies! Thou hast obtained some victories over the Christians of Europe; thy sword was blessed by the apostle of God; and thy obedience to the precept of the Koran, in waging war against the infidels, is the sole consideration that prevents us from destroying thy country, the frontier and bulwark of the Moslem world. Be wise in time; reflect; repent; and avert the thunder of our vengeance, which is yet suspended over thy head. Thou art no more than a pismire; why wilt thou seek to provoke the elephants? Alas! they will trample thee under their feet.” In his

    replies, Bajazet poured forth the indignation of a soul which was deeply stung by such unusual contempt. After retorting the basest reproaches on the thief and rebel of the desert, the Ottoman recapitulates his boasted victories in Iran, Touran, and the Indies; and labors to prove, that Timour had never triumphed unless by his own perfidy and the vices of his foes. “Thy armies are innumerable: be they so; but what are the arrows of the flying Tartar against the cimeters and battle-axes of my firm and invincible Janizaries? I will guard the princes who have implored my protection: seek them in my tents. The cities of Arzingan and Erzeroum are mine; and unless the tribute be duly paid, I will demand the arrears under the walls of Tauris and Sultania.” The ungovernable rage of the sultan at length betrayed him to an insult of a more domestic kind. “If I fly from thy arms,” said he, “may my wives be thrice divorced from my bed: but if thou hast not courage to meet me in the field, mayest thou again receive thy wives after they have thrice endured the embraces of a stranger.” ^30 Any violation by word or deed of the secrecy of the harem is an unpardonable offence among the Turkish nations; ^31 and the political quarrel of the two monarchs was imbittered by private and personal resentment. Yet in his first expedition, Timour was satisfied with the siege and destruction of Siwas or Sebaste, a strong city on the borders of Anatolia; and he revenged the indiscretion of the Ottoman, on a garrison of four thousand Armenians, who were buried alive for the brave and faithful discharge of their duty. ^! As a Mussulman, he seemed to respect the pious occupation of Bajazet, who was still engaged in the blockade of Constantinople; and after this salutary lesson, the Mogul conqueror checked his pursuit, and turned aside to the invasion of Syria and Egypt. In these transactions, the Ottoman prince, by the Orientals, and even by Timour, is styled the Kaissar of Roum, the Caesar of the Romans; a title which, by a small anticipation, might be given to a monarch who possessed the provinces, and threatened the city, of the successors of Constantine. ^32 [Footnote 27: See the Institutions, p. 141, to the end of the 1st book, and Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 1 – 16,) to the entrance of Timour into Syria.]

    [Footnote 28: We have three copies of these hostile epistles in the Institutions, (p. 147,) in Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 14,) and in Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 19 p. 183 – 201;) which agree with each other in the spirit and substance rather than in the style. It is probable, that they have been translated, with various latitude, from the Turkish original into the Arabic and Persian tongues.

    Note: Von Hammer considers the letter which Gibbon inserted

    in the text to be spurious. On the various copies of these letters, see his note, p 11 – 16. – M.]

    [Footnote 29: The Mogul emir distinguishes himself and his countrymen by the name of Turks, and stigmatizes the race and nation of Bajazet with the less honorable epithet of Turkmans. Yet I do not understand how the Ottomans could be descended from a Turkman sailor; those inland shepherds were so remote from the sea, and all maritime affairs.

    Note: Price translated the word pilot or boatman. – M.]

    [Footnote 30: According to the Koran, (c. ii. p. 27, and Sale’s Discourses, p. 134,) Mussulman who had thrice divorced his wife, (who had thrice repeated the words of a divorce,) could not take her again, till after she had been married to, and repudiated by, another husband; an ignominious transaction, which it is needless to aggravate, by supposing that the first husband must see her enjoyed by a second before his face, (Rycaut’s State of the Ottoman Empire, l. ii. c. 21.)]

    [Footnote 31: The common delicacy of the Orientals, in never speaking of their women, is ascribed in a much higher degree by Arabshah to the Turkish nations; and it is remarkable enough, that Chalcondyles (l. ii. p. 55) had some knowledge of the prejudice and the insult.

    Note: See Von Hammer, p. 308, and note, p. 621. – M.]

    [Footnote !: Still worse barbarities were perpetrated on these brave men. Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 295. – M.]

    [Footnote 32: For the style of the Moguls, see the Institutions, (p. 131, 147,) and for the Persians, the Bibliotheque Orientale, (p. 882;) but I do not find that the title of Caesar has been applied by the Arabians, or assumed by the Ottomans themselves.]

    Chapter LXV: Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His Death

    Part II.

    The military republic of the Mamalukes still reigned in

    Egypt and Syria: but the dynasty of the Turks was overthrown by that of the Circassians; ^33 and their favorite Barkok, from a slave and a prisoner, was raised and restored to the throne. In the midst of rebellion and discord, he braved the menaces, corresponded with the enemies, and detained the ambassadors, of the Mogul, who patiently expected his decease, to revenge the crimes of the father on the feeble reign of his son Farage. The Syrian emirs ^34 were assembled at Aleppo to repel the invasion: they confided in the fame and discipline of the Mamalukes, in the temper of their swords and lances of the purest steel of Damascus, in the strength of their walled cities, and in the populousness of sixty thousand villages; and instead of sustaining a siege, they threw open their gates, and arrayed their forces in the plain. But these forces were not cemented by virtue and union; and some powerful emirs had been seduced to desert or betray their more loyal companions. Timour’s front was covered with a line of Indian elephants, whose turrets were filled with archers and Greek fire: the rapid evolutions of his cavalry completed the dismay and disorder; the Syrian crowds fell back on each

    other: many thousands were stifled or slaughtered in the entrance of the great street; the Moguls entered with the fugitives; and after a short defence, the citadel, the impregnable citadel of Aleppo, was surrendered by cowardice or treachery. Among the suppliants and captives, Timour distinguished the doctors of the law, whom he invited to the dangerous honor of a personal conference. ^35 The Mogul prince was a zealous Mussulman; but his Persian schools had taught him to revere the memory of Ali and Hosein; and he had imbibed a deep prejudice against the Syrians, as the enemies of the son of the daughter of the apostle of God. To these doctors he proposed a captious question, which the casuists of Bochara, Samarcand, and Herat, were incapable of resolving. “Who are the true martyrs, of those who are slain on my side, or on that of my enemies?” But he was silenced, or satisfied, by the dexterity of one of the cadhis of Aleppo, who replied in the words of Mahomet himself, that the motive, not the ensign, constitutes the martyr; and that the Moslems of either party, who fight only for the glory of God, may deserve that sacred appellation. The true succession of the caliphs was a controversy of a still more delicate nature; and the frankness of a doctor, too honest for his situation, provoked the emperor to exclaim, “Ye are as false as those of Damascus: Moawiyah was a usurper, Yezid a tyrant, and Ali alone is the lawful successor of the prophet.” A prudent explanation restored his tranquillity; and he passed to a more familiar topic of conversation. “What is your age?” said he to the cadhi. “Fifty years.” – “It would be the age of my eldest son: you see me here (continued Timour) a poor lame, decrepit mortal. Yet by my arm has the Almighty been pleased to subdue the kingdoms of Iran, Touran, and the Indies. I am not a man of blood; and God is my witness, that in all my wars I have never been the aggressor, and that my enemies have always been the authors of their own calamity.” During this peaceful conversation the streets of Aleppo streamed with blood, and reechoed with the cries of mothers and children, with the shrieks of violated virgins. The rich plunder that was abandoned to his soldiers might stimulate their avarice; but their cruelty was enforced by the peremptory command of producing an adequate

    number of heads, which, according to his custom, were curiously piled in columns and pyramids: the Moguls celebrated the feast of victory, while the surviving Moslems passed the night in tears and in chains. I shall not dwell on the march of the destroyer from Aleppo to Damascus, where he was rudely encountered, and almost overthrown, by the armies of Egypt. A retrograde motion was imputed to his distress and despair: one of his nephews deserted to the enemy; and Syria rejoiced in the tale of his defeat, when the sultan was driven by the revolt of the Mamalukes to escape with precipitation and shame to his palace of Cairo. Abandoned by their prince, the inhabitants of Damascus still defended their walls; and Timour consented to raise the siege, if they would adorn his retreat with a gift or ransom; each article of nine pieces. But no sooner had he introduced himself into the city, under color of a truce, than he perfidiously violated the treaty; imposed a contribution of ten millions of gold; and animated his troops to chastise the posterity of those Syrians who had executed, or approved, the murder of the grandson of Mahomet. A family which had given honorable burial to the head of Hosein, and a colony of artificers, whom he sent to labor at Samarcand, were alone reserved in the general massacre, and after a period of seven centuries, Damascus was reduced to ashes, because a Tartar was moved by religious zeal to avenge the blood of an Arab. The losses and fatigues of the campaign obliged Timour to renounce the conquest of Palestine and Egypt; but in his return to the Euphrates he delivered Aleppo to the flames; and justified his pious motive by the pardon and reward of two thousand sectaries of Ali, who were desirous to visit the tomb of his son.

    I have expatiated on the personal anecdotes which mark the character of the Mogul hero; but I shall briefly mention, ^36 that he erected on the ruins of Bagdad a pyramid of ninety thousand heads; again visited Georgia; encamped on the banks of Araxes; and proclaimed his resolution of marching against the Ottoman emperor. Conscious of the importance of the war, he collected his forces from every province: eight hundred thousand men were enrolled on his military list; ^37

    but the splendid commands of five, and ten, thousand horse, may be rather expressive of the rank and pension of the chiefs, than of the genuine number of effective soldiers. ^38 In the pillage of Syria, the Moguls had acquired immense riches: but the delivery of their pay and arrears for seven years more firmly attached them to the Imperial standard.

    [Footnote 33: See the reigns of Barkok and Pharadge, in M. De Guignes, (tom. iv. l. xxii.,) who, from the Arabic texts of Aboulmahasen, Ebn (Schounah, and Aintabi, has added some facts to our common stock of materials.] [Footnote 34: For these recent and domestic transactions, Arabshah, though a partial, is a credible, witness, (tom. i. c. 64 – 68, tom. ii. c. 1 – 14.) Timour must have been odious to a Syrian; but the notoriety of facts would have obliged him, in some measure, to respect his enemy and himself. His bitters may correct the luscious sweets of Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 17 – 29)] [Footnote 35: These interesting conversations appear to have been copied by Arabshah (tom. i. c. 68, p. 625 – 645) from the cadhi and historian Ebn Schounah, a principal actor. Yet how could he be alive seventy-five years afterwards? (D’Herbelot, p. 792.)]

    [Footnote 36: The marches and occupations of Timour between the Syrian and Ottoman wars are represented by Sherefeddin (l. v. c. 29 – 43) and Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 15 – 18.)]

    [Footnote 37: This number of 800,000 was extracted by Arabshah, or rather by Ebn Schounah, ex rationario Timuri, on the faith of a Carizmian officer, (tom. i. c. 68, p. 617;) and it is remarkable enough, that a Greek historian (Phranza, l. i. c. 29) adds no more than 20,000 men. Poggius reckons 1,000,000; another Latin contemporary (Chron. Tarvisianum, apud Muratori, tom. xix. p. 800) 1,100,000; and the enormous sum of 1,600,000 is attested by a German soldier, who was present at the battle of Angora, (Leunclay. ad Chalcondyl. l. iii. p. 82.) Timour, in his Institutions, has not deigned to calculate his troops, his subjects, or his revenues.]

    [Footnote 38: A wide latitude of non-effectives was allowed by the Great Mogul for his own pride and the benefit of his officers. Bernier’s patron was Penge-Hazari, commander of 5000 horse; of which he maintained no more than 500, (Voyages, tom. i. p. 288, 289.)]

    During this diversion of the Mogul arms, Bajazet had two

    years to collect his forces for a more serious encounter. They consisted of four hundred thousand horse and foot, ^39 whose merit and fidelity were of an unequal complexion. We may discriminate the Janizaries, who have been gradually raised to an establishment of forty thousand men; a national cavalry, the Spahis of modern times; twenty thousand cuirassiers of Europe, clad in black and impenetrable armor; the troops of Anatolia, whose princes had taken refuge in the camp of Timour, and a colony of Tartars, whom he had driven from Kipzak, and to whom Bajazet had assigned a settlement in the plains of Adrianople. The fearless confidence of the sultan urged him to meet his antagonist; and, as if he had chosen that spot for revenge, he displayed his banner near the ruins of the unfortunate Suvas. In the mean while, Timour moved from the Araxes through the countries of Armenia and Anatolia: his boldness was secured by the wisest precautions; his speed was guided by order and discipline; and the woods, the mountains, and the rivers, were diligently explored by the flying squadrons, who marked his road and preceded his standard. Firm in his plan of fighting in the heart of the Ottoman kingdom, he avoided their camp; dexterously inclined to the left; occupied Caesarea; traversed the salt desert and the River Halys; and invested Angora: while the sultan, immovable and ignorant in his post, compared the Tartar swiftness to the crawling of a snail; ^40 he returned on the wings of indignation to the relief of Angora: and as both generals were alike impatient for action, the plains round that city were the scene of a memorable battle, which has immortalized the glory of Timour and the shame of Bajazet. For this signal victory the Mogul emperor was indebted to himself, to the genius of the moment, and the discipline of

    thirty years. He had improved the tactics, without violating the manners, of his nation, ^41 whose force still consisted in the missile weapons, and rapid evolutions, of a numerous cavalry. From a single troop to a great army, the mode of attack was the same: a foremost line first advanced to the charge, and was supported in a just order by the squadrons of the great vanguard. The general’s eye watched over the field, and at his command the front and rear of the right and left wings successively moved forwards in their several divisions, and in a direct or oblique line: the enemy was pressed by eighteen or twenty attacks; and each attack afforded a chance of victory. If they all proved fruitless or unsuccessful, the occasion was worthy of the emperor himself, who gave the signal of advancing to the standard and main body, which he led in person. ^42 But in the battle of Angora, the main body itself was supported, on the flanks and in the rear, by the bravest squadrons of the reserve, commanded by the sons and grandsons of Timour. The conqueror of Hindostan ostentatiously showed a line of elephants, the trophies, rather than the instruments, of victory; the use of the Greek fire was familiar to the Moguls and Ottomans; but had they borrowed from Europe the recent invention of gunpowder and cannon, the artificial thunder, in the hands of either nation, must have turned the fortune of the day. ^43 In that day Bajazet displayed the qualities of a soldier and a chief: but his genius sunk under a stronger ascendant; and, from various motives, the greatest part of his troops failed him in the decisive moment. His rigor and avarice ^* had provoked a mutiny among the Turks; and even his son Soliman too hastily withdrew from the field. The forces of Anatolia, loyal in their revolt, were drawn away to the banners of their lawful princes. His Tartar allies had been tempted by the letters and emissaries of Timour; ^44 who reproached their ignoble servitude under the slaves of their fathers; and offered to their hopes the dominion of their new, or the liberty of their ancient, country. In the right wing of Bajazet the cuirassiers of Europe charged, with faithful hearts and irresistible arms: but these men of iron were soon broken by an artful flight and headlong pursuit; and the Janizaries, alone, without cavalry or missile

    weapons, were encompassed by the circle of the Mogul hunters. Their valor was at length oppressed by heat, thirst, and the weight of numbers; and the unfortunate sultan, afflicted with the gout in his hands and feet, was transported from the field on the fleetest of his horses. He was pursued and taken by the titular khan of Zagatai; and, after his capture, and the defeat of the Ottoman powers, the kingdom of Anatolia submitted to the conqueror, who planted his standard at Kiotahia, and dispersed on all sides the ministers of rapine and destruction. Mirza Mehemmed Sultan, the eldest and best beloved of his grandsons, was despatched to Boursa, with thirty thousand horse; and such was his youthful ardor, that he arrived with only four thousand at the gates of the capital, after performing in five days a march of two hundred and thirty miles. Yet fear is still more rapid in its course; and Soliman, the son of Bajazet, had already passed over to Europe with the royal treasure. The spoil, however, of the palace and city was immense: the inhabitants had escaped; but the buildings, for the most part of wood, were reduced to ashes From Boursa, the grandson of Timour advanced to Nice, ever yet a fair and flourishing city; and the Mogul squadrons were only stopped by the waves of the Propontis. The same success attended the other mirzas and emirs in their excursions; and Smyrna, defended by the zeal and courage of the Rhodian knights, alone deserved the presence of the emperor himself. After an obstinate defence, the place was taken by storm: all that breathed was put to the sword; and the heads of the Christian heroes were launched from the engines, on board of two carracks, or great ships of Europe, that rode at anchor in the harbor. The Moslems of Asia rejoiced in their deliverance from a dangerous and domestic foe; and a parallel was drawn between the two rivals, by observing that Timour, in fourteen days, had reduced a fortress which had sustained seven years the siege, or at least the blockade, of Bajazet. ^45

    [Footnote 39: Timour himself fixes at 400,000 men the Ottoman army, (Institutions, p. 153,) which is reduced to 150,000 by Phranza, (l. i. c. 29,) and swelled by the German

    soldier to 1,400,000. It is evident that the Moguls were the more numerous.]

    [Footnote 40: It may not be useless to mark the distances between Angora and the neighboring cities, by the journeys of the caravans, each of twenty or twenty-five miles; to Smyrna xx., to Kiotahia x., to Boursa x., to Caesarea, viii., to Sinope x., to Nicomed a ix., to Constantinople xii. or xiii., (see Tournefort, Voyage au Levant, tom. ii. lettre xxi.)]

    [Footnote 41: See the Systems of Tactics in the Institutions, which the English editors have illustrated with elaborate plans, (p. 373 – 407.)] [Footnote 42: The sultan himself (says Timour) must then put the foot of courage into the stirrup of patience. A Tartar metaphor, which is lost in the English, but preserved in the French, version of the Institutes, (p. 156, 157.)]

    [Footnote 43: The Greek fire, on Timour’s side, is attested by Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 47;) but Voltaire’s strange suspicion, that some cannon, inscribed with strange characters, must have been sent by that monarch to Delhi, is refuted by the universal silence of contemporaries.]

    [Footnote *: See V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 310, for the singular hints which were conveyed to him of the wisdom of unlocking his hoarded treasures. – M.] [Footnote 44: Timour has dissembled this secret and important negotiation with the Tartars, which is indisputably proved by the joint evidence of the Arabian, (tom. i. c. 47, p. 391,) Turkish, (Annal. Leunclav. p. 321,) and Persian historians, (Khondemir, apud d’Herbelot, p. 882.)] [Footnote 45: For the war of Anatolia or Roum, I add some hints in the Institutions, to the copious narratives of Sherefeddin (l. v. c. 44 – 65) and Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 20 – 35.) On this part only of Timour’s history it is lawful to quote the Turks, (Cantemir, p. 53 – 55, Annal. Leunclav. p. 320 – 322,) and the Greeks, (Phranza, l. i. c. 59, Ducas, c. 15 – 17, Chalcondyles, l. iii.)]

    The iron cage in which Bajazet was imprisoned by Tamerlane,

    so long and so often repeated as a moral lesson, is now rejected as a fable by the modern writers, who smile at the vulgar credulity. ^46 They appeal with confidence to the Persian history of Sherefeddin Ali, which has been given to our curiosity in a French version, and from which I shall collect and abridge a more specious narrative of this memorable transaction. No sooner was Timour informed that the captive Ottoman was at the door of his tent, than he graciously stepped forwards to receive him, seated him by his side, and mingled with just reproaches a soothing pity for his rank and misfortune. “Alas!” said the emperor, “the decree of fate is now accomplished by your own fault; it is the web which you have woven, the thorns of the tree which yourself have planted. I wished to spare, and even to assist, the champion of the Moslems; you braved our threats; you despised our friendship; you forced us to enter your kingdom with our invincible armies. Behold the event. Had you vanquished, I am not ignorant of the fate which you reserved for myself and my troops. But I disdain to retaliate: your life and honor are secure; and I shall express my gratitude to God by my clemency to man.” The royal captive showed some signs of repentance, accepted the humiliation of a robe of honor, and embraced with tears his son Mousa, who, at his request, was sought and found among the captives of the field. The Ottoman princes were lodged in a splendid pavilion; and the respect of the guards could be surpassed only by their vigilance. On the arrival of the harem from Boursa, Timour restored the queen Despina and her daughter to their father and husband; but he piously required, that the Servian princess, who had hitherto been indulged in the profession of Christianity, should embrace without delay the religion of the prophet. In the feast of victory, to which Bajazet was invited, the Mogul emperor placed a crown on his head and a sceptre in his hand, with a solemn assurance of restoring him with an increase of glory to the throne of his ancestors. But the effect of his promise was disappointed by the sultan’s untimely

    death: amidst the care of the most skilful physicians, he expired of an apoplexy at Akshehr, the Antioch of Pisidia, about nine months after his defeat. The victor dropped a tear over his grave: his body, with royal pomp, was conveyed to the mausoleum which he had erected at Boursa; and his son Mousa, after receiving a rich present of gold and jewels, of horses and arms, was invested by a patent in red ink with the kingdom of Anatolia. [Footnote 46: The scepticism of Voltaire (Essai sur l’Histoire Generale, c. 88) is ready on this, as on every occasion, to reject a popular tale, and to diminish the magnitude of vice and virtue; and on most occasions his incredulity is reasonable.]

    Such is the portrait of a generous conqueror, which has been

    extracted from his own memorials, and dedicated to his son and grandson, nineteen years after his decease; ^47 and, at a time when the truth was remembered by thousands, a manifest falsehood would have implied a satire on his real conduct. Weighty indeed is this evidence, adopted by all the Persian histories; ^48 yet flattery, more especially in the East, is base and audacious; and the harsh and ignominious treatment of Bajazet is attested by a chain of witnesses, some of whom shall be produced in the order of their time and country. 1. The reader has not forgot the garrison of French, whom the marshal Boucicault left behind him for the defence of Constantinople. They were on the spot to receive the earliest and most faithful intelligence of the overthrow of their great adversary; and it is more than probable, that some of them accompanied the Greek embassy to the camp of Tamerlane. From their account, the hardships of the prison and death of Bajazet are affirmed by the marshal’s servant and historian, within the distance of seven years. ^49 2. The name of Poggius the Italian ^50 is deservedly famous among the revivers of learning in the fifteenth century. His elegant dialogue on the vicissitudes of fortune ^51 was composed in his fiftieth year, twenty-eight years after the Turkish victory of Tamerlane; ^52 whom he celebrates as not inferior to the illustrious Barbarians of antiquity. Of his exploits and discipline Poggius

    was informed by several ocular witnesses; nor does he forget an example so apposite to his theme as the Ottoman monarch, whom the Scythian confined like a wild beast in an iron cage, and exhibited a spectacle to Asia. I might add the authority of two Italian chronicles, perhaps of an earlier date, which would prove at least that the same story, whether false or true, was imported into Europe with the first tidings of the revolution. ^53 3. At the time when Poggius flourished at Rome, Ahmed Ebn Arabshah composed at Damascus the florid and malevolent history of Timour, for which he had collected materials in his journeys over Turkey and Tartary. ^54 Without any possible correspondence between the Latin and the Arabian writer, they agree in the fact of the iron cage; and their agreement is a striking proof of their common veracity. Ahmed Arabshah likewise relates another outrage, which Bajazet endured, of a more domestic and tender nature. His indiscreet mention of women and divorces was deeply resented by the jealous Tartar: in the feast of victory the wine was served by female cupbearers, and the sultan beheld his own concubines and wives confounded among the slaves, and exposed without a veil to the eyes of intemperance. To escape a similar indignity, it is said that his successors, except in a single instance, have abstained from legitimate nuptials; and the Ottoman practice and belief, at least in the sixteenth century, is asserted by the observing Busbequius, ^55 ambassador from the court of Vienna to the great Soliman. 4. Such is the separation of language, that the testimony of a Greek is not less independent than that of a Latin or an Arab. I suppress the names of Chalcondyles and Ducas, who flourished in the latter period, and who speak in a less positive tone; but more attention is due to George Phranza, ^56 protovestiare of the last emperors, and who was born a year before the battle of Angora. Twenty-two years after that event, he was sent ambassador to Amurath the Second; and the historian might converse with some veteran Janizaries, who had been made prisoners with the sultan, and had themselves seen him in his iron cage. 5. The last evidence, in every sense, is that of the Turkish annals, which have been consulted or transcribed by Leunclavius, Pocock, and Cantemir. ^57 They

    unanimously deplore the captivity of the iron cage; and some credit may be allowed to national historians, who cannot stigmatize the Tartar without uncovering the shame of their king and country. [Footnote 47: See the History of Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 49, 52, 53, 59, 60.) This work was finished at Shiraz, in the year 1424, and dedicated to Sultan Ibrahim, the son of Sharokh, the son of Timour, who reigned in Farsistan in his father’s lifetime.]

    [Footnote 48: After the perusal of Khondemir, Ebn Schounah, &c., the learned D’Herbelot (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 882) may affirm, that this fable is not mentioned in the most authentic histories; but his denial of the visible testimony of Arabshah leaves some room to suspect his accuracy.] [Footnote 49: Et fut lui-meme (Bajazet) pris, et mene en prison, en laquelle mourut de dure mort! Memoires de Boucicault, P. i. c. 37. These Memoirs were composed while the marshal was still governor of Genoa, from whence he was expelled in the year 1409, by a popular insurrection, (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xii. p. 473, 474.)]

    [Footnote 50: The reader will find a satisfactory account of the life and writings of Poggius in the Poggiana, an entertaining work of M. Lenfant, and in the Bibliotheca Latina Mediae et Infimae Aetatis of Fabricius, (tom. v. p. 305 – 308.) Poggius was born in the year 1380, and died in 1459.] [Footnote 51: The dialogue de Varietate Fortunae, (of which a complete and elegant edition has been published at Paris in 1723, in 4to.,) was composed a short time before the death of Pope Martin V., (p. 5,) and consequently about the end of the year 1430.]

    [Footnote 52: See a splendid and eloquent encomium of Tamerlane, p. 36 – 39 ipse enim novi (says Poggius) qui fuere in ejus castris . . . . Regen vivum cepit, caveaque in modum ferae inclusum per omnem Asian circumtulit egregium admirandumque spectaculum fortunae.]

    [Footnote 53: The Chronicon Tarvisianum, (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum tom. xix. p. 800,) and the Annales Estenses, (tom. xviii. p. 974.) The two authors, Andrea de Redusiis de

    Quero, and James de Delayto, were both contemporaries, and both chancellors, the one of Trevigi, the other of Ferrara. The evidence of the former is the most positive.] [Footnote 54: See Arabshah, tom. ii. c. 28, 34. He travelled in regiones Romaeas, A. H. 839, (A.D. 1435, July 27,) tom. i. c. 2, p. 13.] [Footnote 55: Busbequius in Legatione Turcica, epist. i. p. 52. Yet his respectable authority is somewhat shaken by the subsequent marriages of Amurath II. with a Servian, and of Mahomet II. with an Asiatic, princess, (Cantemir, p. 83, 93.)]

    [Footnote 56: See the testimony of George Phranza, (l. i. c. 29,) and his life in Hanckius (de Script. Byzant. P. i. c. 40.) Chalcondyles and Ducas speak in general terms of Bajazet’s chains.]

    [Footnote 57: Annales Leunclav. p. 321. Pocock, Prolegomen. ad Abulpharag Dynast. Cantemir, p. 55.

    Note: Von Hammer, p. 318, cites several authorities unknown

    to Gibbon – M]

    From these opposite premises, a fair and moderate conclusion

    may be deduced. I am satisfied that Sherefeddin Ali has faithfully described the first ostentatious interview, in which the conqueror, whose spirits were harmonized by success, affected the character of generosity. But his mind was insensibly alienated by the unseasonable arrogance of Bajazet; the complaints of his enemies, the Anatolian princes, were just and vehement; and Timour betrayed a design of leading his royal captive in triumph to Samarcand. An attempt to facilitate his escape, by digging a mine under the tent, provoked the Mogul emperor to impose a harsher restraint; and in his perpetual marches, an iron cage on a wagon might be invented, not as a wanton insult, but as a rigorous precaution. Timour had read in some fabulous history a similar treatment of one of his predecessors, a king of Persia; and Bajazet was condemned to represent the person, and expiate the guilt, of

    the Roman Caesar ^58 ^* But the strength of his mind and body fainted under the trial, and his premature death might, without injustice, be ascribed to the severity of Timour. He warred not with the dead: a tear and a sepulchre were all that he could bestow on a captive who was delivered from his power; and if Mousa, the son of Bajazet, was permitted to reign over the ruins of Boursa, the greatest part of the province of Anatolia had been restored by the conqueror to their lawful sovereigns.

    [Footnote 58: Sapor, king of Persia, had been made prisoner, and enclosed in the figure of a cow’s hide by Maximian or Galerius Caesar. Such is the fable related by Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p. 421, vers. Pocock. The recollection of the true history (Decline and Fall, &c., vol. ii. p 140 – 152) will teach us to appreciate the knowledge of the Orientals of the ages which precede the Hegira.]

    [Footnote *: Von Hammer’s explanation of this contested point is both simple and satisfactory. It originates in a mistake in the meaning of the Turkish word kafe, which means a covered litter or palanquin drawn by two horses, and is generally used to convey the harem of an Eastern monarch. In such a litter, with the lattice-work made of iron, Bajazet either chose or was constrained to travel. This was either mistaken for, or transformed by, ignorant relaters into a cage. The European Schiltberger, the two oldest of the Turkish historians, and the most valuable of the later compilers, Seadeddin, describe this litter. Seadeddin discusses the question with some degree of historical criticism, and ascribes the choice of such a vehicle to the indignant state of Bajazet’s mind, which would not brook the sight of his Tartar conquerors. Von Hammer, p. 320. – M.]

    From the Irtish and Volga to the Persian Gulf, and from the

    Ganges to Damascus and the Archipelago, Asia was in the hand of Timour: his armies were invincible, his ambition was boundless, and his zeal might aspire to conquer and convert

    the Christian kingdoms of the West, which already trembled at his name. He touched the utmost verge of the land; but an insuperable, though narrow, sea rolled between the two continents of Europe and Asia; ^59 and the lord of so many tomans, or myriads, of horse, was not master of a single galley. The two passages of the Bosphorus and Hellespont, of Constantinople and Gallipoli, were possessed, the one by the Christians, the other by the Turks. On this great occasion, they forgot the difference of religion, to act with union and firmness in the common cause: the double straits were guarded with ships and fortifications; and they separately withheld the transports which Timour demanded of either nation, under the pretence of attacking their enemy. At the same time, they soothed his pride with tributary gifts and suppliant embassies, and prudently tempted him to retreat with the honors of victory. Soliman, the son of Bajazet, implored his clemency for his father and himself; accepted, by a red patent, the investiture of the kingdom of Romania, which he already held by the sword; and reiterated his ardent wish, of casting himself in person at the feet of the king of the world. The Greek emperor ^60 (either John or Manuel) submitted to pay the same tribute which he had stipulated with the Turkish sultan, and ratified the treaty by an oath of allegiance, from which he could absolve his conscience so soon as the Mogul arms had retired from Anatolia. But the fears and fancy of nations ascribed to the ambitious Tamerlane a new design of vast and romantic compass; a design of subduing Egypt and Africa, marching from the Nile to the Atlantic Ocean, entering Europe by the Straits of Gibraltar, and, after imposing his yoke on the kingdoms of Christendom, of returning home by the deserts of Russia and Tartary. This remote, and perhaps imaginary, danger was averted by the submission of the sultan of Egypt: the honors of the prayer and the coin attested at Cairo the supremacy of Timour; and a rare gift of a giraffe, or camelopard, and nine ostriches, represented at Samarcand the tribute of the African world. Our imagination is not less astonished by the portrait of a Mogul, who, in his camp before Smyrna, meditates, and almost accomplishes, the invasion of the Chinese empire. ^61 Timour was urged to this enterprise

    by national honor and religious zeal. The torrents which he had shed of Mussulman blood could be expiated only by an equal destruction of the infidels; and as he now stood at the gates of paradise, he might best secure his glorious entrance by demolishing the idols of China, founding mosques in every city, and establishing the profession of faith in one God, and his prophet Mahomet. The recent expulsion of the house of Zingis was an insult on the Mogul name; and the disorders of the empire afforded the fairest opportunity for revenge. The illustrious Hongvou, founder of the dynasty of Ming, died four years before the battle of Angora; and his grandson, a weak and unfortunate youth, was burnt in his palace, after a million of Chinese had perished in the civil war. ^62 Before he evacuated Anatolia, Timour despatched beyond the Sihoon a numerous army, or rather colony, of his old and new subjects, to open the road, to subdue the Pagan Calmucks and Mungals, and to found cities and magazines in the desert; and, by the diligence of his lieutenant, he soon received a perfect map and description of the unknown regions, from the source of the Irtish to the wall of China. During these preparations, the emperor achieved the final conquest of Georgia; passed the winter on the banks of the Araxes; appeased the troubles of Persia; and slowly returned to his capital, after a campaign of four years and nine months. [Footnote 59: Arabshah (tom. ii. c. 25) describes, like a curious traveller, the Straits of Gallipoli and Constantinople. To acquire a just idea of these events, I have compared the narratives and prejudices of the Moguls, Turks, Greeks, and Arabians. The Spanish ambassador mentions this hostile union of the Christians and Ottomans, (Vie de Timour, p. 96.)]

    [Footnote 60: Since the name of Caesar had been transferred to the sultans of Roum, the Greek princes of Constantinople (Sherefeddin, l. v. c. 54 were confounded with the Christian lords of Gallipoli, Thessalonica, &c. under the title of Tekkur, which is derived by corruption from the genitive, (Cantemir, p. 51.)]

    [Footnote 61: See Sherefeddin, l. v. c. 4, who marks, in a just itinerary, the road to China, which Arabshah (tom. ii. c. 33) paints in vague and rhetorical colors.]

    [Footnote 62: Synopsis Hist. Sinicae, p. 74 – 76, (in the ivth part of the Relations de Thevenot,) Duhalde, Hist. de la Chine, (tom. i. p. 507, 508, folio edition;) and for the Chronology of the Chinese emperors, De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, (tom. i. p. 71, 72.)]

    Chapter LXV: Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His Death. Part III.

    On the throne of Samarcand, ^63 he displayed, in a short repose, his magnificence and power; listened to the complaints of the people; distributed a just measure of rewards and punishments; employed his riches in the architecture of palaces and temples; and gave audience to the ambassadors of Egypt, Arabia, India, Tartary, Russia, and Spain, the last of whom presented a suit of tapestry which eclipsed the pencil of the Oriental artists. The marriage of six of the emperor’s grandsons was esteemed an act of religion as well as of paternal tenderness; and the pomp of the ancient caliphs was revived in their nuptials. They were celebrated in the gardens of Canighul, decorated with innumerable tents and pavilions, which displayed the luxury of a great city and the spoils of a victorious camp. Whole forests were cut down to supply fuel for the kitchens; the plain was spread with pyramids of meat, and vases of every liquor, to which thousands of guests were courteously invited: the orders of the state, and the nations of the earth, were marshalled at the royal banquet; nor were the ambassadors of Europe (says the haughty Persian) excluded from the feast; since even the casses, the smallest of fish, find

    their place in the ocean. ^64 The public joy was testified by illuminations and masquerades; the trades of Samarcand passed in review; and every trade was emulous to execute some quaint device, some marvellous pageant, with the materials of their peculiar art. After the marriage contracts had been ratified by the cadhis, the bride-grooms and their brides retired to the nuptial chambers: nine times, according to the Asiatic fashion, they were dressed and undressed; and at each change of apparel, pearls and rubies were showered on their heads, and contemptuously abandoned to their attendants. A general indulgence was proclaimed: every law was relaxed, every pleasure was allowed; the people was free, the sovereign was idle; and the historian of Timour may remark, that, after devoting fifty years to the attainment of empire, the only happy period of his life were the two months in which he ceased to exercise his power. But he was soon awakened to the cares of government and war. The standard was unfurled for the invasion of China: the emirs made their report of two hundred thousand, the select and veteran soldiers of Iran and Touran: their baggage and provisions were transported by five hundred great wagons, and an immense train of horses and camels; and the troops might prepare for a long absence, since more than six months were employed in the tranquil journey of a caravan from Samarcand to Pekin. Neither age, nor the severity of the winter, could retard the impatience of Timour; he mounted on horseback, passed the Sihoon on the ice, marched seventy-six parasangs, three hundred miles, from his capital, and pitched his last camp in the neighborhood of Otrar, where he was expected by the angel of death. Fatigue, and the indiscreet use of iced water, accelerated the progress of his fever; and the conqueror of Asia expired in the seventieth year of his age, thirty-five years after he had ascended the throne of Zagatai. His designs were lost; his armies were disbanded; China was saved; and fourteen years after his decease, the most powerful of his children sent an embassy of friendship and commerce to the court of Pekin. ^65 [Footnote 63: For the return, triumph, and death of Timour, see Sherefeddin (l. vi. c. 1 – 30) and Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 36 – 47.)]

    [Footnote 64: Sherefeddin (l. vi. c. 24) mentions the ambassadors of one of the most potent sovereigns of Europe. We know that it was Henry III. king of Castile; and the curious relation of his two embassies is still extant, (Mariana, Hist. Hispan. l. xix. c. 11, tom. ii. p. 329, 330. Avertissement a l’Hist. de Timur Bec, p. 28 – 33.) There appears likewise to have been some correspondence between the Mogul emperor and the court of Charles VII. king of France, (Histoire de France, par Velly et Villaret, tom. xii. p. 336.)] [Footnote 65: See the translation of the Persian account of their embassy, a curious and original piece, (in the ivth part of the Relations de Thevenot.) They presented the emperor of China with an old horse which Timour had formerly rode. It was in the year 1419 that they departed from the court of Herat, to which place they returned in 1422 from Pekin.]

    The fame of Timour has pervaded the East and West: his posterity is still invested with the Imperial title; and the admiration of his subjects, who revered him almost as a deity, may be justified in some degree by the praise or confession of his bitterest enemies. ^66 Although he was lame of a hand and foot, his form and stature were not unworthy of his rank; and his vigorous health, so essential to himself and to the world, was corroborated by temperance and exercise. In his familiar discourse he was grave and modest, and if he was ignorant of the Arabic language, he spoke with fluency and elegance the Persian and Turkish idioms. It was his delight to converse with the learned on topics of history and science; and the amusement of his leisure hours was the game of chess, which he improved or corrupted with new refinements. ^67 In his religion he was a zealous, though not perhaps an orthodox, Mussulman; ^68 but his sound understanding may tempt us to believe, that a superstitious reverence for omens and prophecies, for saints and astrologers, was only affected as an instrument of policy. In the government of a vast empire, he stood alone and absolute, without a rebel to oppose his power, a favorite to seduce his affections, or a minister to mislead his judgment. It was his firmest maxim, that whatever might be the consequence, the word of the prince should never be disputed or recalled; but his foes have maliciously observed, that the commands of anger and destruction were more strictly executed than those of beneficence and favor. His sons and grandsons, of whom Timour left six-and-thirty at his decease, were his first and most submissive subjects; and whenever they deviated from their duty, they were corrected, according to the laws of Zingis, with the bastinade, and afterwards restored to honor and command. Perhaps his heart was not devoid of the social virtues; perhaps he was not incapable of loving his friends and pardoning his enemies; but the rules of morality are founded on the public interest; and it may be sufficient to applaud the wisdom of a monarch, for the liberality by which he is not impoverished, and for the justice by which he is strengthened and enriched. To maintain the harmony of authority and obedience, to chastise the proud, to protect the weak, to reward the deserving, to banish vice and idleness from his dominions, to secure the traveller and merchant, to restrain the depredations of the soldier, to cherish the labors of the husbandman, to encourage industry and learning, and, by an equal and moderate assessment, to increase the revenue, without increasing the taxes, are indeed the duties of a prince; but, in the discharge of these duties, he finds an ample and immediate recompense. Timour might boast, that, at his accession to the throne, Asia was the prey of anarchy and rapine, whilst under his prosperous monarchy a child, fearless and unhurt, might carry a purse of gold from the East to the West. Such was his confidence of merit, that from this reformation he derived an excuse for his victories, and a title to universal dominion. The four following observations will serve to appreciate his claim to the public gratitude; and perhaps we shall conclude, that the Mogul emperor was rather the scourge than the benefactor of mankind. 1. If some partial disorders, some local oppressions, were healed by the sword of Timour, the remedy was far more pernicious than the disease. By their rapine, cruelty, and discord, the petty tyrants of Persia might afflict their subjects; but whole nations were crushed under the footsteps of the reformer. The ground which had been occupied by flourishing cities was often marked by his abominable trophies, by columns, or pyramids, of human heads.

    Astracan, Carizme, Delhi, Ispahan, Bagdad, Aleppo, Damascus, Boursa, Smyrna, and a thousand others, were sacked, or burnt, or utterly destroyed, in his presence, and by his troops: and perhaps his conscience would have been startled, if a priest or philosopher had dared to number the millions of victims whom he had sacrificed to the establishment of peace and order. ^69 2. His most destructive wars were rather inroads than conquests. He invaded Turkestan, Kipzak, Russia, Hindostan, Syria, Anatolia, Armenia, and Georgia, without a hope or a desire of preserving those distant provinces. From thence he departed laden with spoil; but he left behind him neither troops to awe the contumacious, nor magistrates to protect the obedient, natives. When he had broken the fabric of their ancient government, he abandoned them to the evils which his invasion had aggravated or caused; nor were these evils compensated by any present or possible benefits. 3. The kingdoms of Transoxiana and Persia were the proper field which he labored to cultivate and adorn, as the perpetual inheritance of his family. But his peaceful labors were often interrupted, and sometimes blasted, by the absence of the conqueror. While he triumphed on the Volga or the Ganges, his servants, and even his sons, forgot their master and their duty. The public and private injuries were poorly redressed by the tardy rigor of inquiry and punishment; and we must be content to praise the Institutions of Timour, as the specious idea of a perfect monarchy. 4. Whatsoever might be the blessings of his administration, they evaporated with his life. To reign, rather than to govern, was the ambition of his children and grandchildren; ^70 the enemies of each other and of the people. A fragment of the empire was upheld with some glory by Sharokh, his youngest son; but after his decease, the scene was again involved in darkness and blood; and before the end of a century, Transoxiana and Persia were trampled by the Uzbeks from the north, and the Turkmans of the black and white sheep. The race of Timour would have

    been extinct, if a hero, his descendant in the fifth degree, had not fled before the Uzbek arms to the conquest of Hindostan. His successors (the great Moguls ^71) extended their sway from the mountains of Cashmir to Cape Comorin, and from Candahar to the Gulf of Bengal. Since the reign of Aurungzebe, their empire had been dissolved; their treasures of Delhi have been rifled by a Persian robber; and the richest of their kingdoms is now possessed by a company of Christian merchants, of a remote island in the Northern Ocean. [Footnote 66: From Arabshah, tom. ii. c. 96. The bright or softer colors are borrowed from Sherefeddin, D’Herbelot, and the Institutions.] [Footnote 67: His new system was multiplied from 32 pieces and 64 squares to 56 pieces and 110 or 130 squares; but, except in his court, the old game has been thought sufficiently elaborate. The Mogul emperor was rather pleased than hurt with the victory of a subject: a chess player will feel the value of this encomium!]

    [Footnote 68: See Sherefeddin, l. v. c. 15, 25. Arabshah tom. ii. c. 96, p. 801, 803) approves the impiety of Timour and the Moguls, who almost preferred to the Koran the Yacsa, or Law of Zingis, (cui Deus male dicat;) nor will he believe that Sharokh had abolished the use and authority of that Pagan code.] [Footnote 69: Besides the bloody passages of this narrative, I must refer to an anticipation in the third volume of the Decline and Fall, which in a single note (p. 234, note 25) accumulates nearly 300,000 heads of the monuments of his cruelty. Except in Rowe’s play on the fifth of November, I did not expect to hear of Timour’s amiable moderation (White’s preface, p. 7.) Yet I can excuse a generous enthusiasm in the reader, and still more in the editor, of the Institutions.]

    [Footnote 70: Consult the last chapters of Sherefeddin and Arabshah, and M. De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. l. xx.) Fraser’s History of Nadir Shah, (p. 1 – 62.) The story of Timour’s descendants is imperfectly told; and the second and third parts of Sherefeddin are unknown.]

    [Footnote 71: Shah Allum, the present Mogul, is in the fourteenth degree from Timour, by Miran Shah, his third son. See the second volume of Dow’s History of Hindostan.]

    Far different was the fate of the Ottoman monarchy. The massy trunk was bent to the ground, but no sooner did the hurricane pass away, than it again rose with fresh vigor and more lively vegetation. When Timour, in every sense, had evacuated Anatolia, he left the cities without a palace, a treasure, or a king. The open country was overspread with hordes of shepherds and robbers of Tartar or Turkman origin; the recent conquests of Bajazet were restored to the emirs, one of whom, in base revenge, demolished his sepulchre; and his five sons were eager, by civil discord, to consume the remnant of their patrimony. I shall enumerate their names in the order of their age and actions. ^72 1. It is doubtful, whether I relate the story of the true Mustapha, or of an impostor who personated that lost prince. He fought by his father’s side in the battle of Angora: but when the captive sultan was permitted to inquire for his children, Mousa alone could be found; and the Turkish historians, the slaves of the triumphant faction, are persuaded that his brother was confounded among the slain. If Mustapha escaped from that disastrous field, he was concealed twelve years from his friends and enemies; till he emerged in Thessaly, and was hailed by a numerous party, as the son and successor of Bajazet. His first defeat would have been his last, had not the true, or false, Mustapha been saved by the Greeks, and restored, after the decease of his brother Mahomet, to liberty and empire. A degenerate mind seemed to argue his spurious birth; and if, on the throne of Adrianople, he was adored as the Ottoman sultan, his flight, his fetters, and an ignominious gibbet, delivered the impostor to popular contempt. A similar character and claim was asserted by several rival pretenders: thirty persons are said to have suffered under the name of Mustapha; and these frequent executions may perhaps insinuate, that the Turkish court was not perfectly secure of the death of the lawful prince. 2. After his father’s captivity,

    Isa ^73 reigned for some time in the neighborhood of Angora, Sinope, and the Black Sea; and his ambassadors were dismissed from the presence of Timour with fair promises and honorable gifts. But their master was soon deprived of his province and life, by a jealous brother, the sovereign of Amasia; and the final event suggested a pious allusion, that the law of Moses and Jesus, of Isa and Mousa, had been abrogated by the greater Mahomet. 3. Soliman is not numbered in the list of the Turkish emperors: yet he checked the victorious progress of the Moguls; and after their departure, united for a while the thrones of Adrianople and Boursa. In war he was brave, active, and fortuntae; his courage was softened by clemency; but it was likewise inflamed by presumption, and corrupted by intemperance and idleness. He relaxed the nerves of discipline, in a government where either the subject or the sovereign must continually tremble: his vices alienated the chiefs of the army and the law; and his daily drunkenness, so contemptible in a prince and a man, was doubly odious in a disciple of the prophet.

    In the slumber of intoxication he was surprised by his brother Mousa; and as he fled from Adrianople towards the Byzantine capital, Soliman was overtaken and slain in a bath, ^* after a reign of seven years and ten months. 4. The investiture of Mousa degraded him as the slave of the Moguls: his tributary kingdom of Anatolia was confined within a narrow limit, nor could his broken militia and empty treasury contend with the hardy and veteran bands of the sovereign of Romania. Mousa fled in disguise from the palace of Boursa; traversed the Propontis in an open boat; wandered over the Walachian and Servian hills; and after some vain attempts, ascended the throne of Adrianople, so recently stained with the blood of Soliman. In a reign of three years and a half, his troops were victorious against the Christians of Hungary and the Morea; but Mousa was ruined by his timorous disposition and unseasonable clemency. After resigning the sovereignty of Anatolia, he fell a victim to the perfidy of his ministers, and the superior ascendant of his brother Mahomet. 5. The final victory of Mahomet was the just recompense of his prudence

    and moderation. Before his father’s captivity, the royal youth had been intrusted with the government of Amasia, thirty days’ journey from Constantinople, and the Turkish frontier against the Christians of Trebizond and Georgia. The castle, in Asiatic warfare, was esteemed impregnable; and the city of Amasia, ^74 which is equally divided by the River Iris, rises on either side in the form of an amphitheatre, and represents on a smaller scale the image of Bagdad. In his rapid career, Timour appears to have overlooked this obscure and contumacious angle of Anatolia; and Mahomet, without provoking the conqueror, maintained his silent independence, and chased from the province the last stragglers of the Tartar host. ^! He relieved himself from the dangerous neighborhood of Isa; but in the contests of their more powerful brethren his firm neutrality was respected; till, after the triumph of Mousa, he stood forth the heir and avenger of the unfortunate Soliman. Mahomet obtained Anatolia by treaty, and Romania by arms; and the soldier who presented him with the head of Mousa was rewarded as the benefactor of his king and country. The eight years of his sole and peaceful reign were usefully employed in banishing the vices of civil discord, and restoring on a firmer basis the fabric of the Ottoman monarchy. His last care was the choice of two viziers, Bajazet and Ibrahim, ^75 who might guide the youth of his son Amurath; and such was their union and prudence, that they concealed above forty days the emperor’s death, till the arrival of his successor in the palace of Boursa. A new war was kindled in Europe by the prince, or impostor, Mustapha; the first vizier lost his army and his head; but the more fortunate Ibrahim, whose name and family are still revered, extinguished the last pretender to the throne of Bajazet, and closed the scene of domestic hostility.

    [Footnote 72: The civil wars, from the death of Bajazet to that of Mustapha, are related, according to the Turks, by Demetrius Cantemir, (p. 58 – 82.) Of the Greeks, Chalcondyles, (l. iv. and v.,) Phranza, (l. i. c. 30 – 32,) and Ducas, (c. 18 – 27, the last is the most copious and best informed.] [Footnote 73: Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 26,) whose testimony on this occasion is

    weighty and valuable. The existence of Isa (unknown to the Turks) is likewise confirmed by Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 57.)]

    [Footnote *: He escaped from the bath, and fled towards Constantinople. Five mothers from a village, Dugundschi, whose inhabitants had suffered severely from the exactions of his officers, recognized and followed him. Soliman shot two of them, the others discharged their arrows in their turn the sultan fell and his head was cut off. V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 349. – M] [Footnote 74: Arabshah, loc. citat. Abulfeda, Geograph. tab. xvii. p. 302. Busbequius, epist. i. p. 96, 97, in Itinere C. P. et Amasiano.] [Footnote !: See his nine battles. V. Hammer, p. 339. – M.] [Footnote 75: The virtues of Ibrahim are praised by a contemporary Greek, (Ducas, c. 25.) His descendants are the sole nobles in Turkey: they content themselves with the administration of his pious foundations, are excused from public offices, and receive two annual visits from the sultan, (Cantemir, p. 76.)]

    In these conflicts, the wisest Turks, and indeed the body of the nation, were strongly attached to the unity of the empire; and Romania and Anatolia, so often torn asunder by private ambition, were animated by a strong and invincible tendency of cohesion. Their efforts might have instructed the Christian powers; and had they occupied, with a confederate fleet, the Straits of Gallipoli, the Ottomans, at least in Europe, must have been speedily annihilated. But the schism of the West, and the factions and wars of France and England, diverted the Latins from this generous enterprise: they enjoyed the present respite, without a thought of futurity; and were often tempted by a momentary interest to serve the common enemy of their religion. A colony of Genoese, ^76 which had been planted at Phocaea ^77 on the Ionian coast, was enriched by the lucrative monopoly of alum; ^78 and their tranquillity, under the Turkish empire, was secured by the annual payment of tribute. In the last civil war of the Ottomans, the Genoese governor, Adorno, a bold and ambitious youth, embraced the party of Amurath; and undertook, with seven stout galleys, to transport him from Asia to Europe. The sultan and five hundred guards embarked on board the admiral’s ship; which was manned by eight hundred of the bravest Franks. His life and liberty were in their hands; nor can we, without reluctance, applaud the fidelity of Adorno, who, in the midst of the passage, knelt before him, and gratefully accepted a discharge of his arrears of tribute. They landed in sight of Mustapha and Gallipoli; two thousand Italians, armed with lances and battle-axes, attended Amurath to the conquest of Adrianople; and this venal service was soon repaid by the ruin of the commerce and colony of Phocaea.

    [Footnote 76: See Pachymer, (l. v. c. 29,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. ii. c. 1,) Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 57,) and Ducas, (c. 25.) The last of these, a curious and careful observer, is entitled, from his birth and station, to particular credit in all that concerns Ionia and the islands. Among the nations that resorted to New Phocaea, he mentions the English; an early evidence of Mediterranean trade.]

    [Footnote 77: For the spirit of navigation, and freedom of ancient Phocaea, or rather the Phocaeans, consult the first book of Herodotus, and the Geographical Index of his last and learned French translator, M. Larcher (tom. vii. p. 299.)]

    [Footnote 78: Phocaea is not enumerated by Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxxv. 52) among the places productive of alum: he reckons Egypt as the first, and for the second the Isle of Melos, whose alum mines are described by Tournefort, (tom. i. lettre iv.,) a traveller and a naturalist. After the loss of Phocaea, the Genoese, in 1459, found that useful mineral in the Isle of Ischia, (Ismael. Bouillaud, ad Ducam, c. 25.)]

    If Timour had generously marched at the request, and to the relief, of the Greek emperor, he might be entitled to the praise and gratitude of the Christians. ^79 But a Mussulman, who carried into Georgia the sword of persecution, and respected the holy warfare of Bajazet, was not disposed to pity or succor the idolaters of Europe. The Tartar followed the impulse of ambition; and the deliverance of Constantinople was the accidental consequence. When Manuel abdicated the government, it was his prayer, rather than his hope, that the ruin of the church and state might be delayed beyond his unhappy days; and after his return from a western pilgrimage, he expected every hour the news of the sad catastrophe. On a sudden, he was astonished and rejoiced by the intelligence of the retreat, the overthrow, and the captivity of the Ottoman. Manuel ^80 immediately sailed from Modon in the Morea; ascended the throne of Constantinople, and dismissed his blind competitor to an easy exile in the Isle of Lesbos. The ambassadors of the son of Bajazet were soon introduced to his presence; but their pride was fallen, their tone was modest: they were awed by the just apprehension, lest the Greeks should open to the Moguls the gates of Europe. Soliman saluted the emperor by the name of father; solicited at his hands the government or gift of Romania; and promised to deserve his favor by inviolable friendship, and the restitution of Thessalonica, with the most important places along the Strymon, the Propontis, and the Black Sea. The alliance of Soliman exposed the emperor to the enmity and revenge of Mousa: the Turks appeared in arms before the gates of Constantinople; but they were repulsed by sea and land; and unless the city was guarded by some foreign mercenaries, the Greeks must have wondered at their own triumph. But, instead of prolonging the division of the Ottoman powers, the policy or passion of Manuel was tempted to assist the most formidable of the sons of Bajazet.

    He concluded a treaty with Mahomet, whose progress was checked by the insuperable barrier of Gallipoli: the sultan and his troops were transported over the Bosphorus; he was hospitably entertained in the capital; and his successful sally was the first step to the conquest of Romania. The ruin was suspended by the prudence and moderation of the conqueror: he faithfully discharged his own obligations and those of Soliman, respected the laws of gratitude and peace; and left the emperor guardian of his two younger sons, in the vain hope of saving them from the jealous cruelty of their brother Amurath. But the execution of his last testament would have offended the national honor and religion; and the divan unanimously pronounced, that the royal youths should never be abandoned to the custody and education of a Christian dog. On this refusal, the Byzantine councils were divided; but the age and caution of Manuel yielded to the presumption of his son John; and they unsheathed a dangerous weapon of revenge, by dismissing the true or false Mustapha, who had long been detained as a captive and hostage, and for whose maintenance they received an annual pension of three hundred thousand aspers. ^81 At the door of his prison, Mustapha subscribed to every proposal; and the keys of Gallipoli, or rather of Europe, were stipulated as the price of his deliverance. But no sooner was he seated on the throne of Romania, than he dismissed the Greek ambassadors with a smile of contempt, declaring, in a pious tone, that, at the day of judgment, he would rather answer for the violation of an oath, than for the surrender of a Mussulman city into the hands of the infidels. The emperor was at once the enemy of the two rivals; from whom he had sustained, and to whom he had offered, an injury; and the victory of Amurath was followed, in the ensuing spring, by the siege of Constantinople. ^82

    [Footnote 79: The writer who has the most abused this fabulous generosity, is our ingenious Sir William Temple, (his Works, vol. iii. p. 349, 350, octavo edition,) that lover of exotic virtue. After the conquest of Russia, &c., and the passage of the Danube, his Tartar hero relieves, visits, admires, and refuses the city of Constantine. His flattering pencil deviates in every line from the truth of history; yet his pleasing fictions are more excusable than the gross errors of Cantemir.]

    [Footnote 80: For the reigns of Manuel and John, of Mahomet I. and Amurath II., see the Othman history of Cantemir, (p. 70 – 95,) and the three Greeks, Chalcondyles, Phranza, and Ducas, who is still superior to his rivals.] [Footnote 81: The Turkish asper is, or was, a piece of white or silver money, at present much debased, but which was formerly equivalent to

    the 54th part, at least, of a Venetian ducat or sequin; and the 300,000 aspers, a princely allowance or royal tribute, may be computed at 2500l. sterling, (Leunclav. Pandect. Turc. p. 406 – 408.)

    Note: According to Von Hammer, this calculation is much too low. The asper was a century before the time of which writes, the tenth part of a ducat; for the same tribute which the Byzantine writers state at 300,000 aspers the Ottomans state at 30,000 ducats, about 15000l Note, vol. p. 636. – M]

    [Footnote 82: For the siege of Constantinople in 1422, see the particular and contemporary narrative of John Cananus, published by Leo Allatius, at the end of his edition of Acropolita, (p. 188 – 199.)]

    The religious merit of subduing the city of the Caesars attracted from Asia a crowd of volunteers, who aspired to the crown of martyrdom: their military ardor was inflamed by the promise of rich spoils and beautiful females; and the sultan’s ambition was consecrated by the presence and prediction of Seid Bechar, a descendant of the prophet, ^83 who arrived in the camp, on a mule, with a venerable train of five hundred disciples. But he might blush, if a fanatic could blush, at the failure of his assurances. The strength of the walls resisted an army of two hundred thousand Turks; their assaults were repelled by the sallies of the Greeks and their foreign mercenaries; the old resources of defence were opposed to the new engines of attack; and the enthusiasm of the dervis, who was snatched to heaven in visionary converse with Mahomet, was answered by the credulity of the Christians, who beheld the Virgin Mary, in a violet garment, walking on the rampart and animating their courage. ^84 After a siege of two months, Amurath was recalled to Boursa by a domestic revolt, which had been kindled by Greek treachery, and was soon extinguished by the death of a guiltless brother. While he led his Janizaries to new conquests in Europe and Asia, the Byzantine empire was indulged in a servile and precarious respite of thirty years. Manuel sank into the grave; and John Palaeologus was permitted to reign, for an annual tribute of three hundred thousand aspers, and the dereliction of almost all that he held beyond the suburbs of Constantinople. [Footnote 83: Cantemir, p. 80. Cananus, who describes Seid Bechar, without naming him, supposes that the friend of Mahomet assumed in his amours the privilege of a prophet, and that the fairest of the Greek nuns were promised to the saint and his disciples.]

    [Footnote 84: For this miraculous apparition, Cananus appeals to the Mussulman saint; but who will bear testimony for Seid Bechar?]

    In the establishment and restoration of the Turkish empire, the first merit must doubtless be assigned to the personal qualities of the sultans; since, in human life, the most important scenes will depend on the character of a single actor. By some shades of wisdom and virtue, they may be discriminated from each other; but, except in a single instance, a period of nine reigns, and two hundred and sixty-five years, is occupied, from the elevation of Othman to the death of Soliman, by a rare series of warlike and active princes, who impressed their subjects with obedience and their enemies with terror. Instead of the slothful luxury of the seraglio, the heirs of royalty were educated in the council and the field: from early youth they were intrusted by their fathers with the command of provinces and armies; and this manly institution, which was often productive of civil war, must have essentially contributed to the discipline and vigor of the monarchy. The Ottomans cannot style themselves, like the Arabian caliphs, the descendants or successors of the apostle of God; and the kindred which they claim with the Tartar khans of the house of Zingis appears to be founded in flattery rather than in truth. ^85 Their origin is obscure; but their sacred and indefeasible right, which no time can erase, and no violence can infringe, was soon and unalterably implanted in the minds of their subjects. A weak or vicious sultan may be deposed and strangled; but his inheritance devolves to an infant or an idiot: nor has the most daring rebel presumed to ascend the throne of his lawful sovereign. ^86

    [Footnote 85: See Ricaut, (l. i. c. 13.) The Turkish sultans assume the title of khan. Yet Abulghazi is ignorant of his Ottoman cousins.] [Footnote 86: The third grand vizier of the name of Kiuperli, who was slain at the battle of Salankanen in 1691, (Cantemir, p. 382,) presumed to say that all the successors of Soliman had been fools or tyrants, and that it was time to abolish the race, (Marsigli Stato Militaire, &c., p. 28.) This political heretic was a good Whig, and justified against the French ambassador the revolution of England, (Mignot, Hist. des Ottomans, tom. iii. p. 434.) His presumption condemns the singular exception of continuing offices in the same family.]

    While the transient dynasties of Asia have been continually subverted by a crafty vizier in the palace, or a victorious general in the camp, the Ottoman succession has been confirmed by the practice of five centuries, and is now incorporated with the vital principle of the Turkish nation.

    To the spirit and constitution of that nation, a strong and singular influence may, however, be ascribed. The primitive subjects of Othman were the four hundred families of wandering Turkmans, who had followed his ancestors from the Oxus to the Sangar; and the plains of Anatolia are still covered with the white and black tents of their rustic brethren. But this original drop was dissolved in the mass of voluntary and vanquished subjects, who, under the name of Turks, are united by the common ties of religion, language, and manners. In the cities, from Erzeroum to Belgrade, that national appellation is common to all the Moslems, the first and most honorable inhabitants; but they have abandoned, at least in Romania, the villages, and the cultivation of the land, to the Christian peasants. In the vigorous age of the Ottoman government, the Turks were themselves excluded from all civil and military honors; and a servile class, an artificial people, was raised by the discipline of education to obey, to conquer, and to command. ^87 From the time of Orchan and the first Amurath, the sultans were persuaded that a government of the sword must be renewed in each generation with new soldiers; and that such soldiers must be sought, not in effeminate Asia, but among the hardy and warlike natives of Europe. The provinces of Thrace, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria, and Servia, became the perpetual seminary of the Turkish army; and when the royal fifth of the captives was diminished by conquest, an inhuman tax of the fifth child, or of every fifth year, was rigorously levied on the Christian families. At the age of twelve or fourteen years, the most robust youths were torn from their parents; their names were enrolled in a book; and from that moment they were clothed, taught, and maintained, for the public service. According to the promise of their appearance, they were selected for the royal schools of Boursa, Pera, and Adrianople, intrusted to the care of the bashaws, or dispersed in the houses of the Anatolian peasantry. It was the first care of their masters to instruct them in the Turkish language: their bodies were exercised by every labor that could fortify their strength; they learned to wrestle, to leap, to run, to shoot with the bow, and afterwards with the musket; till they were drafted into the chambers and companies of the Janizaries, and severely trained in the military or monastic discipline of the order. The youths most conspicuous for birth, talents, and beauty, were admitted into the inferior class of Agiamoglans, or the more liberal rank of Ichoglans, of whom the former were attached to the palace, and the latter to the person, of the prince. In four successive schools, under the rod of the white eunuchs, the arts of horsemanship and of darting the javelin were their daily exercise, while those of a more studious cast applied themselves to the study of the Koran, and the knowledge of the Arabic and Persian tongues. As they advanced in seniority and merit, they were gradually dismissed to military, civil, and even ecclesiastical employments: the longer their stay, the higher was their expectation; till, at a mature period, they were admitted into the number of the forty agas, who stood before the sultan, and were promoted by his choice to the government of provinces and the first honors of the empire. ^88 Such a mode of institution was admirably adapted to the form and spirit of a despotic monarchy. The ministers and generals were, in the strictest sense, the slaves of the emperor, to whose bounty they were indebted for their instruction and support. When they left the seraglio, and suffered their beards to grow as the symbol of enfranchisement, they found themselves in an important office, without faction or friendship, without parents and without heirs, dependent on the hand which had raised them from the dust, and which, on the slightest displeasure, could break in pieces these statues of glass, as they were aptly termed by the Turkish proverb. ^89 In the slow and painful steps of education, their characters and talents were unfolded to a discerning eye: the man, naked and alone, was reduced to the standard of his personal merit; and, if the sovereign had wisdom to choose, he possessed a pure and boundless liberty of choice. The Ottoman candidates were trained by the virtues of abstinence to those of action; by the habits of submission to those of command. A similar spirit was diffused among the troops; and their silence and sobriety, their patience and modesty, have extorted the reluctant praise of their Christian enemies. ^90 Nor can the victory appear doubtful, if we compare the discipline and exercise of the Janizaries with the pride of birth, the independence of chivalry, the ignorance of the new levies, the mutinous temper of the veterans, and the vices of intemperance and disorder, which so long contaminated the armies of Europe.

    [Footnote 87: Chalcondyles (l. v.) and Ducas (c. 23) exhibit the rude lineament of the Ottoman policy, and the transmutation of Christian children into Turkish soldiers.]

    [Footnote 88: This sketch of the Turkish education and discipline is chiefly borrowed from Ricaut’s State of the Ottoman Empire, the Stato Militaire del’ Imperio Ottomano of Count Marsigli, (in Hava, 1732, in folio,) and a description of the Seraglio, approved by Mr. Greaves himself, a curious traveller, and inserted in the second volume of his works.] [Footnote 89: From the series of cxv. viziers, till the siege of Vienna, (Marsigli, p. 13,) their place may be valued at three years and a half purchase.]

    [Footnote 90: See the entertaining and judicious letters of Busbequius.]

    The only hope of salvation for the Greek empire, and the adjacent kingdoms, would have been some more powerful weapon, some discovery in the art of war, that would give them a decisive superiority over their Turkish foes. Such a weapon was in their hands; such a discovery had been made in the critical moment of their fate. The chemists of China or Europe had found, by casual or elaborate experiments, that a mixture of saltpetre, sulphur, and charcoal, produces, with a spark of fire, a tremendous explosion. It was soon observed, that if the expansive force were compressed in a strong tube, a ball of stone or iron might be expelled with irresistible and destructive velocity. The precise aera of the invention and application of gunpowder ^91 is involved in doubtful traditions and equivocal language; yet we may clearly discern, that it was known before the middle of the fourteenth century; and that before the end of the same, the use of artillery in battles and sieges, by sea and land, was familiar to the states of Germany, Italy, Spain, France, and England. ^92 The priority of nations is of small account; none could derive any exclusive benefit from their previous or superior knowledge; and in the common improvement, they stood on the same level of relative power and military science. Nor was it possible to circumscribe the secret within the pale of the church; it was disclosed to the Turks by the treachery of apostates and the selfish policy of rivals; and the sultans had sense to adopt, and wealth to reward, the talents of a Christian engineer. The Genoese, who transported Amurath into Europe, must be accused as his preceptors; and it was probably by their hands that his cannon was cast and directed at the siege of Constantinople.

    ^93 The first attempt was indeed unsuccessful; but in the general warfare of the age, the advantage was on their side, who were most commonly the assailants: for a while the proportion of the attack and defence was suspended; and this thundering artillery was pointed against the walls and towers which had been erected only to resist the less potent engines of antiquity. By the Venetians, the use of gunpowder was communicated without reproach to the sultans of Egypt and Persia, their allies against the Ottoman power; the secret was soon propagated to the extremities of Asia; and the advantage of the European was confined to his easy victories over the savages of the new world. If we contrast the rapid progress of this mischievous discovery with the slow and laborious advances of reason, science, and the arts of peace, a philosopher, according to his temper, will laugh or weep at the folly of mankind.

    [Footnote 91: The first and second volumes of Dr. Watson’s Chemical Essays contain two valuable discourses on the discovery and composition of gunpowder.]

    [Footnote 92: On this subject modern testimonies cannot be trusted. The original passages are collected by Ducange, (Gloss. Latin. tom. i. p. 675, Bombarda.) But in the early doubtful twilight, the name, sound, fire, and effect, that seem to express our artillery, may be fairly interpreted of the old engines and the Greek fire. For the English cannon at Crecy, the authority of John Villani (Chron. l. xii. c. 65) must be weighed against the silence of Froissard. Yet Muratori (Antiquit. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. ii. Dissert. xxvi. p. 514, 515) has produced a decisive passage from Petrarch, (De Remediis utriusque Fortunae Dialog.,) who, before the year 1344, execrates this terrestrial thunder, nuper rara, nunc communis.

    Note: Mr. Hallam makes the following observation on the objection thrown our by Gibbon: “The positive testimony of Villani, who died within two years afterwards, and had

    manifestly obtained much information as to the great events passing in France, cannot be rejected. He ascribes a material effect to the cannon of Edward, Colpi delle bombarde, which I suspect, from his strong expressions, had not been employed before, except against stone walls. It seems, he says, as if God thundered con grande uccisione di genti e efondamento di cavalli.” Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 510. – M.]

    [Footnote 93: The Turkish cannon, which Ducas (c. 30) first introduces before Belgrade, (A.D. 1436,) is mentioned by Chalcondyles (l. v. p. 123) in 1422, at the siege of Constantinople.]

  • Edward Gibbon《History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire》LIX-LXI

    Volume 6

    Chapter LIX: The Crusades.

    Part I.Preservation Of The Greek Empire. – Numbers, Passage, And Event, Of The Second And Third Crusades. – St. Bernard. – Reign Of Saladin In Egypt And Syria. – His Conquest Of Jerusalem. – Naval Crusades. – Richard The First Of England. – Pope Innocent The Third; And The Fourth And Fifth Crusades. – The Emperor Frederic The Second. – Louis The Ninth Of France; And The Two Last Crusades. – Expulsion Of The Latins Or Franks By The Mamelukes.

    In a style less grave than that of history, I should perhaps compare the emperor Alexius ^1 to the jackal, who is said to follow the steps, and to devour the leavings, of the lion. Whatever had been his fears and toils in the passage of the first crusade, they were amply recompensed by the subsequent benefits which he derived from the exploits of the Franks. His dexterity and vigilance secured their first conquest of Nice; and from this threatening station the Turks were compelled to evacuate the neighborhood of Constantinople. While the crusaders, with blind valor, advanced into the midland countries of Asia, the crafty Greek improved the favorable occasion when the emirs of the sea-coast were recalled to the standard of the sultan. The Turks were driven from the Isles of Rhodes and Chios: the cities of Ephesu and Smyrna, of Sardes, Philadelphia, and Laodicea, were restored to the empire, which Alexius enlarged from the Hellespont to the banks of the Maeander, and the rocky shores of Pamphylia. The churches resumed their splendor: the towns were rebuilt and fortified; and the desert country was peopled with colonies of Christians, who were gently removed from the more distant and dangerous frontier. In these paternal cares, we may forgive Alexius, if he forgot the deliverance of the holy sepulchre; but, by the Latins, he was stigmatized with the foul reproach of treason and desertion. They had sworn fidelity and obedience to his throne; but he had promised to assist their enterprise in person, or, at least, with his troops and treasures: his base retreat dissolved their obligations; and the sword, which had been the instrument of their victory, was the pledge and title of their just independence. It does not appear that the emperor attempted to revive his obsolete claims over the kingdom of Jerusalem; ^2 but the borders of Cilicia and Syria were more recent in his possession, and more accessible to his arms. The great army of the crusaders was annihilated or dispersed; the principality of Antioch was left without a head, by the surprise and captivity of Bohemond; his ransom had oppressed him with a heavy debt; and his Norman followers were insufficient to repel the hostilities of the Greeks and Turks. In this distress, Bohemond embraced a magnanimous resolution, of leaving the defence of Antioch to his kinsman, the faithful Tancred; of arming the West against the Byzantine empire; and of executing the design which he inherited from the lessons and example of his father Guiscard. His embarkation was clandestine: and, if we may credit a tale of the princess Anne, he passed the hostile sea closely secreted in a coffin. ^3 But his reception in France was dignified by the public applause, and his marriage with the king’s daughter: his return was glorious, since the bravest spirits of the age enlisted under his veteran command; and he repassed the Adriatic at the head of five thousand horse and forty thousand foot, assembled from the most remote climates of Europe. ^4 The strength of Durazzo, and prudence of Alexius, the progress of famine and approach of winter, eluded his ambitious hopes; and the venal confederates were seduced from his standard. A treaty of peace ^5 suspended the fears of the Greeks; and they were finally delivered by the death of an adversary, whom neither oaths could bind, nor dangers could appal, nor prosperity could satiate. His children succeeded to the principality of Antioch; but the boundaries were strictly defined, the homage was clearly stipulated, and the cities of Tarsus and Malmistra were restored to the Byzantine emperors. Of the coast of Anatolia, they possessed the entire circuit from Trebizond to the Syrian gates. The Seljukian dynasty of Roum ^6 was separated on all sides from the sea and their Mussulman brethren; the power of the sultan was shaken by the victories and even the defeats of the Franks; and after the loss of Nice, they removed their throne to Cogni or Iconium, an obscure and in land town above three hundred miles from Constantinople. ^7 Instead of trembling for their capital, the Comnenian princes waged an offensive war against the Turks, and the first crusade prevented the fall of the declining empire.

    [Footnote 1: Anna Comnena relates her father’s conquests in Asia Minor Alexiad, l. xi. p. 321 – 325, l. xiv. p. 419; his Cilician war against Tancred and Bohemond, p. 328 – 324; the war of Epirus, with tedious prolixity, l. xii. xiii. p. 345 – 406; the death of Bohemond, l. xiv. p. 419.] [Footnote 2: The kings of Jerusalem submitted, however, to a nominal dependence, and in the dates of their inscriptions, (one is still legible in the church of Bethlem,) they respectfully placed before their own the name of the reigning emperor, (Ducange, Dissertations sur Joinville xxvii. p. 319.)] [Footnote 3: Anna Comnena adds, that, to complete the imitation, he was shut up with a dead cock; and condescends to wonder how the Barbarian could endure the confinement and putrefaction.

    This absurd tale is unknown to the Latins. Note: The Greek writers, in general, Zonaras, p. 2, 303, and Glycas, p. 334 agree in this story with the princess Anne, except in the absurd addition of the dead cock. Ducange has already quoted some instances where a similar stratagem had been adopted by Norman princes. On this authority Wilker inclines to believe the fact. Appendix to vol. ii. p. 14. – M.]

    [Footnote 4: In the Byzantine geography, must mean England; yet we are more credibly informed, that our Henry I. would not suffer him to levy any troops in his kingdom, (Ducange, Not. ad Alexiad. p. 41.)]

    [Footnote 5: The copy of the treaty (Alexiad. l. xiii. p. 406 – 416) is an original and curious piece, which would require, and might afford, a good map of the principality of Antioch.]

    [Footnote 6: See, in the learned work of M. De Guignes, (tom. ii. part ii.,) the history of the Seljukians of Iconium, Aleppo, and Damascus, as far as it may be collected from the Greeks, Latins, and Arabians. The last are ignorant or regardless of the affairs of Roum.]

    [Footnote 7: Iconium is mentioned as a station by Xenophon, and by Strabo, with an ambiguous title, (Cellarius, tom. ii. p. 121.) Yet St. Paul found in that place a multitude of Jews and Gentiles. under the corrupt name of Kunijah, it is described as a great city, with a river and garden, three leagues from the mountains, and decorated (I know not why) with Plato’s tomb, (Abulfeda, tabul. xvii. p. 303 vers. Reiske; and the Index Geographicus of Schulrens from Ibn Said.)]

    In the twelfth century, three great emigrations marched by land from the West for the relief of Palestine. The soldiers and pilgrims of Lombardy, France, and Germany were excited by the example and success of the first crusade. ^8 Forty-eight years after the deliverance of the holy sepulchre, the emperor, and the French king, Conrad the Third and Louis the Seventh, undertook the second crusade to support the falling fortunes of the Latins. ^9 A grand division of the third crusade was led by the emperor Frederic Barbarossa, ^10 who sympathized with his brothers of France and England in the common loss of Jerusalem. These three expeditions may be compared in their resemblance of the greatness of numbers, their passage through the Greek empire, and the nature and event of their Turkish warfare, and a brief parallel may save the repetition of a tedious narrative. However splendid it may seem, a regular story of the crusades would exhibit the perpetual return of the same causes and effects; and the frequent attempts for the defence or recovery of the Holy Land would appear so many faint and unsuccessful copies of the original.

    [Footnote 8: For this supplement to the first crusade, see Anna Comnena, Alexias, l. xi. p. 331, &c., and the viiith book of Albert Aquensis.)] [Footnote 9: For the second crusade, of Conrad III. and Louis VII., see William of Tyre, (l. xvi. c. 18 – 19,) Otho of Frisingen, (l. i. c. 34 – 45 59, 60,) Matthew Paris, (Hist. Major. p. 68,) Struvius, (Corpus Hist Germanicae, p. 372, 373,) Scriptores Rerum Francicarum a Duchesne tom. iv.: Nicetas, in Vit. Manuel, l. i. c. 4, 5, 6, p. 41 – 48 Cinnamus l. ii. p. 41 – 49.]

    [Footnote 10: For the third crusade, of Frederic Barbarossa, see Nicetas in Isaac Angel. l. ii. c. 3 – 8, p. 257 – 266. Struv. (Corpus. Hist. Germ. p. 414,) and two historians, who probably were spectators, Tagino, (in Scriptor. Freher. tom. i. p. 406 – 416, edit Struv.,) and the Anonymus de Expeditione Asiatica Fred. I. (in Canisii Antiq. Lection. tom. iii. p. ii. p. 498 – 526, edit. Basnage.)]

    1. Of the swarms that so closely trod in the footsteps of the first pilgrims, the chiefs were equal in rank, though unequal in fame and merit, to Godfrey of Bouillon and his fellow-adventurers. At their head were displayed the banners of the dukes of Burgundy, Bavaria, and Aquitain; the first a descendant of Hugh Capet, the second, a father of the Brunswick line: the archbishop of Milan, a temporal prince, transported, for the benefit of the Turks, the treasures and ornaments of his church and palace; and the veteran crusaders, Hugh the Great and Stephen of Chartres, returned to consummate their unfinished vow.

    The huge and disorderly bodies of their followers moved forward in two columns; and if the first consisted of two hundred and sixty thousand persons, the second might possibly amount to sixty thousand horse and one hundred thousand foot. ^11 ^* The armies of the second crusade might have claimed the conquest of Asia; the nobles of France and Germany were animated by the presence of their sovereigns; and both the rank and personal character of Conrad and Louis gave a dignity to their cause, and a discipline to their force, which might be vainly expected from the feudatory chiefs. The cavalry of the emperor, and that of the king, was each composed of seventy thousand knights, and their immediate attendants in the field; ^12 and if the light-armed troops, the peasant infantry, the women and children, the priests and monks, be rigorously excluded, the full account will scarcely be satisfied with four hundred thousand souls. The West, from Rome to Britain, was called into action; the kings of Poland and Bohemia obeyed the summons of Conrad; and it is affirmed by the Greeks and Latins, that, in the passage of a strait or river, the Byzantine agents, after a tale of nine hundred thousand, desisted from the endless and formidable computation. ^13 In the third crusade, as the French and English preferred the navigation of the Mediterranean, the host of Frederic Barbarossa was less numerous. Fifteen thousand knights, and as many squires, were the flower of the German chivalry: sixty thousand horse, and one hundred thousand foot, were mustered by the emperor in the plains of Hungary; and after such repetitions, we shall no longer be startled at the six hundred thousand pilgrims, which credulity has ascribed to this last emigration. ^14 Such extravagant reckonings prove only the astonishment of contemporaries; but their astonishment most strongly bears testimony to the existence of an enormous, though indefinite, multitude. The Greeks might applaud their superior knowledge of the arts and stratagems of war, but they confessed the strength and courage of the French cavalry, and the infantry of the Germans; ^15 and the strangers are described as an iron race, of gigantic stature, who darted fire from their eyes, and spilt blood like water on the ground. Under the banners of Conrad, a troop of females rode in the attitude and armor of men; and the chief of these Amazons, from her gilt spurs and buskins, obtained the epithet of the Golden- footed Dame.

    [Footnote 11: Anne, who states these later swarms at 40,000 horse and 100,000 foot, calls them Normans, and places at their head two brothers of Flanders. The Greeks were strangely ignorant of the names, families, and possessions of the Latin princes.]

    [Footnote *: It was this army of pilgrims, the first body of which was headed by the archbishop of Milan and Count Albert of Blandras, which set forth on the wild, yet, with a more disciplined army, not impolitic, enterprise of striking at the heart of the Mahometan power, by attacking the sultan in Bagdad. For their adventures and fate, see Wilken, vol. ii. p. 120, &c., Wichaud, book iv. – M.]

    [Footnote 12: William of Tyre, and Matthew Paris, reckon 70,000 loricati in each of the armies.]

    [Footnote 13: The imperfect enumeration is mentioned by Cinnamus, and confirmed by Odo de Diogilo apud Ducange ad Cinnamum, with the more precise sum of 900,556. Why must therefore the version and comment suppose the modest and insufficient reckoning of 90,000? Does not Godfrey of Viterbo (Pantheon, p. xix. in Muratori, tom. vii. p. 462) exclaim?

    – Numerum si poscere quaeras, Millia millena militis agmen erat.] [Footnote 14: This extravagant account is given by Albert of Stade, (apud Struvium, p. 414;) my calculation is borrowed from Godfrey of Viterbo, Arnold of Lubeck, apud eundem, and Bernard Thesaur. (c. 169, p. 804.) The original writers are silent. The Mahometans gave him 200,000, or 260,000, men, (Bohadin, in Vit. Saladin, p. 110.)]

    [Footnote 15: I must observe, that, in the second and third crusades, the subjects of Conrad and Frederic are styled by the Greeks and Orientals Alamanni. The Lechi and Tzechi of Cinnamus are the Poles and Bohemians; and it is for the French that he reserves the ancient appellation of Germans.

    Note: He names both – M.]

    1. The number and character of the strangers was an object of terror to the effeminate Greeks, and the sentiment of fear is nearly allied to that of hatred. This aversion was suspended or softened by the apprehension of the Turkish power; and the invectives of the Latins will not bias our more candid belief, that the emperor Alexius dissembled their insolence, eluded their hostilities, counselled their rashness, and opened to their ardor the road of pilgrimage and conquest. But when the Turks had been driven from Nice and the sea-coast, when the Byzantine princes no longer dreaded the distant sultans of Cogni, they felt with purer indignation the free and frequent passage of the western Barbarians, who violated the majesty, and endangered the safety, of the empire. The second and third crusades were undertaken under the reign of Manuel Comnenus and Isaac Angelus. Of the former, the passions were always impetuous, and often malevolent; and the natural union of a cowardly and a mischievous temper was exemplified in the latter, who, without merit or mercy, could punish a tyrant, and occupy his throne. It was secretly, and perhaps tacitly, resolved by the prince and people to destroy, or at least to discourage, the pilgrims, by every species of injury and oppression; and their want of prudence and discipline continually afforded the pretence or the opportunity. The Western monarchs had stipulated a safe passage and fair market in the country of their Christian brethren; the treaty had been ratified by oaths and hostages; and the poorest soldier of Frederic’s army was furnished with three marks of silver to defray his expenses on the road. But every engagement was violated by treachery and injustice; and the complaints of the Latins are attested by the honest confession of a Greek historian, who has dared to prefer truth to his country. ^16 Instead of a hospitable reception, the gates of the cities, both in Europe and Asia, were closely barred against the crusaders; and the scanty pittance of food was let down in baskets from the walls. Experience or foresight might excuse this timid jealousy; but the common duties of humanity prohibited the mixture of chalk, or other poisonous ingredients, in the bread; and should Manuel be acquitted of any foul connivance, he is guilty of coining base money for the purpose of trading with the pilgrims. In every step of their march they were stopped or misled: the governors had private orders to fortify the passes and break down the bridges against them: the stragglers were pillaged and murdered: the soldiers and horses were pierced in the woods by arrows from an invisible hand; the sick were burnt in their beds; and the dead bodies were hung on gibbets along the highways. These injuries exasperated the champions of the cross, who were not endowed with evangelical patience; and the Byzantine princes, who had provoked the unequal conflict, promoted the embarkation and march of these formidable guests. On the verge of the Turkish frontier Barbarossa spared the guilty Philadelphia, ^17 rewarded the hospitable Laodicea, and deplored the hard necessity that had stained his sword with any drops of Christian blood. In their intercourse with the monarchs of Germany and France, the pride of the Greeks was exposed to an anxious trial. They might boast that on the first interview the seat of Louis was a low stool, beside the throne of Manuel; ^18 but no sooner had the French king transported his army beyond the Bosphorus, than he refused the offer of a second conference, unless his brother would meet him on equal terms, either on the sea or land. With Conrad and Frederic, the ceremonial was still nicer and more difficult: like the successors of Constantine, they styled themselves emperors of the Romans; ^19 and firmly maintained the purity of their title and dignity. The first of these representatives of Charlemagne would only converse with Manuel on horseback in the open field; the second, by passing the Hellespont rather than the Bosphorus, declined the view of Constantinople and its sovereign. An emperor, who had been crowned at Rome, was reduced in the Greek epistles to the humble appellation of Rex, or prince, of the Alemanni; and the vain and feeble Angelus affected to be ignorant of the name of one of the greatest men and monarchs of the age. While they viewed with hatred and suspicion the Latin pilgrims the Greek emperors maintained a strict, though secret, alliance with the Turks and Saracens. Isaac Angelus complained, that by his friendship for the great Saladin he had incurred the enmity of the Franks; and a mosque was founded at Constantinople for the public exercise of the religion of Mahomet. ^20

    [Footnote 16: Nicetas was a child at the second crusade, but in the third he commanded against the Franks the important post of Philippopolis. Cinnamus is infected with national prejudice and pride.]

    [Footnote 17: The conduct of the Philadelphians is blamed by Nicetas, while the anonymous German accuses the rudeness of his countrymen, (culpa nostra.) History would be pleasant, if we were embarrassed only by such contradictions. It is likewise from Nicetas, that we learn the pious and humane sorrow of Frederic.]

    [Footnote 18: Cinnamus translates into Latin. Ducange works very hard to save his king and country from such ignominy, (sur Joinville, dissertat. xxvii. p. 317 – 320.) Louis afterwards insisted on a meeting in mari ex aequo, not ex equo, according to the laughable readings of some MSS.]

    [Footnote 19: Ego Romanorum imperator sum, ille Romaniorum, (Anonym Canis. p. 512.)]

    [Footnote 20: In the Epistles of Innocent III., (xiii. p. 184,) and the History of Bohadin, (p. 129, 130,) see the views of a pope and a cadhi on this singular toleration.]

    III. The swarms that followed the first crusade were destroyed in Anatolia by famine, pestilence, and the Turkish arrows; and the princes only escaped with some squadrons of horse to accomplish their lamentable pilgrimage. A just opinion may be formed of their knowledge and humanity; of their knowledge, from the design of subduing Persia and Chorasan in their way to Jerusalem; ^* of their humanity, from the massacre of the Christian people, a friendly city, who came out to meet them with palms and crosses in their hands. The arms of Conrad and Louis were less cruel and imprudent; but the event of the second crusade was still more ruinous to Christendom; and the Greek Manuel is accused by his own

    subjects of giving seasonable intelligence to the sultan, and treacherous guides to the Latin princes. Instead of crushing the common foe, by a double attack at the same time but on different sides, the Germans were urged by emulation, and the French were retarded by jealousy. Louis had scarcely passed the Bosphorus when he was met by the returning emperor, who had lost the greater part of his army in glorious, but unsuccessful, actions on the banks of the Maender. The contrast of the pomp of his rival hastened the retreat of Conrad: ^! the desertion of his independent vassals reduced him to his hereditary troops; and he borrowed some Greek vessels to execute by sea the pilgrimage of Palestine. Without studying the lessons of experience, or the nature of the war, the king of France advanced through the same country to a similar fate. The vanguard, which bore the royal banner and the oriflamme of St. Denys, ^21 had doubled their march with rash and inconsiderate speed; and the rear, which the king commanded in person, no longer found their companions in the evening camp. In darkness and disorder, they were encompassed, assaulted, and overwhelmed, by the innumerable host of Turks, who, in the art of war, were superior to the Christians of the twelfth century. ^* Louis, who climbed a tree in the general discomfiture, was saved by his own valor and the ignorance of his adversaries; and with the dawn of day he escaped alive, but almost alone, to the camp of the vanguard. But instead of pursuing his expedition by land, he was rejoiced to shelter the relics of his army in the friendly seaport of Satalia. From thence he embarked for Antioch; but so penurious was the supply of Greek vessels, that they could only afford room for his knights and nobles; and the plebeian crowd of infantry was left to perish at the foot of the Pamphylian hills. The emperor and the king embraced and wept at Jerusalem; their martial trains, the remnant of mighty armies, were joined to the Christian powers of Syria, and a fruitless siege of Damascus was the final effort of the second crusade. Conrad and Louis embarked for Europe with the personal fame of piety and courage; but the Orientals had braved these potent monarchs of the Franks, with whose names and military forces they had been so often threatened.

    ^22 Perhaps they had still more to fear from the veteran genius of Frederic the First, who in his youth had served in Asia under his uncle Conrad. Forty campaigns in Germany and Italy had taught Barbarossa to command; and his soldiers, even the princes of the empire, were accustomed under his reign to obey. As soon as he lost sight of Philadelphia and Laodicea, the last cities of the Greek frontier, he plunged into the salt and barren desert, a land (says the historian) of horror and tribulation. ^23 During twenty days, every step of his fainting and sickly march was besieged by the innumerable hordes of Turkmans, ^24 whose numbers and fury seemed after each defeat to multiply and inflame. The emperor continued to struggle and to suffer; and such was the measure of his calamities, that when he reached the gates of Iconium, no more than one thousand knights were able to serve on horseback. By a sudden and resolute assault he defeated the guards, and stormed the capital of the sultan, ^25 who humbly sued for pardon and peace. The road was now open, and Frederic advanced in a career of triumph, till he was unfortunately drowned in a petty torrent of Cilicia. ^26 The remainder of his Germans was consumed by sickness and desertion: and the emperor’s son expired with the greatest part of his Swabian vassals at the siege of Acre. Among the Latin heroes, Godfrey of Bouillon and Frederic Barbarossa could alone achieve the passage of the Lesser Asia; yet even their success was a warning; and in the last and most experienced age of the crusades, every nation preferred the sea to the toils and perils of an inland expedition. ^27

    [Footnote *: This was the design of the pilgrims under the archbishop of Milan. See note, p. 102. – M.]

    [Footnote !: Conrad had advanced with part of his army along a central road, between that on the coast and that which led to Iconium. He had been betrayed by the Greeks, his army destroyed without a battle. Wilken, vol. iii. p. 165. Michaud, vol. ii. p. 156. Conrad advanced again with Louis as far as Ephesus, and from thence, at the invitation of Manuel, returned to Constantinople. It was Louis who, at the passage of the Maeandes, was engaged in a “glorious action.” Wilken, vol. iii. p. 179. Michaud vol. ii. p. 160. Gibbon followed Nicetas. – M.]

    [Footnote 21: As counts of Vexin, the kings of France were the vassals and advocates of the monastery of St. Denys. The saint’s peculiar banner, which they received from the abbot, was of a square form, and a red or flaming color. The oriflamme appeared at the head of the French armies from the xiith to the xvth century, (Ducange sur Joinville, Dissert. xviii. p. 244 – 253.)] [Footnote *: They descended the heights to a beautiful valley which by beneath them. The Turks seized the heights which separated the two divisions of the army. The modern historians represent differently the act to which Louis owed his safety, which Gibbon has described by the undignified phrase, “he climbed a tree.” According to Michaud, vol. ii. p. 164, the king got upon a rock, with his back against a tree; according to Wilken, vol. iii., he dragged himself up to the top of the rock by the roots of a tree, and continued to defend himself till nightfall. – M.]

    [Footnote 22: The original French histories of the second crusade are the Gesta Ludovici VII. published in the ivth volume of Duchesne’s collection. The same volume contains many original letters of the king, of Suger his minister, &c., the best documents of authentic history.]

    [Footnote 23: Terram horroris et salsuginis, terram siccam sterilem, inamoenam. Anonym. Canis. p. 517. The emphatic language of a sufferer.] [Footnote 24: Gens innumera, sylvestris, indomita, praedones sine ductore. The sultan of Cogni might sincerely rejoice in their defeat. Anonym. Canis. p. 517, 518.]

    [Footnote 25: See, in the anonymous writer in the Collection of Canisius, Tagino and Bohadin, (Vit. Saladin. p. 119, 120,) the ambiguous conduct of Kilidge Arslan, sultan of Cogni, who hated and feared both Saladin and Frederic.]

    [Footnote 26: The desire of comparing two great men has tempted many writers to drown Frederic in the River Cydnus, in which Alexander so imprudently bathed, (Q. Curt. l. iii c. 4,

    5.) But, from the march of the emperor, I rather judge, that his Saleph is the Calycadnus, a stream of less fame, but of a longer course.

    Note: It is now called the Girama: its course is described in M’Donald Kinneir’s Travels. – M.]

    [Footnote 27: Marinus Sanutus, A.D. 1321, lays it down as a precept, Quod stolus ecclesiae per terram nullatenus est ducenda.

    He resolves, by the divine aid, the objection, or rather exception, of the first crusade, (Secreta Fidelium Crucis, l. ii. pars ii. c. i. p. 37.)]

    The enthusiasm of the first crusade is a natural and simple event, while hope was fresh, danger untried, and enterprise congenial to the spirit of the times. But the obstinate perseverance of Europe may indeed excite our pity and admiration; that no instruction should have been drawn from constant and adverse experience; that the same confidence should have repeatedly grown from the same failures; that six succeeding generations should have rushed headlong down the precipice that was open before them; and that men of every condition should have staked their public and private fortunes on the desperate adventure of possessing or recovering a tombstone two thousand miles from their country. In a period of two centuries after the council of Clermont, each spring and summer produced a new emigration of pilgrim warriors for the defence of the Holy Land; but the seven great armaments or crusades were excited by some impending or recent calamity: the nations were moved by the authority of their pontiffs, and the example of their kings: their zeal was kindled, and their reason was silenced, by the voice of their holy orators; and among these, Bernard, ^28 the monk, or the saint, may claim the most honorable place. ^* About eight years before the first conquest of

    Jerusalem, he was born of a noble family in Burgundy; at the age of three- and-twenty he buried himself in the monastery of Citeaux, then in the primitive fervor of the institution; at the end of two years he led forth her third colony, or daughter, to the valley of Clairvaux ^29 in Champagne; and was content, till the hour of his death, with the humble station of abbot of his own community. A philosophic age has abolished, with too liberal and indiscriminate disdain, the honors of these spiritual heroes. The meanest among them are distinguished by some energies of the mind; they were at least superior to their votaries and disciples; and, in the race of superstition, they attained the prize for which such numbers contended. In speech, in writing, in action, Bernard stood high above his rivals and contemporaries; his compositions are not devoid of wit and eloquence; and he seems to have preserved as much reason and humanity as may be reconciled with the character of a saint. In a secular life, he would have shared the seventh part of a private inheritance; by a vow of poverty and penance, by closing his eyes against the visible world, ^30 by the refusal of all ecclesiastical dignities, the abbot of Clairvaux became the oracle of Europe, and the founder of one hundred and sixty convents. Princes and pontiffs trembled at the freedom of his apostolical censures: France, England, and Milan, consulted and obeyed his judgment in a schism of the church: the debt was repaid by the gratitude of Innocent the Second; and his successor, Eugenius the Third, was the friend and disciple of the holy Bernard. It was in the proclamation of the second crusade that he shone as the missionary and prophet of God, who called the nations to the defence of his holy sepulchre. ^31 At the parliament of Vezelay he spoke before the king; and Louis the Seventh, with his nobles, received their crosses from his hand. The abbot of Clairvaux then marched to the less easy conquest of the emperor Conrad: ^* a phlegmatic people, ignorant of his language, was transported by the pathetic vehemence of his tone and gestures; and his progress, from Constance to Cologne, was the triumph of eloquence and zeal. Bernard applauds his own success in the depopulation of Europe; affirms that cities and castles were emptied of their inhabitants; and computes, that only one man

    was left behind for the consolation of seven widows. ^32 The blind fanatics were desirous of electing him for their general; but the example of the hermit Peter was before his eyes; and while he assured the crusaders of the divine favor, he prudently declined a military command, in which failure and victory would have been almost equally disgraceful to his character. ^33 Yet, after the calamitous event, the abbot of Clairvaux was loudly accused as a false prophet, the author of the public and private mourning; his enemies exulted, his friends blushed, and his apology was slow and unsatisfactory. He justifies his obedience to the commands of the pope; expatiates on the mysterious ways of Providence; imputes the misfortunes of the pilgrims to their own sins; and modestly insinuates, that his mission had been approved by signs and wonders. ^34 Had the fact been certain, the argument would be decisive; and his faithful disciples, who enumerate twenty or thirty miracles in a day, appeal to the public assemblies of France and Germany, in which they were performed. ^35 At the present hour, such prodigies will not obtain credit beyond the precincts of Clairvaux; but in the preternatural cures of the blind, the lame, and the sick, who were presented to the man of God, it is impossible for us to ascertain the separate shares of accident, of fancy, of imposture, and of fiction.

    [Footnote 28: The most authentic information of St. Bernard must be drawn from his own writings, published in a correct edition by Pere Mabillon, and reprinted at Venice, 1750, in six volumes in folio. Whatever friendship could recollect, or superstition could add, is contained in the two lives, by his disciples, in the vith volume: whatever learning and criticism could ascertain, may be found in the prefaces of the Benedictine editor] [Footnote *: Gibbon, whose account of the crusades is perhaps the least accurate and satisfactory chapter in his History, has here failed in that lucid arrangement, which in general gives perspicuity to his most condensed and crowded narratives. He has unaccountably, and to the great perplexity of the reader, placed the preaching of St Bernard after the second crusade to which i led. – M.]

    [Footnote 29: Clairvaux, surnamed the valley of Absynth, is situate among the woods near Bar sur Aube in Champagne. St. Bernard would blush at the pomp of the church and monastery; he would ask for the library, and I know not whether he would be much edified by a tun of 800 muids, (914 1-7 hogsheads,) which almost rivals that of Heidelberg, (Melanges tires d’une Grande Bibliotheque, tom. xlvi. p. 15 – 20.)]

    [Footnote 30: The disciples of the saint (Vit. ima, l. iii. c. 2, p. 1232. Vit. iida, c. 16, No. 45, p. 1383) record a marvellous example of his pious apathy. Juxta lacum etiam Lausannensem totius diei itinere pergens, penitus non attendit aut se videre non vidit. Cum enim vespere facto de eodem lacu socii colloquerentur, interrogabat eos ubi lacus ille esset, et mirati sunt universi. To admire or despise St. Bernard as he ought, the reader, like myself, should have before the windows of his library the beauties of that incomparable landscape.]

    [Footnote 31: Otho Frising. l. i. c. 4. Bernard. Epist. 363, ad Francos Orientales Opp. tom. i. p. 328. Vit. ima, l. iii. c. 4, tom. vi. p. 1235.] [Footnote *: Bernard had a nobler object in his expedition into Germany – to arrest the fierce and merciless persecution of the Jews, which was preparing, under the monk Radulph, to renew the frightful scenes which had preceded the first crusade, in the flourishing cities on the banks of the Rhine. The Jews acknowledge the Christian intervention of St. Bernard. See the curious extract from the History of Joseph ben Meir. Wilken, vol. iii. p. 1. and p. 63 – M]

    [Footnote 32: Mandastis et obedivi . . . . multiplicati sunt super numerum; vacuantur urbes et castella; et pene jam non inveniunt quem apprehendant septem mulieres unum virum; adeo ubique viduae vivis remanent viris. Bernard. Epist. p. 247. We must be careful not to construe pene as a substantive.] [Footnote 33: Quis ego sum ut disponam acies, ut egrediar ante facies armatorum, aut quid tam remotum a professione mea, si vires, si peritia, &c. Epist. 256, tom. i. p.

    1. He speaks with contempt of the hermit Peter, vir quidam, Epist. 363.]

    [Footnote 34: Sic dicunt forsitan isti, unde scimus quod a Domino sermo egressus sit? Quae signa tu facis ut credamus tibi? Non est quod ad ista ipse respondeam; parcendum verecundiae meae, responde tu pro me, et pro te ipso, secundum quae vidisti et audisti, et secundum quod te inspiraverit Deus. Consolat. l. ii. c. 1. Opp. tom. ii. p. 421 – 423.]

    [Footnote 35: See the testimonies in Vita ima, l. iv. c. 5, 6. Opp. tom. vi. p. 1258 – 1261, l. vi. c. 1 – 17, p. 1286 – 1314.]

    Omnipotence itself cannot escape the murmurs of its

    discordant votaries; since the same dispensation which was applauded as a deliverance in Europe, was deplored, and perhaps arraigned, as a calamity in Asia. After the loss of Jerusalem, the Syrian fugitives diffused their consternation and sorrow; Bagdad mourned in the dust; the cadhi Zeineddin of Damascus tore his beard in the caliph’s presence; and the whole divan shed tears at his melancholy tale. ^36 But the commanders of the faithful could only weep; they were themselves captives in the hands of the Turks: some temporal power was restored to the last age of the Abbassides; but their humble ambition was confined to Bagdad and the adjacent province. Their tyrants, the Seljukian sultans, had followed the common law of the Asiatic dynasties, the unceasing round of valor, greatness, discord, degeneracy, and decay; their spirit and power were unequal to the defence of religion; and, in his distant realm of Persia, the Christians were strangers to the name and the arms of Sangiar, the last hero of his race. ^37 While the sultans were involved in the silken web of the harem, the pious task was undertaken by their slaves, the Atabeks, ^38 a Turkish name, which, like the Byzantine patricians, may be translated by Father of the Prince. Ascansar, a valiant Turk, had been the favorite of Malek Shaw, from whom he received the privilege of standing on the right

    hand of the throne; but, in the civil wars that ensued on the monarch’s death, he lost his head and the government of Aleppo. His domestic emirs persevered in their attachment to his son Zenghi, who proved his first arms against the Franks in the defeat of Antioch: thirty campaigns in the service of the caliph and sultan established his military fame; and he was invested with the command of Mosul, as the only champion that could avenge the cause of the prophet. The public hope was not disappointed: after a siege of twenty-five days, he stormed the city of Edessa, and recovered from the Franks their conquests beyond the Euphrates: ^39 the martial tribes of Curdistan were subdued by the independent sovereign of Mosul and Aleppo: his soldiers were taught to behold the camp as their only country; they trusted to his liberality for their rewards; and their absent families were protected by the vigilance of Zenghi. At the head of these veterans, his son Noureddin gradually united the Mahometan powers; ^* added the kingdom of Damascus to that of Aleppo, and waged a long and successful war against the Christians of Syria; he spread his ample reign from the Tigris to the Nile, and the Abbassides rewarded their faithful servant with all the titles and prerogatives of royalty. The Latins themselves were compelled to own the wisdom and courage, and even the justice and piety, of this implacable adversary. ^40 In his life and government the holy warrior revived the zeal and simplicity of the first caliphs. Gold and silk were banished from his palace; the use of wine from his dominions; the public revenue was scrupulously applied to the public service; and the frugal household of Noureddin was maintained from his legitimate share of the spoil which he vested in the purchase of a private estate.

    His favorite sultana sighed for some female object of expense. “Alas,” replied the king, “I fear God, and am no more than the treasurer of the Moslems. Their property I cannot alienate; but I still possess three shops in the city of Hems: these you may take; and these alone can I bestow.” His chamber of justice was the terror of the great and the refuge of the poor. Some years after the sultan’s death, an oppressed subject called

    aloud in the streets of Damascus, “O Noureddin, Noureddin, where art thou now? Arise, arise, to pity and protect us!” A tumult was apprehended, and a living tyrant blushed or trembled at the name of a departed monarch.

    [Footnote 36: Abulmahasen apud de Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 99.]

    [Footnote 37: See his article in the Bibliotheque Orientale of D’Herbelot, and De Guignes, tom. ii. p. i. p. 230 – 261. Such was his valor, that he was styled the second Alexander; and such the extravagant love of his subjects, that they prayed for the sultan a year after his decease. Yet Sangiar might have been made prisoner by the Franks, as well as by the Uzes. He reigned near fifty years, (A.D. 1103 – 1152,) and was a munificent patron of Persian poetry.]

    [Footnote 38: See the Chronology of the Atabeks of Irak and Syria, in De Guignes, tom. i. p. 254; and the reigns of Zenghi and Noureddin in the same writer, (tom. ii. p. ii. p. 147 – 221,) who uses the Arabic text of Benelathir, Ben Schouna and Abulfeda; the Bibliotheque Orientale, under the articles Atabeks and Noureddin, and the Dynasties of Abulpharagius, p. 250 – 267, vers. Pocock.]

    [Footnote 39: William of Tyre (l. xvi. c. 4, 5, 7) describes the loss of Edessa, and the death of Zenghi. The corruption of his name into Sanguin, afforded the Latins a comfortable allusion to his sanguinary character and end, fit sanguine sanguinolentus.]

    [Footnote *: On Noureddin’s conquest of Damascus, see extracts from Arabian writers prefixed to the second part of the third volume of Wilken. – M.]

    [Footnote 40: Noradinus (says William of Tyre, l. xx. 33) maximus nominis et fidei Christianae persecutor; princeps tamen justus, vafer, providus’ et secundum gentis suae traditiones religiosus. To this Catholic witness we may add the primate of the Jacobites, (Abulpharag. p. 267,) quo non alter erat inter reges vitae ratione magis laudabili, aut quae

    pluribus justitiae experimentis abundaret. The true praise of kings is after their death, and from the mouth of their enemies.]

    Chapter LIX: The Crusades.

    Part II.

    By the arms of the Turks and Franks, the Fatimites had been

    deprived of Syria. In Egypt the decay of their character and influence was still more essential. Yet they were still revered as the descendants and successors of the prophet; they maintained their invisible state in the palace of Cairo; and their person was seldom violated by the profane eyes of subjects or strangers. The Latin ambassadors ^41 have described their own introduction, through a series of gloomy passages, and glittering porticos: the scene was enlivened by the warbling of birds and the murmur of fountains: it was enriched by a display of rich furniture and rare animals; of the Imperial treasures, something was shown, and much was supposed; and the long order of unfolding doors was guarded by black soldiers and domestic eunuchs. The sanctuary of the presence chamber was veiled with a curtain; and the vizier, who conducted the ambassadors, laid aside the cimeter, and prostrated himself three times on the ground; the veil was then removed; and they beheld the commander of the faithful, who signified his pleasure to the first slave of the throne. But this slave was his master: the viziers or sultans had usurped the supreme administration of Egypt; the claims of the rival candidates were decided by arms; and the name of the most worthy, of the strongest, was inserted in the royal patent of command. The factions of Dargham and Shawer alternately expelled each other from the capital and country; and the weaker side implored the dangerous protection of the sultan of Damascus, or the king of Jerusalem, the perpetual enemies of

    the sect and monarchy of the Fatimites. By his arms and religion the Turk was most formidable; but the Frank, in an easy, direct march, could advance from Gaza to the Nile; while the intermediate situation of his realm compelled the troops of Noureddin to wheel round the skirts of Arabia, a long and painful circuit, which exposed them to thirst, fatigue, and the burning winds of the desert. The secret zeal and ambition of the Turkish prince aspired to reign in Egypt under the name of the Abbassides; but the restoration of the suppliant Shawer was the ostensible motive of the first expedition; and the success was intrusted to the emir Shiracouh, a valiant and veteran commander. Dargham was oppressed and slain; but the ingratitude, the jealousy, the just apprehensions, of his more fortunate rival, soon provoked him to invite the king of Jerusalem to deliver Egypt from his insolent benefactors. To this union the forces of Shiracouh were unequal: he relinquished the premature conquest; and the evacuation of Belbeis or Pelusium was the condition of his safe retreat. As the Turks defiled before the enemy, and their general closed the rear, with a vigilant eye, and a battle axe in his hand, a Frank presumed to ask him if he were not afraid of an attack. “It is doubtless in your power to begin the attack,” replied the intrepid emir; “but rest assured, that not one of my soldiers will go to paradise till he has sent an infidel to hell.” His report of the riches of the land, the effeminacy of the natives, and the disorders of the government, revived the hopes of Noureddin; the caliph of Bagdad applauded the pious design; and Shiracouh descended into Egypt a second time with twelve thousand Turks and eleven thousand Arabs. Yet his forces were still inferior to the confederate armies of the Franks and Saracens; and I can discern an unusual degree of military art, in his passage of the Nile, his retreat into Thebais, his masterly evolutions in the battle of Babain, the surprise of Alexandria, and his marches and countermarches in the flats and valley of Egypt, from the tropic to the sea. His conduct was seconded by the courage of his troops, and on the eve of action a Mamaluke ^42 exclaimed, “If we cannot wrest Egypt from the Christian dogs, why do we not renounce the honors and rewards of the sultan, and retire to labor with the

    peasants, or to spin with the females of the harem?” Yet, after all his efforts in the field, ^43 after the obstinate defence of Alexandria ^44 by his nephew Saladin, an honorable capitulation and retreat ^* concluded the second enterprise of Shiracouh; and Noureddin reserved his abilities for a third and more propitious occasion. It was soon offered by the ambition and avarice of Amalric or Amaury, king of Jerusalem, who had imbibed the pernicious maxim, that no faith should be kept with the enemies of God. ^! A religious warrior, the great master of the hospital, encouraged him to proceed; the emperor of Constantinople either gave, or promised, a fleet to act with the armies of Syria; and the perfidious Christian, unsatisfied with spoil and subsidy, aspired to the conquest of Egypt. In this emergency, the Moslems turned their eyes towards the sultan of Damascus; the vizier, whom danger encompassed on all sides, yielded to their unanimous wishes, and Noureddin seemed to be tempted by the fair offer of one third of the revenue of the kingdom. The Franks were already at the gates of Cairo; but the suburbs, the old city, were burnt on their approach; they were deceived by an insidious negotiation, and their vessels were unable to surmount the barriers of the Nile. They prudently declined a contest with the Turks in the midst of a hostile country; and Amaury retired into Palestine with the shame and reproach that always adhere to unsuccessful injustice. After this deliverance, Shiracouh was invested with a robe of honor, which he soon stained with the blood of the unfortunate Shawer. For a while, the Turkish emirs condescended to hold the office of vizier; but this foreign conquest precipitated the fall of the Fatimites themselves; and the bloodless change was accomplished by a message and a word. The caliphs had been degraded by their own weakness and the tyranny of the viziers: their subjects blushed, when the descendant and successor of the prophet presented his naked hand to the rude gripe of a Latin ambassador; they wept when he sent the hair of his women, a sad emblem of their grief and terror, to excite the pity of the sultan of Damascus. By the command of Noureddin, and the sentence of the doctors, the holy names of Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, were solemnly restored: the caliph Mosthadi, of

    Bagdad, was acknowledged in the public prayers as the true commander of the faithful; and the green livery of the sons of Ali was exchanged for the black color of the Abbassides. The last of his race, the caliph Adhed, who survived only ten days, expired in happy ignorance of his fate; his treasures secured the loyalty of the soldiers, and silenced the murmurs of the sectaries; and in all subsequent revolutions, Egypt has never departed from the orthodox tradition of the Moslems. ^45

    [Footnote 41: From the ambassador, William of Tyre (l. xix. c. 17, 18,) describes the palace of Cairo. In the caliph’s treasure were found a pearl as large as a pigeon’s egg, a ruby weighing seventeen Egyptian drams, an emerald a palm and a half in length, and many vases of crystal and porcelain of China, (Renaudot, p. 536.)]

    [Footnote 42: Mamluc, plur. Mamalic, is defined by Pocock, (Prolegom. ad Abulpharag. p. 7,) and D’Herbelot, (p. 545,) servum emptitium, seu qui pretio numerato in domini possessionem cedit. They frequently occur in the wars of Saladin, (Bohadin, p. 236, &c.;) and it was only the Bahartie Mamalukes that were first introduced into Egypt by his descendants.]

    [Footnote 43: Jacobus a Vitriaco (p. 1116) gives the king of Jerusalem no more than 374 knights. Both the Franks and the Moslems report the superior numbers of the enemy; a difference which may be solved by counting or omitting the unwarlike Egyptians.]

    [Footnote 44: It was the Alexandria of the Arabs, a middle term in extent and riches between the period of the Greeks and Romans, and that of the Turks, (Savary, Lettres sur l’Egypte, tom. i. p. 25, 26.)]

    [Footnote *: The treaty stipulated that both the Christians and the Arabs should withdraw from Egypt. Wilken, vol. iii. part ii. p. 113. – M.] [Footnote !: The Knights Templars, abhorring the perfidious breach of treaty partly, perhaps, out of jealousy of the Hospitallers, refused to join in this enterprise. Will. Tyre c. xx.

    1. 5. Wilken, vol. iii. part ii. p. 117 – M.] [Footnote 45: For this great revolution of Egypt, see William of Tyre, (l. xix. 5, 6, 7, 12 – 31, xx. 5 – 12,) Bohadin, (in Vit. Saladin, p. 30 – 39,) Abulfeda, (in Excerpt. Schultens, p. 1 – 12,) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orient. Adhed, Fathemah, but very incorrect,) Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 522 – 525, 532 – 537,) Vertot, (Hist. des Chevaliers de Malthe, tom. i. p. 141 –

    163,

    in 4to.,) and M. de Guignes, (tom. ii. p. 185 – 215.)] The hilly country beyond the Tigris is occupied by the

    pastoral tribes of the Curds; ^46 a people hardy, strong, savage impatient of the yoke, addicted to rapine, and tenacious of the government of their national chiefs. The resemblance of name, situation, and manners, seems to identify them with the Carduchians of the Greeks; ^47 and they still defend against the Ottoman Porte the antique freedom which they asserted against the successors of Cyrus. Poverty and ambition prompted them to embrace the profession of mercenary soldiers: the service of his father and uncle prepared the reign of the great Saladin; ^48 and the son of Job or Ayud, a simple Curd, magnanimously smiled at his pedigree, which flattery deduced from the Arabian caliphs. ^49 So unconscious was Noureddin of the impending ruin of his house, that he constrained the reluctant youth to follow his uncle Shiracouh into Egypt: his military character was established by the defence of Alexandria; and, if we may believe the Latins, he solicited and obtained from the Christian general the profane honors of knighthood. ^50 On the death of Shiracouh, the office of grand vizier was bestowed on Saladin, as the youngest and least powerful of the emirs; but with the advice of his father, whom he invited to Cairo, his genius obtained the ascendant over his equals, and attached the army to his person and interest. While Noureddin lived, these ambitious Curds were the most humble of his slaves; and the indiscreet murmurs of the divan were silenced by the prudent Ayub, who loudly protested that at the command of the sultan he himself would lead his sons in chains to the foot of the throne. “Such language,” he added in private, “was prudent

    and proper in an assembly of your rivals; but we are now above fear and obedience; and the threats of Noureddin shall not extort the tribute of a sugar-cane.” His seasonable death relieved them from the odious and doubtful conflict: his son, a minor of eleven years of age, was left for a while to the emirs of Damascus; and the new lord of Egypt was decorated by the caliph with every title ^51 that could sanctify his usurpation in the eyes of the people. Nor was Saladin long content with the possession of Egypt; he despoiled the Christians of Jerusalem, and the Atabeks of Damascus, Aleppo, and Diarbekir: Mecca and Medina acknowledged him for their temporal protector: his brother subdued the distant regions of Yemen, or the happy Arabia; and at the hour of his death, his empire was spread from the African Tripoli to the Tigris, and from the Indian Ocean to the mountains of Armenia. In the judgment of his character, the reproaches of treason and ingratitude strike forcibly on our minds, impressed, as they are, with the principle and experience of law and loyalty. But his ambition may in some measure be excused by the revolutions of Asia, ^52 which had erased every notion of legitimate succession; by the recent example of the Atabeks themselves; by his reverence to the son of his benefactor; his humane and generous behavior to the collateral branches; by their incapacity and his merit; by the approbation of the caliph, the sole source of all legitimate power; and, above all, by the wishes and interest of the people, whose happiness is the first object of government. In his virtues, and in those of his patron, they admired the singular union of the hero and the saint; for both Noureddin and Saladin are ranked among the Mahometan saints; and the constant meditation of the holy war appears to have shed a serious and sober color over their lives and actions. The youth of the latter ^53 was addicted to wine and women: but his aspiring spirit soon renounced the temptations of pleasure for the graver follies of fame and dominion: the garment of Saladin was of coarse woollen; water was his only drink; and, while he emulated the temperance, he surpassed the chastity, of his Arabian prophet. Both in faith and practice he was a rigid Mussulman: he ever deplored that the defence of religion had not allowed

    him to accomplish the pilgrimage of Mecca; but at the stated hours, five times each day, the sultan devoutly prayed with his brethren: the involuntary omission of fasting was scrupulously repaid; and his perusal of the Koran, on horseback between the approaching armies, may be quoted as a proof, however ostentatious, of piety and courage. ^54 The superstitious doctrine of the sect of Shafei was the only study that he deigned to encourage: the poets were safe in his contempt; but all profane science was the object of his aversion; and a philosopher, who had invented some speculative novelties, was seized and strangled by the command of the royal saint. The justice of his divan was accessible to the meanest suppliant against himself and his ministers; and it was only for a kingdom that Saladin would deviate from the rule of equity. While the descendants of Seljuk and Zenghi held his stirrup and smoothed his garments, he was affable and patient with the meanest of his servants. So boundless was his liberality, that he distributed twelve thousand horses at the siege of Acre; and, at the time of his death, no more than forty-seven drams of silver and one piece of gold coin were found in the treasury; yet, in a martial reign, the tributes were diminished, and the wealthy citizens enjoyed, without fear or danger, the fruits of their industry. Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were adorned by the royal foundations of hospitals, colleges, and mosques; and Cairo was fortified with a wall and citadel; but his works were consecrated to public use: ^55 nor did the sultan indulge himself in a garden or palace of private luxury. In a fanatic age, himself a fanatic, the genuine virtues of Saladin commanded the esteem of the Christians; the emperor of Germany gloried in his friendship; ^56 the Greek emperor solicited his alliance; ^57 and the conquest of Jerusalem diffused, and perhaps magnified, his fame both in the East and West.

    [Footnote 46: For the Curds, see De Guignes, tom. ii. p. 416, 417, the Index Geographicus of Schultens and Tavernier, Voyages, p. i. p. 308, 309. The Ayoubites descended from the tribe of the Rawadiaei, one of the noblest; but as they were infected with the heresy of the Metempsychosis, the orthodox

    sultans insinuated that their descent was only on the mother’s side, and that their ancestor was a stranger who settled among the Curds.] [Footnote 47: See the ivth book of the Anabasis of Xenophon. The ten thousand suffered more from the arrows of the free Carduchians, than from the splendid weakness of the great king.]

    [Footnote 48: We are indebted to the professor Schultens (Lugd. Bat, 1755, in folio) for the richest and most authentic materials, a life of Saladin by his friend and minister the Cadhi Bohadin, and copious extracts from the history of his kinsman the prince Abulfeda of Hamah. To these we may add, the article of Salaheddin in the Bibliotheque Orientale, and all that may be gleaned from the Dynasties of Abulpharagius.]

    [Footnote 49: Since Abulfeda was himself an Ayoubite, he may share the praise, for imitating, at least tacitly, the modesty of the founder.] [Footnote 50: Hist. Hierosol. in the Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 1152. A similar example may be found in Joinville, (p. 42, edition du Louvre;) but the pious St. Louis refused to dignify infidels with the order of Christian knighthood, (Ducange, Observations, p 70.)]

    [Footnote 51: In these Arabic titles, religionis must always be understood; Noureddin, lumen r.; Ezzodin, decus; Amadoddin, columen: our hero’s proper name was Joseph, and he was styled Salahoddin, salus; Al Malichus, Al Nasirus, rex defensor; Abu Modaffer, pater victoriae, Schultens, Praefat.] [Footnote 52: Abulfeda, who descended from a brother of Saladin, observes, from many examples, that the founders of dynasties took the guilt for themselves, and left the reward to their innocent collaterals, (Excerpt p. 10.)]

    [Footnote 53: See his life and character in Renaudot, p. 537 – 548.]

    [Footnote 54: His civil and religious virtues are celebrated in the first chapter of Bohadin, (p. 4 – 30,) himself an eye-witness, and an honest bigot.]

    [Footnote 55: In many works, particularly Joseph’s well in the castle of Cairo, the Sultan and the Patriarch have been confounded by the ignorance of natives and travellers.]

    [Footnote 56: Anonym. Canisii, tom. iii. p. ii. p. 504.]

    [Footnote 57: Bohadin, p. 129, 130.]

    During his short existence, the kingdom of Jerusalem ^58 was

    supported by the discord of the Turks and Saracens; and both the Fatimite caliphs and the sultans of Damascus were tempted to sacrifice the cause of their religion to the meaner considerations of private and present advantage. But the powers of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were now united by a hero, whom nature and fortune had armed against the Christians. All without now bore the most threatening aspect; and all was feeble and hollow in the internal state of Jerusalem. After the two first Baldwins, the brother and cousin of Godfrey of Bouillon, the sceptre devolved by female succession to Melisenda, daughter of the second Baldwin, and her husband Fulk, count of Anjou, the father, by a former marriage, of our English Plantagenets. Their two sons, Baldwin the Third, and Amaury, waged a strenuous, and not unsuccessful, war against the infidels; but the son of Amaury, Baldwin the Fourth, was deprived, by the leprosy, a gift of the crusades, of the faculties both of mind and body. His sister Sybilla, the mother of Baldwin the Fifth, was his natural heiress: after the suspicious death of her child, she crowned her second husband, Guy of Lusignan, a prince of a handsome person, but of such base renown, that his own brother Jeffrey was heard to exclaim, “Since they have made him a king, surely they would have made me a god!” The choice was generally blamed; and the most powerful vassal, Raymond count of Tripoli, who had been excluded from the succession and regency, entertained an implacable hatred against the king, and exposed his honor and conscience to the temptations of the sultan. Such were the guardians of the holy city; a leper, a child, a woman, a coward, and a traitor: yet its fate was

    delayed twelve years by some supplies from Europe, by the valor of the military orders, and by the distant or domestic avocations of their great enemy. At length, on every side, the sinking state was encircled and pressed by a hostile line: and the truce was violated by the Franks, whose existence it protected. A soldier of fortune, Reginald of Chatillon, had seized a fortress on the edge of the desert, from whence he pillaged the caravans, insulted Mahomet, and threatened the cities of Mecca and Medina. Saladin condescended to complain; rejoiced in the denial of justice, and at the head of fourscore thousand horse and foot invaded the Holy Land. The choice of Tiberias for his first siege was suggested by the count of Tripoli, to whom it belonged; and the king of Jerusalem was persuaded to drain his garrison, and to arm his people, for the relief of that important place. ^59 By the advice of the perfidious Raymond, the Christians were betrayed into a camp destitute of water: he fled on the first onset, with the curses of both nations: ^60 Lusignan was overthrown, with the loss of thirty thousand men; and the wood of the true cross (a dire misfortune!) was left in the power of the infidels. ^* The royal captive was conducted to the tent of Saladin; and as he fainted with thirst and terror, the generous victor presented him with a cup of sherbet, cooled in snow, without suffering his companion, Reginald of Chatillon, to partake of this pledge of hospitality and pardon. “The person and dignity of a king,” said the sultan, “are sacred, but this impious robber must instantly acknowledge the prophet, whom he has blasphemed, or meet the death which he has so often deserved.” On the proud or conscientious refusal of the Christian warrior, Saladin struck him on the head with his cimeter, and Reginald was despatched by the guards. ^61 The trembling Lusignan was sent to Damascus, to an honorable prison and speedy ransom; but the victory was stained by the execution of two hundred and thirty knights of the hospital, the intrepid champions and martyrs of their faith. The kingdom was left without a head; and of the two grand masters of the military orders, the one was slain and the other was a prisoner. From all the cities, both of the sea-coast and the inland country, the garrisons had been drawn away for this fatal field: Tyre and

    Tripoli alone could escape the rapid inroad of Saladin; and three months after the battle of Tiberias, he appeared in arms before the gates of Jerusalem. ^62

    [Footnote 58: For the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, see William of Tyre, from the ixth to the xxiid book. Jacob a Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosolem l i., and Sanutus Secreta Fidelium Crucis, l. iii. p. vi. vii. viii. ix.] [Footnote 59: Templarii ut apes bombabant et Hospitalarii ut venti stridebant, et barones se exitio offerebant, et Turcopuli (the Christian light troops) semet ipsi in ignem injiciebant, (Ispahani de Expugnatione Kudsitica, p. 18, apud Schultens;) a specimen of Arabian eloquence, somewhat different from the style of Xenophon!]

    [Footnote 60: The Latins affirm, the Arabians insinuate, the treason of Raymond; but had he really embraced their religion, he would have been a saint and a hero in the eyes of the latter.]

    [Footnote *: Raymond’s advice would have prevented the abandonment of a secure camp abounding with water near Sepphoris.

    The rash and insolent valor of the master of the order of Knights Templars, which had before exposed the Christians to a fatal defeat at the brook Kishon, forced the feeble king to annul the determination of a council of war, and advance to a camp in an enclosed valley among the mountains, near Hittin, without water. Raymond did not fly till the battle was irretrievably lost, and then the Saracens seem to have opened their ranks to allow him free passage. The charge of suggesting the siege of Tiberias appears ungrounded Raymond, no doubt, played a double part: he was a man of strong sagacity, who foresaw the desperate nature of the contest with Saladin, endeavored by every means to maintain the treaty, and, though he joined both his arms and his still more valuable counsels to the Christian army, yet kept up a kind of amicable correspondence with the Mahometans. See Wilken, vol. iii. part ii. p. 276, et seq. Michaud, vol. ii. p. 278, et seq. M.

    Michaud is still more friendly than Wilken to the memory of Count Raymond, who died suddenly, shortly after the battle of Hittin. He quotes a letter written in the name of Saladin by the caliph Alfdel, to show that Raymond was considered by the Mahometans their most dangerous and detested enemy. “No person of distinction among the Christians escaped, except the count, (of Tripoli) whom God curse. God made him die shortly afterwards, and sent him from the kingdom of death to hell.” – M.] [Footnote 61: Benaud, Reginald, or Arnold de Chatillon, is celebrated by the Latins in his life and death; but the circumstances of the latter are more distinctly related by Bohadin and Abulfeda; and Joinville (Hist. de St. Louis, p. 70) alludes to the practice of Saladin, of never putting to death a prisoner who had tasted his bread and salt. Some of the companions of Arnold had been slaughtered, and almost sacrificed, in a valley of Mecca, ubi sacrificia mactantur, (Abulfeda, p. 32.)]

    [Footnote 62: Vertot, who well describes the loss of the kingdom and city (Hist. des Chevaliers de Malthe, tom. i. l. ii. p. 226 – 278,) inserts two original epistles of a Knight Templar.]

    He might expect that the siege of a city so venerable on

    earth and in heaven, so interesting to Europe and Asia, would rekindle the last sparks of enthusiasm; and that, of sixty thousand Christians, every man would be a soldier, and every soldier a candidate for martyrdom. But Queen Sybilla trembled for herself and her captive husband; and the barons and knights, who had escaped from the sword and chains of the Turks, displayed the same factious and selfish spirit in the public ruin. The most numerous portion of the inhabitants was composed of the Greek and Oriental Christians, whom experience had taught to prefer the Mahometan before the Latin yoke; ^63 and the holy sepulchre attracted a base and needy crowd, without arms or courage, who subsisted only on the charity of the pilgrims. Some feeble and hasty efforts were

    made for the defence of Jerusalem: but in the space of fourteen days, a victorious army drove back the sallies of the besieged, planted their engines, opened the wall to the breadth of fifteen cubits, applied their scaling-ladders, and erected on the breach twelve banners of the prophet and the sultan. It was in vain that a barefoot procession of the queen, the women, and the monks, implored the Son of God to save his tomb and his inheritance from impious violation. Their sole hope was in the mercy of the conqueror, and to their first suppliant deputation that mercy was sternly denied. “He had sworn to avenge the patience and long-suffering of the Moslems; the hour of forgiveness was elapsed, and the moment was now arrived to expiate, in blood, the innocent blood which had been spilt by Godfrey and the first crusaders.” But a desperate and successful struggle of the Franks admonished the sultan that his triumph was not yet secure; he listened with reverence to a solemn adjuration in the name of the common Father of mankind; and a sentiment of human sympathy mollified the rigor of fanaticism and conquest. He consented to accept the city, and to spare the inhabitants. The Greek and Oriental Christians were permitted to live under his dominion, but it was stipulated, that in forty days all the Franks and Latins should evacuate Jerusalem, and be safely conducted to the seaports of Syria and Egypt; that ten pieces of gold should be paid for each man, five for each woman, and one for every child; and that those who were unable to purchase their freedom should be detained in perpetual slavery. Of some writers it is a favorite and invidious theme to compare the humanity of Saladin with the massacre of the first crusade. The difference would be merely personal; but we should not forget that the Christians had offered to capitulate, and that the Mahometans of Jerusalem sustained the last extremities of an assault and storm. Justice is indeed due to the fidelity with which the Turkish conqueror fulfilled the conditions of the treaty; and he may be deservedly praised for the glance of pity which he cast on the misery of the vanquished. Instead of a rigorous exaction of his debt, he accepted a sum of thirty thousand byzants, for the ransom of seven thousand poor; two or three thousand more were

    dismissed by his gratuitous clemency; and the number of slaves was reduced to eleven or fourteen thousand persons. In this interview with the queen, his words, and even his tears suggested the kindest consolations; his liberal alms were distributed among those who had been made orphans or widows by the fortune of war; and while the knights of the hospital were in arms against him, he allowed their more pious brethren to continue, during the term of a year, the care and service of the sick. In these acts of mercy the virtue of Saladin deserves our admiration and love: he was above the necessity of dissimulation, and his stern fanaticism would have prompted him to dissemble, rather than to affect, this profane compassion for the enemies of the Koran. After Jerusalem had been delivered from the presence of the strangers, the sultan made his triumphal entry, his banners waving in the wind, and to the harmony of martial music. The great mosque of Omar, which had been converted into a church, was again consecrated to one God and his prophet Mahomet: the walls and pavement were purified with rose-water; and a pulpit, the labor of Noureddin, was erected in the sanctuary. But when the golden cross that glittered on the dome was cast down, and dragged through the streets, the Christians of every sect uttered a lamentable groan, which was answered by the joyful shouts of the Moslems. In four ivory chests the patriarch had collected the crosses, the images, the vases, and the relics of the holy place; they were seized by the conqueror, who was desirous of presenting the caliph with the trophies of Christian idolatry. He was persuaded, however, to intrust them to the patriarch and prince of Antioch; and the pious pledge was redeemed by Richard of England, at the expense of fifty-two thousand byzants of gold. ^64

    [Footnote 63: Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 545.]

    [Footnote 64: For the conquest of Jerusalem, Bohadin (p. 67 – 75) and Abulfeda (p. 40 – 43) are our Moslem witnesses. Of the Christian, Bernard Thesaurarius (c. 151 – 167) is the most copious and authentic; see likewise Matthew Paris, (p. 120 – 124.)]

    The nations might fear and hope the immediate and final

    expulsion of the Latins from Syria; which was yet delayed above a century after the death of Saladin. ^65 In the career of victory, he was first checked by the resistance of Tyre; the troops and garrisons, which had capitulated, were imprudently conducted to the same port: their numbers were adequate to the defence of the place; and the arrival of Conrad of Montferrat inspired the disorderly crowd with confidence and union. His father, a venerable pilgrim, had been made prisoner in the battle of Tiberias; but that disaster was unknown in Italy and Greece, when the son was urged by ambition and piety to visit the inheritance of his royal nephew, the infant Baldwin. The view of the Turkish banners warned him from the hostile coast of Jaffa; and Conrad was unanimously hailed as the prince and champion of Tyre, which was already besieged by the conqueror of Jerusalem. The firmness of his zeal, and perhaps his knowledge of a generous foe, enabled him to brave the threats of the sultan, and to declare, that should his aged parent be exposed before the walls, he himself would discharge the first arrow, and glory in his descent from a Christian martyr. ^66 The Egyptian fleet was allowed to enter the harbor of Tyre; but the chain was suddenly drawn, and five galleys were either sunk or taken: a thousand Turks were slain in a sally; and Saladin, after burning his engines, concluded a glorious campaign by a disgraceful retreat to Damascus. He was soon assailed by a more formidable tempest. The pathetic narratives, and even the pictures, that represented in lively colors the servitude and profanation of Jerusalem, awakened the torpid sensibility of Europe: the emperor Frederic Barbarossa, and the kings of France and England, assumed the cross; and the tardy magnitude of their armaments was anticipated by the maritime states of the Mediterranean and the Ocean. The skilful and provident Italians first embarked in the ships of Genoa, Pisa, and Venice. They were speedily followed by the most eager pilgrims of France, Normandy, and the Western Isles. The powerful succor of Flanders, Frise, and Denmark,

    filled near a hundred vessels: and the Northern warriors were distinguished in the field by a lofty stature and a ponderous battle- axe. ^67 Their increasing multitudes could no longer be confined within the walls of Tyre, or remain obedient to the voice of Conrad. They pitied the misfortunes, and revered the dignity, of Lusignan, who was released from prison, perhaps, to divide the army of the Franks. He proposed the recovery of Ptolemais, or Acre, thirty miles to the south of Tyre; and the place was first invested by two thousand horse and thirty thousand foot under his nominal command. I shall not expatiate on the story of this memorable siege; which lasted near two years, and consumed, in a narrow space, the forces of Europe and Asia. Never did the flame of enthusiasm burn with fiercer and more destructive rage; nor could the true believers, a common appellation, who consecrated their own martyrs, refuse some applause to the mistaken zeal and courage of their adversaries. At the sound of the holy trumpet, the Moslems of Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and the Oriental provinces, assembled under the servant of the prophet: ^68 his camp was pitched and removed within a few miles of Acre; and he labored, night and day, for the relief of his brethren and the annoyance of the Franks. Nine battles, not unworthy of the name, were fought in the neighborhood of Mount Carmel, with such vicissitude of fortune, that in one attack, the sultan forced his way into the city; that in one sally, the Christians penetrated to the royal tent. By the means of divers and pigeons, a regular correspondence was maintained with the besieged; and, as often as the sea was left open, the exhausted garrison was withdrawn, and a fresh supply was poured into the place. The Latin camp was thinned by famine, the sword and the climate; but the tents of the dead were replenished with new pilgrims, who exaggerated the strength and speed of their approaching countrymen. The vulgar was astonished by the report, that the pope himself, with an innumerable crusade, was advanced as far as Constantinople. The march of the emperor filled the East with more serious alarms: the obstacles which he encountered in Asia, and perhaps in Greece, were raised by the policy of Saladin: his joy on the death of Barbarossa was measured by his esteem; and

    the Christians were rather dismayed than encouraged at the sight of the duke of Swabia and his way-worn remnant of five thousand Germans. At length, in the spring of the second year, the royal fleets of France and England cast anchor in the Bay of Acre, and the siege was more vigorously prosecuted by the youthful emulation of the two kings, Philip Augustus and Richard Plantagenet. After every resource had been tried, and every hope was exhausted, the defenders of Acre submitted to their fate; a capitulation was granted, but their lives and liberties were taxed at the hard conditions of a ransom of two hundred thousand pieces of gold, the deliverance of one hundred nobles, and fifteen hundred inferior captives, and the restoration of the wood of the holy cross. Some doubts in the agreement, and some delay in the execution, rekindled the fury of the Franks, and three thousand Moslems, almost in the sultan’s view, were beheaded by the command of the sanguinary Richard. ^69 By the conquest of Acre, the Latin powers acquired a strong town and a convenient harbor; but the advantage was most dearly purchased. The minister and historian of Saladin computes, from the report of the enemy, that their numbers, at different periods, amounted to five or six hundred thousand; that more than one hundred thousand Christians were slain; that a far greater number was lost by disease or shipwreck; and that a small portion of this mighty host could return in safety to their native countries. ^70

    [Footnote 65: The sieges of Tyre and Acre are most copiously described by Bernard Thesaurarius, (de Acquisitione Terrae Sanctae, c. 167 – 179,) the author of the Historia Hierosolymitana, (p. 1150 – 1172, in Bongarnius,) Abulfeda, (p. 43 – 50,) and Bohadin, (p. 75 – 179.)]

    [Footnote 66: I have followed a moderate and probable representation of the fact; by Vertot, who adopts without reluctance a romantic tale the old marquis is actually exposed to the darts of the besieged.]

    [Footnote 67: Northmanni et Gothi, et caeteri populi insularum quae inter occidentem et septentrionem sitae sunt, gentes bellicosae, corporis proceri mortis intrepidae,

    bipenbibus armatae, navibus rotundis, quae Ysnachiae dicuntur, advectae.]

    [Footnote 68: The historian of Jerusalem (p. 1108) adds the nations of the East from the Tigris to India, and the swarthy tribes of Moors and Getulians, so that Asia and Africa fought against Europe.]

    [Footnote 69: Bohadin, p. 180; and this massacre is neither denied nor blamed by the Christian historians. Alacriter jussa complentes, (the English soldiers,) says Galfridus a Vinesauf, (l. iv. c. 4, p. 346,) who fixes at 2700 the number of victims; who are multiplied to 5000 by Roger Hoveden, (p. 697, 698.) The humanity or avarice of Philip Augustus was persuaded to ransom his prisoners, (Jacob a Vitriaco, l. i. c. 98, p. 1122.)]

    [Footnote 70: Bohadin, p. 14. He quotes the judgment of Balianus, and the prince of Sidon, and adds, ex illo mundo quasi hominum paucissimi redierunt. Among the Christians who died before St. John d’Acre, I find the English names of De Ferrers earl of Derby, (Dugdale, Baronage, part i. p. 260,) Mowbray, (idem, p. 124,) De Mandevil, De Fiennes, St. John, Scrope, Bigot, Talbot, &c.]

    Chapter LIX: The Crusades.

    Part III.

    Philip Augustus, and Richard the First, are the only kings

    of France and England who have fought under the same banners; but the holy service in which they were enlisted was incessantly disturbed by their national jealousy; and the two factions, which they protected in Palestine, were more averse to each other than to the common enemy. In the eyes of the Orientals; the French monarch was superior in dignity and power; and, in the emperor’s absence, the Latins revered him

    as their temporal chief. ^71 His exploits were not adequate to his fame. Philip was brave, but the statesman predominated in his character; he was soon weary of sacrificing his health and interest on a barren coast: the surrender of Acre became the signal of his departure; nor could he justify this unpopular desertion, by leaving the duke of Burgundy with five hundred knights and ten thousand foot, for the service of the Holy Land. The king of England, though inferior in dignity, surpassed his rival in wealth and military renown; ^72 and if heroism be confined to brutal and ferocious valor, Richard Plantagenet will stand high among the heroes of the age. The memory of Coeur de Lion, of the lion-hearted prince, was long dear and glorious to his English subjects; and, at the distance of sixty years, it was celebrated in proverbial sayings by the grandsons of the Turks and Saracens, against whom he had fought: his tremendous name was employed by the Syrian mothers to silence their infants; and if a horse suddenly started from the way, his rider was wont to exclaim, “Dost thou think King Richard is in that bush?” ^73 His cruelty to the Mahometans was the effect of temper and zeal; but I cannot believe that a soldier, so free and fearless in the use of his lance, would have descended to whet a dagger against his valiant brother Conrad of Montferrat, who was slain at Tyre by some secret assassins. ^74 After the surrender of Acre, and the departure of Philip, the king of England led the crusaders to the recovery of the sea-coast; and the cities of Caesarea and Jaffa were added to the fragments of the kingdom of Lusignan. A march of one hundred miles from Acre to Ascalon was a great and perpetual battle of eleven days. In the disorder of his troops, Saladin remained on the field with seventeen guards, without lowering his standard, or suspending the sound of his brazen kettle-drum: he again rallied and renewed the charge; and his preachers or heralds called aloud on the unitarians, manfully to stand up against the Christian idolaters. But the progress of these idolaters was irresistible; and it was only by demolishing the walls and buildings of Ascalon, that the sultan could prevent them from occupying an important fortress on the confines of Egypt. During a severe winter, the armies slept; but in the spring, the Franks advanced within a

    day’s march of Jerusalem, under the leading standard of the English king; and his active spirit intercepted a convoy, or caravan, of seven thousand camels. Saladin ^75 had fixed his station in the holy city; but the city was struck with consternation and discord: he fasted; he prayed; he preached; he offered to share the dangers of the siege; but his Mamalukes, who remembered the fate of their companions at Acre, pressed the sultan with loyal or seditious clamors, to reserve his person and their courage for the future defence of the religion and empire. ^76 The Moslems were delivered by the sudden, or, as they deemed, the miraculous, retreat of the Christians; ^77 and the laurels of Richard were blasted by the prudence, or envy, of his companions. The hero, ascending a hill, and veiling his face, exclaimed with an indignant voice, “Those who are unwilling to rescue, are unworthy to view, the sepulchre of Christ!” After his return to Acre, on the news that Jaffa was surprised by the sultan, he sailed with some merchant vessels, and leaped foremost on the beach: the castle was relieved by his presence; and sixty thousand Turks and Saracens fled before his arms. The discovery of his weakness, provoked them to return in the morning; and they found him carelessly encamped before the gates with only seventeen knights and three hundred archers. Without counting their numbers, he sustained their charge; and we learn from the evidence of his enemies, that the king of England, grasping his lance, rode furiously along their front, from the right to the left wing, without meeting an adversary who dared to encounter his career. ^78 Am I writing the history of Orlando or Amadis? [Footnote 71: Magnus hic apud eos, interque reges eorum tum virtute tum majestate eminens . . . . summus rerum arbiter, (Bohadin, p. 159.) He does not seem to have known the names either of Philip or Richard.] [Footnote 72: Rex Angliae, praestrenuus . . . . rege Gallorum minor apud eos censebatur ratione regni atque dignitatis; sed tum divitiis florentior, tum bellica virtute multo erat celebrior, (Bohadin, p. 161.) A stranger might admire those riches; the national historians will tell with what lawless and wasteful oppression they were collected.]

    [Footnote 73: Joinville, p. 17. Cuides-tu que ce soit le roi Richart?] [Footnote 74: Yet he was guilty in the opinion of the Moslems, who attest the confession of the assassins, that they were sent by the king of England, (Bohadin, p. 225;) and his only defence is an absurd and palpable forgery, (Hist. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 155 – 163,) a pretended letter from the prince of the assassins, the Sheich, or old man of the mountain, who justified Richard, by assuming to himself the guilt or merit of the murder.

    Note: Von Hammer (Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 202) sums up

    against Richard, Wilken (vol. iv. p. 485) as strongly for acquittal. Michaud (vol. ii. p. 420) delivers no decided opinion. This crime was also attributed to Saladin, who is said, by an Oriental authority, (the continuator of Tabari,) to have employed the assassins to murder both Conrad and Richard. It is a melancholy admission, but it must be acknowledged, that such an act would be less inconsistent with the character of the Christian than of the Mahometan king. – M.]

    [Footnote 75: See the distress and pious firmness of Saladin, as they are described by Bohadin, (p. 7 – 9, 235 – 237,) who himself harangued the defenders of Jerusalem; their fears were not unknown to the enemy, (Jacob. a Vitriaco, l. i. c. 100, p. 1123. Vinisauf, l. v. c. 50, p. 399.)] [Footnote 76: Yet unless the sultan, or an Ayoubite prince, remained in Jerusalem, nec Curdi Turcis, nec Turci essent obtemperaturi Curdis, (Bohadin, p. 236.) He draws aside a corner of the political curtain.] [Footnote 77: Bohadin, (p. 237,) and even Jeffrey de Vinisauf, (l. vi. c. 1 – 8, p. 403 – 409,) ascribe the retreat to Richard himself; and Jacobus a Vitriaco observes, that in his impatience to depart, in alterum virum muta tus est, (p. 1123.) Yet Joinville, a French knight, accuses the envy of Hugh duke of Burgundy, (p. 116,) without supposing, like Matthew Paris, that he was bribed by Saladin.]

    [Footnote 78: The expeditions to Ascalon, Jerusalem, and Jaffa, are related by Bohadin (p. 184 – 249) and Abulfeda, (p. 51, 52.) The author of the Itinerary, or the monk of St. Alban’s, cannot exaggerate the cadhi’s account of the prowess of Richard, (Vinisauf, l. vi. c. 14 – 24, p. 412 – 421. Hist. Major, p. 137 – 143;) and on the whole of this war there is a marvellous agreement between the Christian and Mahometan writers, who mutually praise the virtues of their enemies.]

    During these hostilities, a languid and tedious negotiation

    ^79 between the Franks and Moslems was started, and continued, and broken, and again resumed, and again broken. Some acts of royal courtesy, the gift of snow and fruit, the exchange of Norway hawks and Arabian horses, softened the asperity of religious war: from the vicissitude of success, the monarchs might learn to suspect that Heaven was neutral in the quarrel; nor, after the trial of each other, could either hope for a decisive victory. ^80 The health both of Richard and Saladin appeared to be in a declining state; and they respectively suffered the evils of distant and domestic warfare: Plantagenet was impatient to punish a perfidious rival who had invaded Normandy in his absence; and the indefatigable sultan was subdued by the cries of the people, who was the victim, and of the soldiers, who were the instruments, of his martial zeal. The first demands of the king of England were the restitution of Jerusalem, Palestine, and the true cross; and he firmly declared, that himself and his brother pilgrims would end their lives in the pious labor, rather than return to Europe with ignominy and remorse. But the conscience of Saladin refused, without some weighty compensation, to restore the idols, or promote the idolatry, of the Christians; he asserted, with equal firmness, his religious and civil claim to the sovereignty of Palestine; descanted on the importance and sanctity of Jerusalem; and rejected all terms of the establishment, or partition of the Latins. The marriage which Richard proposed, of his sister with the sultan’s brother, was defeated by the difference of faith; the princess abhorred the embraces of a Turk; and Adel, or Saphadin, would not easily

    renounce a plurality of wives. A personal interview was declined by Saladin, who alleged their mutual ignorance of each other’s language; and the negotiation was managed with much art and delay by their interpreters and envoys. The final agreement was equally disapproved by the zealots of both parties, by the Roman pontiff and the caliph of Bagdad. It was stipulated that Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre should be open, without tribute or vexation, to the pilgrimage of the Latin Christians; that, after the demolition of Ascalon, they should inclusively possess the sea-coast from Jaffa to Tyre; that the count of Tripoli and the prince of Antioch should be comprised in the truce; and that, during three years and three months, all hostilities should cease. The principal chiefs of the two armies swore to the observance of the treaty; but the monarchs were satisfied with giving their word and their right hand; and the royal majesty was excused from an oath, which always implies some suspicion of falsehood and dishonor. Richard embarked for Europe, to seek a long captivity and a premature grave; and the space of a few months concluded the life and glories of Saladin. The Orientals describe his edifying death, which happened at Damascus; but they seem ignorant of the equal distribution of his alms among the three religions, ^81 or of the display of a shroud, instead of a standard, to admonish the East of the instability of human greatness. The unity of empire was dissolved by his death; his sons were oppressed by the stronger arm of their uncle Saphadin; the hostile interests of the sultans of Egypt, Damascus, and Aleppo, ^82 were again revived; and the Franks or Latins stood and breathed, and hoped, in their fortresses along the Syrian coast.

    [Footnote 79: See the progress of negotiation and hostility in Bohadin, (p. 207 – 260,) who was himself an actor in the treaty. Richard declared his intention of returning with new armies to the conquest of the Holy Land; and Saladin answered the menace with a civil compliment, (Vinisauf l. vi. c. 28, p. 423.)]

    [Footnote 80: The most copious and original account of this holy war is Galfridi a Vinisauf, Itinerarium Regis Anglorum

    Richardi et aliorum in Terram Hierosolymorum, in six books, published in the iid volume of Gale’s Scriptores Hist. Anglicanae, (p. 247 – 429.) Roger Hoveden and Matthew Paris afford likewise many valuable materials; and the former describes, with accuracy, the discipline and navigation of the English fleet.]

    [Footnote 81: Even Vertot (tom. i. p. 251) adopts the foolish notion of the indifference of Saladin, who professed the Koran with his last breath.] [Footnote 82: See the succession of the Ayoubites, in Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 277, &c.,) and the tables of M. De Guignes, l’Art de Verifier les Dates, and the Bibliotheque Orientale.]

    The noblest monument of a conqueror’s fame, and of the

    terror which he inspired, is the Saladine tenth, a general tax which was imposed on the laity, and even the clergy, of the Latin church, for the service of the holy war. The practice was too lucrative to expire with the occasion: and this tribute became the foundation of all the tithes and tenths on ecclesiastical benefices, which have been granted by the Roman pontiffs to Catholic sovereigns, or reserved for the immediate use of the apostolic see. ^83 This pecuniary emolument must have tended to increase the interest of the popes in the recovery of Palestine: after the death of Saladin, they preached the crusade, by their epistles, their legates, and their missionaries; and the accomplishment of the pious work might have been expected from the zeal and talents of Innocent the Third. ^84 Under that young and ambitious priest, the successors of St. Peter attained the full meridian of their greatness: and in a reign of eighteen years, he exercised a despotic command over the emperors and kings, whom he raised and deposed; over the nations, whom an interdict of months or years deprived, for the offence of their rulers, of the exercise of Christian worship. In the council of the Lateran he acted as the ecclesiastical, almost as the temporal, sovereign of the East and West. It was at the feet of his legate that John

    of England surrendered his crown; and Innocent may boast of the two most signal triumphs over sense and humanity, the establishment of transubstantiation, and the origin of the inquisition. At his voice, two crusades, the fourth and the fifth, were undertaken; but, except a king of Hungary, the princes of the second order were at the head of the pilgrims: the forces were inadequate to the design; nor did the effects correspond with the hopes and wishes of the pope and the people. The fourth crusade was diverted from Syria to Constantinople; and the conquest of the Greek or Roman empire by the Latins will form the proper and important subject of the next chapter. In the fifth, ^85 two hundred thousand Franks were landed at the eastern mouth of the Nile. They reasonably hoped that Palestine must be subdued in Egypt, the seat and storehouse of the sultan; and, after a siege of sixteen months, the Moslems deplored the loss of Damietta. But the Christian army was ruined by the pride and insolence of the legate Pelagius, who, in the pope’s name, assumed the character of general: the sickly Franks were encompassed by the waters of the Nile and the Oriental forces; and it was by the evacuation of Damietta that they obtained a safe retreat, some concessions for the pilgrims, and the tardy restitution of the doubtful relic of the true cross. The failure may in some measure be ascribed to the abuse and multiplication of the crusades, which were preached at the same time against the Pagans of Livonia, the Moors of Spain, the Albigeois of France, and the kings of Sicily of the Imperial family. ^86 In these meritorious services, the volunteers might acquire at home the same spiritual indulgence, and a larger measure of temporal rewards; and even the popes, in their zeal against a domestic enemy, were sometimes tempted to forget the distress of their Syrian brethren. From the last age of the crusades they derived the occasional command of an army and revenue; and some deep reasoners have suspected that the whole enterprise, from the first synod of Placentia, was contrived and executed by the policy of Rome. The suspicion is not founded, either in nature or in fact. The successors of St. Peter appear to have followed, rather than guided, the impulse of manners and prejudice; without much foresight of the seasons, or

    cultivation of the soil, they gathered the ripe and spontaneous fruits of the superstition of the times. They gathered these fruits without toil or personal danger: in the council of the Lateran, Innocent the Third declared an ambiguous resolution of animating the crusaders by his example; but the pilot of the sacred vessel could not abandon the helm; nor was Palestine ever blessed with the presence of a Roman pontiff. ^87 [Footnote 83: Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 311 – 374) has copiously treated of the origin, abuses, and restrictions of these tenths. A theory was started, but not pursued, that they were rightfully due to the pope, a tenth of the Levite’s tenth to the high priest, (Selden on Tithes; see his Works, vol. iii. p. ii. p. 1083.)]

    [Footnote 84: See the Gesta Innocentii III. in Murat. Script. Rer. Ital., (tom. iii. p. 486 – 568.)]

    [Footnote 85: See the vth crusade, and the siege of Damietta, in Jacobus a Vitriaco, (l. iii. p. 1125 – 1149, in the Gesta Dei of Bongarsius,) an eye- witness, Bernard Thesaurarius, (in Script. Muratori, tom. vii. p. 825 – 846, c. 190 – 207,) a contemporary, and Sanutus, (Secreta Fidel Crucis, l. iii. p. xi. c. 4 – 9,) a diligent compiler; and of the Arabians Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 294,) and the Extracts at the end of Joinville, (p. 533, 537, 540, 547, &c.)]

    [Footnote 86: To those who took the cross against Mainfroy, the pope (A.D. 1255) granted plenissimam peccatorum remissionem. Fideles mirabantur quod tantum eis promitteret pro sanguine Christianorum effundendo quantum pro cruore infidelium aliquando, (Matthew Paris p. 785.) A high flight for the reason of the xiiith century.]

    [Footnote 87: This simple idea is agreeable to the good sense of Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 332,) and the fine philosophy of Hume, (Hist. of England, vol. i. p. 330.)]

    The persons, the families, and estates of the pilgrims, were

    under the immediate protection of the popes; and these spiritual patrons soon claimed the prerogative of directing their operations, and enforcing, by commands and censures, the accomplishment of their vow. Frederic the Second, ^88 the grandson of Barbarossa, was successively the pupil, the enemy, and the victim of the church. At the age of twenty-one years, and in obedience to his guardian Innocent the Third, he assumed the cross; the same promise was repeated at his royal and imperial coronations; and his marriage with the heiress of Jerusalem forever bound him to defend the kingdom of his son Conrad. But as Frederic advanced in age and authority, he repented of the rash engagements of his youth: his liberal sense and knowledge taught him to despise the phantoms of superstition and the crowns of Asia: he no longer entertained the same reverence for the successors of Innocent: and his ambition was occupied by the restoration of the Italian monarchy from Sicily to the Alps. But the success of this project would have reduced the popes to their primitive simplicity; and, after the delays and excuses of twelve years, they urged the emperor, with entreaties and threats, to fix the time and place of his departure for Palestine. In the harbors of Sicily and Apulia, he prepared a fleet of one hundred galleys, and of one hundred vessels, that were framed to transport and land two thousand five hundred knights, with their horses and attendants; his vassals of Naples and Germany formed a powerful army; and the number of English crusaders was magnified to sixty thousand by the report of fame. But the inevitable or affected slowness of these mighty preparations consumed the strength and provisions of the more indigent pilgrims: the multitude was thinned by sickness and desertion; and the sultry summer of Calabria anticipated the mischiefs of a Syrian campaign. At length the emperor hoisted sail at Brundusium, with a fleet and army of forty thousand men: but he kept the sea no more than three days; and his hasty retreat, which was ascribed by his friends to a grievous indisposition, was accused by his enemies as a voluntary and obstinate disobedience. For suspending his vow was Frederic excommunicated by Gregory the Ninth; for presuming, the next year, to accomplish his vow, he was again

    excommunicated by the same pope. ^89 While he served under the banner of the cross, a crusade was preached against him in Italy; and after his return he was compelled to ask pardon for the injuries which he had suffered. The clergy and military orders of Palestine were previously instructed to renounce his communion and dispute his commands; and in his own kingdom, the emperor was forced to consent that the orders of the camp should be issued in the name of God and of the Christian republic. Frederic entered Jerusalem in triumph; and with his own hands (for no priest would perform the office) he took the crown from the altar of the holy sepulchre. But the patriarch cast an interdict on the church which his presence had profaned; and the knights of the hospital and temple informed the sultan how easily he might be surprised and slain in his unguarded visit to the River Jordan. In such a state of fanaticism and faction, victory was hopeless, and defence was difficult; but the conclusion of an advantageous peace may be imputed to the discord of the Mahometans, and their personal esteem for the character of Frederic. The enemy of the church is accused of maintaining with the miscreants an intercourse of hospitality and friendship unworthy of a Christian; of despising the barrenness of the land; and of indulging a profane thought, that if Jehovah had seen the kingdom of Naples he never would have selected Palestine for the inheritance of his chosen people. Yet Frederic obtained from the sultan the restitution of Jerusalem, of Bethlem and Nazareth, of Tyre and Sidon; the Latins were allowed to inhabit and fortify the city; an equal code of civil and religious freedom was ratified for the sectaries of Jesus and those of Mahomet; and, while the former worshipped at the holy sepulchre, the latter might pray and preach in the mosque of the temple, ^90 from whence the prophet undertook his nocturnal journey to heaven. The clergy deplored this scandalous toleration; and the weaker Moslems were gradually expelled; but every rational object of the crusades was accomplished without bloodshed; the churches were restored, the monasteries were replenished; and, in the space of fifteen years, the Latins of Jerusalem exceeded the number of six thousand. This peace and prosperity, for which they were ungrateful to their

    benefactor, was terminated by the irruption of the strange and savage hordes of Carizmians. ^91 Flying from the arms of the Moguls, those shepherds ^* of the Caspian rolled headlong on Syria; and the union of the Franks with the sultans of Aleppo, Hems, and Damascus, was insufficient to stem the violence of the torrent. Whatever stood against them was cut off by the sword, or dragged into captivity: the military orders were almost exterminated in a single battle; and in the pillage of the city, in the profanation of the holy sepulchre, the Latins confess and regret the modesty and discipline of the Turks and Saracens. [Footnote 88: The original materials for the crusade of Frederic II. may be drawn from Richard de St. Germano (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital. tom. vii. p. 1002 – 1013) and Matthew Paris, (p. 286, 291, 300, 302, 304.) The most rational moderns are Fleury, (Hist. Eccles. tom. xvi.,) Vertot, (Chevaliers de Malthe, tom. i. l. iii.,) Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii. l. xvi.,) and Muratori, (Annali d’ Italia, tom. x.)]

    [Footnote 89: Poor Muratori knows what to think, but knows not what to say: “Chino qui il capo,’ &c. p. 322]

    [Footnote 90: The clergy artfully confounded the mosque or church of the temple with the holy sepulchre, and their wilful error has deceived both Vertot and Muratori.]

    [Footnote 91: The irruption of the Carizmians, or Corasmins, is related by Matthew Paris, (p. 546, 547,) and by Joinville, Nangis, and the Arabians, (p. 111, 112, 191, 192, 528, 530.)]

    [Footnote *: They were in alliance with Eyub, sultan of Syria. Wilken vol. vi. p. 630. – M.]

    Of the seven crusades, the two last were undertaken by Louis

    the Ninth, king of France; who lost his liberty in Egypt, and his life on the coast of Africa. Twenty-eight years after his death, he was canonized at Rome; and sixty-five miracles were readily found, and solemnly attested, to justify the claim of the royal saint. ^92 The voice of history renders a more honorable

    testimony, that he united the virtues of a king, a hero, and a man; that his martial spirit was tempered by the love of private and public justice; and that Louis was the father of his people, the friend of his neighbors, and the terror of the infidels. Superstition alone, in all the extent of her baleful influence, ^93 corrupted his understanding and his heart: his devotion stooped to admire and imitate the begging friars of Francis and Dominic: he pursued with blind and cruel zeal the enemies of the faith; and the best of kings twice descended from his throne to seek the adventures of a spiritual knight-errant. A monkish historian would have been content to applaud the most despicable part of his character; but the noble and gallant Joinville, ^94 who shared the friendship and captivity of Louis, has traced with the pencil of nature the free portrait of his virtues as well as of his failings. From this intimate knowledge we may learn to suspect the political views of depressing their great vassals, which are so often imputed to the royal authors of the crusades. Above all the princes of the middle ages, Louis the Ninth successfully labored to restore the prerogatives of the crown; but it was at home and not in the East, that he acquired for himself and his posterity: his vow was the result of enthusiasm and sickness; and if he were the promoter, he was likewise the victim, of his holy madness. For the invasion of Egypt, France was exhausted of her troops and treasures; he covered the sea of Cyprus with eighteen hundred sails; the most modest enumeration amounts to fifty thousand men; and, if we might trust his own confession, as it is reported by Oriental vanity, he disembarked nine thousand five hundred horse, and one hundred and thirty thousand foot, who performed their pilgrimage under the shadow of his power. ^95

    [Footnote 92: Read, if you can, the Life and Miracles of St. Louis, by the confessor of Queen Margaret, (p. 291 – 523. Joinville, du Louvre.)] [Footnote 93: He believed all that mother church taught, (Joinville, p. 10,) but he cautioned Joinville against disputing with infidels. “L’omme lay (said he in his old language) quand il ot medire de la loi Crestienne, ne doit pas deffendre la loi

    Crestienne ne mais que de l’espee, dequoi il doit donner parmi le ventre dedens, tant comme elle y peut entrer’ (p. 12.)] [Footnote 94: I have two editions of Joinville, the one (Paris, 1668) most valuable for the observations of Ducange; the other (Paris, au Louvre, 1761) most precious for the pure and authentic text, a MS. of which has been recently discovered. The last edition proves that the history of St. Louis was finished A.D. 1309, without explaining, or even admiring, the age of the author, which must have exceeded ninety years, (Preface, p. x. Observations de Ducange, p. 17.)]

    [Footnote 95: Joinville, p. 32. Arabic Extracts, p. 549.

    Note: Compare Wilken, vol. vii. p. 94. – M.]

    In complete armor, the oriflamme waving before him, Louis

    leaped foremost on the beach; and the strong city of Damietta, which had cost his predecessors a siege of sixteen months, was abandoned on the first assault by the trembling Moslems. But Damietta was the first and the last of his conquests; and in the fifth and sixth crusades, the same causes, almost on the same ground, were productive of similar calamities. ^96 After a ruinous delay, which introduced into the camp the seeds of an epidemic disease, the Franks advanced from the sea-coast towards the capital of Egypt, and strove to surmount the unseasonable inundation of the Nile, which opposed their progress. Under the eye of their intrepid monarch, the barons and knights of France displayed their invincible contempt of danger and discipline: his brother, the count of Artois, stormed with inconsiderate valor the town of Massoura; and the carrier pigeons announced to the inhabitants of Cairo that all was lost. But a soldier, who afterwards usurped the sceptre, rallied the flying troops: the main body of the Christians was far behind the vanguard; and Artois was overpowered and slain. A shower of Greek fire was incessantly poured on the invaders; the Nile was commanded by the Egyptian galleys, the open country by the Arabs; all provisions were intercepted; each day aggravated the sickness and

    famine; and about the same time a retreat was found to be necessary and impracticable. The Oriental writers confess, that Louis might have escaped, if he would have deserted his subjects; he was made prisoner, with the greatest part of his nobles; all who could not redeem their lives by service or ransom were inhumanly massacred; and the walls of Cairo were decorated with a circle of Christian heads. ^97 The king of France was loaded with chains; but the generous victor, a great-grandson of the brother of Saladin, sent a robe of honor to his royal captive, and his deliverance, with that of his soldiers, was obtained by the restitution of Damietta ^98 and the payment of four hundred thousand pieces of gold. In a soft and luxurious climate, the degenerate children of the companions of Noureddin and Saladin were incapable of resisting the flower of European chivalry: they triumphed by the arms of their slaves or Mamalukes, the hardy natives of Tartary, who at a tender age had been purchased of the Syrian merchants, and were educated in the camp and palace of the sultan. But Egypt soon afforded a new example of the danger of praetorian bands; and the rage of these ferocious animals, who had been let loose on the strangers, was provoked to devour their benefactor. In the pride of conquest, Touran Shaw, the last of his race, was murdered by his Mamalukes; and the most daring of the assassins entered the chamber of the captive king, with drawn cimeters, and their hands imbrued in the blood of their sultan. The firmness of Louis commanded their respect; ^99 their avarice prevailed over cruelty and zeal; the treaty was accomplished; and the king of France, with the relics of his army, was permitted to embark for Palestine. He wasted four years within the walls of Acre, unable to visit Jerusalem, and unwilling to return without glory to his native country.

    [Footnote 96: The last editors have enriched their Joinville with large and curious extracts from the Arabic historians, Macrizi, Abulfeda, &c. See likewise Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 322 – 325,) who calls him by the corrupt name of Redefrans. Matthew Paris (p. 683, 684) has described the rival folly of the French and English who fought and fell at Massoura.]

    [Footnote 97: Savary, in his agreeable Letters sur L’Egypte, has given a description of Damietta, (tom. i. lettre xxiii. p. 274 – 290,) and a narrative of the exposition of St. Louis, (xxv. p. 306 – 350.)]

    [Footnote 98: For the ransom of St. Louis, a million of byzants was asked and granted; but the sultan’s generosity reduced that sum to 800,000 byzants, which are valued by Joinville at 400,000 French livres of his own time, and expressed by Matthew Paris by 100,000 marks of silver, (Ducange, Dissertation xx. sur Joinville.)]

    [Footnote 99: The idea of the emirs to choose Louis for their sultan is seriously attested by Joinville, (p. 77, 78,) and does not appear to me so absurd as to M. de Voltaire, (Hist. Generale, tom. ii. p. 386, 387.) The Mamalukes themselves were strangers, rebels, and equals: they had felt his valor, they hoped his conversion; and such a motion, which was not seconded, might be made, perhaps by a secret Christian in their tumultuous assembly.

    Note: Wilken, vol. vii. p. 257, thinks the proposition could

    not have been made in earnest. – M.]

    The memory of his defeat excited Louis, after sixteen years

    of wisdom and repose, to undertake the seventh and last of the crusades. His finances were restored, his kingdom was enlarged; a new generation of warriors had arisen, and he advanced with fresh confidence at the head of six thousand horse and thirty thousand foot. The loss of Antioch had provoked the enterprise; a wild hope of baptizing the king of Tunis tempted him to steer for the African coast; and the report of an immense treasure reconciled his troops to the delay of their voyage to the Holy Land. Instead of a proselyte, he found a siege: the French panted and died on the burning sands: St. Louis expired in his tent; and no sooner had he closed his eyes, than his son and successor gave the signal of

    the retreat. ^100 “It is thus,” says a lively writer, “that a Christian king died near the ruins of Carthage, waging war against the sectaries of Mahomet, in a land to which Dido had introduced the deities of Syria.” ^101

    [Footnote 100: See the expedition in the annals of St. Louis, by William de Nangis, p. 270 – 287; and the Arabic extracts, p. 545, 555, of the Louvre edition of Joinville.]

    [Footnote 101: Voltaire, Hist. Generale, tom. ii. p. 391.]

    A more unjust and absurd constitution cannot be devised than

    that which condemns the natives of a country to perpetual servitude, under the arbitrary dominion of strangers and slaves. Yet such has been the state of Egypt above five hundred years. The most illustrious sultans of the Baharite and Borgite dynasties ^102 were themselves promoted from the Tartar and Circassian bands; and the four-and-twenty beys, or military chiefs, have ever been succeeded, not by their sons, but by their servants. They produce the great charter of their liberties, the treaty of Selim the First with the republic: ^103 and the Othman emperor still accepts from Egypt a slight acknowledgment of tribute and subjection. With some breathing intervals of peace and order, the two dynasties are marked as a period of rapine and bloodshed: ^104 but their throne, however shaken, reposed on the two pillars of discipline and valor: their sway extended over Egypt, Nubia, Arabia, and Syria: their Mamalukes were multiplied from eight hundred to twenty-five thousand horse; and their numbers were increased by a provincial militia of one hundred and seven thousand foot, and the occasional aid of sixty-six thousand Arabs. ^105 Princes of such power and spirit could not long endure on their coast a hostile and independent nation; and if the ruin of the Franks was postponed about forty years, they were indebted to the cares of an unsettled reign, to the invasion of the Moguls, and to the occasional aid of some warlike pilgrims. Among these, the English reader will observe the name of our first Edward, who assumed the cross

    in the lifetime of his father Henry. At the head of a thousand soldiers the future conqueror of Wales and Scotland delivered Acre from a siege; marched as far as Nazareth with an army of nine thousand men; emulated the fame of his uncle Richard; extorted, by his valor, a ten years’ truce; ^* and escaped, with a dangerous wound, from the dagger of a fanatic assassin. ^106 ^! Antioch, ^107 whose situation had been less exposed to the calamities of the holy war, was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar, or Bibars, sultan of Egypt and Syria; the Latin principality was extinguished; and the first seat of the Christian name was dispeopled by the slaughter of seventeen, and the captivity of one hundred, thousand of her inhabitants. The maritime towns of Laodicea, Gabala, Tripoli, Berytus, Sidon, Tyre and Jaffa, and the stronger castles of the Hospitallers and Templars, successively fell; and the whole existence of the Franks was confined to the city and colony of St. John of Acre, which is sometimes described by the more classic title of Ptolemais. [Footnote 102: The chronology of the two dynasties of Mamalukes, the Baharites, Turks or Tartars of Kipzak, and the Borgites, Circassians, is given by Pocock (Prolegom. ad Abulpharag. p. 6 – 31) and De Guignes (tom. i. p. 264 – 270;) their history from Abulfeda, Macrizi, &c., to the beginning of the xvth century, by the same M. De Guignes, (tom. iv. p. 110 – 328.)] [Footnote 103: Savary, Lettres sur l’Egypte, tom. ii. lettre xv. p. 189 – 208. I much question the authenticity of this copy; yet it is true, that Sultan Selim concluded a treaty with the Circassians or Mamalukes of Egypt, and left them in possession of arms, riches, and power. See a new Abrege de l’Histoire Ottomane, composed in Egypt, and translated by M. Digeon, (tom. i. p. 55 – 58, Paris, 1781,) a curious, authentic, and national history.] [Footnote 104: Si totum quo regnum occuparunt tempus respicias, praesertim quod fini propius, reperies illud bellis, pugnis, injuriis, ac rapinis refertum, (Al Jannabi, apud Pocock, p. 31.) The reign of Mohammed (A.D. 1311 – 1341) affords a happy exception, (De Guignes, tom. iv. p. 208 – 210.)] [Footnote 105: They are now reduced to 8500: but the expense of each Mamaluke may be rated at a hundred louis: and Egypt

    groans under the avarice and insolence of these strangers, (Voyages de Volney, tom. i. p. 89 – 187.)] [Footnote *: Gibbon colors rather highly the success of Edward. Wilken is more accurate vol. vii. p. 593, &c. – M.]

    [Footnote 106: See Carte’s History of England, vol. ii. p. 165 – 175, and his original authors, Thomas Wikes and Walter Hemingford, (l. iii. c. 34, 35,) in Gale’s Collection, tom. ii. p. 97, 589 – 592.) They are both ignorant of the princess Eleanor’s piety in sucking the poisoned wound, and saving her husband at the risk of her own life.]

    [Footnote !: The sultan Bibars was concerned in this attempt at assassination Wilken, vol. vii. p. 602. Ptolemaeus Lucensis is the earliest authority for the devotion of Eleanora. Ibid. 605. – M.]

    [Footnote 107: Sanutus, Secret. Fidelium Crucis, 1. iii. p. xii. c. 9, and De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 143, from the Arabic historians.]

    After the loss of Jerusalem, Acre, ^108 which is distant

    about seventy miles, became the metropolis of the Latin Christians, and was adorned with strong and stately buildings, with aqueducts, an artificial port, and a double wall. The population was increased by the incessant streams of pilgrims and fugitives: in the pauses of hostility the trade of the East and West was attracted to this convenient station; and the market could offer the produce of every clime and the interpreters of every tongue. But in this conflux of nations, every vice was propagated and practised: of all the disciples of Jesus and Mahomet, the male and female inhabitants of Acre were esteemed the most corrupt; nor could the abuse of religion be corrected by the discipline of law. The city had many sovereigns, and no government. The kings of Jerusalem and Cyprus, of the house of Lusignan, the princes of Antioch, the counts of Tripoli and Sidon, the great masters of the hospital, the temple, and the Teutonic order, the republics of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, the pope’s legate, the kings of France

    and England, assumed an independent command: seventeen tribunals exercised the power of life and death; every criminal was protected in the adjacent quarter; and the perpetual jealousy of the nations often burst forth in acts of violence and blood. Some adventurers, who disgraced the ensign of the cross, compensated their want of pay by the plunder of the Mahometan villages: nineteen Syrian merchants, who traded under the public faith, were despoiled and hanged by the Christians; and the denial of satisfaction justified the arms of the sultan Khalil. He marched against Acre, at the head of sixty thousand horse and one hundred and forty thousand foot: his train of artillery (if I may use the word) was numerous and weighty: the separate timbers of a single engine were transported in one hundred wagons; and the royal historian Abulfeda, who served with the troops of Hamah, was himself a spectator of the holy war. Whatever might be the vices of the Franks, their courage was rekindled by enthusiasm and despair; but they were torn by the discord of seventeen chiefs, and overwhelmed on all sides by the powers of the sultan. After a siege of thirty three days, the double wall was forced by the Moslems; the principal tower yielded to their engines; the Mamalukes made a general assault; the city was stormed; and death or slavery was the lot of sixty thousand Christians. The convent, or rather fortress, of the Templars resisted three days longer; but the great master was pierced with an arrow; and, of five hundred knights, only ten were left alive, less happy than the victims of the sword, if they lived to suffer on a scaffold, in the unjust and cruel proscription of the whole order. The king of Jerusalem, the patriarch and the great master of the hospital, effected their retreat to the shore; but the sea was rough, the vessels were insufficient; and great numbers of the fugitives were drowned before they could reach the Isle of Cyprus, which might comfort Lusignan for the loss of Palestine. By the command of the sultan, the churches and fortifications of the Latin cities were demolished: a motive of avarice or fear still opened the holy sepulchre to some devout and defenceless pilgrims; and a mournful and solitary silence prevailed along the coast which had so long resounded with the world’s debate. ^109 [Footnote 108: The state of Acre is

    represented in all the chronicles of te times, and most accurately in John Villani, l. vii. c. 144, in Muratoru Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. xiii. 337, 338.]

    [Footnote 109: See the final expulsion of the Franks, in Sanutus, l. iii. p. xii. c. 11 – 22; Abulfeda, Macrizi, &c., in De Guignes, tom. iv. p. 162, 164; and Vertot, tom. i. l. iii. p. 307 – 428.

    Note: After these chapters of Gibbon, the masterly prize

    composition, “Essai sur ‘Influence des Croisades sur l’Europe, par A H. L. Heeren: traduit de l’Allemand par Charles Villars, Paris, 1808,’ or the original German, in Heeren’s “Vermischte Schriften,” may be read with great advantage. – M.]

    Chapter LX:

    The Fourth Crusade.

    Part I.

    Schism Of The Greeks And Latins. – State Of Constantinople.

    – Revolt Of The Bulgarians. – Isaac Angelus Dethroned By His Brother Alexius. – Origin Of The Fourth Crusade. – Alliance Of The French And Venetians With The Son Of Isaac. – Their Naval Expedition To Constantinople. – The Two Sieges And Final Conquest Of The City By The Latins.

    The restoration of the Western empire by Charlemagne was

    speedily followed by the separation of the Greek and Latin churches. ^1 A religious and national animosity still divides the two largest communions of the Christian world; and the schism of Constantinople, by alienating her most useful allies, and provoking her most dangerous enemies, has precipitated the decline and fall of the Roman empire in the East.

    [Footnote 1: In the successive centuries, from the ixth to the xviiith, Mosheim traces the schism of the Greeks with learning, clearness, and impartiality; the filioque (Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 277,) Leo III. p. 303 Photius, p. 307, 308. Michael Cerularius, p. 370, 371, &c.]

    In the course of the present History, the aversion of the

    Greeks for the Latins has been often visible and conspicuous. It was originally derived from the disdain of servitude, inflamed, after the time of Constantine, by the pride of equality or dominion; and finally exasperated by the preference which their rebellious subjects had given to the alliance of the Franks. In every age the Greeks were proud of their superiority in profane and religious knowledge: they had first received the light of Christianity; they had pronounced the decrees of the seven general councils; they alone possessed the language of Scripture and philosophy; nor should the Barbarians, immersed in the darkness of the West, ^2 presume to argue on the high and mysterious questions of theological science. Those Barbarians despised in then turn the restless and subtile levity of the Orientals, the authors of every heresy; and blessed their own simplicity, which was content to hold the tradition of the apostolic church. Yet in the seventh century, the synods of Spain, and afterwards of France, improved or corrupted the Nicene creed, on the mysterious subject of the third person of the Trinity. ^3 In the long controversies of the East, the nature and generation of the Christ had been scrupulously defined; and the well-known relation of father and son seemed to convey a faint image to the human mind. The idea of birth was less analogous to the Holy Spirit, who, instead of a divine gift or attribute, was considered by the Catholics as a substance, a person, a god; he was not begotten, but in the orthodox style he proceeded. Did he proceed from the Father alone, perhaps by the Son? or from the Father and the Son? The first of these opinions was asserted by the Greeks, the second by the Latins; and the addition to the Nicene creed of the word filioque, kindled the flame of discord between the Oriental and the Gallic churches. In the origin of the disputes the Roman pontiffs affected a character of neutrality and moderation: ^4 they condemned the innovation, but they acquiesced in the sentiment, of their Transalpine brethren: they seemed desirous of casting a veil of silence and charity over the superfluous research; and in the correspondence of Charlemagne and Leo the Third, the pope assumes the liberality of a statesman, and the prince descends to the passions and prejudices of a priest. ^5 But the

    orthodoxy of Rome spontaneously obeyed the impulse of the temporal policy; and the filioque, which Leo wished to erase, was transcribed in the symbol and chanted in the liturgy of the Vatican. The Nicene and Athanasian creeds are held as the Catholic faith, without which none can be saved; and both Papists and Protestants must now sustain and return the anathemas of the Greeks, who deny the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son, as well as from the Father. Such articles of faith are not susceptible of treaty; but the rules of discipline will vary in remote and independent churches; and the reason, even of divines, might allow, that the difference is inevitable and harmless. The craft or superstition of Rome has imposed on her priests and deacons the rigid obligation of celibacy; among the Greeks it is confined to the bishops; the loss is compensated by dignity or annihilated by age; and the parochial clergy, the papas, enjoy the conjugal society of the wives whom they have married before their entrance into holy orders. A question concerning the Azyms was fiercely debated in the eleventh century, and the essence of the Eucharist was supposed in the East and West to depend on the use of leavened or unleavened bread. Shall I mention in a serious history the furious reproaches that were urged against the Latins, who for a long while remained on the defensive? They neglected to abstain, according to the apostolical decree, from things strangled, and from blood: they fasted (a Jewish observance!) on the Saturday of each week: during the first week of Lent they permitted the use of milk and cheese; ^6 their infirm monks were indulged in the taste of flesh; and animal grease was substituted for the want of vegetable oil: the holy chrism or unction in baptism was reserved to the episcopal order: the bishops, as the bridegrooms of their churches, were decorated with rings; their priests shaved their faces, and baptized by a single immersion. Such were the crimes which provoked the zeal of the patriarchs of Constantinople; and which were justified with equal zeal by the doctors of the Latin church. ^7

    [Footnote 2: (Phot. Epist. p. 47, edit. Montacut.) The Oriental patriarch continues to apply the images of thunder, earthquake, hail, wild boar, precursors of Antichrist, &c., &c.]

    [Footnote 3: The mysterious subject of the procession of the Holy Ghost is discussed in the historical, theological, and controversial sense, or nonsense, by the Jesuit Petavius. (Dogmata Theologica, tom. ii. l. vii. p. 362 – 440.)]

    [Footnote 4: Before the shrine of St. Peter he placed two shields of the weight of 94 1/2 pounds of pure silver; on which he inscribed the text of both creeds, (utroque symbolo,) pro amore et cautela orthodoxae fidei, (Anastas. in Leon. III. in Muratori, tom. iii. pars. i. p. 208.) His language most clearly proves, that neither the filioque, nor the Athanasian creed were received at Rome about the year 830.]

    [Footnote 5: The Missi of Charlemagne pressed him to declare, that all who rejected the filioque, or at least the doctrine, must be damned. All, replies the pope, are not capable of reaching the altiora mysteria qui potuerit, et non voluerit, salvus esse non potest, (Collect. Concil. tom. ix. p. 277 – 286.) The potuerit would leave a large loophole of salvation!] [Footnote 6: In France, after some harsher laws, the ecclesiastical discipline is now relaxed: milk, cheese, and butter, are become a perpetual, and eggs an annual, indulgence in Lent, (Vie privee des Francois, tom. ii. p. 27 – 38.)] [Footnote 7: The original monuments of the schism, of the charges of the Greeks against the Latins, are deposited in the epistles of Photius, (Epist Encyclica, ii. p. 47 – 61,) and of Michael Cerularius, (Canisii Antiq. Lectiones, tom. iii. p. i. p. 281 – 324, edit. Basnage, with the prolix answer of Cardinal Humbert.)]

    Bigotry and national aversion are powerful magnifiers of

    every object of dispute; but the immediate cause of the schism of the Greeks may be traced in the emulation of the leading prelates, who maintained the supremacy of the old metropolis superior to all, and of the reigning capital, inferior to none, in the Christian world. About the middle of the ninth century,

    Photius, ^8 an ambitious layman, the captain of the guards and principal secretary, was promoted by merit and favor to the more desirable office of patriarch of Constantinople. In science, even ecclesiastical science, he surpassed the clergy of the age; and the purity of his morals has never been impeached: but his ordination was hasty, his rise was irregular; and Ignatius, his abdicated predecessor, was yet supported by the public compassion and the obstinacy of his adherents. They appealed to the tribunal of Nicholas the First, one of the proudest and most aspiring of the Roman pontiffs, who embraced the welcome opportunity of judging and condemning his rival of the East. Their quarrel was embittered by a conflict of jurisdiction over the king and nation of the Bulgarians; nor was their recent conversion to Christianity of much avail to either prelate, unless he could number the proselytes among the subjects of his power. With the aid of his court the Greek patriarch was victorious; but in the furious contest he deposed in his turn the successor of St. Peter, and involved the Latin church in the reproach of heresy and schism. Photius sacrificed the peace of the world to a short and precarious reign: he fell with his patron, the Caesar Bardas; and Basil the Macedonian performed an act of justice in the restoration of Ignatius, whose age and dignity had not been sufficiently respected. From his monastery, or prison, Photius solicited the favor of the emperor by pathetic complaints and artful flattery; and the eyes of his rival were scarcely closed, when he was again restored to the throne of Constantinople. After the death of Basil he experienced the vicissitudes of courts and the ingratitude of a royal pupil: the patriarch was again deposed, and in his last solitary hours he might regret the freedom of a secular and studious life. In each revolution, the breath, the nod, of the sovereign had been accepted by a submissive clergy; and a synod of three hundred bishops was always prepared to hail the triumph, or to stigmatize the fall, of the holy, or the execrable, Photius. ^9 By a delusive promise of succor or reward, the popes were tempted to countenance these various proceedings; and the synods of Constantinople were ratified by their epistles or legates. But the court and the people, Ignatius and Photius,

    were equally adverse to their claims; their ministers were insulted or imprisoned; the procession of the Holy Ghost was forgotten; Bulgaria was forever annexed to the Byzantine throne; and the schism was prolonged by their rigid censure of all the multiplied ordinations of an irregular patriarch. The darkness and corruption of the tenth century suspended the intercourse, without reconciling the minds, of the two nations. But when the Norman sword restored the churches of Apulia to the jurisdiction of Rome, the departing flock was warned, by a petulant epistle of the Greek patriarch, to avoid and abhor the errors of the Latins.

    The rising majesty of Rome could no longer brook the insolence of a rebel; and Michael Cerularius was excommunicated in the heart of Constantinople by the pope’s legates. Shaking the dust from their feet, they deposited on the altar of St. Sophia a direful anathema, ^10 which enumerates the seven mortal heresies of the Greeks, and devotes the guilty teachers, and their unhappy sectaries, to the eternal society of the devil and his angels. According to the emergencies of the church and state, a friendly correspondence was some times resumed; the language of charity and concord was sometimes affected; but the Greeks have never recanted their errors; the popes have never repealed their sentence; and from this thunderbolt we may date the consummation of the schism. It was enlarged by each ambitious step of the Roman pontiffs: the emperors blushed and trembled at the ignominious fate of their royal brethren of Germany; and the people were scandalized by the temporal power and military life of the Latin clergy. ^11

    [Footnote 8: The xth volume of the Venice edition of the Councils contains all the acts of the synods, and history of Photius: they are abridged, with a faint tinge of prejudice or prudence, by Dupin and Fleury.] [Footnote 9: The synod of Constantinople, held in the year 869, is the viiith of the general councils, the last assembly of the East which is recognized by the Roman church. She rejects the synods of Constantinople of the years 867 and 879,

    which were, however, equally numerous and noisy; but they were favorable to Photius.]

    [Footnote 10: See this anathema in the Councils, tom. xi. p. 1457 – 1460.] [Footnote 11: Anna Comnena (Alexiad, l. i. p. 31 – 33) represents the abhorrence, not only of the church, but of the palace, for Gregory VII., the popes and the Latin communion. The style of Cinnamus and Nicetas is still more vehement. Yet how calm is the voice of history compared with that of polemics!]

    The aversion of the Greeks and Latins was nourished and

    manifested in the three first expeditions to the Holy Land. Alexius Comnenus contrived the absence at least of the formidable pilgrims: his successors, Manuel and Isaac Angelus, conspired with the Moslems for the ruin of the greatest princes of the Franks; and their crooked and malignant policy was seconded by the active and voluntary obedience of every order of their subjects. Of this hostile temper, a large portion may doubtless be ascribed to the difference of language, dress, and manners, which severs and alienates the nations of the globe. The pride, as well as the prudence, of the sovereign was deeply wounded by the intrusion of foreign armies, that claimed a right of traversing his dominions, and passing under the walls of his capital: his subjects were insulted and plundered by the rude strangers of the West: and the hatred of the pusillanimous Greeks was sharpened by secret envy of the bold and pious enterprises of the Franks. But these profane causes of national enmity were fortified and inflamed by the venom of religious zeal. Instead of a kind embrace, a hospitable reception from their Christian brethren of the East, every tongue was taught to repeat the names of schismatic and heretic, more odious to an orthodox ear than those of pagan and infidel: instead of being loved for the general conformity of faith and worship, they were abhorred for some rules of discipline, some questions of theology, in which themselves or their teachers might differ

    from the Oriental church. In the crusade of Louis the Seventh, the Greek clergy washed and purified the altars which had been defiled by the sacrifice of a French priest. The companions of Frederic Barbarossa deplore the injuries which they endured, both in word and deed, from the peculiar rancor of the bishops and monks. Their prayers and sermons excited the people against the impious Barbarians; and the patriarch is accused of declaring, that the faithful might obtain the redemption of all their sins by the extirpation of the schismatics. ^12 An enthusiast, named Dorotheus, alarmed the fears, and restored the confidence, of the emperor, by a prophetic assurance, that the German heretic, after assaulting the gate of Blachernes, would be made a signal example of the divine vengeance. The passage of these mighty armies were rare and perilous events; but the crusades introduced a frequent and familiar intercourse between the two nations, which enlarged their knowledge without abating their prejudices. The wealth and luxury of Constantinople demanded the productions of every climate these imports were balanced by the art and labor of her numerous inhabitants; her situation invites the commerce of the world; and, in every period of her existence, that commerce has been in the hands of foreigners. After the decline of Amalphi, the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, introduced their factories and settlements into the capital of the empire: their services were rewarded with honors and immunities; they acquired the possession of lands and houses; their families were multiplied by marriages with the natives; and, after the toleration of a Mahometan mosque, it was impossible to interdict the churches of the Roman rite. ^13 The two wives of Manuel Comnenus ^14 were of the race of the Franks: the first, a sister-in-law of the emperor Conrad; the second, a daughter of the prince of Antioch: he obtained for his son Alexius a daughter of Philip Augustus, king of France; and he bestowed his own daughter on a marquis of Montferrat, who was educated and dignified in the palace of Constantinople. The Greek encountered the arms, and aspired to the empire, of the West: he esteemed the valor, and trusted the fidelity, of the Franks; ^15 their military talents were unfitly recompensed by

    the lucrative offices of judges and treasures; the policy of Manuel had solicited the alliance of the pope; and the popular voice accused him of a partial bias to the nation and religion of the Latins. ^16 During his reign, and that of his successor Alexius, they were exposed at Constantinople to the reproach of foreigners, heretics, and favorites; and this triple guilt was severely expiated in the tumult, which announced the return and elevation of Andronicus. ^17 The people rose in arms: from the Asiatic shore the tyrant despatched his troops and galleys to assist the national revenge; and the hopeless resistance of the strangers served only to justify the rage, and sharpen the daggers, of the assassins. Neither age, nor sex, nor the ties of friendship or kindred, could save the victims of national hatred, and avarice, and religious zeal; the Latins were slaughtered in their houses and in the streets; their quarter was reduced to ashes; the clergy were burnt in their churches, and the sick in their hospitals; and some estimate may be formed of the slain from the clemency which sold above four thousand Christians in perpetual slavery to the Turks. The priests and monks were the loudest and most active in the destruction of the schismatics; and they chanted a thanksgiving to the Lord, when the head of a Roman cardinal, the pope’s legate, was severed from his body, fastened to the tail of a dog, and dragged, with savage mockery, through the city. The more diligent of the strangers had retreated, on the first alarm, to their vessels, and escaped through the Hellespont from the scene of blood. In their flight, they burnt and ravaged two hundred miles of the sea-coast; inflicted a severe revenge on the guiltless subjects of the empire; marked the priests and monks as their peculiar enemies; and compensated, by the accumulation of plunder, the loss of their property and friends. On their return, they exposed to Italy and Europe the wealth and weakness, the perfidy and malice, of the Greeks, whose vices were painted as the genuine characters of heresy and schism. The scruples of the first crusaders had neglected the fairest opportunities of securing, by the possession of Constantinople, the way to the Holy Land: domestic revolution invited, and almost compelled, the French and Venetians to achieve the conquest of the

    Roman empire of the East. [Footnote 12: His anonymous historian (de Expedit. Asiat. Fred. I. in Canisii Lection. Antiq. tom. iii. pars ii. p. 511, edit. Basnage) mentions the sermons of the Greek patriarch, quomodo Graecis injunxerat in remissionem peccatorum peregrinos occidere et delere de terra. Tagino observes, (in Scriptores Freher. tom. i. p. 409, edit. Struv.,) Graeci haereticos nos appellant: clerici et monachi dictis et factis persequuntur. We may add the declaration of the emperor Baldwin fifteen years afterwards: Haec est (gens) quae Latinos omnes non hominum nomine, sed canum dignabatur; quorum sanguinem effundere pene inter merita reputabant, (Gesta Innocent. III., c. 92, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. pars i. p. 536.) There may be some exaggeration, but it was as effectual for the action and reaction of hatred.] [Footnote 13: See Anna Comnena, (Alexiad, l. vi. p. 161, 162,) and a remarkable passage of Nicetas, (in Manuel, l. v. c. 9,) who observes of the Venetians, &c.]

    [Footnote 14: Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 186, 187.]

    [Footnote 15: Nicetas in Manuel. l. vii. c. 2. Regnante enim (Manuele) . . apud eum tantam Latinus populus repererat gratiam ut neglectis Graeculis suis tanquam viris mollibus et effoeminatis, . . . . solis Latinis grandia committeret negotia . . . . erga eos profusa liberalitate abundabat . . . . ex omni orbe ad eum tanquam ad benefactorem nobiles et ignobiles concurrebant. Willelm. Tyr. xxii. c. 10.]

    [Footnote 16: The suspicions of the Greeks would have been confirmed, if they had seen the political epistles of Manuel to Pope Alexander III., the enemy of his enemy Frederic I., in which the emperor declares his wish of uniting the Greeks and Latins as one flock under one shephero, &c (See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xv. p. 187, 213, 243.)]

    [Footnote 17: See the Greek and Latin narratives in Nicetas (in Alexio Comneno, c. 10) and William of Tyre, (l. xxii. c. 10, 11, 12, 13;) the first soft and concise, the second loud, copious, and tragical.]

    In the series of the Byzantine princes, I have exhibited the

    hypocrisy and ambition, the tyranny and fall, of Andronicus, the last male of the Comnenian family who reigned at Constantinople. The revolution, which cast him headlong from the throne, saved and exalted Isaac Angelus, ^18 who descended by the females from the same Imperial dynasty. The successor of a second Nero might have found it an easy task to deserve the esteem and affection of his subjects; they sometimes had reason to regret the administration of Andronicus. The sound and vigorous mind of the tyrant was capable of discerning the connection between his own and the public interest; and while he was feared by all who could inspire him with fear, the unsuspected people, and the remote provinces, might bless the inexorable justice of their master. But his successor was vain and jealous of the supreme power, which he wanted courage and abilities to exercise: his vices were pernicious, his virtues (if he possessed any virtues) were useless, to mankind; and the Greeks, who imputed their calamities to his negligence, denied him the merit of any transient or accidental benefits of the times. Isaac slept on the throne, and was awakened only by the sound of pleasure: his vacant hours were amused by comedians and buffoons, and even to these buffoons the emperor was an object of contempt: his feasts and buildings exceeded the examples of royal luxury: the number of his eunuchs and domestics amounted to twenty thousand; and a daily sum of four thousand pounds of silver would swell to four millions sterling the annual expense of his household and table. His poverty was relieved by oppression; and the public discontent was inflamed by equal abuses in the collection, and the application, of the revenue. While the Greeks numbered the days of their servitude, a flattering prophet, whom he rewarded with the dignity of patriarch, assured him of a long and victorious reign of thirty-two years; during which he should extend his sway to Mount Libanus, and his conquests beyond the Euphrates. But his only step towards the accomplishment of the prediction was a splendid and scandalous embassy to Saladin, ^19 to

    demand the restitution of the holy sepulchre, and to propose an offensive and defensive league with the enemy of the Christian name. In these unworthy hands, of Isaac and his brother, the remains of the Greek empire crumbled into dust. The Island of Cyprus, whose name excites the ideas of elegance and pleasure, was usurped by his namesake, a Comnenian prince; and by a strange concatenation of events, the sword of our English Richard bestowed that kingdom on the house of Lusignan, a rich compensation for the loss of Jerusalem.

    [Footnote 18: The history of the reign of Isaac Angelus is composed, in three books, by the senator Nicetas, (p. 228 – 290;) and his offices of logothete, or principal secretary, and judge of the veil or palace, could not bribe the impartiality of the historian. He wrote, it is true, after the fall and death of his benefactor.]

    [Footnote 19: See Bohadin, Vit. Saladin. p. 129 – 131, 226, vers. Schultens. The ambassador of Isaac was equally versed in the Greek, French, and Arabic languages; a rare instance in those times. His embassies were received with honor, dismissed without effect, and reported with scandal in the West.]

    The honor of the monarchy and the safety of the capital were

    deeply wounded by the revolt of the Bulgarians and Walachians. Since the victory of the second Basil, they had supported, above a hundred and seventy years, the loose dominion of the Byzantine princes; but no effectual measures had been adopted to impose the yoke of laws and manners on these savage tribes. By the command of Isaac, their sole means of subsistence, their flocks and herds, were driven away, to contribute towards the pomp of the royal nuptials; and their fierce warriors were exasperated by the denial of equal rank and pay in the military service. Peter and Asan, two powerful chiefs, of the race of the ancient kings, ^20 asserted their own rights and the national freedom; their

    daemoniac impostors proclaimed to the crowd, that their glorious patron St. Demetrius had forever deserted the cause of the Greeks; and the conflagration spread from the banks of the Danube to the hills of Macedonia and Thrace. After some faint efforts, Isaac Angelus and his brother acquiesced in their independence; and the Imperial troops were soon discouraged by the bones of their fellow-soldiers, that were scattered along the passes of Mount Haemus. By the arms and policy of John or Joannices, the second kingdom of Bulgaria was firmly established. The subtle Barbarian sent an embassy to Innocent the Third, to acknowledge himself a genuine son of Rome in descent and religion, ^21 and humbly received from the pope the license of coining money, the royal title, and a Latin archbishop or patriarch. The Vatican exulted in the spiritual conquest of Bulgaria, the first object of the schism; and if the Greeks could have preserved the prerogatives of the church, they would gladly have resigned the rights of the monarchy.

    [Footnote 20: Ducange, Familiae, Dalmaticae, p. 318, 319, 320. The original correspondence of the Bulgarian king and the Roman pontiff is inscribed in the Gesta Innocent. III. c. 66 – 82, p. 513 – 525.]

    [Footnote 21: The pope acknowledges his pedigree, a nobili urbis Romae prosapia genitores tui originem traxerunt. This tradition, and the strong resemblance of the Latin and Walachian idioms, is explained by M. D’Anville, (Etats de l’Europe, p. 258 – 262.) The Italian colonies of the Dacia of Trajan were swept away by the tide of emigration from the Danube to the Volga, and brought back by another wave from the Volga to the Danube. Possible, but strange!]

    The Bulgarians were malicious enough to pray for the long

    life of Isaac Angelus, the surest pledge of their freedom and prosperity. Yet their chiefs could involve in the same indiscriminate contempt the family and nation of the emperor. “In all the Greeks,” said Asan to his troops, “the same climate,

    and character, and education, will be productive of the same fruits. Behold my lance,” continued the warrior, “and the long streamers that float in the wind. They differ only in color; they are formed of the same silk, and fashioned by the same workman; nor has the stripe that is stained in purple any superior price or value above its fellows.” ^22 Several of these candidates for the purple successively rose and fell under the empire of Isaac; a general, who had repelled the fleets of Sicily, was driven to revolt and ruin by the ingratitude of the prince; and his luxurious repose was disturbed by secret conspiracies and popular insurrections. The emperor was saved by accident, or the merit of his servants: he was at length oppressed by an ambitious brother, who, for the hope of a precarious diadem, forgot the obligations of nature, of loyalty, and of friendship. ^23 While Isaac in the Thracian valleys pursued the idle and solitary pleasures of the chase, his brother, Alexius Angelus, was invested with the purple, by the unanimous suffrage of the camp; the capital and the clergy subscribed to their choice; and the vanity of the new sovereign rejected the name of his fathers for the lofty and royal appellation of the Comnenian race. On the despicable character of Isaac I have exhausted the language of contempt, and can only add, that, in a reign of eight years, the baser Alexius ^24 was supported by the masculine vices of his wife Euphrosyne. The first intelligence of his fall was conveyed to the late emperor by the hostile aspect and pursuit of the guards, no longer his own: he fled before them above fifty miles, as far as Stagyra, in Macedonia; but the fugitive, without an object or a follower, was arrested, brought back to Constantinople, deprived of his eyes, and confined in a lonesome tower, on a scanty allowance of bread and water. At the moment of the revolution, his son Alexius, whom he educated in the hope of empire, was twelve years of age. He was spared by the usurper, and reduced to attend his triumph both in peace and war; but as the army was encamped on the sea-shore, an Italian vessel facilitated the escape of the royal youth; and, in the disguise of a common sailor, he eluded the search of his enemies, passed the Hellespont, and found a secure refuge in the Isle of Sicily. After saluting the threshold

    of the apostles, and imploring the protection of Pope Innocent the Third, Alexius accepted the kind invitation of his sister Irene, the wife of Philip of Swabia, king of the Romans. But in his passage through Italy, he heard that the flower of Western chivalry was assembled at Venice for the deliverance of the Holy Land; and a ray of hope was kindled in his bosom, that their invincible swords might be employed in his father’s restoration. [Footnote 22: This parable is in the best savage style; but I wish the Walach had not introduced the classic name of Mysians, the experiment of the magnet or loadstone, and the passage of an old comic poet, (Nicetas in Alex. Comneno, l. i. p. 299, 300.)]

    [Footnote 23: The Latins aggravate the ingratitude of Alexius, by supposing that he had been released by his brother Isaac from Turkish captivity This pathetic tale had doubtless been repeated at Venice and Zara but I do not readily discover its grounds in the Greek historians.]

    [Footnote 24: See the reign of Alexius Angelus, or Comnenus, in the three books of Nicetas, p. 291 – 352.]

    About ten or twelve years after the loss of Jerusalem, the

    nobles of France were again summoned to the holy war by the voice of a third prophet, less extravagant, perhaps, than Peter the hermit, but far below St. Bernard in the merit of an orator and a statesman. An illiterate priest of the neighborhood of Paris, Fulk of Neuilly, ^25 forsook his parochial duty, to assume the more flattering character of a popular and itinerant missionary. The fame of his sanctity and miracles was spread over the land; he declaimed, with severity and vehemence, against the vices of the age; and his sermons, which he preached in the streets of Paris, converted the robbers, the usurers, the prostitutes, and even the doctors and scholars of the university. No sooner did Innocent the Third ascend the chair of St. Peter, than he proclaimed in Italy, Germany, and France, the obligation of a new crusade.

    ^26 The eloquent pontiff described the ruin of Jerusalem, the triumph of the Pagans, and the shame of Christendom; his liberality proposed the redemption of sins, a plenary indulgence to all who should serve in Palestine, either a year in person, or two years by a substitute; ^27 and among his legates and orators who blew the sacred trumpet, Fulk of Neuilly was the loudest and most successful. The situation of the principal monarchs was averse to the pious summons. The emperor Frederic the Second was a child; and his kingdom of Germany was disputed by the rival houses of Brunswick and Swabia, the memorable factions of the Guelphs and Ghibelines. Philip Augustus of France had performed, and could not be persuaded to renew, the perilous vow; but as he was not less ambitious of praise than of power, he cheerfully instituted a perpetual fund for the defence of the Holy Land Richard of England was satiated with the glory and misfortunes of his first adventure; and he presumed to deride the exhortations of Fulk of Neuilly, who was not abashed in the presence of kings. “You advise me,” said Plantagenet, “to dismiss my three daughters, pride, avarice, and incontinence: I bequeath them to the most deserving; my pride to the knights templars, my avarice to the monks of Cisteaux, and my incontinence to the prelates.” But the preacher was heard and obeyed by the great vassals, the princes of the second order; and Theobald, or Thibaut, count of Champagne, was the foremost in the holy race. The valiant youth, at the age of twenty-two years, was encouraged by the domestic examples of his father, who marched in the second crusade, and of his elder brother, who had ended his days in Palestine with the title of King of Jerusalem; two thousand two hundred knights owed service and homage to his peerage; ^28 the nobles of Champagne excelled in all the exercises of war; ^29 and, by his marriage with the heiress of Navarre, Thibaut could draw a band of hardy Gascons from either side of the Pyrenaean mountains. His companion in arms was Louis, count of Blois and Chartres; like himself of regal lineage, for both the princes were nephews, at the same time, of the kings of France and England. In a crowd of prelates and barons, who imitated their zeal, I distinguish the birth and merit of Matthew of

    Montmorency; the famous Simon of Montfort, the scourge of the Albigeois; and a valiant noble, Jeffrey of Villehardouin, ^30 marshal of Champagne, ^31 who has condescended, in the rude idiom of his age and country, ^32 to write or dictate ^33 an original narrative of the councils and actions in which he bore a memorable part. At the same time, Baldwin, count of Flanders, who had married the sister of Thibaut, assumed the cross at Bruges, with his brother Henry, and the principal knights and citizens of that rich and industrious province. ^34 The vow which the chiefs had pronounced in churches, they ratified in tournaments; the operations of the war were debated in full and frequent assemblies; and it was resolved to seek the deliverance of Palestine in Egypt, a country, since Saladin’s death, which was almost ruined by famine and civil war.

    But the fate of so many royal armies displayed the toils and perils of a land expedition; and if the Flemings dwelt along the ocean, the French barons were destitute of ships and ignorant of navigation. They embraced the wise resolution of choosing six deputies or representatives, of whom Villehardouin was one, with a discretionary trust to direct the motions, and to pledge the faith, of the whole confederacy. The maritime states of Italy were alone possessed of the means of transporting the holy warriors with their arms and horses; and the six deputies proceeded to Venice, to solicit, on motives of piety or interest, the aid of that powerful republic.

    [Footnote 25: See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 26, &c., and Villehardouin, No. 1, with the observations of Ducange, which I always mean to quote with the original text.]

    [Footnote 26: The contemporary life of Pope Innocent III., published by Baluze and Muratori, (Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. pars i. p. 486 – 568, is most valuable for the important and original documents which are inserted in the text. The bull of the crusade may be read, c. 84, 85.] [Footnote 27: Por-ce que cil pardon, fut issi gran, si s’en esmeurent mult licuers des genz, et mult s’en croisierent, porce que li pardons ere su gran. Villehardouin, No. 1. Our

    philosophers may refine on the causes of the crusades, but such were the genuine feelings of a French knight.] [Footnote 28: This number of fiefs (of which 1800 owed liege homage) was enrolled in the church of St. Stephen at Troyes, and attested A.D. 1213, by the marshal and butler of Champagne, (Ducange, Observ. p. 254.)] [Footnote 29: Campania . . . . militiae privilegio singularius excellit . . . . in tyrociniis . . . . prolusione armorum, &c., Duncage, p. 249, from the old Chronicle of Jerusalem, A.D. 1177 – 1199.]

    [Footnote 30: The name of Villehardouin was taken from a village and castle in the diocese of Troyes, near the River Aube, between Bar and Arcis. The family was ancient and noble; the elder branch of our historian existed after the year 1400, the younger, which acquired the principality of Achaia, merged in the house of Savoy, (Ducange, p. 235 – 245.)]

    [Footnote 31: This office was held by his father and his descendants; but Ducange has not hunted it with his usual sagacity. I find that, in the year 1356, it was in the family of Conflans; but these provincial have been long since eclipsed by the national marshals of France.]

    [Footnote 32: This language, of which I shall produce some specimens, is explained by Vigenere and Ducange, in a version and glossary. The president Des Brosses (Mechanisme des Langues, tom. ii. p. 83) gives it as the example of a language which has ceased to be French, and is understood only by grammarians.]

    [Footnote 33: His age, and his own expression, moi qui ceste oeuvre dicta. (No. 62, &c.,) may justify the suspicion (more probable than Mr. Wood’s on Homer) that he could neither read nor write. Yet Champagne may boast of the two first historians, the noble authors of French prose, Villehardouin and Joinville.]

    [Footnote 34: The crusade and reigns of the counts of Flanders, Baldwin and his brother Henry, are the subject of a particular history by the Jesuit Doutremens, (Constantinopolis

    Belgica; Turnaci, 1638, in 4to.,) which I have only seen with the eyes of Ducange.]

    In the invasion of Italy by Attila, I have mentioned ^35 the

    flight of the Venetians from the fallen cities of the continent, and their obscure shelter in the chain of islands that line the extremity of the Adriatic Gulf. In the midst of the waters, free, indigent, laborious, and inaccessible, they gradually coalesced into a republic: the first foundations of Venice were laid in the Island of Rialto; and the annual election of the twelve tribunes was superseded by the permanent office of a duke or doge. On the verge of the two empires, the Venetians exult in the belief of primitive and perpetual independence. ^36 Against the Latins, their antique freedom has been asserted by the sword, and may be justified by the pen. Charlemagne himself resigned all claims of sovereignty to the islands of the Adriatic Gulf: his son Pepin was repulsed in the attacks of the lagunas or canals, too deep for the cavalry, and too shallow for the vessels; and in every age, under the German Caesars, the lands of the republic have been clearly distinguished from the kingdom of Italy. But the inhabitants of Venice were considered by themselves, by strangers, and by their sovereigns, as an inalienable portion of the Greek empire: ^37 in the ninth and tenth centuries, the proofs of their subjection are numerous and unquestionable; and the vain titles, the servile honors, of the Byzantine court, so ambitiously solicited by their dukes, would have degraded the magistrates of a free people. But the bands of this dependence, which was never absolute or rigid, were imperceptibly relaxed by the ambition of Venice and the weakness of Constantinople. Obedience was softened into respect, privilege ripened into prerogative, and the freedom of domestic government was fortified by the independence of foreign dominion. The maritime cities of Istria and Dalmatia bowed to the sovereigns of the Adriatic; and when they armed against the Normans in the cause of Alexius, the emperor applied, not to the duty of his subjects, but to the gratitude and generosity of his faithful allies. The sea was their patrimony: ^38 the western parts of the Mediterranean, from

    Tuscany to Gibraltar, were indeed abandoned to their rivals of Pisa and Genoa; but the Venetians acquired an early and lucrative share of the commerce of Greece and Egypt. Their riches increased with the increasing demand of Europe; their manufactures of silk and glass, perhaps the institution of their bank, are of high antiquity; and they enjoyed the fruits of their industry in the magnificence of public and private life. To assert her flag, to avenge her injuries, to protect the freedom of navigation, the republic could launch and man a fleet of a hundred galleys; and the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Normans, were encountered by her naval arms. The Franks of Syria were assisted by the Venetians in the reduction of the sea coast; but their zeal was neither blind nor disinterested; and in the conquest of Tyre, they shared the sovereignty of a city, the first seat of the commerce of the world. The policy of Venice was marked by the avarice of a trading, and the insolence of a maritime, power; yet her ambition was prudent: nor did she often forget that if armed galleys were the effect and safeguard, merchant vessels were the cause and supply, of her greatness. In her religion, she avoided the schisms of the Greeks, without yielding a servile obedience to the Roman pontiff; and a free intercourse with the infidels of every clime appears to have allayed betimes the fever of superstition. Her primitive government was a loose mixture of democracy and monarchy; the doge was elected by the votes of the general assembly; as long as he was popular and successful, he reigned with the pomp and authority of a prince; but in the frequent revolutions of the state, he was deposed, or banished, or slain, by the justice or injustice of the multitude. The twelfth century produced the first rudiments of the wise and jealous aristocracy, which has reduced the doge to a pageant, and the people to a cipher. ^39

    [Footnote 35: History, &c., vol. iii. p. 446, 447.]

    [Footnote 36: The foundation and independence of Venice, and Pepin’s invasion, are discussed by Pagi (Critica, tom. iii. A.D. 81), No. 4, &c.) and Beretti, (Dissert. Chorograph. Italiae Medii Aevi, in Muratori, Script. tom. x. p. 153.) The two critics have a

    slight bias, the Frenchman adverse, the Italian favorable, to the republic.]

    [Footnote 37: When the son of Charlemagne asserted his right of sovereignty, he was answered by the loyal Venetians, (Constantin. Porphyrogenit. de Administrat Imperii, pars ii. c. 28, p. 85;) and the report of the ixth establishes the fact of the xth century, which is confirmed by the embassy of Liutprand of Cremona. The annual tribute, which the emperor allows them to pay to the king of Italy, alleviates, by doubling, their servitude; but the hateful word must be translated, as in the charter of 827, (Laugier, Hist. de Venice, tom. i. p. 67, &c.,) by the softer appellation of subditi, or fideles.]

    [Footnote 38: See the xxvth and xxxth dissertations of the Antiquitates Medii Aevi of Muratori. From Anderson’s History of Commerce, I understand that the Venetians did not trade to England before the year 1323. The most flourishing state of their wealth and commerce, in the beginning of the xvth century, is agreeably described by the Abbe Dubos, (Hist. de la Ligue de Cambray, tom. ii. p. 443 – 480.)]

    [Footnote 39: The Venetians have been slow in writing and publishing their history. Their most ancient monuments are, 1. The rude Chronicle (perhaps) of John Sagorninus, (Venezia, 1765, in octavo,) which represents the state and manners of Venice in the year 1008. 2. The larger history of the doge, (1342 – 1354,) Andrew Dandolo, published for the first time in the xiith tom. of Muratori, A.D. 1728. The History of Venice by the Abbe Laugier, (Paris, 1728,) is a work of some merit, which I have chiefly used for the constitutional part.

    Note: It is scarcely necessary to mention the valuable work

    of Count Daru, “History de Venise,” of which I hear that an Italian translation has been published, with notes defensive of the ancient republic. I have not yet seen this work. – M.]

    Chapter LX: The Fourth Crusade.

    Part II.

    When the six ambassadors of the French pilgrims arrived at

    Venice, they were hospitably entertained in the palace of St. Mark, by the reigning duke; his name was Henry Dandolo; ^40 and he shone in the last period of human life as one of the most illustrious characters of the times. Under the weight of years, and after the loss of his eyes, ^41 Dandolo retained a sound understanding and a manly courage: the spirit of a hero, ambitious to signalize his reign by some memorable exploits; and the wisdom of a patriot, anxious to build his fame on the glory and advantage of his country. He praised the bold enthusiasm and liberal confidence of the barons and their deputies: in such a cause, and with such associates, he should aspire, were he a private man, to terminate his life; but he was the servant of the republic, and some delay was requisite to consult, on this arduous business, the judgment of his colleagues. The proposal of the French was first debated by the six sages who had been recently appointed to control the administration of the doge: it was next disclosed to the forty members of the council of state; and finally communicated to the legislative assembly of four hundred and fifty representatives, who were annually chosen in the six quarters of the city. In peace and war, the doge was still the chief of the republic; his legal authority was supported by the personal reputation of Dandolo: his arguments of public interest were balanced and approved; and he was authorized to inform the ambassadors of the following conditions of the treaty. ^42 It was proposed that the crusaders should assemble at Venice, on the feast of St. John of the ensuing year; that flat-bottomed vessels should be prepared for four thousand five hundred horses, and nine thousand squires, with a number of ships sufficient for the embarkation of four thousand five hundred knights, and twenty thousand foot; that during a term of nine months they should be supplied

    with provisions, and transported to whatsoever coast the service of God and Christendom should require; and that the republic should join the armament with a squadron of fifty galleys. It was required, that the pilgrims should pay, before their departure, a sum of eighty-five thousand marks of silver; and that all conquests, by sea and land, should be equally divided between the confederates. The terms were hard; but the emergency was pressing, and the French barons were not less profuse of money than of blood. A general assembly was convened to ratify the treaty: the stately chapel and place of St. Mark were filled with ten thousand citizens; and the noble deputies were taught a new lesson of humbling themselves before the majesty of the people. “Illustrious Venetians,” said the marshal of Champagne, “we are sent by the greatest and most powerful barons of France to implore the aid of the masters of the sea for the deliverance of Jerusalem. They have enjoined us to fall prostrate at your feet; nor will we rise from the ground till you have promised to avenge with us the injuries of Christ.” The eloquence of their words and tears, ^43 their martial aspect, and suppliant attitude, were applauded by a universal shout; as it were, says Jeffrey, by the sound of an earthquake. The venerable doge ascended the pulpit to urge their request by those motives of honor and virtue, which alone can be offered to a popular assembly: the treaty was transcribed on parchment, attested with oaths and seals, mutually accepted by the weeping and joyful representatives of France and Venice; and despatched to Rome for the approbation of Pope Innocent the Third. Two thousand marks were borrowed of the merchants for the first expenses of the armament. Of the six deputies, two repassed the Alps to announce their success, while their four companions made a fruitless trial of the zeal and emulation of the republics of Genoa and Pisa. [Footnote 40: Henry Dandolo was eighty-four at his election, (A.D. 1192,) and ninety-seven at his death, (A.D. 1205.) See the Observations of Ducange sur Villehardouin, No. 204. But this extraordinary longevity is not observed by the original writers, nor does there exist another example of a hero near a hundred years of age. Theophrastus might afford an instance

    of a writer of ninety-nine; but instead of Prooem. ad Character.,)I am much inclined to read with his last editor Fischer, and the first thoughts of Casaubon. It is scarcely possible that the powers of the mind and body should support themselves till such a period of life.]

    [Footnote 41: The modern Venetians (Laugier, tom. ii. p. 119) accuse the emperor Manuel; but the calumny is refuted by Villehardouin and the older writers, who suppose that Dandolo lost his eyes by a wound, (No. 31, and Ducange.)

    Note: The accounts differ, both as to the extent and the

    cause of his blindness According to Villehardouin and others, the sight was totally lost; according to the Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo. (Murat. tom. xii. p. 322,) he was vise debilis. See Wilken, vol. v. p. 143. – M.]

    [Footnote 42: See the original treaty in the Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo, p. 323 – 326.]

    [Footnote 43: A reader of Villehardouin must observe the frequent tears of the marshal and his brother knights. Sachiez que la ot mainte lerme ploree de pitie, (No. 17;) mult plorant, (ibid;) mainte lerme ploree, (No. 34;) si orent mult pitie et plorerent mult durement, (No. 60;) i ot mainte lerme ploree de pitie, (No. 202.) They weep on every occasion of grief, joy, or devotion.]

    The execution of the treaty was still opposed by unforeseen

    difficulties and delays. The marshal, on his return to Troyes, was embraced and approved by Thibaut count of Champagne, who had been unanimously chosen general of the confederates. But the health of that valiant youth already declined, and soon became hopeless; and he deplored the untimely fate, which condemned him to expire, not in a field of battle, but on a bed of sickness. To his brave and numerous vassals, the dying prince distributed his treasures: they swore in his presence to accomplish his vow and their own; but some

    there were, says the marshal, who accepted his gifts and forfeited their words. The more resolute champions of the cross held a parliament at Soissons for the election of a new general; but such was the incapacity, or jealousy, or reluctance, of the princes of France, that none could be found both able and willing to assume the conduct of the enterprise. They acquiesced in the choice of a stranger, of Boniface marquis of Montferrat, descended of a race of heroes, and himself of conspicuous fame in the wars and negotiations of the times; ^44 nor could the piety or ambition of the Italian chief decline this honorable invitation. After visiting the French court, where he was received as a friend and kinsman, the marquis, in the church of Soissons, was invested with the cross of a pilgrim and the staff of a general; and immediately repassed the Alps, to prepare for the distant expedition of the East. About the festival of the Pentecost he displayed his banner, and marched towards Venice at the head of the Italians: he was preceded or followed by the counts of Flanders and Blois, and the most respectable barons of France; and their numbers were swelled by the pilgrims of Germany, ^45 whose object and motives were similar to their own. The Venetians had fulfilled, and even surpassed, their engagements: stables were constructed for the horses, and barracks for the troops: the magazines were abundantly replenished with forage and provisions; and the fleet of transports, ships, and galleys, was ready to hoist sail as soon as the republic had received the price of the freight and armament. But that price far exceeded the wealth of the crusaders who were assembled at Venice. The Flemings, whose obedience to their count was voluntary and precarious, had embarked in their vessels for the long navigation of the ocean and Mediterranean; and many of the French and Italians had preferred a cheaper and more convenient passage from Marseilles and Apulia to the Holy Land. Each pilgrim might complain, that after he had furnished his own contribution, he was made responsible for the deficiency of his absent brethren: the gold and silver plate of the chiefs, which they freely delivered to the treasury of St. Marks, was a generous but inadequate sacrifice; and after all their efforts,

    thirty-four thousand marks were still wanting to complete the stipulated sum. The obstacle was removed by the policy and patriotism of the doge, who proposed to the barons, that if they would join their arms in reducing some revolted cities of Dalmatia, he would expose his person in the holy war, and obtain from the republic a long indulgence, till some wealthy conquest should afford the means of satisfying the debt. After much scruple and hesitation, they chose rather to accept the offer than to relinquish the enterprise; and the first hostilities of the fleet and army were directed against Zara, ^46 a strong city of the Sclavonian coast, which had renounced its allegiance to Venice, and implored the protection of the king of Hungary. ^47 The crusaders burst the chain or boom of the harbor; landed their horses, troops, and military engines; and compelled the inhabitants, after a defence of five days, to surrender at discretion: their lives were spared, but the revolt was punished by the pillage of their houses and the demolition of their walls. The season was far advanced; the French and Venetians resolved to pass the winter in a secure harbor and plentiful country; but their repose was disturbed by national and tumultuous quarrels of the soldiers and mariners. The conquest of Zara had scattered the seeds of discord and scandal: the arms of the allies had been stained in their outset with the blood, not of infidels, but of Christians: the king of Hungary and his new subjects were themselves enlisted under the banner of the cross; and the scruples of the devout were magnified by the fear of lassitude of the reluctant pilgrims. The pope had excommunicated the false crusaders who had pillaged and massacred their brethren, ^48 and only the marquis Boniface and Simon of Montfort ^* escaped these spiritual thunders; the one by his absence from the siege, the other by his final departure from the camp. Innocent might absolve the simple and submissive penitents of France; but he was provoked by the stubborn reason of the Venetians, who refused to confess their guilt, to accept their pardon, or to allow, in their temporal concerns, the interposition of a priest.

    [Footnote 44: By a victory (A.D. 1191) over the citizens of Asti, by a crusade to Palestine, and by an embassy from the pope to

    the German princes, (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. x. p. 163, 202.)]

    [Footnote 45: See the crusade of the Germans in the Historia C. P. of Gunther, (Canisii Antiq. Lect. tom. iv. p. v. – viii.,) who celebrates the pilgrimage of his abbot Martin, one of the preaching rivals of Fulk of Neuilly. His monastery, of the Cistercian order, was situate in the diocese of Basil] [Footnote 46: Jadera, now Zara, was a Roman colony, which acknowledged Augustus for its parent. It is now only two miles round, and contains five or six thousand inhabitants; but the fortifications are strong, and it is joined to the main land by a bridge. See the travels of the two companions, Spon and Wheeler, (Voyage de Dalmatie, de Grece, &c., tom. i. p. 64 – 70. Journey into Greece, p. 8 – 14;) the last of whom, by mistaking Sestertia for Sestertii, values an arch with statues and columns at twelve pounds. If, in his time, there were no trees near Zara, the cherry-trees were not yet planted which produce our incomparable marasquin.]

    [Footnote 47: Katona (Hist. Critica Reg. Hungariae, Stirpis Arpad. tom. iv. p. 536 – 558) collects all the facts and testimonies most adverse to the conquerors of Zara.]

    [Footnote 48: See the whole transaction, and the sentiments of the pope, in the Epistles of Innocent III. Gesta, c. 86, 87, 88.]

    [Footnote *: Montfort protested against the siege. Guido, the abbot of Vaux de Sernay, in the name of the pope, interdicted the attack on a Christian city; and the immediate surrender of the town was thus delayed for five days of fruitless resistance. Wilken, vol. v. p. 167. See likewise, at length, the history of the interdict issued by the pope. Ibid. – M.]

    The assembly of such formidable powers by sea and land had

    revived the hopes of young ^49 Alexius; and both at Venice and Zara, he solicited the arms of the crusaders, for his own restoration and his father’s ^50 deliverance. The royal youth was recommended by Philip king of Germany: his prayers and

    presence excited the compassion of the camp; and his cause was embraced and pleaded by the marquis of Montferrat and the doge of Venice. A double alliance, and the dignity of Caesar, had connected with the Imperial family the two elder brothers of Boniface: ^51 he expected to derive a kingdom from the important service; and the more generous ambition of Dandolo was eager to secure the inestimable benefits of trade and dominion that might accrue to his country. ^52 Their influence procured a favorable audience for the ambassadors of Alexius; and if the magnitude of his offers excited some suspicion, the motives and rewards which he displayed might justify the delay and diversion of those forces which had been consecrated to the deliverance of Jerusalem. He promised in his own and his father’s name, that as soon as they should be seated on the throne of Constantinople, they would terminate the long schism of the Greeks, and submit themselves and their people to the lawful supremacy of the Roman church. He engaged to recompense the labors and merits of the crusaders, by the immediate payment of two hundred thousand marks of silver; to accompany them in person to Egypt; or, if it should be judged more advantageous, to maintain, during a year, ten thousand men, and, during his life, five hundred knights, for the service of the Holy Land. These tempting conditions were accepted by the republic of Venice; and the eloquence of the doge and marquis persuaded the counts of Flanders, Blois, and St. Pol, with eight barons of France, to join in the glorious enterprise. A treaty of offensive and defensive alliance was confirmed by their oaths and seals; and each individual, according to his situation and character, was swayed by the hope of public or private advantage; by the honor of restoring an exiled monarch; or by the sincere and probable opinion, that their efforts in Palestine would be fruitless and unavailing, and that the acquisition of Constantinople must precede and prepare the recovery of Jerusalem. But they were the chiefs or equals of a valiant band of freemen and volunteers, who thought and acted for themselves: the soldiers and clergy were divided; and, if a large majority subscribed to the alliance, the numbers and arguments of the dissidents were strong and respectable. ^53 The boldest hearts were

    appalled by the report of the naval power and impregnable strength of Constantinople; and their apprehensions were disguised to the world, and perhaps to themselves, by the more decent objections of religion and duty. They alleged the sanctity of a vow, which had drawn them from their families and homes to the rescue of the holy sepulchre; nor should the dark and crooked counsels of human policy divert them from a pursuit, the event of which was in the hands of the Almighty. Their first offence, the attack of Zara, had been severely punished by the reproach of their conscience and the censures of the pope; nor would they again imbrue their hands in the blood of their fellow-Christians.

    The apostle of Rome had pronounced; nor would they usurp the right of avenging with the sword the schism of the Greeks and the doubtful usurpation of the Byzantine monarch. On these principles or pretences, many pilgrims, the most distinguished for their valor and piety, withdrew from the camp; and their retreat was less pernicious than the open or secret opposition of a discontented party, that labored, on every occasion, to separate the army and disappoint the enterprise.

    [Footnote 49: A modern reader is surprised to hear of the valet de Constantinople, as applied to young Alexius, on account of his youth, like the infants of Spain, and the nobilissimus puer of the Romans. The pages and valets of the knights were as noble as themselves, (Villehardouin and Ducange, No. 36.)]

    [Footnote 50: The emperor Isaac is styled by Villehardouin, Sursac, (No. 35, &c.,) which may be derived from the French Sire, or the Greek melted into his proper name; the further corruptions of Tursac and Conserac will instruct us what license may have been used in the old dynasties of Assyria and Egypt.] [Footnote 51: Reinier and Conrad: the former married Maria, daughter of the emperor Manuel Comnenus; the latter was the husband of Theodora Angela, sister of the emperors Isaac and Alexius. Conrad abandoned the Greek court and princess for the glory of defending Tyre against Saladin, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 187, 203.)]

    [Footnote 52: Nicetas (in Alexio Comneno, l. iii. c. 9) accuses the doge and Venetians as the first authors of the war against Constantinople, and considers the arrival and shameful offers of the royal exile.

    Note: He admits, however, that the Angeli had committed

    depredations on the Venetian trade, and the emperor himself had refused the payment of part of the stipulated compensation for the seizure of the Venetian merchandise by the emperor Manuel. Nicetas, in loc. – M.]

    [Footnote 53: Villehardouin and Gunther represent the sentiments of the two parties. The abbot Martin left the army at Zara, proceeded to Palestine, was sent ambassador to Constantinople, and became a reluctant witness of the second siege.]

    Notwithstanding this defection, the departure of the fleet

    and army was vigorously pressed by the Venetians, whose zeal for the service of the royal youth concealed a just resentment to his nation and family. They were mortified by the recent preference which had been given to Pisa, the rival of their trade; they had a long arrear of debt and injury to liquidate with the Byzantine court; and Dandolo might not discourage the popular tale, that he had been deprived of his eyes by the emperor Manuel, who perfidiously violated the sanctity of an ambassador. A similar armament, for ages, had not rode the Adriatic: it was composed of one hundred and twenty flat- bottomed vessels or palanders for the horses; two hundred and forty transports filled with men and arms; seventy store-ships laden with provisions; and fifty stout galleys, well prepared for the encounter of an enemy. ^54 While the wind was favorable, the sky serene, and the water smooth, every eye was fixed with wonder and delight on the scene of military and naval pomp which overspread the sea. ^* The shields of the knights and squires, at once an ornament and a defence, were arranged on either side of the ships; the banners of the

    nations and families were displayed from the stern; our modern artillery was supplied by three hundred engines for casting stones and darts: the fatigues of the way were cheered with the sound of music; and the spirits of the adventurers were raised by the mutual assurance, that forty thousand Christian heroes were equal to the conquest of the world. ^55 In the navigation ^56 from Venice and Zara, the fleet was successfully steered by the skill and experience of the Venetian pilots: at Durazzo, the confederates first landed on the territories of the Greek empire: the Isle of Corfu afforded a station and repose; they doubled, without accident, the perilous cape of Malea, the southern point of Peloponnesus or the Morea; made a descent in the islands of Negropont and Andros; and cast anchor at Abydus on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont. These preludes of conquest were easy and bloodless: the Greeks of the provinces, without patriotism or courage, were crushed by an irresistible force: the presence of the lawful heir might justify their obedience; and it was rewarded by the modesty and discipline of the Latins. As they penetrated through the Hellespont, the magnitude of their navy was compressed in a narrow channel, and the face of the waters was darkened with innumerable sails. They again expanded in the basin of the Propontis, and traversed that placid sea, till they approached the European shore, at the abbey of St. Stephen, three leagues to the west of Constantinople. The prudent doge dissuaded them from dispersing themselves in a populous and hostile land; and, as their stock of provisions was reduced, it was resolved, in the season of harvest, to replenish their store-ships in the fertile islands of the Propontis. With this resolution, they directed their course: but a strong gale, and their own impatience, drove them to the eastward; and so near did they run to the shore and the city, that some volleys of stones and darts were exchanged between the ships and the rampart. As they passed along, they gazed with admiration on the capital of the East, or, as it should seem, of the earth; rising from her seven hills, and towering over the continents of Europe and Asia.

    The swelling domes and lofty spires of five hundred palaces and churches were gilded by the sun and reflected in the waters: the walls were crowded with soldiers and spectators, whose numbers they beheld, of whose temper they were ignorant; and each heart was chilled by the reflection, that, since the beginning of the world, such an enterprise had never been undertaken by such a handful of warriors. But the momentary apprehension was dispelled by hope and valor; and every man, says the marshal of Champagne, glanced his eye on the sword or lance which he must speedily use in the glorious conflict. ^57 The Latins cast anchor before Chalcedon; the mariners only were left in the vessels: the soldiers, horses, and arms, were safely landed; and, in the luxury of an Imperial palace, the barons tasted the first fruits of their success. On the third day, the fleet and army moved towards Scutari, the Asiatic suburb of Constantinople: a detachment of five hundred Greek horse was surprised and defeated by fourscore French knights; and in a halt of nine days, the camp was plentifully supplied with forage and provisions. [Footnote 54: The birth and dignity of Andrew Dandolo gave him the motive and the means of searching in the archives of Venice the memorable story of his ancestor. His brevity seems to accuse the copious and more recent narratives of Sanudo, (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xxii.,) Blondus, Sabellicus, and Rhamnusius.]

    [Footnote *: This description rather belongs to the first setting sail of the expedition from Venice, before the siege of Zara. The armament did not return to Venice. – M.]

    [Footnote 55: Villehardouin, No. 62. His feelings and expressions are original: he often weeps, but he rejoices in the glories and perils of war with a spirit unknown to a sedentary writer.]

    [Footnote 56: In this voyage, almost all the geographical names are corrupted by the Latins. The modern appellation of Chalcis, and all Euboea, is derived from its Euripus, Euripo, Negri-po, Negropont, which dishonors our maps, (D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 263.)]

    [Footnote 57: Et sachiez que il ni ot si hardi cui le cuer ne fremist, (c. 66.) . . Chascuns regardoit ses armes . . . . que par tems en arons mestier, (c. 67.) Such is the honesty of courage.]

    In relating the invasion of a great empire, it may seem

    strange that I have not described the obstacles which should have checked the progress of the strangers. The Greeks, in truth, were an unwarlike people; but they were rich, industrious, and subject to the will of a single man: had that man been capable of fear, when his enemies were at a distance, or of courage, when they approached his person. The first rumor of his nephew’s alliance with the French and Venetians was despised by the usurper Alexius: his flatterers persuaded him, that in this contempt he was bold and sincere; and each evening, in the close of the banquet, he thrice discomfited the Barbarians of the West.

    These Barbarians had been justly terrified by the report of his naval power; and the sixteen hundred fishing boats of Constantinople ^58 could have manned a fleet, to sink them in the Adriatic, or stop their entrance in the mouth of the Hellespont. But all force may be annihilated by the negligence of the prince and the venality of his ministers. The great duke, or admiral, made a scandalous, almost a public, auction of the sails, the masts, and the rigging: the royal forests were reserved for the more important purpose of the chase; and the trees, says Nicetas, were guarded by the eunuchs, like the groves of religious worship. ^59 From his dream of pride, Alexius was awakened by the siege of Zara, and the rapid advances of the Latins; as soon as he saw the danger was real, he thought it inevitable, and his vain presumption was lost in abject despondency and despair. He suffered these contemptible Barbarians to pitch their camp in the sight of the palace; and his apprehensions were thinly disguised by the pomp and menace of a suppliant embassy. The sovereign of the Romans was astonished (his ambassadors were instructed to say) at the hostile appearance of the strangers. If these pilgrims were sincere in their vow for the deliverance of

    Jerusalem, his voice must applaud, and his treasures should assist, their pious design but should they dare to invade the sanctuary of empire, their numbers, were they ten times more considerable, should not protect them from his just resentment. The answer of the doge and barons was simple and magnanimous. “In the cause of honor and justice,” they said, “we despise the usurper of Greece, his threats, and his offers. Our friendship and his allegiance are due to the lawful heir, to the young prince, who is seated among us, and to his father, the emperor Isaac, who has been deprived of his sceptre, his freedom, and his eyes, by the crime of an ungrateful brother. Let that brother confess his guilt, and implore forgiveness, and we ourselves will intercede, that he may be permitted to live in affluence and security. But let him not insult us by a second message; our reply will be made in arms, in the palace of Constantinople.”

    [Footnote 58: Eandem urbem plus in solis navibus piscatorum abundare, quam illos in toto navigio. Habebat enim mille et sexcentas piscatorias naves ….. Bellicas autem sive mercatorias habebant infinitae multitudinis et portum tutissimum. Gunther, Hist. C. P. c. 8, p. 10.]

    [Footnote 59: Nicetas in Alex. Comneno, l. iii. c. 9, p. 348.]

    On the tenth day of their encampment at Scutari, the

    crusaders prepared themselves, as soldiers and as Catholics, for the passage of the Bosphorus. Perilous indeed was the adventure; the stream was broad and rapid: in a calm the current of the Euxine might drive down the liquid and unextinguishable fires of the Greeks; and the opposite shores of Europe were defended by seventy thousand horse and foot in formidable array. On this memorable day, which happened to be bright and pleasant, the Latins were distributed in six battles or divisions; the first, or vanguard, was led by the count of Flanders, one of the most powerful of the Christian princes in the skill and number of his crossbows. The four successive battles of the French were commanded by his

    brother Henry, the counts of St. Pol and Blois, and Matthew of Montmorency; the last of whom was honored by the voluntary service of the marshal and nobles of Champagne. The sixth division, the rear-guard and reserve of the army, was conducted by the marquis of Montferrat, at the head of the Germans and Lombards. The chargers, saddled, with their long comparisons dragging on the ground, were embarked in the flat palanders; ^60 and the knights stood by the side of their horses, in complete armor, their helmets laced, and their lances in their hands. The numerous train of sergeants ^61 and archers occupied the transports; and each transport was towed by the strength and swiftness of a galley. The six divisions traversed the Bosphorus, without encountering an enemy or an obstacle: to land the foremost was the wish, to conquer or die was the resolution, of every division and of every soldier. Jealous of the preeminence of danger, the knights in their heavy armor leaped into the sea, when it rose as high as their girdle; the sergeants and archers were animated by their valor; and the squires, letting down the draw-bridges of the palanders, led the horses to the shore. Before their squadrons could mount, and form, and couch their Lances, the seventy thousand Greeks had vanished from their sight: the timid Alexius gave the example to his troops; and it was only by the plunder of his rich pavilions that the Latins were informed that they had fought against an emperor. In the first consternation of the flying enemy, they resolved, by a double attack, to open the entrance of the harbor. The tower of Galata, ^62 in the suburb of Pera, was attacked and stormed by the French, while the Venetians assumed the more difficult task of forcing the boom or chain that was stretched from that tower to the Byzantine shore. After some fruitless attempts, their intrepid perseverance prevailed: twenty ships of war, the relics of the Grecian navy, were either sunk or taken: the enormous and massy links of iron were cut asunder by the shears, or broken by the weight, of the galleys; ^63 and the Venetian fleet, safe and triumphant, rode at anchor in the port of Constantinople. By these daring achievements, a remnant of twenty thousand Latins solicited the license of besieging a capital which contained above four hundred

    thousand inhabitants, ^64 able, though not willing, to bear arms in defence of their country. Such an account would indeed suppose a population of near two millions; but whatever abatement may be required in the numbers of the Greeks, the belief of those numbers will equally exalt the fearless spirit of their assailants.

    [Footnote 60: From the version of Vignere I adopt the well-sounding word palander, which is still used, I believe, in the Mediterranean. But had I written in French, I should have preserved the original and expressive denomination of vessiers or huissiers, from the huis or door which was let down as a draw-bridge; but which, at sea, was closed into the side of the ship, (see Ducange au Villehardouin, No. 14, and Joinville. p. 27, 28, edit. du Louvre.)]

    [Footnote 61: To avoid the vague expressions of followers, &c., I use, after Villehardouin, the word sergeants for all horsemen who were not knights. There were sergeants at arms, and sergeants at law; and if we visit the parade and Westminster Hall, we may observe the strange result of the distinction, (Ducange, Glossar. Latin, Servientes, &c., tom. vi. p. 226 – 231.)] [Footnote 62: It is needless to observe, that on the subject of Galata, the chain, &c., Ducange is accurate and full. Consult likewise the proper chapters of the C. P. Christiana of the same author. The inhabitants of Galata were so vain and ignorant, that they applied to themselves St. Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians.]

    [Footnote 63: The vessel that broke the chain was named the Eagle, Aquila, (Dandolo, Chronicon, p. 322,) which Blondus (de Gestis Venet.) has changed into Aquilo, the north wind. Ducange (Observations, No. 83) maintains the latter reading; but he had not seen the respectable text of Dandolo, nor did he enough consider the topography of the harbor. The south-east would have been a more effectual wind. (Note to Wilken, vol. v. p. 215.)] [Footnote 64: Quatre cens mil homes ou plus, (Villehardouin, No. 134,) must be understood of men of a military age. Le Beau (Hist. du. Bas Empire, tom. xx. p. 417) allows Constantinople a million of inhabitants, of whom

    60,000 horse, and an infinite number of foot-soldiers. In its present decay, the capital of the Ottoman empire may contain 400,000 souls, (Bell’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 401, 402;) but as the Turks keep no registers, and as circumstances are fallacious, it is impossible to ascertain (Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, tom. i. p. 18, 19) the real populousness of their cities.]

    In the choice of the attack, the French and Venetians were

    divided by their habits of life and warfare. The former affirmed with truth, that Constantinople was most accessible on the side of the sea and the harbor. The latter might assert with honor, that they had long enough trusted their lives and fortunes to a frail bark and a precarious element, and loudly demanded a trial of knighthood, a firm ground, and a close onset, either on foot or on horseback. After a prudent compromise, of employing the two nations by sea and land, in the service best suited to their character, the fleet covering the army, they both proceeded from the entrance to the extremity of the harbor: the stone bridge of the river was hastily repaired; and the six battles of the French formed their encampment against the front of the capital, the basis of the triangle which runs about four miles from the port to the Propontis. ^65 On the edge of a broad ditch, at the foot of a lofty rampart, they had leisure to contemplate the difficulties of their enterprise. The gates to the right and left of their narrow camp poured forth frequent sallies of cavalry and light-infantry, which cut off their stragglers, swept the country of provisions, sounded the alarm five or six times in the course of each day, and compelled them to plant a palisade, and sink an intrenchment, for their immediate safety. In the supplies and convoys the Venetians had been too sparing, or the Franks too voracious: the usual complaints of hunger and scarcity were heard, and perhaps felt their stock of flour would be exhausted in three weeks; and their disgust of salt meat tempted them to taste the flesh of their horses. The trembling usurper was supported by Theodore Lascaris, his son-in-law, a valiant youth, who aspired to save and to rule his country; the Greeks, regardless of that country, were awakened to the

    defence of their religion; but their firmest hope was in the strength and spirit of the Varangian guards, of the Danes and English, as they are named in the writers of the times. ^66 After ten days’ incessant labor, the ground was levelled, the ditch filled, the approaches of the besiegers were regularly made, and two hundred and fifty engines of assault exercised their various powers to clear the rampart, to batter the walls, and to sap the foundations. On the first appearance of a breach, the scaling-ladders were applied: the numbers that defended the vantage ground repulsed and oppressed the adventurous Latins; but they admired the resolution of fifteen knights and sergeants, who had gained the ascent, and maintained their perilous station till they were precipitated or made prisoners by the Imperial guards. On the side of the harbor the naval attack was more successfully conducted by the Venetians; and that industrious people employed every resource that was known and practiced before the invention of gunpowder. A double line, three bow-shots in front, was formed by the galleys and ships; and the swift motion of the former was supported by the weight and loftiness of the latter, whose decks, and poops, and turret, were the platforms of military engines, that discharged their shot over the heads of the first line. The soldiers, who leaped from the galleys on shore, immediately planted and ascended their scaling-ladders, while the large ships, advancing more slowly into the intervals, and lowering a draw-bridge, opened a way through the air from their masts to the rampart. In the midst of the conflict, the doge, a venerable and conspicuous form, stood aloft in complete armor on the prow of his galley. The great standard of St. Mark was displayed before him; his threats, promises, and exhortations, urged the diligence of the rowers; his vessel was the first that struck; and Dandolo was the first warrior on the shore. The nations admired the magnanimity of the blind old man, without reflecting that his age and infirmities diminished the price of life, and enhanced the value of immortal glory. On a sudden, by an invisible hand, (for the standard-bearer was probably slain,) the banner of the republic was fixed on the rampart: twenty-five towers were rapidly occupied; and, by the cruel expedient of fire, the

    Greeks were driven from the adjacent quarter. The doge had despatched the intelligence of his success, when he was checked by the danger of his confederates. Nobly declaring that he would rather die with the pilgrims than gain a victory by their destruction, Dandolo relinquished his advantage, recalled his troops, and hastened to the scene of action. He found the six weary diminutive battles of the French encompassed by sixty squadrons of the Greek cavalry, the least of which was more numerous than the largest of their divisions. Shame and despair had provoked Alexius to the last effort of a general sally; but he was awed by the firm order and manly aspect of the Latins; and, after skirmishing at a distance, withdrew his troops in the close of the evening. The silence or tumult of the night exasperated his fears; and the timid usurper, collecting a treasure of ten thousand pounds of gold, basely deserted his wife, his people, and his fortune; threw himself into a bark; stole through the Bosphorus; and landed in shameful safety in an obscure harbor of Thrace. As soon as they were apprised of his flight, the Greek nobles sought pardon and peace in the dungeon where the blind Isaac expected each hour the visit of the executioner. Again saved and exalted by the vicissitudes of fortune, the captive in his Imperial robes was replace on the throne, and surrounded with prostrate slaves, whose real terror and affected joy he was incapable of discerning. At the dawn of day, hostilities were suspended, and the Latin chiefs were surprised by a message from the lawful and reigning emperor, who was impatient to embrace his son, and to reward his generous deliverers. ^67

    [Footnote 65: On the most correct plans of Constantinople, I know not how to measure more than 4000 paces. Yet Villehardouin computes the space at three leagues, (No. 86.) If his eye were not deceived, he must reckon by the old Gallic league of 1500 paces, which might still be used in Champagne.] [Footnote 66: The guards, the Varangi, are styled by Villehardouin, (No. 89, 95) Englois et Danois avec leurs haches. Whatever had been their origin, a French pilgrim could not be mistaken in the nations of which they were at that time composed.]

    [Footnote 67: For the first siege and conquest of Constantinople, we may read the original letter of the crusaders to Innocent III., Gesta, c. 91, p. 533, 534. Villehardouin, No. 75 – 99. Nicetas, in Alexio Comnen. l. iii. c. 10, p. 349 – 352. Dandolo, in Chron. p. 322. Gunther, and his abbot Martin, were not yet returned from their obstinate pilgrim age to Jerusalem, or St. John d’Acre, where the greatest part of the company had died of the plague.]

    Chapter LX: The Fourth Crusade.

    Part III.

    But these generous deliverers were unwilling to release

    their hostage, till they had obtained from his father the payment, or at least the promise, of their recompense. They chose four ambassadors, Matthew of Montmorency, our historian the marshal of Champagne, and two Venetians, to congratulate the emperor. The gates were thrown open on their approach, the streets on both sides were lined with the battle axes of the Danish and English guard: the presence-chamber glittered with gold and jewels, the false substitute of virtue and power: by the side of the blind Isaac his wife was seated, the sister of the king of Hungary: and by her appearance, the noble matrons of Greece were drawn from their domestic retirement, and mingled with the circle of senators and soldiers. The Latins, by the mouth of the marshal, spoke like men conscious of their merits, but who respected the work of their own hands; and the emperor clearly understood, that his son’s engagements with Venice and the pilgrims must be ratified without hesitation or delay. Withdrawing into a private chamber with the empress, a chamberlain, an interpreter, and the four ambassadors, the father of young Alexius inquired with some anxiety into the nature of his stipulations. The submission of the Eastern

    empire to the pope, the succor of the Holy Land, and a present contribution of two hundred thousand marks of silver. – “These conditions are weighty,” was his prudent reply: “they are hard to accept, and difficult to perform. But no conditions can exceed the measure of your services and deserts.” After this satisfactory assurance, the barons mounted on horseback, and introduced the heir of Constantinople to the city and palace: his youth and marvellous adventures engaged every heart in his favor, and Alexius was solemnly crowned with his father in the dome of St. Sophia. In the first days of his reign, the people, already blessed with the restoration of plenty and peace, was delighted by the joyful catastrophe of the tragedy; and the discontent of the nobles, their regret, and their fears, were covered by the polished surface of pleasure and loyalty The mixture of two discordant nations in the same capital might have been pregnant with mischief and danger; and the suburb of Galata, or Pera, was assigned for the quarters of the French and Venetians. But the liberty of trade and familiar intercourse was allowed between the friendly nations: and each day the pilgrims were tempted by devotion or curiosity to visit the churches and palaces of Constantinople. Their rude minds, insensible perhaps of the finer arts, were astonished by the magnificent scenery: and the poverty of their native towns enhanced the populousness and riches of the first metropolis of Christendom. ^68 Descending from his state, young Alexius was prompted by interest and gratitude to repeat his frequent and familiar visits to his Latin allies; and in the freedom of the table, the gay petulance of the French sometimes forgot the emperor of the East. ^69 In their most serious conferences, it was agreed, that the reunion of the two churches must be the result of patience and time; but avarice was less tractable than zeal; and a larger sum was instantly disbursed to appease the wants, and silence the importunity, of the crusaders. ^70 Alexius was alarmed by the approaching hour of their departure: their absence might have relieved him from the engagement which he was yet incapable of performing; but his friends would have left him, naked and alone, to the caprice and prejudice of a perfidious nation. He wished to bribe their stay, the delay of a year, by undertaking

    to defray their expense, and to satisfy, in their name, the freight of the Venetian vessels. The offer was agitated in the council of the barons; and, after a repetition of their debates and scruples, a majority of votes again acquiesced in the advice of the doge and the prayer of the young emperor. At the price of sixteen hundred pounds of gold, he prevailed on the marquis of Montferrat to lead him with an army round the provinces of Europe; to establish his authority, and pursue his uncle, while Constantinople was awed by the presence of Baldwin and his confederates of France and Flanders. The expedition was successful: the blind emperor exulted in the success of his arms, and listened to the predictions of his flatterers, that the same Providence which had raised him from the dungeon to the throne, would heal his gout, restore his sight, and watch over the long prosperity of his reign. Yet the mind of the suspicious old man was tormented by the rising glories of his son; nor could his pride conceal from his envy, that, while his own name was pronounced in faint and reluctant acclamations, the royal youth was the theme of spontaneous and universal praise. ^71

    [Footnote 68: Compare, in the rude energy of Villehardouin, (No. 66, 100,) the inside and outside views of Constantinople, and their impression on the minds of the pilgrims: cette ville (says he) que de toutes les autres ere souveraine. See the parallel passages of Fulcherius Carnotensis, Hist. Hierosol. l. i. c. 4, and Will. Tyr. ii. 3, xx. 26.]

    [Footnote 69: As they played at dice, the Latins took off his diadem, and clapped on his head a woollen or hairy cap, (Nicetas, p. 358.) If these merry companions were Venetians, it was the insolence of trade and a commonwealth.] [Footnote 70: Villehardouin, No. 101. Dandolo, p. 322. The doge affirms, that the Venetians were paid more slowly than the French; but he owns, that the histories of the two nations differed on that subject. Had he read Villehardouin? The Greeks complained, however, good totius Graeciae opes transtulisset, (Gunther, Hist. C. P. c 13) See the lamentations and invectives of Nicetas, (p. 355.)]

    [Footnote 71: The reign of Alexius Comnenus occupies three books in Nicetas, p. 291-352. The short restoration of Isaac and his son is despatched in five chapters, p. 352 – 362.]

    By the recent invasion, the Greeks were awakened from a

    dream of nine centuries; from the vain presumption that the capital of the Roman empire was impregnable to foreign arms. The strangers of the West had violated the city, and bestowed the sceptre, of Constantine: their Imperial clients soon became as unpopular as themselves: the well-known vices of Isaac were rendered still more contemptible by his infirmities, and the young Alexius was hated as an apostate, who had renounced the manners and religion of his country. His secret covenant with the Latins was divulged or suspected; the people, and especially the clergy, were devoutly attached to their faith and superstition; and every convent, and every shop, resounded with the danger of the church and the tyranny of the pope. ^72 An empty treasury could ill supply the demands of regal luxury and foreign extortion: the Greeks refused to avert, by a general tax, the impending evils of servitude and pillage; the oppression of the rich excited a more dangerous and personal resentment; and if the emperor melted the plate, and despoiled the images, of the sanctuary, he seemed to justify the complaints of heresy and sacrilege. During the absence of Marquis Boniface and his Imperial pupil, Constantinople was visited with a calamity which might be justly imputed to the zeal and indiscretion of the Flemish pilgrims. ^73 In one of their visits to the city, they were scandalized by the aspect of a mosque or synagogue, in which one God was worshipped, without a partner or a son. Their effectual mode of controversy was to attack the infidels with the sword, and their habitation with fire: but the infidels, and some Christian neighbors, presumed to defend their lives and properties; and the flames which bigotry had kindled, consumed the most orthodox and innocent structures. During eight days and nights, the conflagration spread above a league in front, from the harbor to the Propontis, over the thickest and most populous regions of the city. It is not easy to count

    the stately churches and palaces that were reduced to a smoking ruin, to value the merchandise that perished in the trading streets, or to number the families that were involved in the common destruction.

    By this outrage, which the doge and the barons in vain affected to disclaim, the name of the Latins became still more unpopular; and the colony of that nation, above fifteen thousand persons, consulted their safety in a hasty retreat from the city to the protection of their standard in the suburb of Pera. The emperor returned in triumph; but the firmest and most dexterous policy would have been insufficient to steer him through the tempest, which overwhelmed the person and government of that unhappy youth. His own inclination, and his father’s advice, attached him to his benefactors; but Alexius hesitated between gratitude and patriotism, between the fear of his subjects and of his allies. ^74 By his feeble and fluctuating conduct he lost the esteem and confidence of both; and, while he invited the marquis of Monferrat to occupy the palace, he suffered the nobles to conspire, and the people to arm, for the deliverance of their country. Regardless of his painful situation, the Latin chiefs repeated their demands, resented his delays, suspected his intentions, and exacted a decisive answer of peace or war. The haughty summons was delivered by three French knights and three Venetian deputies, who girded their swords, mounted their horses, pierced through the angry multitude, and entered, with a fearful countenance, the palace and presence of the Greek emperor. In a peremptory tone, they recapitulated their services and his engagements; and boldly declared, that unless their just claims were fully and immediately satisfied, they should no longer hold him either as a sovereign or a friend. After this defiance, the first that had ever wounded an Imperial ear, they departed without betraying any symptoms of fear; but their escape from a servile palace and a furious city astonished the ambassadors themselves; and their return to the camp was the signal of mutual hostility.

    [Footnote 72: When Nicetas reproaches Alexius for his impious league, he bestows the harshest names on the pope’s new

    religion, (p. 348.) Such was the sincere language of every Greek to the last gasp of the empire.] [Footnote 73: Nicetas (p. 355) is positive in the charge, and specifies the Flemings, though he is wrong in supposing it an ancient name. Villehardouin (No. 107) exculpates the barons, and is ignorant (perhaps affectedly ignorant) of the names of the guilty.]

    [Footnote 74: Compare the suspicions and complaints of Nicetas (p. 359 – 362) with the blunt charges of Baldwin of Flanders, (Gesta Innocent III. c. 92, p. 534,) cum patriarcha et mole nobilium, nobis promises perjurus et mendax.]

    Among the Greeks, all authority and wisdom were overborne by

    the impetuous multitude, who mistook their rage for valor, their numbers for strength, and their fanaticism for the support and inspiration of Heaven. In the eyes of both nations Alexius was false and contemptible; the base and spurious race of the Angeli was rejected with clamorous disdain; and the people of Constantinople encompassed the senate, to demand at their hands a more worthy emperor. To every senator, conspicuous by his birth or dignity, they successively presented the purple: by each senator the deadly garment was repulsed: the contest lasted three days; and we may learn from the historian Nicetas, one of the members of the assembly, that fear and weaknesses were the guardians of their loyalty. A phantom, who vanished in oblivion, was forcibly proclaimed by the crowd: ^75 but the author of the tumult, and the leader of the war, was a prince of the house of Ducas; and his common appellation of Alexius must be discriminated by the epithet of Mourzoufle, ^76 which in the vulgar idiom expressed the close junction of his black and shaggy eyebrows. At once a patriot and a courtier, the perfidious Mourzoufle, who was not destitute of cunning and courage, opposed the Latins both in speech and action, inflamed the passions and prejudices of the Greeks, and insinuated himself into the favor and confidence of Alexius, who trusted him with the office of great chamberlain, and tinged his buskins with the colors of royalty.

    At the dead of night, he rushed into the bed-chamber with an affrighted aspect, exclaiming, that the palace was attacked by the people and betrayed by the guards. Starting from his couch, the unsuspecting prince threw himself into the arms of his enemy, who had contrived his escape by a private staircase. But that staircase terminated in a prison: Alexius was seized, stripped, and loaded with chains; and, after tasting some days the bitterness of death, he was poisoned, or strangled, or beaten with clubs, at the command, or in the presence, of the tyrant. The emperor Isaac Angelus soon followed his son to the grave; and Mourzoufle, perhaps, might spare the superfluous crime of hastening the extinction of impotence and blindness. [Footnote 75: His name was Nicholas Canabus: he deserved the praise of Nicetas and the vengeance of Mourzoufle, (p. 362.)]

    [Footnote 76: Villehardouin (No. 116) speaks of him as a favorite, without knowing that he was a prince of the blood, Angelus and Ducas. Ducange, who pries into every corner, believes him to be the son of Isaac Ducas Sebastocrator, and second cousin of young Alexius.]

    The death of the emperors, and the usurpation of Mourzoufle,

    had changed the nature of the quarrel. It was no longer the disagreement of allies who overvalued their services, or neglected their obligations: the French and Venetians forgot their complaints against Alexius, dropped a tear on the untimely fate of their companion, and swore revenge against the perfidious nation who had crowned his assassin. Yet the prudent doge was still inclined to negotiate: he asked as a debt, a subsidy, or a fine, fifty thousand pounds of gold, about two millions sterling; nor would the conference have been abruptly broken, if the zeal, or policy, of Mourzoufle had not refused to sacrifice the Greek church to the safety of the state. ^77 Amidst the invectives of his foreign and domestic enemies, we may discern, that he was not unworthy of the character which he had assumed, of the public champion: the second siege of Constantinople was far more laborious than the first;

    the treasury was replenished, and discipline was restored, by a severe inquisition into the abuses of the former reign; and Mourzoufle, an iron mace in his hand, visiting the posts, and affecting the port and aspect of a warrior, was an object of terror to his soldiers, at least, and to his kinsmen. Before and after the death of Alexius, the Greeks made two vigorous and well-conducted attempts to burn the navy in the harbor; but the skill and courage of the Venetians repulsed the fire-ships; and the vagrant flames wasted themselves without injury in the sea. ^78 In a nocturnal sally the Greek emperor was vanquished by Henry, brother of the count of Flanders: the advantages of number and surprise aggravated the shame of his defeat: his buckler was found on the field of battle; and the Imperial standard, ^79 a divine image of the Virgin, was presented, as a trophy and a relic to the Cistercian monks, the disciples of St. Bernard. Near three months, without excepting the holy season of Lent, were consumed in skirmishes and preparations, before the Latins were ready or resolved for a general assault. The land fortifications had been found impregnable; and the Venetian pilots represented, that, on the shore of the Propontis, the anchorage was unsafe, and the ships must be driven by the current far away to the straits of the Hellespont; a prospect not unpleasing to the reluctant pilgrims, who sought every opportunity of breaking the army. From the harbor, therefore, the assault was determined by the assailants, and expected by the besieged; and the emperor had placed his scarlet pavilions on a neighboring height, to direct and animate the efforts of his troops. A fearless spectator, whose mind could entertain the ideas of pomp and pleasure, might have admired the long array of two embattled armies, which extended above half a league, the one on the ships and galleys, the other on the walls and towers raised above the ordinary level by several stages of wooden turrets. Their first fury was spent in the discharge of darts, stones, and fire, from the engines; but the water was deep; the French were bold; the Venetians were skilful; they approached the walls; and a desperate conflict of swords, spears, and battle- axes, was fought on the trembling bridges that grappled the floating, to the stable, batteries. In more than a hundred places, the

    assault was urged, and the defence was sustained; till the superiority of ground and numbers finally prevailed, and the Latin trumpets sounded a retreat. On the ensuing days, the attack was renewed with equal vigor, and a similar event; and, in the night, the doge and the barons held a council, apprehensive only for the public danger: not a voice pronounced the words of escape or treaty; and each warrior, according to his temper, embraced the hope of victory, or the assurance of a glorious death. ^80 By the experience of the former siege, the Greeks were instructed, but the Latins were animated; and the knowledge that Constantinople might be taken, was of more avail than the local precautions which that knowledge had inspired for its defence. In the third assault, two ships were linked together to double their strength; a strong north wind drove them on the shore; the bishops of Troyes and Soissons led the van; and the auspicious names of the pilgrim and the paradise resounded along the line. ^81 The episcopal banners were displayed on the walls; a hundred marks of silver had been promised to the first adventurers; and if their reward was intercepted by death, their names have been immortalized by fame. ^* Four towers were scaled; three gates were burst open; and the French knights, who might tremble on the waves, felt themselves invincible on horseback on the solid ground. Shall I relate that the thousands who guarded the emperor’s person fled on the approach, and before the lance, of a single warrior? Their ignominious flight is attested by their countryman Nicetas: an army of phantoms marched with the French hero, and he was magnified to a giant in the eyes of the Greeks. ^82 While the fugitives deserted their posts and cast away their arms, the Latins entered the city under the banners of their leaders: the streets and gates opened for their passage; and either design or accident kindled a third conflagration, which consumed in a few hours the measure of three of the largest cities of France. ^83 In the close of evening, the barons checked their troops, and fortified their stations: They were awed by the extent and populousness of the capital, which might yet require the labor of a month, if the churches and palaces were conscious of their internal strength. But in the morning, a suppliant

    procession, with crosses and images, announced the submission of the Greeks, and deprecated the wrath of the conquerors: the usurper escaped through the golden gate: the palaces of Blachernae and Boucoleon were occupied by the count of Flanders and the marquis of Montferrat; and the empire, which still bore the name of Constantine, and the title of Roman, was subverted by the arms of the Latin pilgrims. ^84 [Footnote 77: This negotiation, probable in itself, and attested by Nicetas, (p 65,) is omitted as scandalous by the delicacy of Dandolo and Villehardouin.

    Note: Wilken places it before the death of Alexius, vol. v.

    1. 276. – M] [Footnote 78: Baldwin mentions both attempts to fire the fleet, (Gest. c. 92, p. 534, 535;) Villehardouin, (No. 113 – 15) only describes the first. It is remarkable that neither of these warriors observe any peculiar properties in the Greek fire.]

    [Footnote 79: Ducange (No. 119) pours forth a torrent of learning on the Gonfanon Imperial. This banner of the Virgin is shown at Venice as a trophy and relic: if it be genuine the pious doge must have cheated the monks of Citeaux]

    [Footnote 80: Villehardouin (No. 126) confesses, that mult ere grant peril; and Guntherus (Hist. C. P. c. 13) affirms, that nulla spes victoriae arridere poterat. Yet the knight despises those who thought of flight, and the monk praises his countrymen who were resolved on death.]

    [Footnote 81: Baldwin, and all the writers, honor the names of these two galleys, felici auspicio.]

    [Footnote *: Pietro Alberti, a Venetion noble and Andrew d’Amboise a French knight. – M.]

    [Footnote 82: With an allusion to Homer, Nicetas calls him eighteen yards high, a stature which would, indeed, have excused the terror of the Greek. On this occasion, the historian seems fonder of the marvellous than of his country,

    or perhaps of truth. Baldwin exclaims in the words of the psalmist, persequitur unus ex nobis centum alienos.]

    [Footnote 83: Villehardouin (No. 130) is again ignorant of the authors of this more legitimate fire, which is ascribed by Gunther to a quidam comes Teutonicus, (c. 14.) They seem ashamed, the incendiaries!] [Footnote 84: For the second siege and conquest of Constantinople, see Villehardouin (No. 113 – 132,) Baldwin’s iid Epistle to Innocent III., (Gesta c. 92, p. 534 – 537,) with the whole reign of Mourzoufle, in Nicetas, (p 363 – 375;) and borrowed some hints from Dandolo (Chron. Venet. p. 323 – 330) and Gunther, (Hist. C. P. c. 14 – 18,) who added the decorations of prophecy and vision. The former produces an oracle of the Erythraean sibyl, of a great armament on the Adriatic, under a blind chief, against Byzantium, &c. Curious enough, were the prediction anterior to the fact.]

    Constantinople had been taken by storm; and no restraints,

    except those of religion and humanity, were imposed on the conquerors by the laws of war. Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, still acted as their general; and the Greeks, who revered his name as that of their future sovereign, were heard to exclaim in a lamentable tone, “Holy marquis-king, have mercy upon us!” His prudence or compassion opened the gates of the city to the fugitives; and he exhorted the soldiers of the cross to spare the lives of their fellow- Christians. The streams of blood that flowed down the pages of Nicetas may be reduced to the slaughter of two thousand of his unresisting countrymen; ^85 and the greater part was massacred, not by the strangers, but by the Latins, who had been driven from the city, and who exercised the revenge of a triumphant faction. Yet of these exiles, some were less mindful of injuries than of benefits; and Nicetas himself was indebted for his safety to the generosity of a Venetian merchant. Pope Innocent the Third accuses the pilgrims for respecting, in their lust, neither age nor sex, nor religious profession; and bitterly laments that the deeds of darkness, fornication, adultery, and incest, were

    perpetrated in open day; and that noble matrons and holy nuns were polluted by the grooms and peasants of the Catholic camp. ^86 It is indeed probable that the license of victory prompted and covered a multitude of sins: but it is certain, that the capital of the East contained a stock of venal or willing beauty, sufficient to satiate the desires of twenty thousand pilgrims; and female prisoners were no longer subject to the right or abuse of domestic slavery. The marquis of Montferrat was the patron of discipline and decency; the count of Flanders was the mirror of chastity: they had forbidden, under pain of death, the rape of married women, or virgins, or nuns; and the proclamation was sometimes invoked by the vanquished ^87 and respected by the victors. Their cruelty and lust were moderated by the authority of the chiefs, and feelings of the soldiers; for we are no longer describing an irruption of the northern savages; and however ferocious they might still appear, time, policy, and religion had civilized the manners of the French, and still more of the Italians. But a free scope was allowed to their avarice, which was glutted, even in the holy week, by the pillage of Constantinople. The right of victory, unshackled by any promise or treaty, had confiscated the public and private wealth of the Greeks; and every hand, according to its size and strength, might lawfully execute the sentence and seize the forfeiture. A portable and universal standard of exchange was found in the coined and uncoined metals of gold and silver, which each captor, at home or abroad, might convert into the possessions most suitable to his temper and situation. Of the treasures, which trade and luxury had accumulated, the silks, velvets, furs, the gems, spices, and rich movables, were the most precious, as they could not be procured for money in the ruder countries of Europe. An order of rapine was instituted; nor was the share of each individual abandoned to industry or chance. Under the tremendous penalties of perjury, excommunication, and death, the Latins were bound to deliver their plunder into the common stock: three churches were selected for the deposit and distribution of the spoil: a single share was allotted to a foot-soldier; two for a sergeant on horseback; four to a knight; and larger proportions according to the rank and merit of the

    barons and princes. For violating this sacred engagement, a knight belonging to the count of St. Paul was hanged with his shield and coat of arms round his neck; his example might render similar offenders more artful and discreet; but avarice was more powerful than fear; and it is generally believed that the secret far exceeded the acknowledged plunder. Yet the magnitude of the prize surpassed the largest scale of experience or expectation. ^88 After the whole had been equally divided between the French and Venetians, fifty thousand marks were deducted to satisfy the debts of the former and the demands of the latter. The residue of the French amounted to four hundred thousand marks of silver, ^89 about eight hundred thousand pounds sterling; nor can I better appreciate the value of that sum in the public and private transactions of the age, than by defining it as seven times the annual revenue of the kingdom of England. ^90 [Footnote 85: Ceciderunt tamen ea die civium quasi duo millia, &c., (Gunther, c. 18.) Arithmetic is an excellent touchstone to try the amplifications of passion and rhetoric.]

    [Footnote 86: Quidam (says Innocent III., Gesta, c. 94, p. 538) nec religioni, nec aetati, nec sexui pepercerunt: sed fornicationes, adulteria, et incestus in oculis omnium exercentes, non solum maritatas et viduas, sed et matronas et virgines Deoque dicatas, exposuerunt spurcitiis garcionum. Villehardouin takes no notice of these common incidents.]

    [Footnote 87: Nicetas saved, and afterwards married, a noble virgin, (p. 380,) whom a soldier, had almost violated.]

    [Footnote 88: Of the general mass of wealth, Gunther observes, ut de pauperius et advenis cives ditissimi redderentur, (Hist. C. P. c. 18; (Villehardouin, (No. 132,) that since the creation, ne fu tant gaaignie dans une ville; Baldwin, (Gesta, c. 92,) ut tantum tota non videatur possidere Latinitas.] [Footnote 89: Villehardouin, No. 133 – 135. Instead of 400,000, there is a various reading of 500,000. The Venetians had offered to take the whole booty, and to give 400 marks to each knight, 200 to each priest and horseman, and 100 to each foot-soldier: they would have been great losers, (Le

    Beau, Hist. du. Bas Empire tom. xx. p. 506. I know not from whence.)] [Footnote 90: At the council of Lyons (A.D. 1245) the English ambassadors stated the revenue of the crown as below that of the foreign clergy, which amounted to 60,000 marks a year, (Matthew Paris, p. 451 Hume’s Hist. of England, vol. ii. p. 170.)]

    In this great revolution we enjoy the singular felicity of

    comparing the narratives of Villehardouin and Nicetas, the opposite feelings of the marshal of Champagne and the Byzantine senator. ^91 At the first view it should seem that the wealth of Constantinople was only transferred from one nation to another; and that the loss and sorrow of the Greeks is exactly balanced by the joy and advantage of the Latins. But in the miserable account of war, the gain is never equivalent to the loss, the pleasure to the pain; the smiles of the Latins were transient and fallacious; the Greeks forever wept over the ruins of their country; and their real calamities were aggravated by sacrilege and mockery. What benefits accrued to the conquerors from the three fires which annihilated so vast a portion of the buildings and riches of the city? What a stock of such things, as could neither be used nor transported, was maliciously or wantonly destroyed! How much treasure was idly wasted in gaming, debauchery, and riot! And what precious objects were bartered for a vile price by the impatience or ignorance of the soldiers, whose reward was stolen by the base industry of the last of the Greeks! These alone, who had nothing to lose, might derive some profit from the revolution; but the misery of the upper ranks of society is strongly painted in the personal adventures of Nicetas himself His stately palace had been reduced to ashes in the second conflagration; and the senator, with his family and friends, found an obscure shelter in another house which he possessed near the church of St. Sophia. It was the door of this mean habitation that his friend, the Venetian merchant, guarded in the disguise of a soldier, till Nicetas could save, by a precipitate flight, the relics of his fortune and the chastity of his daughter. In a cold, wintry season, these fugitives, nursed

    in the lap of prosperity, departed on foot; his wife was with child; the desertion of their slaves compelled them to carry their baggage on their own shoulders; and their women, whom they placed in the centre, were exhorted to conceal their beauty with dirt, instead of adorning it with paint and jewels Every step was exposed to insult and danger: the threats of the strangers were less painful than the taunts of the plebeians, with whom they were now levelled; nor did the exiles breathe in safety till their mournful pilgrimage was concluded at Sclymbria, above forty miles from the capital. On the way they overtook the patriarch, without attendance and almost without apparel, riding on an ass, and reduced to a state of apostolical poverty, which, had it been voluntary, might perhaps have been meritorious. In the mean while, his desolate churches were profaned by the licentiousness and party zeal of the Latins. After stripping the gems and pearls, they converted the chalices into drinking-cups; their tables, on which they gamed and feasted, were covered with the pictures of Christ and the saints; and they trampled under foot the most venerable objects of the Christian worship. In the cathedral of St. Sophia, the ample veil of the sanctuary was rent asunder for the sake of the golden fringe; and the altar, a monument of art and riches, was broken in pieces and shared among the captors. Their mules and horses were laden with the wrought silver and gilt carvings, which they tore down from the doors and pulpit; and if the beasts stumbled under the burden, they were stabbed by their impatient drivers, and the holy pavement streamed with their impure blood. A prostitute was seated on the throne of the patriarch; and that daughter of Belial, as she is styled, sung and danced in the church, to ridicule the hymns and processions of the Orientals. Nor were the repositories of the royal dead secure from violation: in the church of the Apostles, the tombs of the emperors were rifled; and it is said, that after six centuries the corpse of Justinian was found without any signs of decay or putrefaction. In the streets, the French and Flemings clothed themselves and their horses in painted robes and flowing head-dresses of linen; and the coarse intemperance of their feasts ^92 insulted the splendid sobriety of the East. To

    expose the arms of a people of scribes and scholars, they affected to display a pen, an inkhorn, and a sheet of paper, without discerning that the instruments of science and valor were alike feeble and useless in the hands of the modern Greeks.

    [Footnote 91: The disorders of the sack of Constantinople, and his own adventures, are feelingly described by Nicetas, p. 367 – 369, and in the Status Urb. C. P. p. 375 – 384. His complaints, even of sacrilege, are justified by Innocent III., (Gesta, c. 92;) but Villehardouin does not betray a symptom of pity or remorse]

    [Footnote 92: If I rightly apprehend the Greek of Nicetas’s receipts, their favorite dishes were boiled buttocks of beef, salt pork and peas, and soup made of garlic and sharp or sour herbs, (p. 382.)]

    Their reputation and their language encouraged them,

    however, to despise the ignorance and to overlook the progress of the Latins. ^93 In the love of the arts, the national difference was still more obvious and real; the Greeks preserved with reverence the works of their ancestors, which they could not imitate; and, in the destruction of the statues of Constantinople, we are provoked to join in the complaints and invectives of the Byzantine historian. ^94 We have seen how the rising city was adorned by the vanity and despotism of the Imperial founder: in the ruins of paganism, some gods and heroes were saved from the axe of superstition; and the forum and hippodrome were dignified with the relics of a better age. Several of these are described by Nicetas, ^95 in a florid and affected style; and from his descriptions I shall select some interesting particulars. 1. The victorious charioteers were cast in bronze, at their own or the public charge, and fitly placed in the hippodrome: they stood aloft in their chariots, wheeling round the goal: the spectators could admire their attitude, and judge of the resemblance; and of these figures, the most perfect might have been transported from the Olympic

    stadium. 2. The sphinx, river-horse, and crocodile, denote the climate and manufacture of Egypt and the spoils of that ancient province. 3. The she-wolf suckling Romulus and Remus, a subject alike pleasing to the old and the new Romans, but which could really be treated before the decline of the Greek sculpture. 4. An eagle holding and tearing a serpent in his talons, a domestic monument of the Byzantines, which they ascribed, not to a human artist, but to the magic power of the philosopher Apollonius, who, by this talisman, delivered the city from such venomous reptiles. 5. An ass and his driver, which were erected by Augustus in his colony of Nicopolis, to commemorate a verbal omen of the victory of Actium. 6. An equestrian statue which passed, in the vulgar opinion, for Joshua, the Jewish conqueror, stretching out his hand to stop the course of the descending sun. A more classical tradition recognized the figures of Bellerophon and Pegasus; and the free attitude of the steed seemed to mark that he trod on air, rather than on the earth. 7. A square and lofty obelisk of brass; the sides were embossed with a variety of picturesque and rural scenes, birds singing; rustics laboring, or playing on their pipes; sheep bleating; lambs skipping; the sea, and a scene of fish and fishing; little naked cupids laughing, playing, and pelting each other with apples; and, on the summit, a female figure, turning with the slightest breath, and thence denominated the wind’s attendant. 8. The Phrygian shepherd presenting to Venus the prize of beauty, the apple of discord. 9. The incomparable statue of Helen, which is delineated by Nicetas in the words of admiration and love: her well-turned feet, snowy arms, rosy lips, bewitching smiles, swimming eyes, arched eyebrows, the harmony of her shape, the lightness of her drapery, and her flowing locks that waved in the wind; a beauty that might have moved her Barbarian destroyers to pity and remorse. 10. The manly or divine form of Hercules, ^96 as he was restored to life by the masterhand of Lysippus; of such magnitude, that his thumb was equal to his waist, his leg to the stature, of a common man: ^97 his chest ample, his shoulders broad, his limbs strong and muscular, his hair curled, his aspect commanding. Without his bow, or quiver, or club, his lion’s skin carelessly

    thrown over him, he was seated on an osier basket, his right leg and arm stretched to the utmost, his left knee bent, and supporting his elbow, his head reclining on his left hand, his countenance indignant and pensive. 11. A colossal statue of Juno, which had once adorned her temple of Samos, the enormous head by four yoke of oxen was laboriously drawn to the palace. 12. Another colossus, of Pallas or Minerva, thirty feet in height, and representing with admirable spirit the attributes and character of the martial maid. Before we accuse the Latins, it is just to remark, that this Pallas was destroyed after the first siege, by the fear and superstition of the Greeks themselves. ^98 The other statues of brass which I have enumerated were broken and melted by the unfeeling avarice of the crusaders: the cost and labor were consumed in a moment; the soul of genius evaporated in smoke; and the remnant of base metal was coined into money for the payment of the troops. Bronze is not the most durable of monuments: from the marble forms of Phidias and Praxiteles, the Latins might turn aside with stupid contempt; ^99 but unless they were crushed by some accidental injury, those useless stones stood secure on their pedestals. ^100 The most enlightened of the strangers, above the gross and sensual pursuits of their countrymen, more piously exercised the right of conquest in the search and seizure of the relics of the saints. ^101 Immense was the supply of heads and bones, crosses and images, that were scattered by this revolution over the churches of Europe; and such was the increase of pilgrimage and oblation, that no branch, perhaps, of more lucrative plunder was imported from the East. ^102 Of the writings of antiquity, many that still existed in the twelfth century, are now lost. But the pilgrims were not solicitous to save or transport the volumes of an unknown tongue: the perishable substance of paper or parchment can only be preserved by the multiplicity of copies; the literature of the Greeks had almost centred in the metropolis; and, without computing the extent of our loss, we may drop a tear over the libraries that have perished in the triple fire of Constantinople. ^103

    [Footnote 93: Nicetas uses very harsh expressions, (Fragment, apud Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 414.) This reproach, it is true, applies most strongly to their ignorance of Greek and of Homer. In their own language, the Latins of the xiith and xiiith centuries were not destitute of literature. See Harris’s Philological Inquiries, p. iii. c. 9, 10, 11.] [Footnote 94: Nicetas was of Chonae in Phrygia, (the old Colossae of St. Paul:) he raised himself to the honors of senator, judge of the veil, and great logothete; beheld the fall of the empire, retired to Nice, and composed an elaborate history from the death of Alexius Comnenus to the reign of Henry.]

    [Footnote 95: A manuscript of Nicetas in the Bodleian library contains this curious fragment on the statues of Constantinople, which fraud, or shame, or rather carelessness, has dropped in the common editions. It is published by Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 405 – 416,) and immoderately praised by the late ingenious Mr. Harris of Salisbury, (Philological Inquiries, p. iii. c. 5, p. 301 – 312.)]

    [Footnote 96: To illustrate the statue of Hercules, Mr. Harris quotes a Greek epigram, and engraves a beautiful gem, which does not, however, copy the attitude of the statue: in the latter, Hercules had not his club, and his right leg and arm were extended.]

    [Footnote 97: I transcribe these proportions, which appear to me inconsistent with each other; and may possibly show, that the boasted taste of Nicetas was no more than affectation and vanity.]

    [Footnote 98: Nicetas in Isaaco Angelo et Alexio, c. 3, p. 359. The Latin editor very properly observes, that the historian, in his bombast style, produces ex pulice elephantem.]

    [Footnote 99: In two passages of Nicetas (edit. Paris, p. 360. Fabric. p. 408) the Latins are branded with the lively reproach and their avarice of brass is clearly expressed. Yet the Venetians had the merit of removing four bronze horses from Constantinople to the place of St. Mark, (Sanuto, Vite del Dogi, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xxii. p. 534.)]

    [Footnote 100: Winckelman, Hist. de l’Art. tom. iii. p. 269, 270.] [Footnote 101: See the pious robbery of the abbot Martin, who transferred a rich cargo to his monastery of Paris, diocese of Basil, (Gunther, Hist. C. P. c. 19, 23, 24.) Yet in secreting this booty, the saint incurred an excommunication, and perhaps broke his oath. (Compare Wilken vol. v. p. 308. – M.)]

    [Footnote 102: Fleury, Hist. Eccles tom. xvi. p. 139 – 145.]

    [Footnote 103: I shall conclude this chapter with the notice of a modern history, which illustrates the taking of Constantinople by the Latins; but which has fallen somewhat late into my hands. Paolo Ramusio, the son of the compiler of Voyages, was directed by the senate of Venice to write the history of the conquest: and this order, which he received in his youth, he executed in a mature age, by an elegant Latin work, de Bello Constantinopolitano et Imperatoribus Comnenis per Gallos et Venetos restitutis, (Venet. 1635, in folio.) Ramusio, or Rhamnusus, transcribes and translates, sequitur ad unguem, a Ms. of Villehardouin, which he possessed; but he enriches his narrative with Greek and Latin materials, and we are indebted to him for a correct state of the fleet, the names of the fifty Venetian nobles who commanded the galleys of the republic, and the patriot opposition of Pantaleon Barbus to the choice of the doge for emperor.]

    Chapter LXI:

    Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians.

    Part I.

    Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians, – Five

    Latin Emperors Of The Houses Of Flanders And Courtenay. – Their Wars Against The Bulgarians And Greeks. – Weakness And Poverty Of The Latin Empire. – Recovery Of Constantinople By The Greeks. – General Consequences Of The Crusades.

    After the death of the lawful princes, the French and

    Venetians, confident of justice and victory, agreed to divide and regulate their future possessions. ^1 It was stipulated by treaty, that twelve electors, six of either nation, should be nominated; that a majority should choose the emperor of the East; and that, if the votes were equal, the decision of chance should ascertain the successful candidate. To him, with all the titles and prerogatives of the Byzantine throne, they assigned the two palaces of Boucoleon and Blachernae, with a fourth part of the Greek monarchy. It was defined that the three remaining portions should be equally shared between the republic of Venice and the barons of France; that each feudatory, with an honorable exception for the doge, should acknowledge and perform the duties of homage and military

    service to the supreme head of the empire; that the nation which gave an emperor, should resign to their brethren the choice of a patriarch; and that the pilgrims, whatever might be their impatience to visit the Holy Land, should devote another year to the conquest and defence of the Greek provinces. After the conquest of Constantinople by the Latins, the treaty was confirmed and executed; and the first and most important step was the creation of an emperor. The six electors of the French nation were all ecclesiastics, the abbot of Loces, the archbishop elect of Acre in Palestine, and the bishops of Troyes, Soissons, Halberstadt, and Bethlehem, the last of whom exercised in the camp the office of pope’s legate: their profession and knowledge were respectable; and as they could not be the objects, they were best qualified to be the authors of the choice. The six Venetians were the principal servants of the state, and in this list the noble families of Querini and Contarini are still proud to discover their ancestors. The twelve assembled in the chapel of the palace; and after the solemn invocation of the Holy Ghost, they proceeded to deliberate and vote. A just impulse of respect and gratitude prompted them to crown the virtues of the doge; his wisdom had inspired their enterprise; and the most youthful knights might envy and applaud the exploits of blindness and age. But the patriot Dandolo was devoid of all personal ambition, and fully satisfied that he had been judged worthy to reign. His nomination was overruled by the Venetians themselves: his countrymen, and perhaps his friends, ^2 represented, with the eloquence of truth, the mischiefs that might arise to national freedom and the common cause, from the union of two incompatible characters, of the first magistrate of a republic and the emperor of the East. The exclusion of the doge left room for the more equal merits of Boniface and Baldwin; and at their names all meaner candidates respectfully withdrew. The marquis of Montferrat was recommended by his mature age and fair reputation, by the choice of the adventurers, and the wishes of the Greeks; nor can I believe that Venice, the mistress of the sea, could be seriously apprehensive of a petty lord at the foot of the Alps. ^3 But the count of Flanders was the chief of a wealthy and warlike people: he was valiant,

    pious, and chaste; in the prime of life, since he was only thirty- two years of age; a descendant of Charlemagne, a cousin of the king of France, and a compeer of the prelates and barons who had yielded with reluctance to the command of a foreigner. Without the chapel, these barons, with the doge and marquis at their head, expected the decision of the twelve electors. It was announced by the bishop of Soissons, in the name of his colleagues: “Ye have sworn to obey the prince whom we should choose: by our unanimous suffrage, Baldwin count of Flanders and Hainault is now your sovereign, and the emperor of the East.” He was saluted with loud applause, and the proclamation was reechoed through the city by the joy of the Latins, and the trembling adulation of the Greeks.

    Boniface was the first to kiss the hand of his rival, and to raise him on the buckler: and Baldwin was transported to the cathedral, and solemnly invested with the purple buskins. At the end of three weeks he was crowned by the legate, in the vacancy of the patriarch; but the Venetian clergy soon filled the chapter of St. Sophia, seated Thomas Morosini on the ecclesiastical throne, and employed every art to perpetuate in their own nation the honors and benefices of the Greek church. ^4 Without delay the successor of Constantine instructed Palestine, France, and Rome, of this memorable revolution. To Palestine he sent, as a trophy, the gates of Constantinople, and the chain of the harbor; ^5 and adopted, from the Assise of Jerusalem, the laws or customs best adapted to a French colony and conquest in the East. In his epistles, the natives of France are encouraged to swell that colony, and to secure that conquest, to people a magnificent city and a fertile land, which will reward the labors both of the priest and the soldier. He congratulates the Roman pontiff on the restoration of his authority in the East; invites him to extinguish the Greek schism by his presence in a general council; and implores his blessing and forgiveness for the disobedient pilgrims. Prudence and dignity are blended in the answer of Innocent. ^6 In the subversion of the Byzantine empire, he arraigns the vices of man, and adores the providence of God; the conquerors will be absolved or

    condemned by their future conduct; the validity of their treaty depends on the judgment of St. Peter; but he inculcates their most sacred duty of establishing a just subordination of obedience and tribute, from the Greeks to the Latins, from the magistrate to the clergy, and from the clergy to the pope.

    [Footnote 1: See the original treaty of partition, in the Venetian Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo, p. 326 – 330, and the subsequent election in Ville hardouin, No. 136 – 140, with Ducange in his Observations, and the book of his Histoire de Constantinople sous l’Empire des Francois]

    [Footnote 2: After mentioning the nomination of the doge by a French elector his kinsman Andrew Dandolo approves his exclusion, quidam Venetorum fidelis et nobilis senex, usus oratione satis probabili, &c., which has been embroidered by modern writers from Blondus to Le Beau.]

    [Footnote 3: Nicetas, (p. 384,) with the vain ignorance of a Greek, describes the marquis of Montferrat as a maritime power. Was he deceived by the Byzantine theme of Lombardy which extended along the coast of Calabria?] [Footnote 4: They exacted an oath from Thomas Morosini to appoint no canons of St. Sophia the lawful electors, except Venetians who had lived ten years at Venice, &c. But the foreign clergy was envious, the pope disapproved this national monopoly, and of the six Latin patriarchs of Constantinople, only the first and the last were Venetians.]

    [Footnote 5: Nicetas, p. 383.]

    [Footnote 6: The Epistles of Innocent III. are a rich fund for the ecclesiastical and civil institution of the Latin empire of Constantinople; and the most important of these epistles (of which the collection in 2 vols. in folio is published by Stephen Baluze) are inserted in his Gesta, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum,, tom. iii. p. l. c. 94 – 105.]

    In the division of the Greek provinces, ^7 the share of the

    Venetians was more ample than that of the Latin emperor. No more than one fourth was appropriated to his domain; a clear moiety of the remainder was reserved for Venice; and the other moiety was distributed among the adventures of France and Lombardy. The venerable Dandolo was proclaimed despot of Romania, and invested after the Greek fashion with the purple buskins. He ended at Constantinople his long and glorious life; and if the prerogative was personal, the title was used by his successors till the middle of the fourteenth century, with the singular, though true, addition of lords of one fourth and a half of the Roman empire. ^8 The doge, a slave of state, was seldom permitted to depart from the helm of the republic; but his place was supplied by the bail, or regent, who exercised a supreme jurisdiction over the colony of Venetians: they possessed three of the eight quarters of the city; and his independent tribunal was composed of six judges, four counsellors, two chamberlains two fiscal advocates, and a constable. Their long experience of the Eastern trade enabled them to select their portion with discernment: they had rashly accepted the dominion and defence of Adrianople; but it was the more reasonable aim of their policy to form a chain of factories, and cities, and islands, along the maritime coast, from the neighborhood of Ragusa to the Hellespont and the Bosphorus. The labor and cost of such extensive conquests exhausted their treasury: they abandoned their maxims of government, adopted a feudal system, and contented themselves with the homage of their nobles, ^9 for the possessions which these private vassals undertook to reduce and maintain. And thus it was that the family of Sanut acquired the duchy of Naxos, which involved the greatest part of the archipelago. For the price of ten thousand marks, the republic purchased of the marquis of Montferrat the fertile Island of Crete or Candia, with the ruins of a hundred cities; ^10 but its improvement was stinted by the proud and narrow spirit of an aristocracy; ^11 and the wisest senators would confess that the sea, not the land, was the treasury of St. Mark. In the moiety of the adventurers the marquis Boniface might claim the most liberal reward; and, besides the Isle of Crete, his exclusion from the throne was compensated by the

    royal title and the provinces beyond the Hellespont. But he prudently exchanged that distant and difficult conquest for the kingdom of Thessalonica Macedonia, twelve days’ journey from the capital, where he might be supported by the neighboring powers of his brother-in-law the king of Hungary. His progress was hailed by the voluntary or reluctant acclamations of the natives; and Greece, the proper and ancient Greece, again received a Latin conqueror, ^12 who trod with indifference that classic ground. He viewed with a careless eye the beauties of the valley of Tempe; traversed with a cautious step the straits of Thermopylae; occupied the unknown cities of Thebes, Athens, and Argos; and assaulted the fortifications of Corinth and Napoli, ^13 which resisted his arms. The lots of the Latin pilgrims were regulated by chance, or choice, or subsequent exchange; and they abused, with intemperate joy, their triumph over the lives and fortunes of a great people. After a minute survey of the provinces, they weighed in the scales of avarice the revenue of each district, the advantage of the situation, and the ample on scanty supplies for the maintenance of soldiers and horses. Their presumption claimed and divided the long-lost dependencies of the Roman sceptre: the Nile and Euphrates rolled through their imaginary realms; and happy was the warrior who drew for his prize the palace of the Turkish sultan of Iconium. ^14 I shall not descend to the pedigree of families and the rent- roll of estates, but I wish to specify that the counts of Blois and St. Pol were invested with the duchy of Nice and the lordship of Demotica: ^15 the principal fiefs were held by the service of constable, chamberlain, cup- bearer, butler, and chief cook; and our historian, Jeffrey of Villehardouin, obtained a fair establishment on the banks of the Hebrus, and united the double office of marshal of Champagne and Romania. At the head of his knights and archers, each baron mounted on horseback to secure the possession of his share, and their first efforts were generally successful. But the public force was weakened by their dispersion; and a thousand quarrels must arise under a law, and among men, whose sole umpire was the sword. Within three months after the conquest of Constantinople, the emperor and the king of Thessalonica

    drew their hostile followers into the field; they were reconciled by the authority of the doge, the advice of the marshal, and the firm freedom of their peers. ^16

    [Footnote 7: In the treaty of partition, most of the names are corrupted by the scribes: they might be restored, and a good map, suited to the last age of the Byzantine empire, would be an improvement of geography. But, alas D’Anville is no more!]

    [Footnote 8: Their style was dominus quartae partis et dimidiae imperii Romani, till Giovanni Dolfino, who was elected doge in the year of 1356, (Sanuto, p. 530, 641.) For the government of Constantinople, see Ducange, Histoire de C. P. i. 37.]

    [Footnote 9: Ducange (Hist. de C. P. ii. 6) has marked the conquests made by the state or nobles of Venice of the Islands of Candia, Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, Naxos, Paros, Melos, Andros, Mycone, Syro, Cea, and Lemnos.] [Footnote 10: Boniface sold the Isle of Candia, August 12, A.D. 1204. See the act in Sanuto, p. 533: but I cannot understand how it could be his mother’s portion, or how she could be the daughter of an emperor Alexius.] [Footnote 11: In the year 1212, the doge Peter Zani sent a colony to Candia, drawn from every quarter of Venice. But in their savage manners and frequent rebellions, the Candiots may be compared to the Corsicans under the yoke of Genoa; and when I compare the accounts of Belon and Tournefort, I cannot discern much difference between the Venetian and the Turkish island.] [Footnote 12: Villehardouin (No. 159, 160, 173 – 177) and Nicetas (p. 387 – 394) describe the expedition into Greece of the marquis Boniface. The Choniate might derive his information from his brother Michael, archbishop of Athens, whom he paints as an orator, a statesman, and a saint. His encomium of Athens, and the description of Tempe, should be published from the Bodleian MS. of Nicetas, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 405,) and would have deserved Mr. Harris’s inquiries.]

    [Footnote 13: Napoli de Romania, or Nauplia, the ancient seaport of Argos, is still a place of strength and consideration, situate on a rocky peninsula, with a good harbor, (Chandler’s Travels into Greece, p. 227.)] [Footnote 14: I have softened the expression of Nicetas, who strives to expose the presumption of the Franks. See the Rebus post C.P. expugnatam, p. 375 – 384.]

    [Footnote 15: A city surrounded by the River Hebrus, and six leagues to the south of Adrianople, received from its double wall the Greek name of Didymoteichos, insensibly corrupted into Demotica and Dimot. I have preferred the more convenient and modern appellation of Demotica. This place was the last Turkish residence of Charles XII.]

    [Footnote 16: Their quarrel is told by Villehardouin (No. 146 – 158) with the spirit of freedom. The merit and reputation of the marshal are so knowledged by the Greek historian (p. 387): unlike some modern heroes, whose exploits are only visible in their own memoirs.

    Note: William de Champlite, brother of the count of Dijon,

    assumed the title of Prince of Achaia: on the death of his brother, he returned, with regret, to France, to assume his paternal inheritance, and left Villehardouin his “bailli,” on condition that if he did not return within a year Villehardouin was to retain an investiture. Brosset’s Add. to Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 200. M. Brosset adds, from the Greek chronicler edited by M. Buchon, the somewhat unknightly trick by which Villehardouin disembarrassed himself from the troublesome claim of Robert, the cousin of the count of Dijon. to the succession. He contrived that Robert should arrive just fifteen days too late; and with the general concurrence of the assembled knights was himself invested with the principality. Ibid p. 283. M.]

    Two fugitives, who had reigned at Constantinople, still

    asserted the title of emperor; and the subjects of their fallen throne might be moved to pity by the misfortunes of the elder Alexius, or excited to revenge by the spirit of Mourzoufle. A domestic alliance, a common interest, a similar guilt, and the merit of extinguishing his enemies, a brother and a nephew, induced the more recent usurper to unite with the former the relics of his power. Mourzoufle was received with smiles and honors in the camp of his father Alexius; but the wicked can never love, and should rarely trust, their fellow-criminals; he was seized in the bath, deprived of his eyes, stripped of his troops and treasures, and turned out to wander an object of horror and contempt to those who with more propriety could hate, and with more justice could punish, the assassin of the emperor Isaac and his son. As the tyrant, pursued by fear or remorse, was stealing over to Asia, he was seized by the Latins of Constantinople, and condemned, after an open trial, to an ignominious death. His judges debated the mode of his execution, the axe, the wheel, or the stake; and it was resolved that Mourzoufle ^17 should ascend the Theodosian column, a pillar of white marble of one hundred and forty-seven feet in height. ^18 From the summit he was cast down headlong, and dashed in pieces on the pavement, in the presence of innumerable spectators, who filled the forum of Taurus, and admired the accomplishment of an old prediction, which was explained by this singular event. ^19 The fate of Alexius is less tragical: he was sent by the marquis a captive to Italy, and a gift to the king of the Romans; but he had not much to applaud his fortune, if the sentence of imprisonment and exile were changed from a fortress in the Alps to a monastery in Asia. But his daughter, before the national calamity, had been given in marriage to a young hero who continued the succession, and restored the throne, of the Greek princes. ^20 The valor of Theodore Lascaris was signalized in the two sieges of Constantinople. After the flight of Mourzoufle, when the Latins were already in the city, he offered himself as their emperor to the soldiers and people; and his ambition, which might be virtuous, was undoubtedly brave. Could he have infused a soul into the multitude, they might have crushed the strangers under their feet: their abject despair refused his aid;

    and Theodore retired to breathe the air of freedom in Anatolia, beyond the immediate view and pursuit of the conquerors. Under the title, at first of despot, and afterwards of emperor, he drew to his standard the bolder spirits, who were fortified against slavery by the contempt of life; and as every means was lawful for the public safety implored without scruple the alliance of the Turkish sultan Nice, where Theodore established his residence, Prusa and Philadelphia, Smyrna and Ephesus, opened their gates to their deliverer: he derived strength and reputation from his victories, and even from his defeats; and the successor of Constantine preserved a fragment of the empire from the banks of the Maeander to the suburbs of Nicomedia, and at length of Constantinople. Another portion, distant and obscure, was possessed by the lineal heir of the Comneni, a son of the virtuous Manuel, a grandson of the tyrant Andronicus. His name was Alexius; and the epithet of great ^* was applied perhaps to his stature, rather than to his exploits. By the indulgence of the Angeli, he was appointed governor or duke of Trebizond: ^21 ^! his birth gave him ambition, the revolution independence; and, without changing his title, he reigned in peace from Sinope to the Phasis, along the coast of the Black Sea. His nameless son and successor ^!! is described as the vassal of the sultan, whom he served with two hundred lances: that Comnenian prince was no more than duke of Trebizond, and the title of emperor was first assumed by the pride and envy of the grandson of Alexius. In the West, a third fragment was saved from the common shipwreck by Michael, a bastard of the house of Angeli, who, before the revolution, had been known as a hostage, a soldier, and a rebel. His flight from the camp of the marquis Boniface secured his freedom; by his marriage with the governor’s daughter, he commanded the important place of Durazzo, assumed the title of despot, and founded a strong and conspicuous principality in Epirus, Aetolia, and Thessaly, which have ever been peopled by a warlike race. The Greeks, who had offered their service to their new sovereigns, were excluded by the haughty Latins ^22 from all civil and military honors, as a nation born to tremble and obey. Their resentment prompted them to show that they might have been

    useful friends, since they could be dangerous enemies: their nerves were braced by adversity: whatever was learned or holy, whatever was noble or valiant, rolled away into the independent states of Trebizond, Epirus, and Nice; and a single patrician is marked by the ambiguous praise of attachment and loyalty to the Franks. The vulgar herd of the cities and the country would have gladly submitted to a mild and regular servitude; and the transient disorders of war would have been obliterated by some years of industry and peace. But peace was banished, and industry was crushed, in the disorders of the feudal system. The Roman emperors of Constantinople, if they were endowed with abilities, were armed with power for the protection of their subjects: their laws were wise, and their administration was simple. The Latin throne was filled by a titular prince, the chief, and often the servant, of his licentious confederates; the fiefs of the empire, from a kingdom to a castle, were held and ruled by the sword of the barons; and their discord, poverty, and ignorance, extended the ramifications of tyranny to the most sequestered villages. The Greeks were oppressed by the double weight of the priest, who were invested with temporal power, and of the soldier, who was inflamed by fanatic hatred; and the insuperable bar of religion and language forever separated the stranger and the native. As long as the crusaders were united at Constantinople, the memory of their conquest, and the terror of their arms, imposed silence on the captive land: their dispersion betrayed the smallness of their numbers and the defects of their discipline; and some failures and mischances revealed the secret, that they were not invincible. As the fears of the Greeks abated, their hatred increased. They murdered; they conspired; and before a year of slavery had elapsed, they implored, or accepted, the succor of a Barbarian, whose power they had felt, and whose gratitude they trusted. ^23

    [Footnote 17: See the fate of Mourzoufle in Nicetas, (p. 393,) Villehardouin, (No. 141 – 145, 163,) and Guntherus, (c. 20, 21.) Neither the marshal nor the monk afford a grain of pity for a tyrant or rebel, whose punishment, however, was more unexampled than his crime.]

    [Footnote 18: The column of Arcadius, which represents in basso relievo his victories, or those of his father Theodosius, is still extant at Constantinople. It is described and measured, Gyllius, (Topograph. iv. 7,) Banduri, (ad l. i. Antiquit. C.P. p. 507, &c.,) and Tournefort, (Voyage du Levant, tom. ii. lettre xii. p. 231.) (Compare Wilken, note, vol. v p. 388. – M.)]

    [Footnote 19: The nonsense of Gunther and the modern Greeks concerning this columna fatidica, is unworthy of notice; but it is singular enough, that fifty years before the Latin conquest, the poet Tzetzes, (Chiliad, ix. 277) relates the dream of a matron, who saw an army in the forum, and a man sitting on the column, clapping his hands, and uttering a loud exclamation.

    Note: We read in the “Chronicle of the Conquest of

    Constantinople, and of the Establishment of the French in the Morea,” translated by J A Buchon, Paris, 1825, p. 64 that Leo VI., called the Philosopher, had prophesied that a perfidious emperor should be precipitated from the top of this column. The crusaders considered themselves under an obligation to fulfil this prophecy. Brosset, note on Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 180. M Brosset announces that a complete edition of this work, of which the original Greek of the first book only has been published by M. Buchon in preparation, to form part of the new series of the Byzantine historian – M.]

    [Footnote 20: The dynasties of Nice, Trebizond, and Epirus (of which Nicetas saw the origin without much pleasure or hope) are learnedly explored, and clearly represented, in the Familiae Byzantinae of Ducange.] [Footnote *: This was a title, not a personal appellation. Joinville speaks of the “Grant Comnenie, et sire de Traffezzontes.” Fallmerayer, p. 82. – M.] [Footnote 21: Except some facts in Pachymer and Nicephorus Gregoras, which will hereafter be used, the Byzantine writers disdain to speak of the empire of Trebizond, or principality of the Lazi; and among the Latins, it is conspicuous only in the romancers of the xivth or xvth centuries. Yet the indefatigable Ducange has dug out

    (Fam. Byz. p. 192) two authentic passages in Vincent of Beauvais (l. xxxi. c. 144) and the prothonotary Ogerius, (apud Wading, A.D. 1279, No. 4.)]

    [Footnote !: On the revolutions of Trebizond under the later empire down to this period, see Fallmerayer, Geschichte des Kaiserthums von Trapezunt, ch. iii. The wife of Manuel fled with her infant sons and her treasure from the relentless enmity of Isaac Angelus. Fallmerayer conjectures that her arrival enabled the Greeks of that region to make head against the formidable Thamar, the Georgian queen of Teflis, p. 42. They gradually formed a dominion on the banks of the Phasis, which the distracted government of the Angeli neglected or were unable to suppress. On the capture of Constantinople by the Latins, Alexius was joined by many noble fugitives from Constantinople. He had always retained the name of Caesar. He now fixed the seat of his empire at Trebizond; but he had never abandoned his pretensions to the Byzantine throne, ch. iii. Fallmerayer appears to make out a triumphant case as to the assumption of the royal title by Alexius the First. Since the publication of M. Fallmerayer’s work, (Munchen, 1827,) M. Tafel has published, at the end of the opuscula of Eustathius, a curious chronicle of Trebizond by Michael Panaretas, (Frankfort, 1832.) It gives the succession of the emperors, and some other curious circumstances of their wars with the several Mahometan powers. – M.]

    [Footnote !!: The successor of Alexius was his son-in-law Andronicus I., of the Comnenian family, surnamed Gidon. There were five successions between Alexius and John, according to Fallmerayer, p. 103. The troops of Trebizond fought in the army of Dschelaleddin, the Karismian, against Alleddin, the Seljukian sultan of Roum, but as allies rather than vassals, p. 107. It was after the defeat of Dschelaleddin that they furnished their contingent to Alai-eddin. Fallmerayer struggles in vain to mitigate this mark of the subjection of the Comneni to the sultan. p. 116. – M.]

    [Footnote 22: The portrait of the French Latins is drawn in Nicetas by the hand of prejudice and resentment. (P. 791 Ed. Bak.)]

    [Footnote 23: I here begin to use, with freedom and confidence, the eight books of the Histoire de C. P. sous l’Empire des Francois, which Ducange has given as a supplement to Villehardouin; and which, in a barbarous style, deserves the praise of an original and classic work.]

    The Latin conquerors had been saluted with a solemn and

    early embassy from John, or Joannice, or Calo-John, the revolted chief of the Bulgarians and Walachians. He deemed himself their brother, as the votary of the Roman pontiff, from whom he had received the regal title and a holy banner; and in the subversion of the Greek monarchy, he might aspire to the name of their friend and accomplice. But Calo-John was astonished to find, that the Count of Flanders had assumed the pomp and pride of the successors of Constantine; and his ambassadors were dismissed with a haughty message, that the rebel must deserve a pardon, by touching with his forehead the footstool of the Imperial throne. His resentment ^24 would have exhaled in acts of violence and blood: his cooler policy watched the rising discontent of the Greeks; affected a tender concern for their sufferings; and promised, that their first struggles for freedom should be supported by his person and kingdom. The conspiracy was propagated by national hatred, the firmest band of association and secrecy: the Greeks were impatient to sheathe their daggers in the breasts of the victorious strangers; but the execution was prudently delayed, till Henry, the emperor’s brother, had transported the flower of his troops beyond the Hellespont. Most of the towns and villages of Thrace were true to the moment and the signal; and the Latins, without arms or suspicion, were slaughtered by the vile and merciless revenge of their slaves. From Demotica, the first scene of the massacre, the surviving vassals of the count of St. Pol escaped to Adrianople; but the French and Venetians, who occupied that

    city, were slain or expelled by the furious multitude: the garrisons that could effect their retreat fell back on each other towards the metropolis; and the fortresses, that separately stood against the rebels, were ignorant of each other’s and of their sovereign’s fate. The voice of fame and fear announced the revolt of the Greeks and the rapid approach of their Bulgarian ally; and Calo-John, not depending on the forces of his own kingdom, had drawn from the Scythian wilderness a body of fourteen thousand Comans, who drank, as it was said, the blood of their captives, and sacrificed the Christians on the altars of their gods. ^25

    [Footnote 24: In Calo-John’s answer to the pope we may find his claims and complaints, (Gesta Innocent III. c. 108, 109:) he was cherished at Rome as the prodigal son.]

    [Footnote 25: The Comans were a Tartar or Turkman horde, which encamped in the xiith and xiiith centuries on the verge of Moldavia. The greater part were pagans, but some were Mahometans, and the whole horde was converted to Christianity (A.D. 1370) by Lewis, king of Hungary]

    Alarmed by this sudden and growing danger, the emperor

    despatched a swift messenger to recall Count Henry and his troops; and had Baldwin expected the return of his gallant brother, with a supply of twenty thousand Armenians, he might have encountered the invader with equal numbers and a decisive superiority of arms and discipline. But the spirit of chivalry could seldom discriminate caution from cowardice; and the emperor took the field with a hundred and forty knights, and their train of archers and sergeants. The marshal, who dissuaded and obeyed, led the vanguard in their march to Adrianople; the main body was commanded by the count of Blois; the aged doge of Venice followed with the rear; and their scanty numbers were increased from all sides by the fugitive Latins. They undertook to besiege the rebels of Adrianople; and such was the pious tendency of the crusades that they employed the holy week in pillaging the country for

    their subsistence, and in framing engines for the destruction of their fellow- Christians. But the Latins were soon interrupted and alarmed by the light cavalry of the Comans, who boldly skirmished to the edge of their imperfect lines: and a proclamation was issued by the marshal of Romania, that, on the trumpet’s sound, the cavalry should mount and form; but that none, under pain of death, should abandon themselves to a desultory and dangerous pursuit. This wise injunction was first disobeyed by the count of Blois, who involved the emperor in his rashness and ruin. The Comans, of the

    Parthian or Tartar school, fled before their first charge; but after a career of two leagues, when the knights and their horses were almost breathless, they suddenly turned, rallied, and encompassed the heavy squadrons of the Franks. The count was slain on the field; the emperor was made prisoner; and if the one disdained to fly, if the other refused to yield, their personal bravery made a poor atonement for their ignorance, or neglect, of the duties of a general. ^26

    [Footnote 26: Nicetas, from ignorance or malice, imputes the defeat to the cowardice of Dandolo, (p. 383;) but Villehardouin shares his own glory with his venerable friend, qui viels home ere et gote ne veoit, mais mult ere sages et preus et vigueros, (No. 193.)

    Note: Gibbon appears to me to have misapprehended the

    passage of Nicetas. He says, “that principal and subtlest mischief. that primary cause of all the horrible miseries suffered by the Romans,” i. e. the Byzantines. It is an effusion of malicious triumph against the Venetians, to whom he always ascribes the capture of Constantinople. – M.]

    Chapter LXI:

    Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians.

    Part II.

    Proud of his victory and his royal prize, the Bulgarian

    advanced to relieve Adrianople and achieve the destruction of the Latins. They must inevitably have been destroyed, if the marshal of Romania had not displayed a cool courage and consummate skill; uncommon in all ages, but most uncommon in those times, when war was a passion, rather than a science. His grief and fears were poured into the firm and faithful bosom of the doge; but in the camp he diffused an assurance of safety, which could only be realized by the general belief. All day he maintained his perilous station between the city and the Barbarians: Villehardouin decamped in silence at the dead of night; and his masterly retreat of three days would have deserved the praise of Xenophon and the ten thousand. In the rear, the marshal supported the weight of the pursuit; in the front, he moderated the impatience of the fugitives; and wherever the Comans approached, they were repelled by a line of impenetrable spears. On the third day, the weary troops beheld the sea, the solitary town of Rodosta, ^27 and their friends, who had landed from the Asiatic shore. They embraced, they wept; but they united their arms and counsels; and in his brother’s absence, Count Henry assumed the regency of the empire, at once in a state of childhood and caducity. ^28 If the Comans withdrew from the summer heats, seven thousand Latins, in the hour of danger, deserted Constantinople, their brethren, and their vows. Some partial success was overbalanced by the loss of one hundred and twenty knights in the field of Rusium; and of the Imperial domain, no more was left than the capital, with two or three adjacent fortresses on the shores of Europe and Asia. The king of Bulgaria was resistless and inexorable; and Calo-John respectfully eluded the demands of the pope, who conjured his new proselyte to restore peace and the emperor to the afflicted Latins. The deliverance of Baldwin was

    no longer, he said, in the power of man: that prince had died in prison; and the manner of his death is variously related by ignorance and credulity. The lovers of a tragic legend will be pleased to hear, that the royal captive was tempted by the amorous queen of the Bulgarians; that his chaste refusal exposed him to the falsehood of a woman and the jealousy of a savage; that his hands and feet were severed from his body; that his bleeding trunk was cast among the carcasses of dogs and horses; and that he breathed three days, before he was devoured by the birds of prey. ^29 About twenty years afterwards, in a wood of the Netherlands, a hermit announced himself as the true Baldwin, the emperor of Constantinople, and lawful sovereign of Flanders. He related the wonders of his escape, his adventures, and his penance, among a people prone to believe and to rebel; and, in the first transport, Flanders acknowledged her long-lost sovereign. A short examination before the French court detected the impostor, who was punished with an ignominious death; but the Flemings still adhered to the pleasing error; and the countess Jane is accused by the gravest historians of sacrificing to her ambition the life of an unfortunate father. ^30

    [Footnote 27: The truth of geography, and the original text of Villehardouin, (No. 194,) place Rodosto three days’ journey (trois jornees) from Adrianople: but Vigenere, in his version, has most absurdly substituted trois heures; and this error, which is not corrected by Ducange has entrapped several moderns, whose names I shall spare.]

    [Footnote 28: The reign and end of Baldwin are related by Villehardouin and Nicetas, (p. 386 – 416;) and their omissions are supplied by Ducange in his Observations, and to the end of his first book.]

    [Footnote 29: After brushing away all doubtful and improbable circumstances, we may prove the death of Baldwin, 1. By the firm belief of the French barons, (Villehardouin, No. 230.) 2. By the declaration of Calo-John himself, who excuses his not releasing the captive emperor, quia debitum carnis exsolverat cum carcere teneretur, (Gesta Innocent III. c. 109.)

    Note: Compare Von Raumer. Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, vol.

    1. p. 237. Petitot, in his preface to Villehardouin in the Collection des Memoires, relatifs a l’Histoire de France, tom. i. p. 85, expresses his belief in the first part of the “tragic legend.” – M.]

    [Footnote 30: See the story of this impostor from the French and Flemish writers in Ducange, Hist. de C. P. iii. 9; and the ridiculous fables that were believed by the monks of St. Alban’s, in Matthew Paris, Hist. Major, p. 271, 272.

    In all civilized hostility, a treaty is established for the

    exchange or ransom of prisoners; and if their captivity be prolonged, their condition is known, and they are treated according to their rank with humanity or honor. But the savage Bulgarian was a stranger to the laws of war: his prisons were involved in darkness and silence; and above a year elapsed before the Latins could be assured of the death of Baldwin, before his brother, the regent Henry, would consent to assume the title of emperor. His moderation was applauded by the Greeks as an act of rare and inimitable virtue. Their light and perfidious ambition was eager to seize or anticipate the moment of a vacancy, while a law of succession, the guardian both of the prince and people, was gradually defined and confirmed in the hereditary monarchies of Europe. In the support of the Eastern empire, Henry was gradually left without an associate, as the heroes of the crusade retired from the world or from the war. The doge of Venice, the venerable Dandolo, in the fulness of years and glory, sunk into the grave. The marquis of Montferrat was slowly recalled from the Peloponnesian war to the revenge of Baldwin and the defence of Thessalonica. Some nice disputes of feudal homage and service were reconciled in a personal interview between the emperor and the king; they were firmly united by mutual esteem and the common danger; and their alliance was sealed by the nuptials of Henry with the daughter of the Italian

    prince. He soon deplored the loss of his friend and father. At the persuasion of some faithful Greeks, Boniface made a bold and successful inroad among the hills of Rhodope: the Bulgarians fled on his approach; they assembled to harass his retreat. On the intelligence that his rear was attacked, without waiting for any defensive armor, he leaped on horseback, couched his lance, and drove the enemies before him; but in the rash pursuit he was pierced with a mortal wound; and the head of the king of Thessalonica was presented to Calo-John, who enjoyed the honors, without the merit, of victory.

    It is here, at this melancholy event, that the pen or the voice of Jeffrey of Villehardouin seems to drop or to expire; ^31 and if he still exercised his military office of marshal of Romania, his subsequent exploits are buried in oblivion. ^32 The character of Henry was not unequal to his arduous situation: in the siege of Constantinople, and beyond the Hellespont, he had deserved the fame of a valiant knight and a skilful commander; and his courage was tempered with a degree of prudence and mildness unknown to his impetuous brother. In the double war against the Greeks of Asia and the Bulgarians of Europe, he was ever the foremost on shipboard or on horseback; and though he cautiously provided for the success of his arms, the drooping Latins were often roused by his example to save and to second their fearless emperor. But such efforts, and some supplies of men and money from France, were of less avail than the errors, the cruelty, and death, of their most formidable adversary. When the despair of the Greek subjects invited Calo- John as their deliverer, they hoped that he would protect their liberty and adopt their laws: they were soon taught to compare the degrees of national ferocity, and to execrate the savage conqueror, who no longer dissembled his intention of dispeopling Thrace, of demolishing the cities, and of transplanting the inhabitants beyond the Danube. Many towns and villages of Thrace were already evacuated: a heap of ruins marked the place of Philippopolis, and a similar calamity was expected at Demotica and Adrianople, by the first authors of the revolt. They raised a cry of grief and repentance to the throne of Henry; the emperor

    alone had the magnanimity to forgive and trust them. No more than four hundred knights, with their sergeants and archers, could be assembled under his banner; and with this slender force he fought ^* and repulsed the Bulgarian, who, besides his infantry, was at the head of forty thousand horse. In this expedition, Henry felt the difference between a hostile and a friendly country: the remaining cities were preserved by his arms; and the savage, with shame and loss, was compelled to relinquish his prey. The siege of Thessalonica was the last of the evils which Calo-John inflicted or suffered: he was stabbed in the night in his tent; and the general, perhaps the assassin, who found him weltering in his blood, ascribed the blow, with general applause, to the lance of St. Demetrius. ^33 After several victories, the prudence of Henry concluded an honorable peace with the successor of the tyrant, and with the Greek princes of Nice and Epirus. If he ceded some doubtful limits, an ample kingdom was reserved for himself and his feudatories; and his reign, which lasted only ten years, afforded a short interval of prosperity and peace. Far above the narrow policy of Baldwin and Boniface, he freely intrusted to the Greeks the most important offices of the state and army; and this liberality of sentiment and practice was the more seasonable, as the princes of Nice and Epirus had already learned to seduce and employ the mercenary valor of the Latins. It was the aim of Henry to unite and reward his deserving subjects, of every nation and language; but he appeared less solicitous to accomplish the impracticable union of the two churches. Pelagius, the pope’s legate, who acted as the sovereign of Constantinople, had interdicted the worship of the Greeks, and sternly imposed the payment of tithes, the double procession of the Holy Ghost, and a blind obedience to the Roman pontiff. As the weaker party, they pleaded the duties of conscience, and implored the rights of toleration: “Our bodies,” they said, “are Caesar’s, but our souls belong only to God. The persecution was checked by the firmness of the emperor: ^34 and if we can believe that the same prince was poisoned by the Greeks themselves, we must entertain a contemptible idea of the sense and gratitude of mankind. His valor was a vulgar attribute, which he shared with ten

    thousand knights; but Henry possessed the superior courage to oppose, in a superstitious age, the pride and avarice of the clergy. In the cathedral of St. Sophia he presumed to place his throne on the right hand of the patriarch; and this presumption excited the sharpest censure of Pope Innocent the Third. By a salutary edict, one of the first examples of the laws of mortmain, he prohibited the alienation of fiefs: many of the Latins, desirous of returning to Europe, resigned their estates to the church for a spiritual or temporal reward; these holy lands were immediately discharged from military service, and a colony of soldiers would have been gradually transformed into a college of priests. ^35

    [Footnote 31: Villehardouin, No. 257. I quote, with regret, this lamentable conclusion, where we lose at once the original history, and the rich illustrations of Ducange. The last pages may derive some light from Henry’s two epistles to Innocent III., (Gesta, c. 106, 107.)]

    [Footnote 32: The marshal was alive in 1212, but he probably died soon afterwards, without returning to France, (Ducange, Observations sur Villehardouin, p. 238.) His fief of Messinople, the gift of Boniface, was the ancient Maximianopolis, which flourished in the time of Ammianus Marcellinus, among the cities of Thrace, (No. 141.)]

    [Footnote *: There was no battle. On the advance of the Latins, John suddenly broke up his camp and retreated. The Latins considered this unexpected deliverance almost a miracle. Le Beau suggests the probability that the detection of the Comans, who usually quitted the camp during the heats of summer, may have caused the flight of the Bulgarians. Nicetas, c. 8 Villebardouin, c. 225. Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 242. – M.]

    [Footnote 33: The church of this patron of Thessalonica was served by the canons of the holy sepulchre, and contained a divine ointment which distilled daily and stupendous miracles, (Ducange, Hist. de C. P. ii. 4.)] [Footnote 34: Acropolita (c. 17)

    observes the persecution of the legate, and the toleration of Henry, (‘Eon, as he calls him).]

    [Footnote 35: See the reign of Henry, in Ducange, (Hist. de C. P. l. i. c. 35 – 41, l. ii. c. 1 – 22,) who is much indebted to the Epistles of the Popes. Le Beau (Hist. du Bas Empire, tom. xxi. p. 120 – 122) has found, perhaps in Doutreman, some laws of Henry, which determined the service of fiefs, and the prerogatives of the emperor.]

    The virtuous Henry died at Thessalonica, in the defence of

    that kingdom, and of an infant, the son of his friend Boniface. In the two first emperors of Constantinople the male line of the counts of Flanders was extinct. But their sister Yolande was the wife of a French prince, the mother of a numerous progeny; and one of her daughters had married Andrew king of Hungary, a brave and pious champion of the cross. By seating him on the Byzantine throne, the barons of Romania would have acquired the forces of a neighboring and warlike kingdom; but the prudent Andrew revered the laws of succession; and the princess Yolande, with her husband Peter of Courtenay, count of Auxerre, was invited by the Latins to assume the empire of the East. The royal birth of his father, the noble origin of his mother, recommended to the barons of France the first cousin of their king. His reputation was fair, his possessions were ample, and in the bloody crusade against the Albigeois, the soldiers and the priests had been abundantly satisfied of his zeal and valor. Vanity might applaud the elevation of a French emperor of Constantinople; but prudence must pity, rather than envy, his treacherous and imaginary greatness. To assert and adorn his title, he was reduced to sell or mortgage the best of his patrimony. By these expedients, the liberality of his royal kinsman Philip Augustus, and the national spirit of chivalry, he was enabled to pass the Alps at the head of one hundred and forty knights, and five thousand five hundred sergeants and archers. After some hesitation, Pope Honorius the Third was persuaded to crown the successor of Constantine: but he performed the ceremony

    in a church without the walls, lest he should seem to imply or to bestow any right of sovereignty over the ancient capital of the empire. The Venetians had engaged to transport Peter and his forces beyond the Adriatic, and the empress, with her four children, to the Byzantine palace; but they required, as the price of their service, that he should recover Durazzo from the despot of Epirus. Michael Angelus, or Comnenus, the first of his dynasty, had bequeathed the succession of his power and ambition to Theodore, his legitimate brother, who already threatened and invaded the establishments of the Latins. After discharging his debt by a fruitless assault, the emperor raised the siege to prosecute a long and perilous journey over land from Durazzo to Thessalonica. He was soon lost in the mountains of Epirus: the passes were fortified; his provisions exhausted; he was delayed and deceived by a treacherous negotiation; and, after Peter of Courtenay and the Roman legate had been arrested in a banquet, the French troops, without leaders or hopes, were eager to exchange their arms for the delusive promise of mercy and bread. The Vatican thundered; and the impious Theodore was threatened with the vengeance of earth and heaven; but the captive emperor and his soldiers were forgotten, and the reproaches of the pope are confined to the imprisonment of his legate. No sooner was he satisfied by the deliverance of the priests and a promise of spiritual obedience, than he pardoned and protected the despot of Epirus. His peremptory commands suspended the ardor of the Venetians and the king of Hungary; and it was only by a natural or untimely death ^36 that Peter of Courtenay was released from his hopeless captivity. ^37 [Footnote 36: Acropolita (c. 14) affirms, that Peter of Courtenay died by the sword, but from his dark expressions, I should conclude a previous captivity. The Chronicle of Auxerre delays the emperor’s death till the year 1219; and Auxerre is in the neighborhood of Courtenay.

    Note: Whatever may have been the fact, this can hardly be

    made out from the expressions of Acropolita. – M.]

    [Footnote 37: See the reign and death of Peter of Courtenay, in Ducange, (Hist. de C. P. l. ii. c. 22 – 28,) who feebly strives to excuse the neglect of the emperor by Honorius III.]

    The long ignorance of his fate, and the presence of the

    lawful sovereign, of Yolande, his wife or widow, delayed the proclamation of a new emperor. Before her death, and in the midst of her grief, she was delivered of a son, who was named Baldwin, the last and most unfortunate of the Latin princes of Constantinople. His birth endeared him to the barons of Romania; but his childhood would have prolonged the troubles of a minority, and his claims were superseded by the elder claims of his brethren. The first of these, Philip of Courtenay, who derived from his mother the inheritance of Namur, had the wisdom to prefer the substance of a marquisate to the shadow of an empire; and on his refusal, Robert, the second of the sons of Peter and Yolande, was called to the throne of Constantinople. Warned by his father’s mischance, he pursued his slow and secure journey through Germany and along the Danube: a passage was opened by his sister’s marriage with the king of Hungary; and the emperor Robert was crowned by the patriarch in the cathedral of St. Sophia. But his reign was an aera of calamity and disgrace; and the colony, as it was styled, of New France yielded on all sides to the Greeks of Nice and Epirus. After a victory, which he owed to his perfidy rather than his courage, Theodore Angelus entered the kingdom of Thessalonica, expelled the feeble Demetrius, the son of the marquis Boniface, erected his standard on the walls of Adrianople; and added, by his vanity, a third or a fourth name to the list of rival emperors. The relics of the Asiatic province were swept away by John Vataces, the son-in-law and successor of Theodore Lascaris, and who, in a triumphant reign of thirty-three years, displayed the virtues both of peace and war. Under his discipline, the swords of the French mercenaries were the most effectual instruments of his conquests, and their desertion from the service of their country was at once a symptom and a cause of the rising ascendant of the Greeks. By the construction of a fleet, he

    obtained the command of the Hellespont, reduced the islands of Lesbos and Rhodes, attacked the Venetians of Candia, and intercepted the rare and parsimonious succors of the West. Once, and once only, the Latin emperor sent an army against Vataces; and in the defeat of that army, the veteran knights, the last of the original conquerors, were left on the field of battle. But the success of a foreign enemy was less painful to the pusillanimous Robert than the insolence of his Latin subjects, who confounded the weakness of the emperor and of the empire. His personal misfortunes will prove the anarchy of the government and the ferociousness of the times. The amorous youth had neglected his Greek bride, the daughter of Vataces, to introduce into the palace a beautiful maid, of a private, though noble family of Artois; and her mother had been tempted by the lustre of the purple to forfeit her engagements with a gentleman of Burgundy. His love was converted into rage; he assembled his friends, forced the palace gates, threw the mother into the sea, and inhumanly cut off the nose and lips of the wife or concubine of the emperor. Instead of punishing the offender, the barons avowed and applauded the savage deed, ^38 which, as a prince and as a man, it was impossible that Robert should forgive. He escaped from the guilty city to implore the justice or compassion of the pope: the emperor was coolly exhorted to return to his station; before he could obey, he sunk under the weight of grief, shame, and impotent resentment. ^39 [Footnote 38: Marinus Sanutus (Secreta Fidelium Crucis, l. ii. p. 4, c. 18, p. 73) is so much delighted with this bloody deed, that he has transcribed it in his margin as a bonum exemplum. Yet he acknowledges the damsel for the lawful wife of Robert.]

    [Footnote 39: See the reign of Robert, in Ducange, (Hist. de C. P. l. ii. c. – 12.)]

    It was only in the age of chivalry, that valor could ascend

    from a private station to the thrones of Jerusalem and Constantinople. The titular kingdom of Jerusalem had

    devolved to Mary, the daughter of Isabella and Conrad of Montferrat, and the granddaughter of Almeric or Amaury. She was given to John of Brienne, of a noble family in Champagne, by the public voice, and the judgment of Philip Augustus, who named him as the most worthy champion of the Holy Land. ^40 In the fifth crusade, he led a hundred thousand Latins to the conquest of Egypt: by him the siege of Damietta was achieved; and the subsequent failure was justly ascribed to the pride and avarice of the legate. After the marriage of his daughter with Frederic the Second, ^41 he was provoked by the emperor’s ingratitude to accept the command of the army of the church; and though advanced in life, and despoiled of royalty, the sword and spirit of John of Brienne were still ready for the service of Christendom. In the seven years of his brother’s reign, Baldwin of Courtenay had not emerged from a state of childhood, and the barons of Romania felt the strong necessity of placing the sceptre in the hands of a man and a hero. The veteran king of Jerusalem might have disdained the name and office of regent; they agreed to invest him for his life with the title and prerogatives of emperor, on the sole condition that Baldwin should marry his second daughter, and succeed at a mature age to the throne of Constantinople. The expectation, both of the Greeks and Latins, was kindled by the renown, the choice, and the presence of John of Brienne; and they admired his martial aspect, his green and vigorous age of more than fourscore years, and his size and stature, which surpassed the common measure of mankind. ^42 But avarice, and the love of ease, appear to have chilled the ardor of enterprise: ^* his troops were disbanded, and two years rolled away without action or honor, till he was awakened by the dangerous alliance of Vataces emperor of Nice, and of Azan king of Bulgaria. They besieged Constantinople by sea and land, with an army of one hundred thousand men, and a fleet of three hundred ships of war; while the entire force of the Latin emperor was reduced to one hundred and sixty knights, and a small addition of sergeants and archers. I tremble to relate, that instead of defending the city, the hero made a sally at the head of his cavalry; and that of forty- eight squadrons of the enemy, no more than three

    escaped from the edge of his invincible sword. Fired by his example, the infantry and the citizens boarded the vessels that anchored close to the walls; and twenty-five were dragged in triumph into the harbor of Constantinople. At the summons of the emperor, the vassals and allies armed in her defence; broke through every obstacle that opposed their passage; and, in the succeeding year, obtained a second victory over the same enemies.

    By the rude poets of the age, John of Brienne is compared to Hector, Roland, and Judas Machabaeus: ^43 but their credit, and his glory, receive some abatement from the silence of the Greeks. The empire was soon deprived of the last of her champions; and the dying monarch was ambitious to enter paradise in the habit of a Franciscan friar. ^44

    [Footnote 40: Rex igitur Franciae, deliberatione habita, respondit nuntiis, se daturum hominem Syriae partibus aptum; in armis probum (preux) in bellis securum, in agendis providum, Johannem comitem Brennensem. Sanut. Secret. Fidelium, l. iii. p. xi. c. 4, p. 205 Matthew Paris, p. 159.] [Footnote 41: Giannone (Istoria Civile, tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 380 – 385) discusses the marriage of Frederic II. with the daughter of John of Brienne, and the double union of the crowns of Naples and Jerusalem.] [Footnote 42: Acropolita, c. 27. The historian was at that time a boy, and educated at Constantinople. In 1233, when he was eleven years old, his father broke the Latin chain, left a splendid fortune, and escaped to the Greek court of Nice, where his son was raised to the highest honors.]

    [Footnote *: John de Brienne, elected emperor 1229, wasted two years in preparations, and did not arrive at Constantinople till 1231. Two years more glided away in inglorious inaction; he then made some ineffective warlike expeditions. Constantinople was not besieged till 1234. – M.] [Footnote 43: Philip Mouskes, bishop of Tournay, (A.D. 1274 – 1282,) has composed a poem, or rather string of verses, in bad old Flemish French, on the Latin emperors of Constantinople, which Ducange has published at the end of Villehardouin; see

    1. 38, for the prowess of John of Brienne. N’Aie, Ector, Roll’ ne Ogiers Ne Judas Machabeus li fiers Tant ne fit d’armes en estors Com fist li Rois Jehans cel jors Et il defors et il dedans La paru sa force et ses sens Et li hardiment qu’il avoit.]

    [Footnote 44: See the reign of John de Brienne, in Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. ii. c. 13 – 26.]

    In the double victory of John of Brienne, I cannot discover

    the name or exploits of his pupil Baldwin, who had attained the age of military service, and who succeeded to the imperial dignity on the decease of his adoptive father. ^45 The royal youth was employed on a commission more suitable to his temper; he was sent to visit the Western courts, of the pope more especially, and of the king of France; to excite their pity by the view of his innocence and distress; and to obtain some supplies of men or money for the relief of the sinking empire. He thrice repeated these mendicant visits, in which he seemed to prolong his stay and postpone his return; of the five-and-twenty years of his reign, a greater number were spent abroad than at home; and in no place did the emperor deem himself less free and secure than in his native country and his capital. On some public occasions, his vanity might be soothed by the title of Augustus, and by the honors of the purple; and at the general council of Lyons, when Frederic the Second was excommunicated and deposed, his Oriental colleague was enthroned on the right hand of the pope. But how often was the exile, the vagrant, the Imperial beggar, humbled with scorn, insulted with pity, and degraded in his own eyes and those of the nations! In his first visit to England, he was stopped at Dover by a severe reprimand, that he should presume, without leave, to enter an independent kingdom. After some delay, Baldwin, however, was permitted to pursue his journey, was entertained with cold civility, and thankfully departed with a present of seven hundred marks. ^46 From the avarice of Rome he could only obtain the proclamation of a crusade, and a treasure of indulgences; a coin whose currency was depreciated by too frequent and indiscriminate abuse. His

    birth and misfortunes recommended him to the generosity of his cousin Louis the Ninth; but the martial zeal of the saint was diverted from Constantinople to Egypt and Palestine; and the public and private poverty of Baldwin was alleviated, for a moment, by the alienation of the marquisate of Namur and the lordship of Courtenay, the last remains of his inheritance. ^47 By such shameful or ruinous expedients, he once more returned to Romania, with an army of thirty thousand soldiers, whose numbers were doubled in the apprehension of the Greeks. His first despatches to France and England announced his victories and his hopes: he had reduced the country round the capital to the distance of three days’ journey; and if he succeeded against an important, though nameless, city, (most probably Chiorli,) the frontier would be safe and the passage accessible. But these expectations (if Baldwin was sincere) quickly vanished like a dream: the troops and treasures of France melted away in his unskilful hands; and the throne of the Latin emperor was protected by a dishonorable alliance with the Turks and Comans. To secure the former, he consented to bestow his niece on the unbelieving sultan of Cogni; to please the latter, he complied with their Pagan rites; a dog was sacrificed between the two armies; and the contracting parties tasted each other’s blood, as a pledge of their fidelity. ^48 In the palace, or prison, of Constantinople, the successor of Augustus demolished the vacant houses for winter fuel, and stripped the lead from the churches for the daily expense of his family. Some usurious loans were dealt with a scanty hand by the merchants of Italy; and Philip, his son and heir, was pawned at Venice as the security for a debt. ^49 Thirst, hunger, and nakedness, are positive evils: but wealth is relative; and a prince who would be rich in a private station, may be exposed by the increase of his wants to all the anxiety and bitterness of poverty. [Footnote 45: See the reign of Baldwin II. till his expulsion from Constantinople, in Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. iv. c. 1 – 34, the end l. v. c. 1 – 33]

    [Footnote 46: Matthew Paris relates the two visits of Baldwin II. to the English court, p. 396, 637; his return to Greece

    armata manu, p. 407 his letters of his nomen formidabile, &c., p. 481, (a passage which has escaped Ducange;) his expulsion, p. 850.]

    [Footnote 47: Louis IX. disapproved and stopped the alienation of Courtenay (Ducange, l. iv. c. 23.) It is now annexed to the royal demesne but granted for a term (engage) to the family of Boulainvilliers. Courtenay, in the election of Nemours in the Isle de France, is a town of 900 inhabitants, with the remains of a castle, (Melanges tires d’une Grande Bibliotheque, tom. xlv. p. 74 – 77.)]

    [Footnote 48: Joinville, p. 104, edit. du Louvre. A Coman prince, who died without baptism, was buried at the gates of Constantinople with a live retinue of slaves and horses.]

    [Footnote 49: Sanut. Secret. Fidel. Crucis, l. ii. p. iv. c. 18, p. 73.]

    Chapter LXI:

    Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians.

    Part III.

    But in this abject distress, the emperor and empire were

    still possessed of an ideal treasure, which drew its fantastic value from the superstition of the Christian world. The merit of the true cross was somewhat impaired by its frequent division; and a long captivity among the infidels might shed some suspicion on the fragments that were produced in the East and West. But another relic of the Passion was preserved in the Imperial chapel of Constantinople; and the crown of thorns which had been placed on the head of Christ was equally precious and authentic. It had formerly been the practice of the Egyptian debtors to deposit, as a security, the mummies of

    their parents; and both their honor and religion were bound for the redemption of the pledge. In the same manner, and in the absence of the emperor, the barons of Romania borrowed the sum of thirteen thousand one hundred and thirty-four pieces of gold ^50 on the credit of the holy crown: they failed in the performance of their contract; and a rich Venetian, Nicholas Querini, undertook to satisfy their impatient creditors, on condition that the relic should be lodged at Venice, to become his absolute property, if it were not redeemed within a short and definite term. The barons apprised their sovereign of the hard treaty and impending loss and as the empire could not afford a ransom of seven thousand pounds sterling, Baldwin was anxious to snatch the prize from the Venetians, and to vest it with more honor and emolument in the hands of the most Christian king. ^51 Yet the negotiation was attended with some delicacy. In the purchase of relics, the saint would have started at the guilt of simony; but if the mode of expression were changed, he might lawfully repay the debt, accept the gift, and acknowledge the obligation. His ambassadors, two Dominicans, were despatched to Venice to redeem and receive the holy crown which had escaped the dangers of the sea and the galleys of Vataces. On opening a wooden box, they recognized the seals of the doge and barons, which were applied on a shrine of silver; and within this shrine the monument of the Passion was enclosed in a golden vase. The reluctant Venetians yielded to justice and power: the emperor Frederic granted a free and honorable passage; the court of France advanced as far as Troyes in Champagne, to meet with devotion this inestimable relic: it was borne in triumph through Paris by the king himself, barefoot, and in his shirt; and a free gift of ten thousand marks of silver reconciled Baldwin to his loss. The success of this transaction tempted the Latin emperor to offer with the same generosity the remaining furniture of his chapel; ^52 a large and authentic portion of the true cross; the baby-linen of the Son of God, the lance, the sponge, and the chain, of his Passion; the rod of Moses, and part of the skull of St. John the Baptist. For the reception of these spiritual treasures, twenty thousand marks were expended by St. Louis

    on a stately foundation, the holy chapel of Paris, on which the muse of Boileau has bestowed a comic immortality. The truth of such remote and ancient relics, which cannot be proved by any human testimony, must be admitted by those who believe in the miracles which they have performed. About the middle of the last age, an inveterate ulcer was touched and cured by a holy prickle of the holy crown: ^53 the prodigy is attested by the most pious and enlightened Christians of France; nor will the fact be easily disproved, except by those who are armed with a general antidote against religious credulity. ^54

    [Footnote 50: Under the words Perparus, Perpera, Hyperperum, Ducange is short and vague: Monetae genus. From a corrupt passage of Guntherus, (Hist. C. P. c. 8, p. 10,) I guess that the Perpera was the nummus aureus, the fourth part of a mark of silver, or about ten shillings sterling in value. In lead it would be too contemptible.]

    [Footnote 51: For the translation of the holy crown, &c., from Constantinople to Paris, see Ducange (Hist. de C. P. l. iv. c. 11 – 14, 24, 35) and Fleury, (Hist. Eccles. tom. xvii. p. 201 – 204.)]

    [Footnote 52: Melanges tires d’une Grande Bibliotheque, tom. xliii. p. 201 – 205. The Lutrin of Boileau exhibits the inside, the soul and manners of the Sainte Chapelle; and many facts relative to the institution are collected and explained by his commentators, Brosset and De St. Marc.]

    [Footnote 53: It was performed A.D. 1656, March 24, on the niece of Pascal; and that superior genius, with Arnauld, Nicole, &c., were on the spot, to believe and attest a miracle which confounded the Jesuits, and saved Port Royal, (Oeuvres de Racine, tom. vi. p. 176 – 187, in his eloquent History of Port Royal.)]

    [Footnote 54: Voltaire (Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 37, (Oeuvres, tom. ix. p. 178, 179) strives to invalidate the fact: but Hume, (Essays, vol. ii. p. 483, 484,) with more skill and success, seizes the battery, and turns the cannon against his enemies.]

    The Latins of Constantinople ^55 were on all sides

    encompassed and pressed; their sole hope, the last delay of their ruin, was in the division of their Greek and Bulgarian enemies; and of this hope they were deprived by the superior arms and policy of Vataces, emperor of Nice. From the Propontis to the rocky coast of Pamphylia, Asia was peaceful and prosperous under his reign; and the events of every campaign extended his influence in Europe. The strong cities of the hills of Macedonia and Thrace were rescued from the Bulgarians; and their kingdom was circumscribed by its present and proper limits, along the southern banks of the Danube. The sole emperor of the Romans could no longer brook that a lord of Epirus, a Comnenian prince of the West, should presume to dispute or share the honors of the purple; and the humble Demetrius changed the color of his buskins, and accepted with gratitude the appellation of despot. His own subjects were exasperated by his baseness and incapacity; they implored the protection of their supreme lord. After some resistance, the kingdom of Thessalonica was united to the empire of Nice; and Vataces reigned without a competitor from the Turkish borders to the Adriatic Gulf. The princes of Europe revered his merit and power; and had he subscribed an orthodox creed, it should seem that the pope would have abandoned without reluctance the Latin throne of Constantinople. But the death of Vataces, the short and busy reign of Theodore his son, and the helpless infancy of his grandson John, suspended the restoration of the Greeks. In the next chapter, I shall explain their domestic revolutions; in this place, it will be sufficient to observe, that the young prince was oppressed by the ambition of his guardian and colleague, Michael Palaeologus, who displayed the virtues and vices that belong to the founder of a new dynasty. The emperor Baldwin had flattered himself, that he might recover some provinces or cities by an impotent negotiation. His ambassadors were dismissed from Nice with mockery and contempt. At every place which they named, Palaeologus alleged some special reason, which rendered it dear and valuable in his eyes: in the one he was born; in another he had been first promoted to military command; and in a third he had enjoyed, and hoped long to enjoy, the pleasures of the chase.

    “And what then do you propose to give us?” said the astonished deputies. “Nothing,” replied the Greek, “not a foot of land. If your master be desirous of peace, let him pay me, as an annual tribute, the sum which he receives from the trade and customs of Constantinople. On these terms, I may allow him to reign. If he refuses, it is war. I am not ignorant of the art of war, and I trust the event to God and my sword.” ^56 An expedition against the despot of Epirus was the first prelude of his arms. If a victory was followed by a defeat; if the race of the Comneni or Angeli survived in those mountains his efforts and his reign; the captivity of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, deprived the Latins of the most active and powerful vassal of their expiring monarchy. The republics of Venice and Genoa disputed, in the first of their naval wars, the command of the sea and the commerce of the East. Pride and interest attached the Venetians to the defence of Constantinople; their rivals were tempted to promote the designs of her enemies, and the alliance of the Genoese with the schismatic conqueror provoked the indignation of the Latin church. ^57

    [Footnote 55: The gradual losses of the Latins may be traced in the third fourth, and fifth books of the compilation of Ducange: but of the Greek conquests he has dropped many circumstances, which may be recovered from the larger history of George Acropolita, and the three first books of Nicephorus, Gregoras, two writers of the Byzantine series, who have had the good fortune to meet with learned editors Leo Allatius at Rome, and John Boivin in the Academy of Inscriptions of Paris.]

    [Footnote 56: George Acropolita, c. 78, p. 89, 90. edit. Paris.] [Footnote 57: The Greeks, ashamed of any foreign aid, disguise the alliance and succor of the Genoese: but the fact is proved by the testimony of J Villani (Chron. l. vi. c. 71, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xiii. p. 202, 203) and William de Nangis, (Annales de St. Louis, p. 248 in the Louvre Joinville,) two impartial foreigners; and Urban IV threatened to deprive Genoa of her archbishop.]

    Intent on his great object, the emperor Michael visited in

    person and strengthened the troops and fortifications of Thrace. The remains of the Latins were driven from their last possessions: he assaulted without success the suburb of Galata; and corresponded with a perfidious baron, who proved unwilling, or unable, to open the gates of the metropolis. The next spring, his favorite general, Alexius Strategopulus, whom he had decorated with the title of Caesar, passed the Hellespont with eight hundred horse and some infantry, ^58 on a secret expedition. His instructions enjoined him to approach, to listen, to watch, but not to risk any doubtful or dangerous enterprise against the city. The adjacent territory between the Propontis and the Black Sea was cultivated by a hardy race of peasants and outlaws, exercised in arms, uncertain in their allegiance, but inclined by language, religion, and present advantage, to the party of the Greeks. They were styled the volunteers; ^59 and by their free service the army of Alexius, with the regulars of Thrace and the Coman auxiliaries, ^60 was augmented to the number of five-and-twenty thousand men. By the ardor of the volunteers, and by his own ambition, the Caesar was stimulated to disobey the precise orders of his master, in the just confidence that success would plead his pardon and reward. The weakness of Constantinople, and the distress and terror of the Latins, were familiar to the observation of the volunteers; and they represented the present moment as the most propitious to surprise and conquest. A rash youth, the new governor of the Venetian colony, had sailed away with thirty galleys, and the best of the French knights, on a wild expedition to Daphnusia, a town on the Black Sea, at the distance of forty leagues; ^* and the remaining Latins were without strength or suspicion. They were informed that Alexius had passed the Hellespont; but their apprehensions were lulled by the smallness of his original numbers; and their imprudence had not watched the subsequent increase of his army. If he left his main body to second and support his operations, he might advance unperceived in the night with a chosen detachment. While

    some applied scaling-ladders to the lowest part of the walls, they were secure of an old Greek, who would introduce their companions through a subterraneous passage into his house; they could soon on the inside break an entrance through the golden gate, which had been long obstructed; and the conqueror would be in the heart of the city before the Latins were conscious of their danger. After some debate, the Caesar resigned himself to the faith of the volunteers; they were trusty, bold, and successful; and in describing the plan, I have already related the execution and success. ^61 But no sooner had Alexius passed the threshold of the golden gate, than he trembled at his own rashness; he paused, he deliberated; till the desperate volunteers urged him forwards, by the assurance that in retreat lay the greatest and most inevitable danger. Whilst the Caesar kept his regulars in firm array, the Comans dispersed themselves on all sides; an alarm was sounded, and the threats of fire and pillage compelled the citizens to a decisive resolution. The Greeks of Constantinople remembered their native sovereigns; the Genoese merchants their recent alliance and Venetian foes; every quarter was in arms; and the air resounded with a general acclamation of “Long life and victory to Michael and John, the august emperors of the Romans!” Their rival, Baldwin, was awakened by the sound; but the most pressing danger could not prompt him to draw his sword in the defence of a city which he deserted, perhaps, with more pleasure than regret: he fled from the palace to the seashore, where he descried the welcome sails of the fleet returning from the vain and fruitless attempt on Daphnusia. Constantinople was irrecoverably lost; but the Latin emperor and the principal families embarked on board the Venetian galleys, and steered for the Isle of Euboea, and afterwards for Italy, where the royal fugitive was entertained by the pope and Sicilian king with a mixture of contempt and pity. From the loss of Constantinople to his death, he consumed thirteen years, soliciting the Catholic powers to join in his restoration: the lesson had been familiar to his youth; nor was his last exile more indigent or shameful than his three former pilgrimages to the courts of Europe. His son Philip was the heir of an ideal empire; and the pretensions

    of his daughter Catherine were transported by her marriage to Charles of Valois, the brother of Philip the Fair, king of France. The house of Courtenay was represented in the female line by successive alliances, till the title of emperor of Constantinople, too bulky and sonorous for a private name, modestly expired in silence and oblivion. ^62 [Footnote 58: Some precautions must be used in reconciling the discordant numbers; the 800 soldiers of Nicetas, the 25,000 of Spandugino, (apud Ducange, l. v. c. 24;) the Greeks and Scythians of Acropolita; and the numerous army of Michael, in the Epistles of Pope Urban IV. (i. 129.)]

    [Footnote 59: They are described and named by Pachymer, (l. ii. c. 14.)] [Footnote 60: It is needless to seek these Comans in the deserts of Tartary, or even of Moldavia. A part of the horde had submitted to John Vataces, and was probably settled as a nursery of soldiers on some waste lands of Thrace, (Cantacuzen. l. i. c. 2.)]

    [Footnote *: According to several authorities, particularly Abulfaradj. Chron. Arab. p. 336, this was a stratagem on the part of the Greeks to weaken the garrison of Constantinople. The Greek commander offered to surrender the town on the appearance of the Venetians. – M.]

    [Footnote 61: The loss of Constantinople is briefly told by the Latins: the conquest is described with more satisfaction by the Greeks; by Acropolita, (c. 85,) Pachymer, (l. ii. c. 26, 27,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. iv. c. 1, 2) See Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 19 – 27.]

    [Footnote 62: See the three last books (l. v. – viii.) and the genealogical tables of Ducange. In the year 1382, the titular emperor of Constantinople was James de Baux, duke of Andria in the kingdom of Naples, the son of Margaret, daughter of Catherine de Valois, daughter of Catharine, daughter of Philip, son of Baldwin II., (Ducange, l. viii. c. 37, 38.) It is uncertain whether he left any posterity.]

    After this narrative of the expeditions of the Latins to

    Palestine and Constantinople, I cannot dismiss the subject without resolving the general consequences on the countries that were the scene, and on the nations that were the actors, of these memorable crusades. ^63 As soon as the arms of the Franks were withdrawn, the impression, though not the memory, was erased in the Mahometan realms of Egypt and Syria. The faithful disciples of the prophet were never tempted by a profane desire to study the laws or language of the idolaters; nor did the simplicity of their primitive manners receive the slightest alteration from their intercourse in peace and war with the unknown strangers of the West. The Greeks, who thought themselves proud, but who were only vain, showed a disposition somewhat less inflexible. In the efforts for the recovery of their empire, they emulated the valor, discipline, and tactics of their antagonists. The modern literature of the West they might justly despise; but its free spirit would instruct them in the rights of man; and some institutions of public and private life were adopted from the French. The correspondence of Constantinople and Italy diffused the knowledge of the Latin tongue; and several of the fathers and classics were at length honored with a Greek version. ^64 But the national and religious prejudices of the Orientals were inflamed by persecution, and the reign of the Latins confirmed the separation of the two churches.

    [Footnote 63: Abulfeda, who saw the conclusion of the crusades, speaks of the kingdoms of the Franks, and those of the Negroes, as equally unknown, (Prolegom. ad Geograph.) Had he not disdained the Latin language, how easily might the Syrian prince have found books and interpreters!] [Footnote 64: A short and superficial account of these versions from Latin into Greek is given by Huet, (de Interpretatione et de claris Interpretibus (p. 131 – 135.) Maximus Planudes, a monk of Constantinople, (A.D. 1327 – 1353) has translated Caesar’s Commentaries, the Somnium Scipionis, the Metamorphoses and Heroides of Ovid, &c., (Fabric. Bib. Graec. tom. x. p. 533.)]

    If we compare the aera of the crusades, the Latins of Europe

    with the Greeks and Arabians, their respective degrees of knowledge, industry, and art, our rude ancestors must be content with the third rank in the scale of nations. Their successive improvement and present superiority may be ascribed to a peculiar energy of character, to an active and imitative spirit, unknown to their more polished rivals, who at that time were in a stationary or retrograde state. With such a disposition, the Latins should have derived the most early and essential benefits from a series of events which opened to their eyes the prospect of the world, and introduced them to a long and frequent intercourse with the more cultivated regions of the East. The first and most obvious progress was in trade and manufactures, in the arts which are strongly prompted by the thirst of wealth, the calls of necessity, and the gratification of the sense or vanity.

    Among the crowd of unthinking fanatics, a captive or a pilgrim might sometimes observe the superior refinements of Cairo and Constantinople: the first importer of windmills ^65 was the benefactor of nations; and if such blessings are enjoyed without any grateful remembrance, history has condescended to notice the more apparent luxuries of silk and sugar, which were transported into Italy from Greece and Egypt. But the intellectual wants of the Latins were more slowly felt and supplied; the ardor of studious curiosity was awakened in Europe by different causes and more recent events; and, in the age of the crusades, they viewed with careless indifference the literature of the Greeks and Arabians. Some rudiments of mathematical and medicinal knowledge might be imparted in practice and in figures; necessity might produce some interpreters for the grosser business of merchants and soldiers; but the commerce of the Orientals had not diffused the study and knowledge of their languages in the schools of Europe. ^66 If a similar principle of religion repulsed the idiom of the Koran, it should have excited their patience and curiosity to understand the original text of the gospel; and the same grammar would have unfolded the sense of Plato and the

    beauties of Homer. Yet in a reign of sixty years, the Latins of Constantinople disdained the speech and learning of their subjects; and the manuscripts were the only treasures which the natives might enjoy without rapine or envy. Aristotle was indeed the oracle of the Western universities, but it was a barbarous Aristotle; and, instead of ascending to the fountain head, his Latin votaries humbly accepted a corrupt and remote version, from the Jews and Moors of Andalusia. The principle of the crusades was a savage fanaticism; and the most important effects were analogous to the cause. Each pilgrim was ambitious to return with his sacred spoils, the relics of Greece and Palestine; ^67 and each relic was preceded and followed by a train of miracles and visions. The belief of the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their practice by new superstitions; and the establishment of the inquisition, the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last abuse of indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, flowed from the baleful fountain of the holy war. The active spirit of the Latins preyed on the vitals of their reason and religion; and if the ninth and tenth centuries were the times of darkness, the thirteenth and fourteenth were the age of absurdity and fable.

    [Footnote 65: Windmills, first invented in the dry country of Asia Minor, were used in Normandy as early as the year 1105, (Vie privee des Francois, tom. i. p. 42, 43. Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. iv. p. 474)]

    [Footnote 66: See the complaints of Roger Bacon, (Biographia Britannica, vol. i. p. 418, Kippis’s edition.) If Bacon himself, or Gerbert, understood some Greek, they were prodigies, and owed nothing to the commerce of the East.]

    [Footnote 67: Such was the opinion of the great Leibnitz, (Oeuvres de Fontenelle, tom. v. p. 458,) a master of the history of the middle ages. I shall only instance the pedigree of the Carmelites, and the flight of the house of Loretto, which were both derived from Palestine.]

    Chapter LXI: Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians. Part III.

    In the profession of Christianity, in the cultivation of a fertile land, the northern conquerors of the Roman empire insensibly mingled with the provincials, and rekindled the embers of the arts of antiquity. Their settlements about the age of Charlemagne had acquired some degree of order and stability, when they were overwhelmed by new swarms of invaders, the Normans, Saracens, ^68 and Hungarians, who replunged the western countries of Europe into their former state of anarchy and barbarism. About the eleventh century, the second tempest had subsided by the expulsion or conversion of the enemies of Christendom: the tide of civilization, which had so long ebbed, began to flow with a steady and accelerated course; and a fairer prospect was opened to the hopes and efforts of the rising generations. Great was the increase, and rapid the progress, during the two hundred years of the crusades; and some philosophers have applauded the propitious influence of these holy wars, which appear to me to have checked rather than forwarded the maturity of Europe. ^69 The lives and labors of millions, which were buried in the East, would have been more profitably employed in the improvement of their native country: the accumulated stock of industry and wealth would have overflowed in navigation and trade; and the Latins would have been enriched and enlightened by a pure and friendly correspondence with the climates of the East. In one respect I can indeed perceive the accidental operation of the crusades, not so much in producing a benefit as in removing an evil. The larger portion of the inhabitants of Europe was chained to the soil, without freedom, or property, or knowledge; and the two

    orders of ecclesiastics and nobles, whose numbers were comparatively small, alone deserved the name of citizens and men. This oppressive system was supported by the arts of the clergy and the swords of the barons. The authority of the priests operated in the darker ages as a salutary antidote: they prevented the total extinction of letters, mitigated the fierceness of the times, sheltered the poor and defenceless, and preserved or revived the peace and order of civil society. But the independence, rapine, and discord of the feudal lords were unmixed with any semblance of good; and every hope of industry and improvement was crushed by the iron weight of the martial aristocracy. Among the causes that undermined that Gothic edifice, a conspicuous place must be allowed to the crusades. The estates of the barons were dissipated, and their race was often extinguished, in these costly and perilous expeditions. Their poverty extorted from their pride those charters of freedom which unlocked the fetters of the slave, secured the farm of the peasant and the shop of the artificer, and gradually restored a substance and a soul to the most numerous and useful part of the community. The conflagration which destroyed the tall and barren trees of the forest gave air and scope to the vegetation of the smaller and nutritive plants of the soil. ^*

    [Footnote 68: If I rank the Saracens with the Barbarians, it is only relative to their wars, or rather inroads, in Italy and France, where their sole purpose was to plunder and destroy.]

    [Footnote 69: On this interesting subject, the progress of society in Europe, a strong ray of philosophical light has broke from Scotland in our own times; and it is with private, as well as public regard, that I repeat the names of Hume, Robertson, and Adam Smith.]

    [Footnote *: On the consequences of the crusades, compare the valuable Essay of Reeren, that of M. Choiseul d’Aillecourt, and a chapter of Mr. Forster’s “Mahometanism Unveiled.” I may admire this gentleman’s learning and industry, without pledging myself to his wild theory of prophets interpretation. – M.] Digression On The Family Of Courtenay.

    The purple of three emperors, who have reigned at Constantinople, will authorize or excuse a digression on the origin and singular fortunes of the house of Courtenay, ^70 in the three principal branches: I. Of Edessa; II. Of France; and III. Of England; of which the last only has survived the revolutions of eight hundred years.

    [Footnote 70: I have applied, but not confined, myself to A genealogical History of the noble and illustrious Family of Courtenay, by Ezra Cleaveland, Tutor to Sir William Courtenay, and Rector of Honiton; Exon. 1735, in folio. The first part is extracted from William of Tyre; the second from Bouchet’s French history; and the third from various memorials, public, provincial, and private, of the Courtenays of Devonshire The rector of Honiton has more gratitude than industry, and more industry than criticism.]

    1. Before the introduction of trade, which scatters riches, and of knowledge, which dispels prejudice, the prerogative of birth is most strongly felt and most humbly acknowledged. In every age, the laws and manners of the Germans have discriminated the ranks of society; the dukes and counts, who shared the empire of Charlemagne, converted their office to an inheritance; and to his children, each feudal lord bequeathed his honor and his sword. The proudest families are content to lose, in the darkness of the middle ages, the tree of their pedigree, which, however deep and lofty, must ultimately rise from a plebeian root; and their historians must descend ten centuries below the Christian aera, before they can ascertain any lineal succession by the evidence of surnames, of arms, and of authentic records. With the first rays of light, ^71 we discern the nobility and opulence of Atho, a French knight; his nobility, in the rank and title of a nameless father; his opulence, in the foundation of the castle of Courtenay in the district of Gatinois, about fifty-six miles to the south of Paris. From the reign of Robert, the son of Hugh Capet, the barons of Courtenay are conspicuous among the immediate vassals of the crown; and Joscelin, the grandson of Atho and a noble dame, is enrolled among the heroes of the first crusade. A domestic alliance (their mothers were sisters) attached him to the standard of Baldwin of Bruges, the second count of Edessa; a princely fief, which he was worthy to receive, and able to maintain, announces the number of his martial followers; and after the departure of his cousin, Joscelin himself was invested with the county of Edessa on both sides of the Euphrates. By economy in peace, his territories were replenished with Latin and Syrian subjects; his magazines with corn, wine, and oil; his castles with gold and silver, with arms and horses. In a holy warfare of thirty years, he was alternately a conqueror and a captive: but he died like a soldier, in a horse litter at the head of his troops; and his last glance beheld the flight of the Turkish invaders who had presumed on his age and infirmities. His son and successor, of the same name, was less deficient in valor than in vigilance; but he sometimes forgot that dominion is acquired and maintained by the same arms. He challenged the hostility of the Turks, without securing the friendship of the prince of Antioch; and, amidst the peaceful luxury of Turbessel, in Syria, ^72 Joscelin neglected the defence of the Christian frontier beyond the Euphrates. In his absence, Zenghi, the first of the Atabeks, besieged and stormed his capital, Edessa, which was feebly defended by a timorous and disloyal crowd of Orientals: the Franks were oppressed in a bold attempt for its recovery, and Courtenay ended his days in the prison of Aleppo. He still left a fair and ample patrimony But the victorious Turks oppressed on all sides the weakness of a widow and orphan; and, for the equivalent of an annual pension, they resigned to the Greek emperor the charge of defending, and the shame of losing, the last relics of the Latin conquest. The countess-dowager of Edessa retired to Jerusalem with her two children; the daughter, Agnes, became the wife and mother of a king; the son, Joscelin the Third, accepted the office of seneschal, the first of the kingdom, and held his new estates in Palestine by the service of fifty knights. His name appears with honor in the transactions of peace and war; but he finally vanishes in the fall of Jerusalem; and the name of Courtenay, in this branch of Edessa, was lost by the marriage of his two daughters with a French and German baron. ^73

    [Footnote 71: The primitive record of the family is a passage of the continuator of Aimoin, a monk of Fleury, who wrote in the xiith century. See his Chronicle, in the Historians of France, (tom. xi. p. 276.)] [Footnote 72: Turbessel, or, as it is now styled, Telbesher, is fixed by D’Anville four-and-twenty miles from the great passage over the Euphrates at Zeugma.]

    [Footnote 73: His possessions are distinguished in the Assises of Jerusalem (c. B26) among the feudal tenures of the kingdom, which must therefore have been collected between the years 1153 and 1187. His pedigree may be found in the Lignages d’Outremer, c. 16.]

    1. While Joscelin reigned beyond the Euphrates, his elder brother Milo, the son of Joscelin, the son of Atho, continued, near the Seine, to possess the castle of their fathers, which was at length inherited by Rainaud, or Reginald, the youngest of his three sons. Examples of genius or virtue must be rare in the annals of the oldest families; and, in a remote age their pride will embrace a deed of rapine and violence; such, however, as could not be perpetrated without some superiority of courage, or, at least, of power. A descendant of Reginald of Courtenay may blush for the public robber, who stripped and imprisoned several merchants, after they had satisfied the king’s duties at Sens and Orleans. He will glory in the offence, since the bold offender could not be compelled to obedience and restitution, till the regent and the count of Champagne prepared to march against him at the head of an army. ^74 Reginald bestowed his estates on his eldest daughter, and his daughter on the seventh son of King Louis the Fat; and their marriage was crowned with a numerous offspring. We might expect that a private should have merged in a royal name; and that the descendants of Peter of France and Elizabeth of Courtenay would have enjoyed the titles and honors of princes of the blood. But this legitimate claim was long neglected, and finally denied; and the causes of their disgrace will represent the story of this second branch. 1. Of all the families now extant, the most ancient, doubtless, and the most illustrious, is the house of France, which has occupied the same throne above eight hundred years, and descends, in a clear and lineal series of males, from the middle of the ninth century. ^75 In the age of the crusades, it was already revered both in the East and West. But from Hugh Capet to the marriage of Peter, no more than five reigns or generations had elapsed; and so precarious was their title, that the eldest sons, as a necessary precaution, were previously crowned during the lifetime of their fathers. The peers of France have long maintained their precedency before the younger branches of the royal line, nor had the princes of the blood, in the twelfth century, acquired that hereditary lustre which is now diffused over the most remote candidates for the succession. 2. The barons of Courtenay must have stood high in their own estimation, and in that of the world, since they could impose on the son of a king the obligation of adopting for himself and all his descendants the name and arms of their daughter and his wife. In the marriage of an heiress with her inferior or her equal, such exchange often required and allowed: but as they continued to diverge from the regal stem, the sons of Louis the Fat were insensibly confounded with their maternal ancestors; and the new Courtenays might deserve to forfeit the honors of their birth, which a motive of interest had tempted them to renounce. 3. The shame was far more permanent than the reward, and a momentary blaze was followed by a long darkness. The eldest son of these nuptials, Peter of Courtenay, had married, as I have already mentioned, the sister of the counts of Flanders, the two first emperors of Constantinople: he rashly accepted the invitation of the barons of Romania; his two sons, Robert and Baldwin, successively held and lost the remains of the Latin empire in the East, and the granddaughter of Baldwin the Second again mingled her blood with the blood of France and of Valois. To support the expenses of a troubled and transitory reign, their patrimonial estates were mortgaged or sold: and the last emperors of Constantinople depended on the annual charity of Rome and Naples. [Footnote 74: The rapine and satisfaction of Reginald de Courtenay, are preposterously arranged in the Epistles of the abbot and regent Suger, (cxiv. cxvi.,) the best memorials of the age, (Duchesne, Scriptores Hist. Franc. tom. iv. p. 530.)]

    [Footnote 75: In the beginning of the xith century, after naming the father and grandfather of Hugh Capet, the monk Glaber is obliged to add, cujus genus valde in-ante reperitur obscurum. Yet we are assured that the great- grandfather of Hugh Capet was Robert the Strong count of Anjou, (A.D. 863 – 873,) a noble Frank of Neustria, Neustricus . . . generosae stirpis, who was slain in the defence of his country against the Normans, dum patriae fines tuebatur. Beyond Robert, all is conjecture or fable. It is a probable conjecture, that the third race descended from the second by Childebrand, the brother of Charles Martel. It is an absurd fable that the second was allied to the first by the marriage of Ansbert, a Roman senator and the ancestor of St. Arnoul, with Blitilde, a daughter of Clotaire I. The Saxon origin of the house of France is an ancient but incredible opinion. See a judicious memoir of M. de Foncemagne, (Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 548 – 579.) He had promised to declare his own opinion in a second memoir, which has never appeared.]

    While the elder brothers dissipated their wealth in romantic adventures, and the castle of Courtenay was profaned by a plebeian owner, the younger branches of that adopted name were propagated and multiplied. But their splendor was clouded by poverty and time: after the decease of Robert, great butler of France, they descended from princes to barons; the next generations were confounded with the simple gentry; the descendants of Hugh Capet could no longer be visible in the rural lords of Tanlay and of Champignelles. The more adventurous embraced without dishonor the profession of a soldier: the least active and opulent might sink, like their cousins of the branch of Dreux, into the condition of peasants.

    Their royal descent, in a dark period of four hundred years, became each day more obsolete and ambiguous; and their pedigree, instead of being enrolled in the annals of the kingdom, must be painfully searched by the minute diligence of heralds and genealogists. It was not till the end of the sixteenth century, on the accession of a family almost as remote as their own, that the princely spirit of the Courtenays again revived; and the question of the nobility provoked them to ascertain the royalty of their blood. They appealed to the justice and compassion of Henry the Fourth; obtained a favorable opinion from twenty lawyers of Italy and Germany, and modestly compared themselves to the descendants of King David, whose prerogatives were not impaired by the lapse of ages or the trade of a carpenter. ^76 But every ear was deaf, and every circumstance was adverse, to their lawful claims. The Bourbon kings were justified by the neglect of the Valois; the princes of the blood, more recent and lofty, disdained the alliance of his humble kindred: the parliament, without denying their proofs, eluded a dangerous precedent by an arbitrary distinction, and established St. Louis as the first father of the royal line. ^77 A repetition of complaints and protests was repeatedly disregarded; and the hopeless pursuit was terminated in the present century by the death of the last male of the family. ^78 Their painful and anxious situation was alleviated by the pride of conscious virtue: they sternly rejected the temptations of fortune and favor; and a dying Courtenay would have sacrificed his son, if the youth could have renounced, for any temporal interest, the right and title of a legitimate prince of the blood of France. ^79

    [Footnote 76: Of the various petitions, apologies, &c., published by the princes of Courtenay, I have seen the three following, all in octavo: 1. De Stirpe et Origine Domus de Courtenay: addita sunt Responsa celeberrimorum Europae Jurisconsultorum; Paris, 1607. 2. Representation du Procede tenu a l’instance faicte devant le Roi, par Messieurs de Courtenay, pour la conservation de l’Honneur et Dignite de leur Maison, branche de la royalle Maison de France; a Paris, 1613. 3. Representation du subject qui a porte Messieurs de Salles et de Fraville, de la Maison de Courtenay, a se retirer hors du Royaume, 1614. It was a homicide, for which the Courtenays expected to be pardoned, or tried, as princes of the blood.]

    [Footnote 77: The sense of the parliaments is thus expressed by Thuanus Principis nomen nusquam in Gallia tributum, nisi iis qui per mares e regibus nostris originem repetunt; qui nunc tantum a Ludovico none beatae memoriae numerantur; nam Cortinoei et Drocenses, a Ludovico crasso genus ducentes, hodie inter eos minime recensentur. A distinction of expediency rather than justice. The sanctity of Louis IX. could not invest him with any special prerogative, and all the descendants of Hugh Capet must be included in his original compact with the French nation.]

    [Footnote 78: The last male of the Courtenays was Charles Roger, who died in the year 1730, without leaving any sons. The last female was Helene de Courtenay, who married Louis de Beaufremont.

    Her title of Princesse du Sang Royal de France was suppressed (February 7th, 1737) by an arret of the parliament of Paris.]

    [Footnote 79: The singular anecdote to which I allude is related in the Recueil des Pieces interessantes et peu connues, (Maestricht, 1786, in 4 vols. 12mo.;) and the unknown editor quotes his author, who had received it from Helene de Courtenay, marquise de Beaufremont.]

    III. According to the old register of Ford Abbey, the Courtenays of Devonshire are descended from Prince Florus, the second son of Peter, and the grandson of Louis the Fat. ^80 This fable of the grateful or venal monks was too respectfully entertained by our antiquaries, Cambden ^81 and Dugdale: ^82 but it is so clearly repugnant to truth and time, that the rational pride of the family now refuses to accept this imaginary founder.

    Their most faithful historians believe, that, after giving his daughter to the king’s son, Reginald of Courtenay abandoned his possessions in France, and obtained from the English monarch a second wife and a new inheritance. It is certain, at least, that Henry the Second distinguished in his camps and councils a Reginald, of the name and arms, and, as it may be fairly presumed, of the genuine race, of the Courtenays of France. The right of wardship enabled a feudal lord to reward his vassal with the marriage and estate of a noble heiress; and Reginald of Courtenay acquired a fair establishment in Devonshire, where his posterity has been seated above six hundred years. ^83 From a Norman baron, Baldwin de Brioniis, who had been invested by the Conqueror, Hawise, the wife of Reginald, derived the honor of Okehampton, which was held by the service of ninety-three knights; and a female might claim the manly offices of hereditary viscount or sheriff, and of captain of the royal castle of Exeter. Their son Robert married the sister of the earl of Devon: at the end of a century, on the failure of the family of Rivers, ^84 his great-grandson, Hugh the Second, succeeded to a title which was still considered as a territorial dignity; and twelve earls of Devonshire, of the name of Courtenay, have flourished in a period of two hundred and twenty years. They were ranked among the chief of the barons of the realm; nor was it till after a strenuous dispute, that they yielded to the fief of Arundel the first place in the parliament of England: their alliances were contracted with the noblest families, the Veres, Despensers, St. Johns, Talbots, Bohuns, and even the Plantagenets themselves; and in a contest with John of Lancaster, a Courtenay, bishop of London, and afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, might be accused of profane confidence in the strength and number of his kindred. In peace, the earls of Devon resided in their numerous castles and manors of the west; their ample revenue was appropriated to devotion and hospitality; and the epitaph of Edward, surnamed from his misfortune, the blind, from his virtues, the good, earl, inculcates with much ingenuity a moral sentence, which may, however, be abused by thoughtless generosity. After a grateful commemoration of the fifty-five years of union and happiness which he enjoyed with Mabel his wife, the good earl thus speaks from the tomb: –

    “What we gave, we have; What we spent, we had; What we left, we lost.” ^85

    But their losses, in this sense, were far superior to their gifts and expenses; and their heirs, not less than the poor, were the objects of their paternal care. The sums which they paid for livery and seizin attest the greatness of their possessions; and several estates have remained in their family since the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In war, the Courtenays of England fulfilled the duties, and deserved the honors, of chivalry. They were often intrusted to levy and command the militia of Devonshire and Cornwall; they often attended their supreme lord to the borders of Scotland; and in foreign service, for a stipulated price, they sometimes maintained fourscore men-at-arms and as many archers. By sea and land they fought under the standard of the Edwards and Henries: their names are conspicuous in battles, in tournaments, and in the original list of the Order of the Garter; three brothers shared the Spanish victory of the Black Prince; and in the lapse of six generations, the English Courtenays had learned to despise the nation and country from which they derived their origin. In the quarrel of the two roses, the earls of Devon adhered to the house of Lancaster; and three brothers successively died either in the field or on the scaffold. Their honors and estates were restored by Henry the Seventh; a daughter of Edward the Fourth was not disgraced by the nuptials of a Courtenay; their son, who was created Marquis of Exeter, enjoyed the favor of his cousin Henry the Eighth; and in the camp of Cloth of Gold, he broke a lance against the French monarch. But the favor of Henry was the prelude of disgrace; his disgrace was the signal of death; and of the victims of the jealous tyrant, the marquis of Exeter is one of the most noble and guiltless. His son Edward lived a prisoner in the Tower, and died in exile at Padua; and the secret love of Queen Mary, whom he slighted, perhaps for the princess Elizabeth, has shed a romantic color on the story of this beautiful youth. The relics of his patrimony were conveyed into strange families by the marriages of his four aunts; and his

    personal honors, as if they had been legally extinct, were revived by the patents of succeeding princes. But there still survived a lineal descendant of Hugh, the first earl of Devon, a younger branch of the Courtenays, who have been seated at Powderham Castle above four hundred years, from the reign of Edward the Third to the present hour. Their estates have been increased by the grant and improvement of lands in Ireland, and they have been recently restored to the honors of the peerage. Yet the Courtenays still retain the plaintive motto, which asserts the innocence, and deplores the fall, of their ancient house. ^86 While they sigh for past greatness, they are doubtless sensible of present blessings: in the long series of the Courtenay annals, the most splendid aera is likewise the most unfortunate; nor can an opulent peer of Britain be inclined to envy the emperors of Constantinople, who wandered over Europe to solicit alms for the support of their dignity and the defence of their capital.

    [Footnote 80: Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. i. p. 786. Yet this fable must have been invented before the reign of Edward III. The profuse devotion of the three first generations to Ford Abbey was followed by oppression on one side and ingratitude on the other; and in the sixth generation, the monks ceased to register the births, actions, and deaths of their patrons.] [Footnote 81: In his Britannia, in the list of the earls of Devonshire. His expression, e regio sanguine ortos, credunt, betrays, however, some doubt or suspicion.]

    [Footnote 82: In his Baronage, P. i. p. 634, he refers to his own Monasticon. Should he not have corrected the register of Ford Abbey, and annihilated the phantom Florus, by the unquestionable evidence of the French historians?] [Footnote 83: Besides the third and most valuable book of Cleaveland’s History, I have consulted Dugdale, the father of our genealogical science, (Baronage, P. i. p. 634 – 643.)]

    [Footnote 84: This great family, de Ripuariis, de Redvers, de Rivers, ended, in Edward the Fifth’s time, in Isabella de Fortibus, a famous and potent dowager, who long survived her brother and husband, (Dugdale, Baronage, P i. p. 254 – 257.)]

    [Footnote 85: Cleaveland p. 142. By some it is assigned to a Rivers earl of Devon; but the English denotes the xvth, rather than the xiiith century.] [Footnote 86: Ubi lapsus!) Quid feci? a motto which was probably adopted by the Powderham branch, after the loss of the earldom of Devonshire, &c. The primitive arms of the Courtenays were, Or, three torteaux, Gules, which seem to denote their affinity with Godfrey of Bouillon, and the ancient counts of Boulogne.]

  • Edward Gibbon《History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire》LIV-LVIII

    Chapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.

    Part I. Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians. — Their Persecution By The Greek Emperors. — Revolt In Armenia &c. — Transplantation Into Thrace. — Propagation In The West. — The Seeds, Character, And Consequences Of The Reformation.

    In the profession of Christianity, the variety of national characters may be clearly distinguished. The natives of Syria and Egypt abandoned their lives to lazy and contemplative devotion: Rome again aspired to the dominion of the world; and the wit of the lively and loquacious Greeks was consumed in the disputes of metaphysical theology. The incomprehensible mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation, instead of commanding their silent submission, were agitated in vehement and subtile controversies, which enlarged their faith at the expense, perhaps, of their charity and reason. From the council of Nice to the end of the seventh century, the peace and unity of the church was invaded by these spiritual wars; and so deeply did they affect the decline and fall of the empire, that the historian has too often been compelled to attend the synods, to explore the creeds, and to enumerate the sects, of this busy period of ecclesiastical annals. From the beginning of the eighth century to the last ages of the Byzantine empire, the sound of controversy was seldom heard: curiosity was exhausted, zeal was fatigued, and, in the decrees of six councils, the articles of the Catholic faith had been irrevocably defined. The spirit of dispute, however vain and pernicious, requires some energy and exercise of the mental faculties; and the prostrate Greeks were content to fast, to pray, and to believe in blind obedience to the patriarch and his clergy. During a long dream of superstition, the Virgin and the Saints, their visions and miracles, their relics and images, were preached by the monks, and worshipped by the people; and the appellation of people might be extended, without injustice, to the first ranks of civil society. At an unseasonable moment, the Isaurian emperors attempted somewhat rudely to awaken their subjects: under their influence reason might obtain some proselytes, a far greater number was swayed by interest or fear; but the Eastern world embraced or deplored their visible deities, and the restoration of images was celebrated as the feast of orthodoxy. In this passive and unanimous state the ecclesiastical rulers were relieved from the toil, or deprived of the pleasure, of persecution. The Pagans had disappeared; the Jews were silent and obscure; the disputes with the Latins were rare and remote hostilities against a national enemy; and the sects of Egypt and Syria enjoyed a free toleration under the shadow of the Arabian caliphs. About the middle of the seventh century, a branch of Manichæans was selected as the victims of spiritual tyranny; their patience was at length exasperated to despair and rebellion; and their exile has scattered over the West the seeds of reformation. These important events will justify some inquiry into the doctrine and story of the Paulicians; and, as they cannot plead for themselves, our candid criticism will magnify the good, and abate or suspect the evil, that is reported by their adversaries.

    The Gnostics, who had distracted the infancy, were oppressed by the greatness and authority, of the church. Instead of emulating or surpassing the wealth, learning, and numbers of the Catholics, their obscure remnant was driven from the capitals of the East and West, and confined to the villages and mountains along the borders of the Euphrates. Some vestige of the Marcionites may be detected in the fifth century; but the numerous sects were finally lost in the odious name of the Manichæans; and these heretics, who presumed to reconcile the doctrines of Zoroaster and Christ, were pursued by the two religions with equal and unrelenting hatred. Under the grandson of Heraclius, in the neighborhood of Samosata, more famous for the birth of Lucian than for the title of a Syrian kingdom, a reformer arose, esteemed by the Paulicians as the chosen messenger of truth. In his humble dwelling of Mananalis, Constantine entertained a deacon, who returned from Syrian captivity, and received the inestimable gift of the New Testament, which was already concealed from the vulgar by the prudence of the Greek, and perhaps of the Gnostic, clergy. These books became the measure of his studies and the rule of his faith; and the Catholics, who dispute his interpretation, acknowledge that his text was genuine and sincere. But he attached himself with peculiar devotion to the writings and character of St. Paul: the name of the Paulicians is derived by their enemies from some unknown and domestic teacher; but I am confident that they gloried in their affinity to the apostle of the Gentiles. His disciples, Titus, Timothy, Sylvanus, Tychicus, were represented by Constantine and his fellow-laborers: the names of the apostolic churches were applied to the congregations which they assembled in Armenia and Cappadocia; and this innocent allegory revived the example and memory of the first ages. In the Gospel, and the Epistles of St. Paul, his faithful follower investigated the Creed of primitive Christianity; and, whatever might be the success, a Protestant reader will applaud the spirit, of the inquiry. But if the Scriptures of the Paulicians were pure, they were not perfect. Their founders rejected the two Epistles of St. Peter, the apostle of the circumcision, whose dispute with their favorite for the observance of the law could not easily be forgiven. They agreed with their Gnostic brethren in the universal contempt for the Old Testament, the books of Moses and the prophets, which have been consecrated by the decrees of the Catholic church. With equal boldness, and doubtless with more reason, Constantine, the new Sylvanus, disclaimed the visions, which, in so many bulky and splendid volumes, had been published by the Oriental sects; the fabulous productions of the Hebrew patriarchs and the sages of the East; the spurious gospels, epistles, and acts, which in the first age had overwhelmed the orthodox code; the theology of Manes, and the authors of the kindred heresies; and the thirty generations, or æons, which had been created by the fruitful fancy of Valentine. The Paulicians sincerely condemned the memory and opinions of the Manichæan sect, and complained of the injustice which impressed that invidious name on the simple votaries of St. Paul and of Christ.

    Of the ecclesiastical chain, many links had been broken by the Paulician reformers; and their liberty was enlarged, as they reduced the number of masters, at whose voice profane reason must bow to mystery and miracle. The early separation of the Gnostics had preceded the establishment of the Catholic worship; and against the gradual innovations of discipline and doctrine they were as strongly guarded by habit and aversion, as by the silence of St. Paul and the evangelists. The objects which had been transformed by the magic of superstition, appeared to the eyes of the Paulicians in their genuine and naked colors. An image made without hands was the common workmanship of a mortal artist, to whose skill alone the wood and canvas must be indebted for their merit or value. The miraculous relics were a heap of bones and ashes, destitute of life or virtue, or of any relation, perhaps, with the person to whom they were ascribed. The true and vivifying cross was a piece of sound or rotten timber, the body and blood of Christ, a loaf of bread and a cup of wine, the gifts of nature and the symbols of grace. The mother of God was degraded from her celestial honors and immaculate virginity; and the saints and angels were no longer solicited to exercise the laborious office of meditation in heaven, and ministry upon earth. In the practice, or at least in the theory, of the sacraments, the Paulicians were inclined to abolish all visible objects of worship, and the words of the gospel were, in their judgment, the baptism and communion of the faithful. They indulged a convenient latitude for the interpretation of Scripture: and as often as they were pressed by the literal sense, they could escape to the intricate mazes of figure and allegory. Their utmost diligence must have been employed to dissolve the connection between the Old and the New Testament; since they adored the latter as the oracles of God, and abhorred the former as the fabulous and absurd invention of men or dæmons. We cannot be surprised, that they should have found in the Gospel the orthodox mystery of the Trinity: but, instead of confessing the human nature and substantial sufferings of Christ, they amused their fancy with a celestial body that passed through the virgin like water through a pipe; with a fantastic crucifixion, that eluded the vain and important malice of the Jews. A creed thus simple and spiritual was not adapted to the genius of the times; and the rational Christian, who might have been contented with the light yoke and easy burden of Jesus and his apostles, was justly offended, that the Paulicians should dare to violate the unity of God, the first article of natural and revealed religion. Their belief and their trust was in the Father, of Christ, of the human soul, and of the invisible world. But they likewise held the eternity of matter; a stubborn and rebellious substance, the origin of a second principle of an active being, who has created this visible world, and exercises his temporal reign till the final consummation of death and sin. The appearances of moral and physical evil had established the two principles in the ancient philosophy and religion of the East; from whence this doctrine was transfused to the various swarms of the Gnostics. A thousand shades may be devised in the nature and character of Ahriman, from a rival god to a subordinate dæmon, from passion and frailty to pure and perfect malevolence: but, in spite of our efforts, the goodness, and the power, of Ormusd are placed at the opposite extremities of the line; and every step that approaches the one must recede in equal proportion from the other.

    The apostolic labors of Constantine Sylvanus soon multiplied the number of his disciples, the secret recompense of spiritual ambition. The remnant of the Gnostic sects, and especially the Manichæans of Armenia, were united under his standard; many Catholics were converted or seduced by his arguments; and he preached with success in the regions of Pontus and Cappadocia, which had long since imbibed the religion of Zoroaster. The Paulician teachers were distinguished only by their Scriptural names, by the modest title of Fellow-pilgrims, by the austerity of their lives, their zeal or knowledge, and the credit of some extraordinary gifts of the Holy Spirit. But they were incapable of desiring, or at least of obtaining, the wealth and honors of the Catholic prelacy; such anti-Christian pride they bitterly censured; and even the rank of elders or presbyters was condemned as an institution of the Jewish synagogue. The new sect was loosely spread over the provinces of Asia Minor to the westward of the Euphrates; six of their principal congregations represented the churches to which St. Paul had addressed his epistles; and their founder chose his residence in the neighborhood of Colonia, in the same district of Pontus which had been celebrated by the altars of Bellona and the miracles of Gregory. After a mission of twenty-seven years, Sylvanus, who had retired from the tolerating government of the Arabs, fell a sacrifice to Roman persecution. The laws of the pious emperors, which seldom touched the lives of less odious heretics, proscribed without mercy or disguise the tenets, the books, and the persons of the Montanists and Manichæans: the books were delivered to the flames; and all who should presume to secrete such writings, or to profess such opinions, were devoted to an ignominious death. A Greek minister, armed with legal and military powers, appeared at Colonia to strike the shepherd, and to reclaim, if possible, the lost sheep. By a refinement of cruelty, Simeon placed the unfortunate Sylvanus before a line of his disciples, who were commanded, as the price of their pardon and the proof of their repentance, to massacre their spiritual father. They turned aside from the impious office; the stones dropped from their filial hands, and of the whole number, only one executioner could be found, a new David, as he is styled by the Catholics, who boldly overthrew the giant of heresy. This apostate (Justin was his name) again deceived and betrayed his unsuspecting brethren, and a new conformity to the acts of St. Paul may be found in the conversion of Simeon: like the apostle, he embraced the doctrine which he had been sent to persecute, renounced his honors and fortunes, and required among the Paulicians the fame of a missionary and a martyr. They were not ambitious of martyrdom, but in a calamitous period of one hundred and fifty years, their patience sustained whatever zeal could inflict; and power was insufficient to eradicate the obstinate vegetation of fanaticism and reason. From the blood and ashes of the first victims, a succession of teachers and congregations repeatedly arose: amidst their foreign hostilities, they found leisure for domestic quarrels: they preached, they disputed, they suffered; and the virtues, the apparent virtues, of Sergius, in a pilgrimage of thirty-three years, are reluctantly confessed by the orthodox historians. The native cruelty of Justinian the Second was stimulated by a pious cause; and he vainly hoped to extinguish, in a single conflagration, the name and memory of the Paulicians. By their primitive simplicity, their abhorrence of popular superstition, the Iconoclast princes might have been reconciled to some erroneous doctrines; but they themselves were exposed to the calumnies of the monks, and they chose to be the tyrants, lest they should be accused as the accomplices, of the Manichæans. Such a reproach has sullied the clemency of Nicephorus, who relaxed in their favor the severity of the penal statutes, nor will his character sustain the honor of a more liberal motive. The feeble Michael the First, the rigid Leo the Armenian, were foremost in the race of persecution; but the prize must doubtless be adjudged to the sanguinary devotion of Theodora, who restored the images to the Oriental church. Her inquisitors explored the cities and mountains of the Lesser Asia, and the flatterers of the empress have affirmed that, in a short reign, one hundred thousand Paulicians were extirpated by the sword, the gibbet, or the flames. Her guilt or merit has perhaps been stretched beyond the measure of truth: but if the account be allowed, it must be presumed that many simple Iconoclasts were punished under a more odious name; and that some who were driven from the church, unwillingly took refuge in the bosom of heresy.

    The most furious and desperate of rebels are the sectaries of a religion long persecuted, and at length provoked. In a holy cause they are no longer susceptible of fear or remorse: the justice of their arms hardens them against the feelings of humanity; and they revenge their fathers’ wrongs on the children of their tyrants. Such have been the Hussites of Bohemia and the Calvinists of France, and such, in the ninth century, were the Paulicians of Armenia and the adjacent provinces. They were first awakened to the massacre of a governor and bishop, who exercised the Imperial mandate of converting or destroying the heretics; and the deepest recesses of Mount Argæus protected their independence and revenge. A more dangerous and consuming flame was kindled by the persecution of Theodora, and the revolt of Carbeas, a valiant Paulician, who commanded the guards of the general of the East. His father had been impaled by the Catholic inquisitors; and religion, or at least nature, might justify his desertion and revenge. Five thousand of his brethren were united by the same motives; they renounced the allegiance of anti-Christian Rome; a Saracen emir introduced Carbeas to the caliph; and the commander of the faithful extended his sceptre to the implacable enemy of the Greeks. In the mountains between Siwas and Trebizond he founded or fortified the city of Tephrice, which is still occupied by a fierce or licentious people, and the neighboring hills were covered with the Paulician fugitives, who now reconciled the use of the Bible and the sword. During more than thirty years, Asia was afflicted by the calamities of foreign and domestic war; in their hostile inroads, the disciples of St. Paul were joined with those of Mahomet; and the peaceful Christians, the aged parent and tender virgin, who were delivered into barbarous servitude, might justly accuse the intolerant spirit of their sovereign. So urgent was the mischief, so intolerable the shame, that even the dissolute Michael, the son of Theodora, was compelled to march in person against the Paulicians: he was defeated under the walls of Samosata; and the Roman emperor fled before the heretics whom his mother had condemned to the flames. The Saracens fought under the same banners, but the victory was ascribed to Carbeas; and the captive generals, with more than a hundred tribunes, were either released by his avarice, or tortured by his fanaticism. The valor and ambition of Chrysocheir, his successor, embraced a wider circle of rapine and revenge. In alliance with his faithful Moslems, he boldly penetrated into the heart of Asia; the troops of the frontier and the palace were repeatedly overthrown; the edicts of persecution were answered by the pillage of Nice and Nicomedia, of Ancyra and Ephesus; nor could the apostle St. John protect from violation his city and sepulchre. The cathedral of Ephesus was turned into a stable for mules and horses; and the Paulicians vied with the Saracens in their contempt and abhorrence of images and relics. It is not unpleasing to observe the triumph of rebellion over the same despotism which had disdained the prayers of an injured people. The emperor Basil, the Macedonian, was reduced to sue for peace, to offer a ransom for the captives, and to request, in the language of moderation and charity, that Chrysocheir would spare his fellow-Christians, and content himself with a royal donative of gold and silver and silk garments. “If the emperor,” replied the insolent fanatic, “be desirous of peace, let him abdicate the East, and reign without molestation in the West. If he refuse, the servants of the Lord will precipitate him from the throne.” The reluctant Basil suspended the treaty, accepted the defiance, and led his army into the land of heresy, which he wasted with fire and sword. The open country of the Paulicians was exposed to the same calamities which they had inflicted; but when he had explored the strength of Tephrice, the multitude of the Barbarians, and the ample magazines of arms and provisions, he desisted with a sigh from the hopeless siege. On his return to Constantinople, he labored, by the foundation of convents and churches, to secure the aid of his celestial patrons, of Michael the archangel and the prophet Elijah; and it was his daily prayer that he might live to transpierce, with three arrows, the head of his impious adversary. Beyond his expectations, the wish was accomplished: after a successful inroad, Chrysocheir was surprised and slain in his retreat; and the rebel’s head was triumphantly presented at the foot of the throne. On the reception of this welcome trophy, Basil instantly called for his bow, discharged three arrows with unerring aim, and accepted the applause of the court, who hailed the victory of the royal archer. With Chrysocheir, the glory of the Paulicians faded and withered: on the second expedition of the emperor, the impregnable Tephrice, was deserted by the heretics, who sued for mercy or escaped to the borders. The city was ruined, but the spirit of independence survived in the mountains: the Paulicians defended, above a century, their religion and liberty, infested the Roman limits, and maintained their perpetual alliance with the enemies of the empire and the gospel.

    Chapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians. Part II.

    About the middle of the eight century, Constantine, surnamed Copronymus by the worshippers of images, had made an expedition into Armenia, and found, in the cities of Melitene and Theodosiopolis, a great number of Paulicians, his kindred heretics. As a favor, or punishment, he transplanted them from the banks of the Euphrates to Constantinople and Thrace; and by this emigration their doctrine was introduced and diffused in Europe. If the sectaries of the metropolis were soon mingled with the promiscuous mass, those of the country struck a deep root in a foreign soil. The Paulicians of Thrace resisted the storms of persecution, maintained a secret correspondence with their Armenian brethren, and gave aid and comfort to their preachers, who solicited, not without success, the infant faith of the Bulgarians. In the tenth century, they were restored and multiplied by a more powerful colony, which John Zimisces transported from the Chalybian hills to the valleys of Mount Hæmus. The Oriental clergy who would have preferred the destruction, impatiently sighed for the absence, of the Manichæans: the warlike emperor had felt and esteemed their valor: their attachment to the Saracens was pregnant with mischief; but, on the side of the Danube, against the Barbarians of Scythia, their service might be useful, and their loss would be desirable. Their exile in a distant land was softened by a free toleration: the Paulicians held the city of Philippopolis and the keys of Thrace; the Catholics were their subjects; the Jacobite emigrants their associates: they occupied a line of villages and castles in Macedonia and Epirus; and many native Bulgarians were associated to the communion of arms and heresy. As long as they were awed by power and treated with moderation, their voluntary bands were distinguished in the armies of the empire; and the courage of these dogs, ever greedy of war, ever thirsty of human blood, is noticed with astonishment, and almost with reproach, by the pusillanimous Greeks. The same spirit rendered them arrogant and contumacious: they were easily provoked by caprice or injury; and their privileges were often violated by the faithless bigotry of the government and clergy. In the midst of the Norman war, two thousand five hundred Manichæans deserted the standard of Alexius Comnenus, and retired to their native homes. He dissembled till the moment of revenge; invited the chiefs to a friendly conference; and punished the innocent and guilty by imprisonment, confiscation, and baptism. In an interval of peace, the emperor undertook the pious office of reconciling them to the church and state: his winter quarters were fixed at Philippopolis; and the thirteenth apostle, as he is styled by his pious daughter, consumed whole days and nights in theological controversy. His arguments were fortified, their obstinacy was melted, by the honors and rewards which he bestowed on the most eminent proselytes; and a new city, surrounded with gardens, enriched with immunities, and dignified with his own name, was founded by Alexius for the residence of his vulgar converts. The important station of Philippopolis was wrested from their hands; the contumacious leaders were secured in a dungeon, or banished from their country; and their lives were spared by the prudence, rather than the mercy, of an emperor, at whose command a poor and solitary heretic was burnt alive before the church of St. Sophia. But the proud hope of eradicating the prejudices of a nation was speedily overturned by the invincible zeal of the Paulicians, who ceased to dissemble or refused to obey. After the departure and death of Alexius, they soon resumed their civil and religious laws. In the beginning of the thirteenth century, their pope or primate (a manifest corruption) resided on the confines of Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, and governed, by his vicars, the filial congregations of Italy and France. From that æra, a minute scrutiny might prolong and perpetuate the chain of tradition. At the end of the last age, the sect or colony still inhabited the valleys of Mount Hæmus, where their ignorance and poverty were more frequently tormented by the Greek clergy than by the Turkish government. The modern Paulicians have lost all memory of their origin; and their religion is disgraced by the worship of the cross, and the practice of bloody sacrifice, which some captives have imported from the wilds of Tartary.

    In the West, the first teachers of the Manichæan theology had been repulsed by the people, or suppressed by the prince. The favor and success of the Paulicians in the eleventh and twelfth centuries must be imputed to the strong, though secret, discontent which armed the most pious Christians against the church of Rome. Her avarice was oppressive, her despotism odious; less degenerate perhaps than the Greeks in the worship of saints and images, her innovations were more rapid and scandalous: she had rigorously defined and imposed the doctrine of transubstantiation: the lives of the Latin clergy were more corrupt, and the Eastern bishops might pass for the successors of the apostles, if they were compared with the lordly prelates, who wielded by turns the crosier, the sceptre, and the sword. Three different roads might introduce the Paulicians into the heart of Europe. After the conversion of Hungary, the pilgrims who visited Jerusalem might safely follow the course of the Danube: in their journey and return they passed through Philippopolis; and the sectaries, disguising their name and heresy, might accompany the French or German caravans to their respective countries. The trade and dominion of Venice pervaded the coast of the Adriatic, and the hospitable republic opened her bosom to foreigners of every climate and religion. Under the Byzantine standard, the Paulicians were often transported to the Greek provinces of Italy and Sicily: in peace and war, they freely conversed with strangers and natives, and their opinions were silently propagated in Rome, Milan, and the kingdoms beyond the Alps. It was soon discovered, that many thousand Catholics of every rank, and of either sex, had embraced the Manichæan heresy; and the flames which consumed twelve canons of Orleans was the first act and signal of persecution. The Bulgarians, a name so innocent in its origin, so odious in its application, spread their branches over the face of Europe. United in common hatred of idolatry and Rome, they were connected by a form of episcopal and presbyterian government; their various sects were discriminated by some fainter or darker shades of theology; but they generally agreed in the two principles, the contempt of the Old Testament and the denial of the body of Christ, either on the cross or in the eucharist. A confession of simple worship and blameless manners is extorted from their enemies; and so high was their standard of perfection, that the increasing congregations were divided into two classes of disciples, of those who practised, and of those who aspired. It was in the country of the Albigeois, in the southern provinces of France, that the Paulicians were most deeply implanted; and the same vicissitudes of martyrdom and revenge which had been displayed in the neighborhood of the Euphrates, were repeated in the thirteenth century on the banks of the Rhone. The laws of the Eastern emperors were revived by Frederic the Second. The insurgents of Tephrice were represented by the barons and cities of Languedoc: Pope Innocent III. surpassed the sanguinary fame of Theodora. It was in cruelty alone that her soldiers could equal the heroes of the Crusades, and the cruelty of her priests was far excelled by the founders of the Inquisition; an office more adapted to confirm, than to refute, the belief of an evil principle. The visible assemblies of the Paulicians, or Albigeois, were extirpated by fire and sword; and the bleeding remnant escaped by flight, concealment, or Catholic conformity. But the invincible spirit which they had kindled still lived and breathed in the Western world. In the state, in the church, and even in the cloister, a latent succession was preserved of the disciples of St. Paul; who protested against the tyranny of Rome, embraced the Bible as the rule of faith, and purified their creed from all the visions of the Gnostic theology. * The struggles of Wickliff in England, of Huss in Bohemia, were premature and ineffectual; but the names of Zuinglius, Luther, and Calvin, are pronounced with gratitude as the deliverers of nations.

    A philosopher, who calculates the degree of their merit and the value of their reformation, will prudently ask from what articles of faith, above or against our reason, they have enfranchised the Christians; for such enfranchisement is doubtless a benefit so far as it may be compatible with truth and piety. After a fair discussion, we shall rather be surprised by the timidity, than scandalized by the freedom, of our first reformers. With the Jews, they adopted the belief and defence of all the Hebrew Scriptures, with all their prodigies, from the garden of Eden to the visions of the prophet Daniel; and they were bound, like the Catholics, to justify against the Jews the abolition of a divine law. In the great mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation the reformers were severely orthodox: they freely adopted the theology of the four, or the six first councils; and with the Athanasian creed, they pronounced the eternal damnation of all who did not believe the Catholic faith. Transubstantiation, the invisible change of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, is a tenet that may defy the power of argument and pleasantry; but instead of consulting the evidence of their senses, of their sight, their feeling, and their taste, the first Protestants were entangled in their own scruples, and awed by the words of Jesus in the institution of the sacrament. Luther maintained a corporeal, and Calvin a real, presence of Christ in the eucharist; and the opinion of Zuinglius, that it is no more than a spiritual communion, a simple memorial, has slowly prevailed in the reformed churches. But the loss of one mystery was amply compensated by the stupendous doctrines of original sin, redemption, faith, grace, and predestination, which have been strained from the epistles of St. Paul. These subtile questions had most assuredly been prepared by the fathers and schoolmen; but the final improvement and popular use may be attributed to the first reformers, who enforced them as the absolute and essential terms of salvation. Hitherto the weight of supernatural belief inclines against the Protestants; and many a sober Christian would rather admit that a wafer is God, than that God is a cruel and capricious tyrant.

    Yet the services of Luther and his rivals are solid and important; and the philosopher must own his obligations to these fearless enthusiasts. I. By their hands the lofty fabric of superstition, from the abuse of indulgences to the intercession of the Virgin, has been levelled with the ground. Myriads of both sexes of the monastic profession were restored to the liberty and labors of social life. A hierarchy of saints and angels, of imperfect and subordinate deities, were stripped of their temporal power, and reduced to the enjoyment of celestial happiness; their images and relics were banished from the church; and the credulity of the people was no longer nourished with the daily repetition of miracles and visions. The imitation of Paganism was supplied by a pure and spiritual worship of prayer and thanksgiving, the most worthy of man, the least unworthy of the Deity. It only remains to observe, whether such sublime simplicity be consistent with popular devotion; whether the vulgar, in the absence of all visible objects, will not be inflamed by enthusiasm, or insensibly subside in languor and indifference. II. The chain of authority was broken, which restrains the bigot from thinking as he pleases, and the slave from speaking as he thinks: the popes, fathers, and councils, were no longer the supreme and infallible judges of the world; and each Christian was taught to acknowledge no law but the Scriptures, no interpreter but his own conscience. This freedom, however, was the consequence, rather than the design, of the Reformation. The patriot reformers were ambitious of succeeding the tyrants whom they had dethroned. They imposed with equal rigor their creeds and confessions; they asserted the right of the magistrate to punish heretics with death. The pious or personal animosity of Calvin proscribed in Servetus the guilt of his own rebellion; and the flames of Smithfield, in which he was afterwards consumed, had been kindled for the Anabaptists by the zeal of Cranmer. The nature of the tiger was the same, but he was gradually deprived of his teeth and fangs. A spiritual and temporal kingdom was possessed by the Roman pontiff; the Protestant doctors were subjects of an humble rank, without revenue or jurisdiction. Hisdecrees were consecrated by the antiquity of the Catholic church: their arguments and disputes were submitted to the people; and their appeal to private judgment was accepted beyond their wishes, by curiosity and enthusiasm. Since the days of Luther and Calvin, a secret reformation has been silently working in the bosom of the reformed churches; many weeds of prejudice were eradicated; and the disciples of Erasmus diffused a spirit of freedom and moderation. The liberty of conscience has been claimed as a common benefit, an inalienable right: the free governments of Holland and England introduced the practice of toleration; and the narrow allowance of the laws has been enlarged by the prudence and humanity of the times. In the exercise, the mind has understood the limits of its powers, and the words and shadows that might amuse the child can no longer satisfy his manly reason. The volumes of controversy are overspread with cobwebs: the doctrine of a Protestant church is far removed from the knowledge or belief of its private members; and the forms of orthodoxy, the articles of faith, are subscribed with a sigh, or a smile, by the modern clergy. Yet the friends of Christianity are alarmed at the boundless impulse of inquiry and scepticism. The predictions of the Catholics are accomplished: the web of mystery is unravelled by the Arminians, Arians, and Socinians, whose number must not be computed from their separate congregations; and the pillars of Revelation are shaken by those men who preserve the name without the substance of religion, who indulge the license without the temper of philosophy. *

    Chapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.Part I

    The Bulgarians. — Origin, Migrations, And Settlement Of The Hungarians. — Their Inroads In The East And West. — The Monarchy Of Russia. — Geography And Trade. — Wars Of The Russians Against The Greek Empire. — Conversion Of The Barbarians.

    Under the reign of Constantine the grandson of Heraclius, the ancient barrier of the Danube, so often violated and so often restored, was irretrievably swept away by a new deluge of Barbarians. Their progress was favored by the caliphs, their unknown and accidental auxiliaries: the Roman legions were occupied in Asia; and after the loss of Syria, Egypt, and Africa, the Cæsars were twice reduced to the danger and disgrace of defending their capital against the Saracens. If, in the account of this interesting people, I have deviated from the strict and original line of my undertaking, the merit of the subject will hide my transgression, or solicit my excuse. In the East, in the West, in war, in religion, in science, in their prosperity, and in their decay, the Arabians press themselves on our curiosity: the first overthrow of the church and empire of the Greeks may be imputed to their arms; and the disciples of Mahomet still hold the civil and religious sceptre of the Oriental world. But the same labor would be unworthily bestowed on the swarms of savages, who, between the seventh and the twelfth century, descended from the plains of Scythia, in transient

    inroad or perpetual emigration. Their names are uncouth, their origins doubtful, their actions obscure, their superstition was blind, their valor brutal, and the uniformity of their public and private lives was neither softened by innocence nor refined by policy. The majesty of the Byzantine throne repelled and survived their disorderly attacks; the greater part of these Barbarians has disappeared without leaving any memorial of their existence, and the despicable remnant continues, and may long continue, to groan under the dominion of a foreign tyrant. From the antiquities of, I. Bulgarians, II. Hungarians, and, III. Russians, I shall content myself with selecting such facts as yet deserve to be remembered. The conquests of the, IV. Normans, and the monarchy of the, V. Turks, will naturally terminate in the memorable Crusades to the Holy Land, and the double fall of the city and empire of Constantine.

    1. In his march to Italy, Theodoric the Ostrogoth had trampled on the arms of the Bulgarians. After this defeat, the name and the nation are lost during a century and a half; and it may be suspected that the same or a similar appellation was revived by strange colonies from the Borysthenes, the Tanais, or the Volga. A king of the ancient Bulgaria bequeathed to his five sons a last lesson of moderation and concord. It was received as youth has ever received the counsels of age and experience: the five princes buried their father; divided his subjects and cattle; forgot his advice; separated from each other; and wandered in quest of fortune till we find the most adventurous in the heart of Italy, under the protection of the exarch of Ravenna. But the stream of emigration was directed or impelled towards the capital. The modern Bulgaria, along the southern banks of the Danube, was stamped with the name and image which it has retained to the present hour: the new conquerors successively acquired, by war or treaty, the Roman provinces of Dardania, Thessaly, and the two Epirus; the ecclesiastical supremacy was translated from the native city of Justinian; and, in their prosperous age, the obscure town of Lychnidus, or Achrida, was honored with the throne of a king and a patriarch. The unquestionable evidence of language

    attests the descent of the Bulgarians from the original stock of the Sclavonian, or more properly Slavonian, race; and the kindred bands of Servians, Bosnians, Rascians, Croatians, Walachians, &c., followed either the standard or the example of the leading tribe. From the Euxine to the Adriatic, in the state of captives, or subjects, or allies, or enemies, of the Greek empire, they overspread the land; and the national appellation of the slaves has been degraded by chance or malice from the signification of glory to that of servitude. Among these colonies, the Chrobatians, or Croats, who now attend the motions of an Austrian army, are the descendants of a mighty people, the conquerors and sovereigns of Dalmatia. The maritime cities, and of these the infant republic of Ragusa, implored the aid and instructions of the Byzantine court: they were advised by the magnanimous Basil to reserve a small acknowledgment of their fidelity to the Roman empire, and to appease, by an annual tribute, the wrath of these irresistible Barbarians. The kingdom of Croatia was shared by eleven Zoupans, or feudatory lords; and their united forces were numbered at sixty thousand horse and one hundred thousand foot. A long sea-coast, indented with capacious harbors, covered with a string of islands, and almost in sight of the Italian shores, disposed both the natives and strangers to the practice of navigation. The boats or brigantines of the Croats were constructed after the fashion of the old Liburnians: one hundred and eighty vessels may excite the idea of a respectable navy; but our seamen will smile at the allowance of ten, or twenty, or forty, men for each of these ships of war. They were gradually converted to the more honorable service of commerce; yet the Sclavonian pirates were still frequent and dangerous; and it was not before the close of the tenth century that the freedom and sovereignty of the Gulf were effectually vindicated by the Venetian republic. The ancestors of these Dalmatian kings were equally removed from the use and abuse of navigation: they dwelt in the White Croatia, in the inland regions of Silesia and Little Poland, thirty days’ journey, according to the Greek computation, from the sea of darkness.

    The glory of the Bulgarians was confined to a narrow scope both of time and place. In the ninth and tenth centuries, they reigned to the south of the Danube; but the more powerful nations that had followed their emigration repelled all return to the north and all progress to the west. Yet in the obscure catalogue of their exploits, they might boast an honor which had hitherto been appropriated to the Goths: that of slaying in battle one of the successors of Augustus and Constantine. The emperor Nicephorus had lost his fame in the Arabian, he lost his life in the Sclavonian, war. In his first operations he advanced with boldness and success into the centre of Bulgaria, and burnt the royal court, which was probably no more than an edifice and village of timber. But while he searched the spoil and refused all offers of treaty, his enemies collected their spirits and their forces: the passes of retreat were insuperably barred; and the trembling Nicephorus was heard to exclaim, “Alas, alas! unless we could assume the wings of birds, we cannot hope to escape.” Two days he waited his fate in the inactivity of despair; but, on the morning of the third, the Bulgarians surprised the camp, and the Roman prince, with the great officers of the empire, were slaughtered in their tents. The body of Valens had been saved from insult; but the head of Nicephorus was exposed on a spear, and his skull, enchased with gold, was often replenished in the feasts of victory. The Greeks bewailed the dishonor of the throne; but they acknowledged the just punishment of avarice and cruelty. This savage cup was deeply tinctured with the manners of the Scythian wilderness; but they were softened before the end of the same century by a peaceful intercourse with the Greeks, the possession of a cultivated region, and the introduction of the Christian worship. The nobles of Bulgaria were educated in the schools and palace of Constantinople; and Simeon, a youth of the royal line, was instructed in the rhetoric of Demosthenes and the logic of Aristotle. He relinquished the profession of a monk for that of a king and warrior; and in his reign of more than forty years, Bulgaria assumed a rank among the civilized powers of the earth. The Greeks, whom he repeatedly attacked, derived a faint consolation from indulging

    themselves in the reproaches of perfidy and sacrilege. They purchased the aid of the Pagan Turks; but Simeon, in a second battle, redeemed the loss of the first, at a time when it was esteemed a victory to elude the arms of that formidable nation. The Servians were overthrown, made captive and dispersed; and those who visited the country before their restoration could discover no more than fifty vagrants, without women or children, who extorted a precarious subsistence from the chase. On classic ground, on the banks of Achelöus, the Greeks were defeated; their horn was broken by the strength of the Barbaric Hercules. He formed the siege of Constantinople; and, in a personal conference with the emperor, Simeon imposed the conditions of peace. They met with the most jealous precautions: the royal gallery was drawn close to an artificial and well-fortified platform; and the majesty of the purple was emulated by the pomp of the Bulgarian. “Are you a Christian?” said the humble Romanus: “it is your duty to abstain from the blood of your fellow-Christians. Has the thirst of riches seduced you from the blessings of peace? Sheathe your sword, open your hand, and I will satiate the utmost measure of your desires.” The reconciliation was sealed by a domestic alliance; the freedom of trade was granted or restored; the first honors of the court were secured to the friends of Bulgaria, above the ambassadors of enemies or strangers; and her princes were dignified with the high and invidious title of Basileus, or emperor. But this friendship was soon disturbed: after the death of Simeon, the nations were again in arms; his feeble successors were divided and extinguished; and, in the beginning of the eleventh century, the second Basil, who was born in the purple, deserved the appellation of conqueror of the Bulgarians. His avarice was in some measure gratified by a treasure of four hundred thousand pounds sterling, (ten thousand pounds’ weight of gold,) which he found in the palace of Lychnidus. His cruelty inflicted a cool and exquisite vengeance on fifteen thousand captives who had been guilty of the defence of their country. They were deprived of sight; but to one of each hundred a single eye was left, that he might conduct his blind century to the presence of their king. Their

    king is said to have expired of grief and horror; the nation was awed by this terrible example; the Bulgarians were swept away from their settlements, and circumscribed within a narrow province; the surviving chiefs bequeathed to their children the advice of patience and the duty of revenge.

    1. When the black swarm of Hungarians first hung over Europe, above nine hundred years after the Christian æra, they were mistaken by fear and superstition for the Gog and Magog of the Scriptures, the signs and forerunners of the end of the world. Since the introduction of letters, they have explored their own antiquities with a strong and laudable impulse of patriotic curiosity. Their rational criticism can no longer be amused with a vain pedigree of Attila and the Huns; but they complain that their primitive records have perished in the Tartar war; that the truth or fiction of their rustic songs is long since forgotten; and that the fragments of a rude chronicle must be painfully reconciled with the contemporary though foreign intelligence of the imperial geographer. Magiar is the national and oriental denomination of the Hungarians; but, among the tribes of Scythia, they are distinguished by the Greeks under the proper and peculiar name of Turks, as the descendants of that mighty people who had conquered and reigned from China to the Volga. The Pannonian colony preserved a correspondence of trade and amity with the eastern Turks on the confines of Persia and after a separation of three hundred and fifty years, the missionaries of the king of Hungary discovered and visited their ancient country near the banks of the Volga. They were hospitably entertained by a people of Pagans and Savages who still bore the name of Hungarians; conversed in their native tongue, recollected a tradition of their long-lost brethren, and listened with amazement to the marvellous tale of their new kingdom and religion. The zeal of conversion was animated by the interest of consanguinity; and one of the greatest of their princes had formed the generous, though fruitless, design of replenishing the solitude of Pannonia by this domestic colony from the heart of Tartary. From this primitive country they were driven

    to the West by the tide of war and emigration, by the weight of the more distant tribes, who at the same time were fugitives and conquerors. * Reason or fortune directed their course towards the frontiers of the Roman empire: they halted in the usual stations along the banks of the great rivers; and in the territories of Moscow, Kiow, and Moldavia, some vestiges have been discovered of their temporary residence. In this long and various peregrination, they could not always escape the dominion of the stronger; and the purity of their blood was improved or sullied by the mixture of a foreign race: from a motive of compulsion, or choice, several tribes of the Chazars were associated to the standard of their ancient vassals; introduced the use of a second language; and obtained by their superior renown the most honorable place in the front of battle. The military force of the Turks and their allies marched in seven equal and artificial divisions; each division was formed of thirty thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven warriors, and the proportion of women, children, and servants, supposes and requires at least a million of emigrants. Their public counsels were directed by seven vayvods, or hereditary chiefs; but the experience of discord and weakness recommended the more simple and vigorous administration of a single person. The sceptre, which had been declined by the modest Lebedias, was granted to the birth or merit of Almus and his son Arpad, and the authority of the supreme khan of the Chazars confirmed the engagement of the prince and people; of the people to obey his commands, of the prince to consult their happiness and glory.

    With this narrative we might be reasonably content, if the penetration of modern learning had not opened a new and larger prospect of the antiquities of nations. The Hungarian language stands alone, and as it were insulated, among the Sclavonian dialects; but it bears a close and clear affinity to the idioms of the Fennic race, of an obsolete and savage race, which formerly occupied the northern regions of Asia and Europe. * The genuine appellation of Ugri or Igours is found on the western confines of China; their migration to the banks of

    the Irtish is attested by Tartar evidence; a similar name and language are detected in the southern parts of Siberia; and the remains of the Fennic tribes are widely, though thinly scattered from the sources of the Oby to the shores of Lapland. The consanguinity of the Hungarians and Laplanders would display the powerful energy of climate on the children of a common parent; the lively contrast between the bold adventurers who are intoxicated with the wines of the Danube, and the wretched fugitives who are immersed beneath the snows of the polar circle. Arms and freedom have ever been the ruling, though too often the unsuccessful, passion of the Hungarians, who are endowed by nature with a vigorous constitution of soul and body. Extreme cold has diminished the stature and congealed the faculties of the Laplanders; and the arctic tribes, alone among the sons of men, are ignorant of war, and unconscious of human blood; a happy ignorance, if reason and virtue were the guardians of their peace!

    Chapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians. —

    Part II.

    It is the observation of the Imperial author of the Tactics, that all the Scythian hordes resembled each other in their pastoral and military life, that they all practised the same means of subsistence, and employed the same instruments of destruction. But he adds, that the two nations of Bulgarians and Hungarians were superior to their brethren, and similar to each other in the improvements, however rude, of their discipline and government: their visible likeness determines Leo to confound his friends and enemies in one common description; and the picture may be heightened by some strokes from their contemporaries of the tenth century. Except the merit and fame of military prowess, all that is valued by mankind appeared vile and contemptible to these Barbarians, whose native fierceness was stimulated by the consciousness of numbers and freedom. The tents of the Hungarians were of

    leather, their garments of fur; they shaved their hair, and scarified their faces: in speech they were slow, in action prompt, in treaty perfidious; and they shared the common reproach of Barbarians, too ignorant to conceive the importance of truth, too proud to deny or palliate the breach of their most solemn engagements. Their simplicity has been praised; yet they abstained only from the luxury they had never known; whatever they saw they coveted; their desires were insatiate, and their sole industry was the hand of violence and rapine. By the definition of a pastoral nation, I have recalled a long description of the economy, the warfare, and the government that prevail in that state of society; I may add, that to fishing, as well as to the chase, the Hungarians were indebted for a part of their subsistence; and since they seldom cultivated the ground, they must, at least in their new settlements, have sometimes practised a slight and unskilful husbandry. In their emigrations, perhaps in their expeditions, the host was accompanied by thousands of sheep and oxen which increased the cloud of formidable dust, and afforded a constant and wholesale supply of milk and animal food. A plentiful command of forage was the first care of the general, and if the flocks and herds were secure of their pastures, the hardy warrior was alike insensible of danger and fatigue. The confusion of men and cattle that overspread the country exposed their camp to a nocturnal surprise, had not a still wider circuit been occupied by their light cavalry, perpetually in motion to discover and delay the approach of the enemy. After some experience of the Roman tactics, they adopted the use of the sword and spear, the helmet of the soldier, and the iron breastplate of his steed: but their native and deadly weapon was the Tartar bow: from the earliest infancy their children and servants were exercised in the double science of archery and horsemanship; their arm was strong; their aim was sure; and in the most rapid career, they were taught to throw themselves backwards, and to shoot a volley of arrows into the air. In open combat, in secret ambush, in flight, or pursuit, they were equally formidable; an appearance of order was maintained in the foremost ranks, but their charge was driven forwards by the impatient pressure of succeeding

    crowds. They pursued, headlong and rash, with loosened reins and horrific outcries; but, if they fled, with real or dissembled fear, the ardor of a pursuing foe was checked and chastised by the same habits of irregular speed and sudden evolution. In the abuse of victory, they astonished Europe, yet smarting from the wounds of the Saracen and the Dane: mercy they rarely asked, and more rarely bestowed: both sexes were accused is equally inaccessible to pity, and their appetite for raw flesh might countenance the popular tale, that they drank the blood, and feasted on the hearts of the slain. Yet the Hungarians were not devoid of those principles of justice and humanity, which nature has implanted in every bosom. The license of public and private injuries was restrained by laws and punishments; and in the security of an open camp, theft is the most tempting and most dangerous offence. Among the Barbarians there were many, whose spontaneous virtue supplied their laws and corrected their manners, who performed the duties, and sympathized with the affections, of social life.

    After a long pilgrimage of flight or victory, the Turkish hordes approached the common limits of the French and Byzantine empires. Their first conquests and final settlements extended on either side of the Danube above Vienna, below Belgrade, and beyond the measure of the Roman province of Pannonia, or the modern kingdom of Hungary. That ample and fertile land was loosely occupied by the Moravians, a Sclavonian name and tribe, which were driven by the invaders into the compass of a narrow province. Charlemagne had stretched a vague and nominal empire as far as the edge of Transylvania; but, after the failure of his legitimate line, the dukes of Moravia forgot their obedience and tribute to the monarchs of Oriental France. The bastard Arnulph was provoked to invite the arms of the Turks: they rushed through the real or figurative wall, which his indiscretion had thrown open; and the king of Germany has been justly reproached as a traitor to the civil and ecclesiastical society of the Christians. During the life of Arnulph, the Hungarians were checked by gratitude or

    fear; but in the infancy of his son Lewis they discovered and invaded Bavaria; and such was their Scythian speed, that in a single day a circuit of fifty miles was stripped and consumed. In the battle of Augsburgh the Christians maintained their advantage till the seventh hour of the day, they were deceived and vanquished by the flying stratagems of the Turkish cavalry. The conflagration spread over the provinces of Bavaria, Swabia, and Franconia; and the Hungarians promoted the reign of anarchy, by forcing the stoutest barons to discipline their vassals and fortify their castles. The origin of walled towns is ascribed to this calamitous period; nor could any distance be secure against an enemy, who, almost at the same instant, laid in ashes the Helvetian monastery of St. Gall, and the city of Bremen, on the shores of the northern ocean. Above thirty years the Germanic empire, or kingdom, was subject to the ignominy of tribute; and resistance was disarmed by the menace, the serious and effectual menace of dragging the women and children into captivity, and of slaughtering the males above the age of ten years. I have neither power nor inclination to follow the Hungarians beyond the Rhine; but I must observe with surprise, that the southern provinces of France were blasted by the tempest, and that Spain, behind her Pyrenees, was astonished at the approach of these formidable strangers. The vicinity of Italy had tempted their early inroads; but from their camp on the Brenta, they beheld with some terror the apparent strength and populousness of the new discovered country. They requested leave to retire; their request was proudly rejected by the Italian king; and the lives of twenty thousand Christians paid the forfeit of his obstinacy and rashness. Among the cities of the West, the royal Pavia was conspicuous in fame and splendor; and the preëminence of Rome itself was only derived from the relics of the apostles. The Hungarians appeared; Pavia was in flames; forty-three churches were consumed; and, after the massacre of the people, they spared about two hundred wretches who had gathered some bushels of gold and silver (a vague exaggeration) from the smoking ruins of their country. In these annual excursions from the Alps to the neighborhood of Rome and Capua, the churches, that yet escaped,

    resounded with a fearful litany: “O, save and deliver us from the arrows of the Hungarians!” But the saints were deaf or inexorable; and the torrent rolled forwards, till it was stopped by the extreme land of Calabria. A composition was offered and accepted for the head of each Italian subject; and ten bushels of silver were poured forth in the Turkish camp. But falsehood is the natural antagonist of violence; and the robbers were defrauded both in the numbers of the assessment and the standard of the metal. On the side of the East, the Hungarians were opposed in doubtful conflict by the equal arms of the Bulgarians, whose faith forbade an alliance with the Pagans, and whose situation formed the barrier of the Byzantine empire. The barrier was overturned; the emperor of Constantinople beheld the waving banners of the Turks; and one of their boldest warriors presumed to strike a battle-axe into the golden gate. The arts and treasures of the Greeks diverted the assault; but the Hungarians might boast, in their retreat, that they had imposed a tribute on the spirit of Bulgaria and the majesty of the Cæsars. The remote and rapid operations of the same campaign appear to magnify the power and numbers of the Turks; but their courage is most deserving of praise, since a light troop of three or four hundred horse would often attempt and execute the most daring inroads to the gates of Thessalonica and Constantinople. At this disastrous æra of the ninth and tenth centuries, Europe was afflicted by a triple scourge from the North, the East, and the South: the Norman, the Hungarian, and the Saracen, sometimes trod the same ground of desolation; and these savage foes might have been compared by Homer to the two lions growling over the carcass of a mangled stag.

    The deliverance of Germany and Christendom was achieved by the Saxon princes, Henry the Fowler and Otho the Great, who, in two memorable battles, forever broke the power of the Hungarians. The valiant Henry was roused from a bed of sickness by the invasion of his country; but his mind was vigorous and his prudence successful. “My companions,” said he, on the morning of the combat, “maintain your ranks,

    receive on your bucklers the first arrows of the Pagans, and prevent their second discharge by the equal and rapid career of your lances.” They obeyed and conquered: and the historical picture of the castle of Merseburgh expressed the features, or at least the character, of Henry, who, in an age of ignorance, intrusted to the finer arts the perpetuity of his name. At the end of twenty years, the children of the Turks who had fallen by his sword invaded the empire of his son; and their force is defined, in the lowest estimate, at one hundred thousand horse. They were invited by domestic faction; the gates of Germany were treacherously unlocked; and they spread, far beyond the Rhine and the Meuse, into the heart of Flanders. But the vigor and prudence of Otho dispelled the conspiracy; the princes were made sensible that unless they were true to each other, their religion and country were irrecoverably lost; and the national powers were reviewed in the plains of Augsburgh. They marched and fought in eight legions, according to the division of provinces and tribes; the first, second, and third, were composed of Bavarians; the fourth, of Franconians; the fifth, of Saxons, under the immediate command of the monarch; the sixth and seventh consisted of Swabians; and the eighth legion, of a thousand Bohemians, closed the rear of the host. The resources of discipline and valor were fortified by the arts of superstition, which, on this occasion, may deserve the epithets of generous and salutary. The soldiers were purified with a fast; the camp was blessed with the relics of saints and martyrs; and the Christian hero girded on his side the sword of Constantine, grasped the invincible spear of Charlemagne, and waved the banner of St. Maurice, the præfect of the Thebæan legion. But his firmest confidence was placed in the holy lance, whose point was fashioned of the nails of the cross, and which his father had extorted from the king of Burgundy, by the threats of war, and the gift of a province. The Hungarians were expected in the front; they secretly passed the Lech, a river of Bavaria that falls into the Danube; turned the rear of the Christian army; plundered the baggage, and disordered the legion of Bohemia and Swabia. The battle was restored by the Franconians, whose duke, the valiant Conrad, was pierced with an arrow as

    he rested from his fatigues: the Saxons fought under the eyes of their king; and his victory surpassed, in merit and importance, the triumphs of the last two hundred years. The loss of the Hungarians was still greater in the flight than in the action; they were encompassed by the rivers of Bavaria; and their past cruelties excluded them from the hope of mercy. Three captive princes were hanged at Ratisbon, the multitude of prisoners was slain or mutilated, and the fugitives, who presumed to appear in the face of their country, were condemned to everlasting poverty and disgrace. Yet the spirit of the nation was humbled, and the most accessible passes of Hungary were fortified with a ditch and rampart. Adversity suggested the counsels of moderation and peace: the robbers of the West acquiesced in a sedentary life; and the next generation was taught, by a discerning prince, that far more might be gained by multiplying and exchanging the produce of a fruitful soil. The native race, the Turkish or Fennic blood, was mingled with new colonies of Scythian or Sclavonian origin; many thousands of robust and industrious captives had been imported from all the countries of Europe; and after the marriage of Geisa with a Bavarian princess, he bestowed honors and estates on the nobles of Germany. The son of Geisa was invested with the regal title, and the house of Arpad reigned three hundred years in the kingdom of Hungary. But the freeborn Barbarians were not dazzled by the lustre of the diadem, and the people asserted their indefeasible right of choosing, deposing, and punishing the hereditary servant of the state.

    III. The name of Russians was first divulged, in the ninth century, by an embassy of Theophilus, emperor of the East, to the emperor of the West, Lewis, the son of Charlemagne. The Greeks were accompanied by the envoys of the great duke, or chagan, or czar, of the Russians. In their journey to Constantinople, they had traversed many hostile nations; and they hoped to escape the dangers of their return, by requesting the French monarch to transport them by sea to their native country. A closer examination detected their

    origin: they were the brethren of the Swedes and Normans, whose name was already odious and formidable in France; and it might justly be apprehended, that these Russian strangers were not the messengers of peace, but the emissaries of war. They were detained, while the Greeks were dismissed; and Lewis expected a more satisfactory account, that he might obey the laws of hospitality or prudence, according to the interest of both empires. This Scandinavian origin of the people, or at least the princes, of Russia, may be confirmed and illustrated by the national annals and the general history of the North. The Normans, who had so long been concealed by a veil of impenetrable darkness, suddenly burst forth in the spirit of naval and military enterprise. The vast, and, as it is said, the populous regions of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, were crowded with independent chieftains and desperate adventurers, who sighed in the laziness of peace, and smiled in the agonies of death. Piracy was the exercise, the trade, the glory, and the virtue, of the Scandinavian youth. Impatient of a bleak climate and narrow limits, they started from the banquet, grasped their arms, sounded their horn, ascended their vessels, and explored every coast that promised either spoil or settlement. The Baltic was the first scene of their naval achievements they visited the eastern shores, the silent residence of Fennic and Sclavonic tribes, and the primitive Russians of the Lake Ladoga paid a tribute, the skins of white squirrels, to these strangers, whom they saluted with the title of Varangians or Corsairs. Their superiority in arms, discipline, and renown, commanded the fear and reverence of the natives. In their wars against the more inland savages, the Varangians condescended to serve as friends and auxiliaries, and gradually, by choice or conquest, obtained the dominion of a people whom they were qualified to protect. Their tyranny was expelled, their valor was again recalled, till at length Ruric, a Scandinavian chief, became the father of a dynasty which reigned above seven hundred years. His brothers extended his influence: the example of service and usurpation was imitated by his companions in the southern provinces of Russia; and their establishments, by the

    usual methods of war and assassination, were cemented into the fabric of a powerful monarchy.

    As long as the descendants of Ruric were considered as aliens and conquerors, they ruled by the sword of the Varangians, distributed estates and subjects to their faithful captains, and supplied their numbers with fresh streams of adventurers from the Baltic coast. But when the Scandinavian chiefs had struck a deep and permanent root into the soil, they mingled with the Russians in blood, religion, and language, and the first Waladimir had the merit of delivering his country from these foreign mercenaries. They had seated him on the throne; his riches were insufficient to satisfy their demands; but they listened to his pleasing advice, that they should seek, not a more grateful, but a more wealthy, master; that they should embark for Greece, where, instead of the skins of squirrels, silk and gold would be the recompense of their service. At the same time, the Russian prince admonished his Byzantine ally to disperse and employ, to recompense and restrain, these impetuous children of the North. Contemporary writers have recorded the introduction, name, and character, of the Varangians: each day they rose in confidence and esteem; the whole body was assembled at Constantinople to perform the duty of guards; and their strength was recruited by a numerous band of their countrymen from the Island of Thule. On this occasion, the vague appellation of Thule is applied to England; and the new Varangians were a colony of English and Danes who fled from the yoke of the Norman conqueror. The habits of pilgrimage and piracy had approximated the countries of the earth; these exiles were entertained in the Byzantine court; and they preserved, till the last age of the empire, the inheritance of spotless loyalty, and the use of the Danish or English tongue. With their broad and double-edged battle-axes on their shoulders, they attended the Greek emperor to the temple, the senate, and the hippodrome; he slept and feasted under their trusty guard; and the keys of the palace, the treasury, and the capital, were held by the firm and faithful hands of the Varangians.

    In the tenth century, the geography of Scythia was extended far beyond the limits of ancient knowledge; and the monarchy of the Russians obtains a vast and conspicuous place in the map of Constantine. The sons of Ruric were masters of the spacious province of Wolodomir, or Moscow; and, if they were confined on that side by the hordes of the East, their western frontier in those early days was enlarged to the Baltic Sea and the country of the Prussians. Their northern reign ascended above the sixtieth degree of latitude over the Hyperborean regions, which fancy had peopled with monsters, or clouded with eternal darkness. To the south they followed the course of the Borysthenes, and approached with that river the neighborhood of the Euxine Sea. The tribes that dwelt, or wandered, in this ample circuit were obedient to the same conqueror, and insensibly blended into the same nation. The language of Russia is a dialect of the Sclavonian; but in the tenth century, these two modes of speech were different from each other; and, as the Sclavonian prevailed in the South, it may be presumed that the original Russians of the North, the primitive subjects of the Varangian chief, were a portion of the Fennic race. With the emigration, union, or dissolution, of the wandering tribes, the loose and indefinite picture of the Scythian desert has continually shifted. But the most ancient map of Russia affords some places which still retain their name and position; and the two capitals, Novogorod and Kiow, are coeval with the first age of the monarchy. Novogorod had not yet deserved the epithet of great, nor the alliance of the Hanseatic League, which diffused the streams of opulence and the principles of freedom. Kiow could not yet boast of three hundred churches, an innumerable people, and a degree of greatness and splendor which was compared with Constantinople by those who had never seen the residence of the Cæsars. In their origin, the two cities were no more than camps or fairs, the most convenient stations in which the Barbarians might assemble for the occasional business of war or trade. Yet even these assemblies announce some progress in the arts of society; a new breed of cattle was imported from the southern provinces; and the spirit of commercial

    enterprise pervaded the sea and land, from the Baltic to the Euxine, from the mouth of the Oder to the port of Constantinople. In the days of idolatry and barbarism, the Sclavonic city of Julin was frequented and enriched by the Normans, who had prudently secured a free mart of purchase and exchange. From this harbor, at the entrance of the Oder, the corsair, or merchant, sailed in forty-three days to the eastern shores of the Baltic, the most distant nations were intermingled, and the holy groves of Curland are said to have been decorated with Grecian and Spanish gold. Between the sea and Novogorod an easy intercourse was discovered; in the summer, through a gulf, a lake, and a navigable river; in the winter season, over the hard and level surface of boundless snows. From the neighborhood of that city, the Russians descended the streams that fall into the Borysthenes; their canoes, of a single tree, were laden with slaves of every age, furs of every species, the spoil of their beehives, and the hides of their cattle; and the whole produce of the North was collected and discharged in the magazines of Kiow. The month of June was the ordinary season of the departure of the fleet: the timber of the canoes was framed into the oars and benches of more solid and capacious boats; and they proceeded without obstacle down the Borysthenes, as far as the seven or thirteen ridges of rocks, which traverse the bed, and precipitate the waters, of the river. At the more shallow falls it was sufficient to lighten the vessels; but the deeper cataracts were impassable; and the mariners, who dragged their vessels and their slaves six miles over land, were exposed in this toilsome journey to the robbers of the desert. At the first island below the falls, the Russians celebrated the festival of their escape: at a second, near the mouth of the river, they repaired their shattered vessels for the longer and more perilous voyage of the Black Sea. If they steered along the coast, the Danube was accessible; with a fair wind they could reach in thirty-six or forty hours the opposite shores of Anatolia; and Constantinople admitted the annual visit of the strangers of the North. They returned at the stated season with a rich cargo of corn, wine, and oil, the manufactures of Greece, and the spices of India. Some of their countrymen resided in the

    capital and provinces; and the national treaties protected the persons, effects, and privileges, of the Russian merchant.

    Chapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians. —

    Part III.

    But the same communication which had been opened for the benefit, was soon abused for the injury, of mankind. In a period of one hundred and ninety years, the Russians made four attempts to plunder the treasures of Constantinople: the event was various, but the motive, the means, and the object, were the same in these naval expeditions. The Russian traders had seen the magnificence, and tasted the luxury of the city of the Cæsars. A marvellous tale, and a scanty supply, excited the desires of their savage countrymen: they envied the gifts of nature which their climate denied; they coveted the works of art, which they were too lazy to imitate and too indigent to purchase; the Varangian princes unfurled the banners of piratical adventure, and their bravest soldiers were drawn from the nations that dwelt in the northern isles of the ocean. The image of their naval armaments was revived in the last century, in the fleets of the Cossacks, which issued from the Borysthenes, to navigate the same seas for a similar purpose. The Greek appellation of monoxyla, or single canoes, might justly be applied to the bottom of their vessels. It was scooped out of the long stem of a beech or willow, but the slight and narrow foundation was raised and continued on either side with planks, till it attained the length of sixty, and the height of about twelve, feet. These boats were built without a deck, but with two rudders and a mast; to move with sails and oars; and to contain from forty to seventy men, with their arms, and provisions of fresh water and salt fish. The first trial of the Russians was made with two hundred boats; but when the national force was exerted, they might arm against Constantinople a thousand or twelve hundred vessels. Their fleet was not much inferior to the royal navy of Agamemnon,

    but it was magnified in the eyes of fear to ten or fifteen times the real proportion of its strength and numbers. Had the Greek emperors been endowed with foresight to discern, and vigor to prevent, perhaps they might have sealed with a maritime force the mouth of the Borysthenes. Their indolence abandoned the coast of Anatolia to the calamities of a piratical war, which, after an interval of six hundred years, again infested the Euxine; but as long as the capital was respected, the sufferings of a distant province escaped the notice both of the prince and the historian. The storm which had swept along from the Phasis and Trebizond, at length burst on the Bosphorus of Thrace; a strait of fifteen miles, in which the rude vessels of the Russians might have been stopped and destroyed by a more skilful adversary. In their first enterprise under the princes of Kiow, they passed without opposition, and occupied the port of Constantinople in the absence of the emperor Michael, the son of Theophilus. Through a crowd of perils, he landed at the palace-stairs, and immediately repaired to a church of the Virgin Mary. By the advice of the patriarch, her garment, a precious relic, was drawn from the sanctuary and dipped in the sea; and a seasonable tempest, which determined the retreat of the Russians, was devoutly ascribed to the mother of God. The silence of the Greeks may inspire some doubt of the truth, or at least of the importance, of the second attempt by Oleg, the guardian of the sons of Ruric. A strong barrier of arms and fortifications defended the Bosphorus: they were eluded by the usual expedient of drawing the boats over the isthmus; and this simple operation is described in the national chronicles, as if the Russian fleet had sailed over dry land with a brisk and favorable gale. The leader of the third armament, Igor, the son of Ruric, had chosen a moment of weakness and decay, when the naval powers of the empire were employed against the Saracens. But if courage be not wanting, the instruments of defence are seldom deficient. Fifteen broken and decayed galleys were boldly launched against the enemy; but instead of the single tube of Greek fire usually planted on the prow, the sides and stern of each vessel were abundantly supplied with that liquid combustible. The engineers were dexterous; the weather was

    propitious; many thousand Russians, who chose rather to be drowned than burnt, leaped into the sea; and those who escaped to the Thracian shore were inhumanly slaughtered by the peasants and soldiers. Yet one third of the canoes escaped into shallow water; and the next spring Igor was again prepared to retrieve his disgrace and claim his revenge. After a long peace, Jaroslaus, the great grandson of Igor, resumed the same project of a naval invasion. A fleet, under the command of his son, was repulsed at the entrance of the Bosphorus by the same artificial flames. But in the rashness of pursuit, the vanguard of the Greeks was encompassed by an irresistible multitude of boats and men; their provision of fire was probably exhausted; and twenty-four galleys were either taken, sunk, or destroyed.

    Yet the threats or calamities of a Russian war were more frequently diverted by treaty than by arms. In these naval hostilities, every disadvantage was on the side of the Greeks; their savage enemy afforded no mercy: his poverty promised no spoil; his impenetrable retreat deprived the conqueror of the hopes of revenge; and the pride or weakness of empire indulged an opinion, that no honor could be gained or lost in the intercourse with Barbarians. At first their demands were high and inadmissible, three pounds of gold for each soldier or mariner of the fleet: the Russian youth adhered to the design of conquest and glory; but the counsels of moderation were recommended by the hoary sages. “Be content,” they said, “with the liberal offers of Cæsar; it is not far better to obtain without a combat the possession of gold, silver, silks, and all the objects of our desires? Are we sure of victory? Can we conclude a treaty with the sea? We do not tread on the land; we float on the abyss of water, and a common death hangs over our heads.” The memory of these Arctic fleets that seemed to descend from the polar circle left deep impression of terror on the Imperial city. By the vulgar of every rank, it was asserted and believed, that an equestrian statue in the square of Taurus was secretly inscribed with a prophecy, how the Russians, in the last days, should become masters of

    Constantinople. In our own time, a Russian armament, instead of sailing from the Borysthenes, has circumnavigated the continent of Europe; and the Turkish capital has been threatened by a squadron of strong and lofty ships of war, each of which, with its naval science and thundering artillery, could have sunk or scattered a hundred canoes, such as those of their ancestors. Perhaps the present generation may yet behold the accomplishment of the prediction, of a rare prediction, of which the style is unambiguous and the date unquestionable.

    By land the Russians were less formidable than by sea; and as they fought for the most part on foot, their irregular legions must often have been broken and overthrown by the cavalry of the Scythian hordes. Yet their growing towns, however slight and imperfect, presented a shelter to the subject, and a barrier to the enemy: the monarchy of Kiow, till a fatal partition, assumed the dominion of the North; and the nations from the Volga to the Danube were subdued or repelled by the arms of Swatoslaus, the son of Igor, the son of Oleg, the son of Ruric. The vigor of his mind and body was fortified by the hardships of a military and savage life. Wrapped in a bear-skin, Swatoslaus usually slept on the ground, his head reclining on a saddle; his diet was coarse and frugal, and, like the heroes of Homer, his meat (it was often horse-flesh) was broiled or roasted on the coals. The exercise of war gave stability and discipline to his army; and it may be presumed, that no soldier was permitted to transcend the luxury of his chief. By an embassy from Nicephorus, the Greek emperor, he was moved to undertake the conquest of Bulgaria; and a gift of fifteen hundred pounds of gold was laid at his feet to defray the expense, or reward the toils, of the expedition. An army of sixty thousand men was assembled and embarked; they sailed from the Borysthenes to the Danube; their landing was effected on the Mæsian shore; and, after a sharp encounter, the swords of the Russians prevailed against the arrows of the Bulgarian horse. The vanquished king sunk into the grave; his children were made captive; and his dominions, as far as

    Mount Hæmus, were subdued or ravaged by the northern invaders. But instead of relinquishing his prey, and performing his engagements, the Varangian prince was more disposed to advance than to retire; and, had his ambition been crowned with success, the seat of empire in that early period might have been transferred to a more temperate and fruitful climate. Swatoslaus enjoyed and acknowledged the advantages of his new position, in which he could unite, by exchange or rapine, the various productions of the earth. By an easy navigation he might draw from Russia the native commodities of furs, wax, and hydromel: Hungary supplied him with a breed of horses and the spoils of the West; and Greece abounded with gold, silver, and the foreign luxuries, which his poverty had affected to disdain. The bands of Patzinacites, Chozars, and Turks, repaired to the standard of victory; and the ambassador of Nicephorus betrayed his trust, assumed the purple, and promised to share with his new allies the treasures of the Eastern world. From the banks of the Danube the Russian prince pursued his march as far as Adrianople; a formal summons to evacuate the Roman province was dismissed with contempt; and Swatoslaus fiercely replied, that Constantinople might soon expect the presence of an enemy and a master.

    Nicephorus could no longer expel the mischief which he had introduced; but his throne and wife were inherited by John Zimisces, who, in a diminutive body, possessed the spirit and abilities of a hero. The first victory of his lieutenants deprived the Russians of their foreign allies, twenty thousand of whom were either destroyed by the sword, or provoked to revolt, or tempted to desert. Thrace was delivered, but seventy thousand Barbarians were still in arms; and the legions that had been recalled from the new conquests of Syria, prepared, with the return of the spring, to march under the banners of a warlike prince, who declared himself the friend and avenger of the injured Bulgaria. The passes of Mount Hæmus had been left unguarded; they were instantly occupied; the Roman vanguard was formed of the immortals, (a proud imitation of

    the Persian style;) the emperor led the main body of ten thousand five hundred foot; and the rest of his forces followed in slow and cautious array, with the baggage and military engines. The first exploit of Zimisces was the reduction of Marcianopolis, or Peristhlaba, in two days; the trumpets sounded; the walls were scaled; eight thousand five hundred Russians were put to the sword; and the sons of the Bulgarian king were rescued from an ignominious prison, and invested with a nominal diadem. After these repeated losses, Swatoslaus retired to the strong post of Drista, on the banks of the Danube, and was pursued by an enemy who alternately employed the arms of celerity and delay. The Byzantine galleys ascended the river, the legions completed a line of circumvallation; and the Russian prince was encompassed, assaulted, and famished, in the fortifications of the camp and city. Many deeds of valor were performed; several desperate sallies were attempted; nor was it till after a siege of sixty-five days that Swatoslaus yielded to his adverse fortune. The liberal terms which he obtained announce the prudence of the victor, who respected the valor, and apprehended the despair, of an unconquered mind. The great duke of Russia bound himself, by solemn imprecations, to relinquish all hostile designs; a safe passage was opened for his return; the liberty of trade and navigation was restored; a measure of corn was distributed to each of his soldiers; and the allowance of twenty-two thousand measures attests the loss and the remnant of the Barbarians. After a painful voyage, they again reached the mouth of the Borysthenes; but their provisions were exhausted; the season was unfavorable; they passed the winter on the ice; and, before they could prosecute their march, Swatoslaus was surprised and oppressed by the neighboring tribes with whom the Greeks entertained a perpetual and useful correspondence. Far different was the return of Zimisces, who was received in his capital like Camillus or Marius, the saviors of ancient Rome. But the merit of the victory was attributed by the pious emperor to the mother of God; and the image of the Virgin Mary, with the divine infant in her arms, was placed on a triumphal car, adorned with the spoils of war, and the ensigns of Bulgarian

    royalty. Zimisces made his public entry on horseback; the diadem on his head, a crown of laurel in his hand; and Constantinople was astonished to applaud the martial virtues of her sovereign.

    Photius of Constantinople, a patriarch, whose ambition was equal to his curiosity, congratulates himself and the Greek church on the conversion of the Russians. Those fierce and bloody Barbarians had been persuaded, by the voice of reason and religion, to acknowledge Jesus for their God, the Christian missionaries for their teachers, and the Romans for their friends and brethren. His triumph was transient and premature. In the various fortune of their piratical adventures, some Russian chiefs might allow themselves to be sprinkled with the waters of baptism; and a Greek bishop, with the name of metropolitan, might administer the sacraments in the church of Kiow, to a congregation of slaves and natives. But the seed of the gospel was sown on a barren soil: many were the apostates, the converts were few; and the baptism of Olga may be fixed as the æra of Russian Christianity. A female, perhaps of the basest origin, who could revenge the death, and assume the sceptre, of her husband Igor, must have been endowed with those active virtues which command the fear and obedience of Barbarians. In a moment of foreign and domestic peace, she sailed from Kiow to Constantinople; and the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus has described, with minute diligence, the ceremonial of her reception in his capital and palace. The steps, the titles, the salutations, the banquet, the presents, were exquisitely adjusted to gratify the vanity of the stranger, with due reverence to the superior majesty of the purple. In the sacrament of baptism, she received the venerable name of the empress Helena; and her conversion might be preceded or followed by her uncle, two interpreters, sixteen damsels of a higher, and eighteen of a lower rank, twenty-two domestics or ministers, and forty-four Russian merchants, who composed the retinue of the great princess Olga. After her return to Kiow and Novogorod, she firmly persisted in her new religion; but her labors in the propagation

    of the gospel were not crowned with success; and both her family and nation adhered with obstinacy or indifference to the gods of their fathers. Her son Swatoslaus was apprehensive of the scorn and ridicule of his companions; and her grandson Wolodomir devoted his youthful zeal to multiply and decorate the monuments of ancient worship. The savage deities of the North were still propitiated with human sacrifices: in the choice of the victim, a citizen was preferred to a stranger, a Christian to an idolater; and the father, who defended his son from the sacerdotal knife, was involved in the same doom by the rage of a fanatic tumult. Yet the lessons and example of the pious Olga had made a deep, though secret, impression in the minds of the prince and people: the Greek missionaries continued to preach, to dispute, and to baptize: and the ambassadors or merchants of Russia compared the idolatry of the woods with the elegant superstition of Constantinople. They had gazed with admiration on the dome of St. Sophia: the lively pictures of saints and martyrs, the riches of the altar, the number and vestments of the priests, the pomp and order of the ceremonies; they were edified by the alternate succession of devout silence and harmonious song; nor was it difficult to persuade them, that a choir of angels descended each day from heaven to join in the devotion of the Christians. But the conversion of Wolodomir was determined, or hastened, by his desire of a Roman bride. At the same time, and in the city of Cherson, the rites of baptism and marriage were celebrated by the Christian pontiff: the city he restored to the emperor Basil, the brother of his spouse; but the brazen gates were transported, as it is said, to Novogorod, and erected before the first church as a trophy of his victory and faith. At his despotic command, Peround, the god of thunder, whom he had so long adored, was dragged through the streets of Kiow; and twelve sturdy Barbarians battered with clubs the misshapen image, which was indignantly cast into the waters of the Borysthenes. The edict of Wolodomir had proclaimed, that all who should refuse the rites of baptism would be treated as the enemies of God and their prince; and the rivers were instantly filled with many thousands of obedient Russians, who acquiesced in the truth and excellence of a

    doctrine which had been embraced by the great duke and his boyars. In the next generation, the relics of Paganism were finally extirpated; but as the two brothers of Wolodomir had died without baptism, their bones were taken from the grave, and sanctified by an irregular and posthumous sacrament.

    In the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries of the Christian æra, the reign of the gospel and of the church was extended over Bulgaria, Hungary, Bohemia, Saxony, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Poland, and Russia. The triumphs of apostolic zeal were repeated in the iron age of Christianity; and the northern and eastern regions of Europe submitted to a religion, more different in theory than in practice, from the worship of their native idols. A laudable ambition excited the monks both of Germany and Greece, to visit the tents and huts of the Barbarians: poverty, hardships, and dangers, were the lot of the first missionaries; their courage was active and patient; their motive pure and meritorious; their present reward consisted in the testimony of their conscience and the respect of a grateful people; but the fruitful harvest of their toils was inherited and enjoyed by the proud and wealthy prelates of succeeding times. The first conversions were free and spontaneous: a holy life and an eloquent tongue were the only arms of the missionaries; but the domestic fables of the Pagans were silenced by the miracles and visions of the strangers; and the favorable temper of the chiefs was accelerated by the dictates of vanity and interest. The leaders of nations, who were saluted with the titles of kings and saints, held it lawful and pious to impose the Catholic faith on their subjects and neighbors; the coast of the Baltic, from Holstein to the Gulf of Finland, was invaded under the standard of the cross; and the reign of idolatry was closed by the conversion of Lithuania in the fourteenth century. Yet truth and candor must acknowledge, that the conversion of the North imparted many temporal benefits both to the old and the new Christians. The rage of war, inherent to the human species, could not be healed by the evangelic precepts of charity and peace; and the ambition of Catholic princes has

    renewed in every age the calamities of hostile contention. But the admission of the Barbarians into the pale of civil and ecclesiastical society delivered Europe from the depredations, by sea and land, of the Normans, the Hungarians, and the Russians, who learned to spare their brethren and cultivate their possessions. The establishment of law and order was promoted by the influence of the clergy; and the rudiments of art and science were introduced into the savage countries of the globe. The liberal piety of the Russian princes engaged in their service the most skilful of the Greeks, to decorate the cities and instruct the inhabitants: the dome and the paintings of St. Sophia were rudely copied in the churches of Kiow and Novogorod: the writings of the fathers were translated into the Sclavonic idiom; and three hundred noble youths were invited or compelled to attend the lessons of the college of Jaroslaus. It should appear that Russia might have derived an early and rapid improvement from her peculiar connection with the church and state of Constantinople, which at that age so justly despised the ignorance of the Latins. But the Byzantine nation was servile, solitary, and verging to a hasty decline: after the fall of Kiow, the navigation of the Borysthenes was forgotten; the great princes of Wolodomir and Moscow were separated from the sea and Christendom; and the divided monarchy was oppressed by the ignominy and blindness of Tartar servitude. The Sclavonic and Scandinavian kingdoms, which had been converted by the Latin missionaries, were exposed, it is true, to the spiritual jurisdiction and temporal claims of the popes; but they were united in language and religious worship, with each other, and with Rome; they imbibed the free and generous spirit of the European republic, and gradually shared the light of knowledge which arose on the western world.

    Chapter LVI:

    The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.

    Part I.

    The Saracens, Franks, And Greeks, In Italy. — First Adventures And Settlement Of The Normans. — Character And Conquest Of Robert Guiscard, Duke Of Apulia — Deliverance Of Sicily By His Brother Roger. — Victories Of Robert Over The Emperors Of The East And West. — Roger, King Of Sicily, Invades Africa And Greece. — The Emperor Manuel Comnenus. — Wars Of The Greeks And Normans. — Extinction Of The Normans.

    The three great nations of the world, the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Franks, encountered each other on the theatre of Italy. The southern provinces, which now compose the kingdom of Naples, were subject, for the most part, to the Lombard dukes and princes of Beneventum; so powerful in war, that they checked for a moment the genius of Charlemagne; so liberal in peace, that they maintained in their capital an academy of thirty-two philosophers and grammarians. The division of this flourishing state produced the rival principalities of Benevento, Salerno, and Capua; and the thoughtless ambition or revenge of the competitors invited the Saracens to the ruin of their common inheritance. During a calamitous period of two hundred years, Italy was exposed to a repetition of wounds, which the invaders were not capable of healing by the union and tranquility of a perfect conquest. Their frequent and almost annual squadrons issued from the

    port of Palermo, and were entertained with too much indulgence by the Christians of Naples: the more formidable fleets were prepared on the African coast; and even the Arabs of Andalusia were sometimes tempted to assist or oppose the Moslems of an adverse sect. In the revolution of human events, a new ambuscade was concealed in the Caudine Forks, the fields of Cannæ were bedewed a second time with the blood of the Africans, and the sovereign of Rome again attacked or defended the walls of Capua and Tarentum. A colony of Saracens had been planted at Bari, which commands the entrance of the Adriatic Gulf; and their impartial depredations provoked the resentment, and conciliated the union of the two emperors. An offensive alliance was concluded between Basil the Macedonian, the first of his race, and Lewis the great-grandson of Charlemagne; and each party supplied the deficiencies of his associate. It would have been imprudent in the Byzantine monarch to transport his stationary troops of Asia to an Italian campaign; and the Latin arms would have been insufficient if his superior navy had not occupied the mouth of the Gulf. The fortress of Bari was invested by the infantry of the Franks, and by the cavalry and galleys of the Greeks; and, after a defence of four years, the Arabian emir submitted to the clemency of Lewis, who commanded in person the operations of the siege. This important conquest had been achieved by the concord of the East and West; but their recent amity was soon imbittered by the mutual complaints of jealousy and pride. The Greeks assumed as their own the merit of the conquest and the pomp of the triumph; extolled the greatness of their powers, and affected to deride the intemperance and sloth of the handful of Barbarians who appeared under the banners of the Carlovingian prince. His reply is expressed with the eloquence of indignation and truth: “We confess the magnitude of your preparation,” says the great-grandson of Charlemagne. “Your armies were indeed as numerous as a cloud of summer locusts, who darken the day, flap their wings, and, after a short flight, tumble weary and breathless to the ground. Like them, ye sunk after a feeble effort; ye were vanquished by your own cowardice; and withdrew from the scene of action to

    injure and despoil our Christian subjects of the Sclavonian coast. We were few in number, and why were we few? Because, after a tedious expectation of your arrival, I had dismissed my host, and retained only a chosen band of warriors to continue the blockade of the city. If they indulged their hospitable feasts in the face of danger and death, did these feasts abate the vigor of their enterprise? Is it by your fasting that the walls of Bari have been overturned? Did not these valiant Franks, diminished as they were by languor and fatigue, intercept and vanish the three most powerful emirs of the Saracens? and did not their defeat precipitate the fall of the city? Bari is now fallen; Tarentum trembles; Calabria will be delivered; and, if we command the sea, the Island of Sicily may be rescued from the hands of the infidels. My brother,” accelerate (a name most offensive to the vanity of the Greek,) “accelerate your naval succors, respect your allies, and distrust your flatterers.”

    These lofty hopes were soon extinguished by the death of Lewis, and the decay of the Carlovingian house; and whoever might deserve the honor, the Greek emperors, Basil, and his son Leo, secured the advantage, of the reduction of Bari The Italians of Apulia and Calabria were persuaded or compelled to acknowledge their supremacy, and an ideal line from Mount Garganus to the Bay of Salerno, leaves the far greater part of the kingdom of Naples under the dominion of the Eastern empire. Beyond that line, the dukes or republics of Amalfi and Naples, who had never forfeited their voluntary allegiance, rejoiced in the neighborhood of their lawful sovereign; and Amalfi was enriched by supplying Europe with the produce and manufactures of Asia. But the Lombard princes of Benevento, Salerno, and Capua, were reluctantly torn from the communion of the Latin world, and too often violated their oaths of servitude and tribute. The city of Bari rose to dignity and wealth, as the metropolis of the new theme or province of Lombardy: the title of patrician, and afterwards the singular name of Catapan, was assigned to the supreme governor; and the policy both of the church and state was modelled in exact subordination to the throne of Constantinople. As long as the

    sceptre was disputed by the princes of Italy, their efforts were feeble and adverse; and the Greeks resisted or eluded the forces of Germany, which descended from the Alps under the Imperial standard of the Othos. The first and greatest of those Saxon princes was compelled to relinquish the siege of Bari: the second, after the loss of his stoutest bishops and barons, escaped with honor from the bloody field of Crotona. On that day the scale of war was turned against the Franks by the valor of the Saracens. These corsairs had indeed been driven by the Byzantine fleets from the fortresses and coasts of Italy; but a sense of interest was more prevalent than superstition or resentment, and the caliph of Egypt had transported forty thousand Moslems to the aid of his Christian ally. The successors of Basil amused themselves with the belief, that the conquest of Lombardy had been achieved, and was still preserved by the justice of their laws, the virtues of their ministers, and the gratitude of a people whom they had rescued from anarchy and oppression. A series of rebellions might dart a ray of truth into the palace of Constantinople; and the illusions of flattery were dispelled by the easy and rapid success of the Norman adventurers.

    The revolution of human affairs had produced in Apulia and Calabria a melancholy contrast between the age of Pythagoras and the tenth century of the Christian æra. At the former period, the coast of Great Greece (as it was then styled) was planted with free and opulent cities: these cities were peopled with soldiers, artists, and philosophers; and the military strength of Tarentum; Sybaris, or Crotona, was not inferior to that of a powerful kingdom. At the second æra, these once flourishing provinces were clouded with ignorance impoverished by tyranny, and depopulated by Barbarian war nor can we severely accuse the exaggeration of a contemporary, that a fair and ample district was reduced to the same desolation which had covered the earth after the general deluge. Among the hostilities of the Arabs, the Franks, and the Greeks, in the southern Italy, I shall select two or three anecdotes expressive of their national manners. 1. It was

    the amusement of the Saracens to profane, as well as to pillage, the monasteries and churches. At the siege of Salerno, a Mussulman chief spread his couch on the communion-table, and on that altar sacrificed each night the virginity of a Christian nun. As he wrestled with a reluctant maid, a beam in the roof was accidentally or dexterously thrown down on his head; and the death of the lustful emir was imputed to the wrath of Christ, which was at length awakened to the defence of his faithful spouse. 2. The Saracens besieged the cities of Beneventum and Capua: after a vain appeal to the successors of Charlemagne, the Lombards implored the clemency and aid of the Greek emperor. A fearless citizen dropped from the walls, passed the intrenchments, accomplished his commission, and fell into the hands of the Barbarians as he was returning with the welcome news. They commanded him to assist their enterprise, and deceive his countrymen, with the assurance that wealth and honors should be the reward of his falsehood, and that his sincerity would be punished with immediate death. He affected to yield, but as soon as he was conducted within hearing of the Christians on the rampart, “Friends and brethren,” he cried with a loud voice, “be bold and patient, maintain the city; your sovereign is informed of your distress, and your deliverers are at hand. I know my doom, and commit my wife and children to your gratitude.” The rage of the Arabs confirmed his evidence; and the self-devoted patriot was transpierced with a hundred spears. He deserves to live in the memory of the virtuous, but the repetition of the same story in ancient and modern times, may sprinkle some doubts on the reality of this generous deed. 3. The recital of a third incident may provoke a smile amidst the horrors of war. Theobald, marquis of Camerino and Spoleto, supported the rebels of Beneventum; and his wanton cruelty was not incompatible in that age with the character of a hero. His captives of the Greek nation or party were castrated without mercy, and the outrage was aggravated by a cruel jest, that he wished to present the emperor with a supply of eunuchs, the most precious ornaments of the Byzantine court. The garrison of a castle had been defeated in a sally, and the prisoners were sentenced to the customary operation. But the

    sacrifice was disturbed by the intrusion of a frantic female, who, with bleeding cheeks dishevelled hair, and importunate clamors, compelled the marquis to listen to her complaint. “Is it thus,” she cried, ‘ye magnanimous heroes, that ye wage war against women, against women who have never injured ye, and whose only arms are the distaff and the loom?” Theobald denied the charge, and protested that, since the Amazons, he had never heard of a female war. “And how,” she furiously exclaimed, “can you attack us more directly, how can you wound us in a more vital part, than by robbing our husbands of what we most dearly cherish, the source of our joys, and the hope of our posterity? The plunder of our flocks and herds I have endured without a murmur, but this fatal injury, this irreparable loss, subdues my patience, and calls aloud on the justice of heaven and earth.” A general laugh applauded her eloquence; the savage Franks, inaccessible to pity, were moved by her ridiculous, yet rational despair; and with the deliverance of the captives, she obtained the restitution of her effects. As she returned in triumph to the castle, she was overtaken by a messenger, to inquire, in the name of Theobald, what punishment should be inflicted on her husband, were he again taken in arms. “Should such,” she answered without hesitation, “be his guilt and misfortune, he has eyes, and a nose, and hands, and feet. These are his own, and these he may deserve to forfeit by his personal offences. But let my lord be pleased to spare what his little handmaid presumes to claim as her peculiar and lawful property.”

    The establishment of the Normans in the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily is an event most romantic in its origin, and in its consequences most important both to Italy and the Eastern empire. The broken provinces of the Greeks, Lombards, and Saracens, were exposed to every invader, and every sea and land were invaded by the adventurous spirit of the Scandinavian pirates. After a long indulgence of rapine and slaughter, a fair and ample territory was accepted, occupied, and named, by the Normans of France: they renounced their gods for the God of the Christians; and the dukes of Normandy

    acknowledged themselves the vassals of the successors of Charlemagne and Capet. The savage fierceness which they had brought from the snowy mountains of Norway was refined, without being corrupted, in a warmer climate; the companions of Rollo insensibly mingled with the natives; they imbibed the manners, language, and gallantry, of the French nation; and in a martial age, the Normans might claim the palm of valor and glorious achievements. Of the fashionable superstitions, they embraced with ardor the pilgrimages of Rome, Italy, and the Holy Land. In this active devotion, the minds and bodies were invigorated by exercise: danger was the incentive, novelty the recompense; and the prospect of the world was decorated by wonder, credulity, and ambitious hope. They confederated for their mutual defence; and the robbers of the Alps, who had been allured by the garb of a pilgrim, were often chastised by the arm of a warrior. In one of these pious visits to the cavern of Mount Garganus in Apulia, which had been sanctified by the apparition of the archangel Michael, they were accosted by a stranger in the Greek habit, but who soon revealed himself as a rebel, a fugitive, and a mortal foe of the Greek empire. His name was Melo; a noble citizen of Bari, who, after an unsuccessful revolt, was compelled to seek new allies and avengers of his country. The bold appearance of the Normans revived his hopes and solicited his confidence: they listened to the complaints, and still more to the promises, of the patriot. The assurance of wealth demonstrated the justice of his cause; and they viewed, as the inheritance of the brave, the fruitful land which was oppressed by effeminate tyrants. On their return to Normandy, they kindled a spark of enterprise, and a small but intrepid band was freely associated for the deliverance of Apulia. They passed the Alps by separate roads, and in the disguise of pilgrims; but in the neighborhood of Rome they were saluted by the chief of Bari, who supplied the more indigent with arms and horses, and instantly led them to the field of action. In the first conflict, their valor prevailed; but in the second engagement they were overwhelmed by the numbers and military engines of the Greeks, and indignantly retreated with their faces to the enemy. * The unfortunate Melo ended his life a suppliant at the court of Germany: his

    Norman followers, excluded from their native and their promised land, wandered among the hills and valleys of Italy, and earned their daily subsistence by the sword. To that formidable sword the princes of Capua, Beneventum, Salerno, and Naples, alternately appealed in their domestic quarrels; the superior spirit and discipline of the Normans gave victory to the side which they espoused; and their cautious policy observed the balance of power, lest the preponderance of any rival state should render their aid less important, and their service less profitable. Their first asylum was a strong camp in the depth of the marshes of Campania: but they were soon endowed by the liberality of the duke of Naples with a more plentiful and permanent seat. Eight miles from his residence, as a bulwark against Capua, the town of Aversa was built and fortified for their use; and they enjoyed as their own the corn and fruits, the meadows and groves, of that fertile district. The report of their success attracted every year new swarms of pilgrims and soldiers: the poor were urged by necessity; the rich were excited by hope; and the brave and active spirits of Normandy were impatient of ease and ambitious of renown. The independent standard of Aversa afforded shelter and encouragement to the outlaws of the province, to every fugitive who had escaped from the injustice or justice of his superiors; and these foreign associates were quickly assimilated in manners and language to the Gallic colony. The first leader of the Normans was Count Rainulf; and, in the origin of society, preëminence of rank is the reward and the proof of superior merit. *

    Since the conquest of Sicily by the Arabs, the Grecian emperors had been anxious to regain that valuable possession; but their efforts, however strenuous, had been opposed by the distance and the sea. Their costly armaments, after a gleam of success, added new pages of calamity and disgrace to the Byzantine annals: twenty thousand of their best troops were lost in a single expedition; and the victorious Moslems derided the policy of a nation which intrusted eunuchs not only with the custody of their women, but with

    the command of their men After a reign of two hundred years, the Saracens were ruined by their divisions. The emir disclaimed the authority of the king of Tunis; the people rose against the emir; the cities were usurped by the chiefs; each meaner rebel was independent in his village or castle; and the weaker of two rival brothers implored the friendship of the Christians. In every service of danger the Normans were prompt and useful; and five hundred knights, or warriors on horseback, were enrolled by Arduin, the agent and interpreter of the Greeks, under the standard of Maniaces, governor of Lombardy. Before their landing, the brothers were reconciled; the union of Sicily and Africa was restored; and the island was guarded to the water’s edge. The Normans led the van and the Arabs of Messina felt the valor of an untried foe. In a second action the emir of Syracuse was unhorsed and transpierced by the iron arm of William of Hauteville. In a third engagement, his intrepid companions discomfited the host of sixty thousand Saracens, and left the Greeks no more than the labor of the pursuit: a splendid victory; but of which the pen of the historian may divide the merit with the lance of the Normans. It is, however, true, that they essentially promoted the success of Maniaces, who reduced thirteen cities, and the greater part of Sicily, under the obedience of the emperor. But his military fame was sullied by ingratitude and tyranny. In the division of the spoils, the deserts of his brave auxiliaries were forgotten; and neither their avarice nor their pride could brook this injurious treatment. They complained by the mouth of their interpreter: their complaint was disregarded; their interpreter was scourged; the sufferings were his; the insult and resentment belonged to those whose sentiments he had delivered. Yet they dissembled till they had obtained, or stolen, a safe passage to the Italian continent: their brethren of Aversa sympathized in their indignation, and the province of Apulia was invaded as the forfeit of the debt. Above twenty years after the first emigration, the Normans took the field with no more than seven hundred horse and five hundred foot; and after the recall of the Byzantine legions from the Sicilian war, their numbers are magnified to the amount of threescore thousand men. Their herald proposed the option of battle or

    retreat; “of battle,” was the unanimous cry of the Normans; and one of their stoutest warriors, with a stroke of his fist, felled to the ground the horse of the Greek messenger. He was dismissed with a fresh horse; the insult was concealed from the Imperial troops; but in two successive battles they were more fatally instructed of the prowess of their adversaries. In the plains of Cannæ, the Asiatics fled before the adventurers of France; the duke of Lombardy was made prisoner; the Apulians acquiesced in a new dominion; and the four places of Bari, Otranto, Brundusium, and Tarentum, were alone saved in the shipwreck of the Grecian fortunes. From this æra we may date the establishment of the Norman power, which soon eclipsed the infant colony of Aversa. Twelve counts were chosen by the popular suffrage; and age, birth, and merit, were the motives of their choice. The tributes of their peculiar districts were appropriated to their use; and each count erected a fortress in the midst of his lands, and at the head of his vassals. In the centre of the province, the common habitation of Melphi was reserved as the metropolis and citadel of the republic; a house and separate quarter was allotted to each of the twelve counts: and the national concerns were regulated by this military senate. The first of his peers, their president and general, was entitled count of Apulia; and this dignity was conferred on William of the iron arm, who, in the language of the age, is styled a lion in battle, a lamb in society, and an angel in council. The manners of his countrymen are fairly delineated by a contemporary and national historian. “The Normans,” says Malaterra, “are a cunning and revengeful people; eloquence and dissimulation appear to be their hereditary qualities: they can stoop to flatter; but unless they are curbed by the restraint of law, they indulge the licentiousness of nature and passion. Their princes affect the praises of popular munificence; the people observe the medium, or rather blond the extremes, of avarice and prodigality; and in their eager thirst of wealth and dominion, they despise whatever they possess, and hope whatever they desire. Arms and horses, the luxury of dress, the exercises of hunting and hawking are the delight of the Normans; but, on pressing occasions, they can endure with

    incredible patience the inclemency of every climate, and the toil and absence of a military life.”

    Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans. —

    Part II.

    The Normans of Apulia were seated on the verge of the two empires; and, according to the policy of the hour, they accepted the investiture of their lands, from the sovereigns of Germany or Constantinople. But the firmest title of these adventurers was the right of conquest: they neither loved nor trusted; they were neither trusted nor beloved: the contempt of the princes was mixed with fear, and the fear of the natives was mingled with hatred and resentment. Every object of desire, a horse, a woman, a garden, tempted and gratified the rapaciousness of the strangers; and the avarice of their chiefs was only colored by the more specious names of ambition and glory. The twelve counts were sometimes joined in the league of injustice: in their domestic quarrels they disputed the spoils of the people: the virtues of William were buried in his grave; and Drogo, his brother and successor, was better qualified to lead the valor, than to restrain the violence, of his peers. Under the reign of Constantine Monomachus, the policy, rather than benevolence, of the Byzantine court, attempted to relieve Italy from this adherent mischief, more grievous than a flight of Barbarians; and Argyrus, the son of Melo, was invested for this purpose with the most lofty titles and the most ample commission. The memory of his father might recommend him to the Normans; and he had already engaged their voluntary service to quell the revolt of Maniaces, and to avenge their own and the public injury. It was the design of Constantine to transplant the warlike colony from the Italian provinces to the Persian war; and the son of Melo distributed among the chiefs the gold and manufactures of Greece, as the first-fruits of the Imperial bounty. But his arts were baffled by the sense and spirit of the conquerors of Apulia: his gifts, or at least his proposals, were rejected; and they unanimously

    refused to relinquish their possessions and their hopes for the distant prospect of Asiatic fortune. After the means of persuasion had failed, Argyrus resolved to compel or to destroy: the Latin powers were solicited against the common enemy; and an offensive alliance was formed of the pope and the two emperors of the East and West. The throne of St. Peter was occupied by Leo the Ninth, a simple saint, of a temper most apt to deceive himself and the world, and whose venerable character would consecrate with the name of piety the measures least compatible with the practice of religion. His humanity was affected by the complaints, perhaps the calumnies, of an injured people: the impious Normans had interrupted the payment of tithes; and the temporal sword might be lawfully unsheathed against the sacrilegious robbers, who were deaf to the censures of the church. As a German of noble birth and royal kindred, Leo had free access to the court and confidence of the emperor Henry the Third; and in search of arms and allies, his ardent zeal transported him from Apulia to Saxony, from the Elbe to the Tyber. During these hostile preparations, Argyrus indulged himself in the use of secret and guilty weapons: a crowd of Normans became the victims of public or private revenge; and the valiant Drogo was murdered in a church. But his spirit survived in his brother Humphrey, the third count of Apulia. The assassins were chastised; and the son of Melo, overthrown and wounded, was driven from the field, to hide his shame behind the walls of Bari, and to await the tardy succor of his allies.

    But the power of Constantine was distracted by a Turkish war; the mind of Henry was feeble and irresolute; and the pope, instead of repassing the Alps with a German army, was accompanied only by a guard of seven hundred Swabians and some volunteers of Lorraine. In his long progress from Mantua to Beneventum, a vile and promiscuous multitude of Italians was enlisted under the holy standard: the priest and the robber slept in the same tent; the pikes and crosses were intermingled in the front; and the martial saint repeated the lessons of his youth in the order of march, of encampment,

    and of combat. The Normans of Apulia could muster in the field no more than three thousand horse, with a handful of infantry: the defection of the natives intercepted their provisions and retreat; and their spirit, incapable of fear, was chilled for a moment by superstitious awe. On the hostile approach of Leo, they knelt without disgrace or reluctance before their spiritual father. But the pope was inexorable; his lofty Germans affected to deride the diminutive stature of their adversaries; and the Normans were informed that death or exile was their only alternative. Flight they disdained, and, as many of them had been three days without tasting food, they embraced the assurance of a more easy and honorable death. They climbed the hill of Civitella, descended into the plain, and charged in three divisions the army of the pope. On the left, and in the centre, Richard count of Aversa, and Robert the famous Guiscard, attacked, broke, routed, and pursued the Italian multitudes, who fought without discipline, and fled without shame. A harder trial was reserved for the valor of Count Humphrey, who led the cavalry of the right wing. The Germans have been described as unskillful in the management of the horse and the lance, but on foot they formed a strong and impenetrable phalanx; and neither man, nor steed, nor armor, could resist the weight of their long and two-handed swords. After a severe conflict, they were encompassed by the squadrons returning from the pursuit; and died in the ranks with the esteem of their foes, and the satisfaction of revenge. The gates of Civitella were shut against the flying pope, and he was overtaken by the pious conquerors, who kissed his feet, to implore his blessing and the absolution of their sinful victory. The soldiers beheld in their enemy and captive the vicar of Christ; and, though we may suppose the policy of the chiefs, it is probable that they were infected by the popular superstition. In the calm of retirement, the well-meaning pope deplored the effusion of Christian blood, which must be imputed to his account: he felt, that he had been the author of sin and scandal; and as his undertaking had failed, the indecency of his military character was universally condemned. With these dispositions, he listened to the offers of a beneficial treaty; deserted an

    alliance which he had preached as the cause of God; and ratified the past and future conquests of the Normans. By whatever hands they had been usurped, the provinces of Apulia and Calabria were a part of the donation of Constantine and the patrimony of St. Peter: the grant and the acceptance confirmed the mutual claims of the pontiff and the adventurers. They promised to support each other with spiritual and temporal arms; a tribute or quitrent of twelve pence was afterwards stipulated for every ploughland; and since this memorable transaction, the kingdom of Naples has remained above seven hundred years a fief of the Holy See.

    The pedigree of Robert of Guiscard is variously deduced from the peasants and the dukes of Normandy: from the peasants, by the pride and ignorance of a Grecian princess; from the dukes, by the ignorance and flattery of the Italian subjects. His genuine descent may be ascribed to the second or middle order of private nobility. He sprang from a race of valvassors or bannerets, of the diocese of Coutances, in the Lower Normandy: the castle of Hauteville was their honorable seat: his father Tancred was conspicuous in the court and army of the duke; and his military service was furnished by ten soldiers or knights. Two marriages, of a rank not unworthy of his own, made him the father of twelve sons, who were educated at home by the impartial tenderness of his second wife. But a narrow patrimony was insufficient for this numerous and daring progeny; they saw around the neighborhood the mischiefs of poverty and discord, and resolved to seek in foreign wars a more glorious inheritance. Two only remained to perpetuate the race, and cherish their father’s age: their ten brothers, as they successfully attained the vigor of manhood, departed from the castle, passed the Alps, and joined the Apulian camp of the Normans. The elder were prompted by native spirit; their success encouraged their younger brethren, and the three first in seniority, William, Drogo, and Humphrey, deserved to be the chiefs of their nation and the founders of the new republic. Robert was the eldest of the seven sons of the second marriage; and even the

    reluctant praise of his foes has endowed him with the heroic qualities of a soldier and a statesman. His lofty stature surpassed the tallest of his army: his limbs were cast in the true proportion of strength and gracefulness; and to the decline of life, he maintained the patient vigor of health and the commanding dignity of his form. His complexion was ruddy, his shoulders were broad, his hair and beard were long and of a flaxen color, his eyes sparkled with fire, and his voice, like that of Achilles, could impress obedience and terror amidst the tumult of battle. In the ruder ages of chivalry, such qualifications are not below the notice of the poet or historians: they may observe that Robert, at once, and with equal dexterity, could wield in the right hand his sword, his lance in the left; that in the battle of Civitella he was thrice unhorsed; and that in the close of that memorable day he was adjudged to have borne away the prize of valor from the warriors of the two armies. His boundless ambition was founded on the consciousness of superior worth: in the pursuit of greatness, he was never arrested by the scruples of justice, and seldom moved by the feelings of humanity: though not insensible of fame, the choice of open or clandestine means was determined only by his present advantage. The surname of Guiscard was applied to this master of political wisdom, which is too often confounded with the practice of dissimulation and deceit; and Robert is praised by the Apulian poet for excelling the cunning of Ulysses and the eloquence of Cicero. Yet these arts were disguised by an appearance of military frankness: in his highest fortune, he was accessible and courteous to his fellow-soldiers; and while he indulged the prejudices of his new subjects, he affected in his dress and manners to maintain the ancient fashion of his country. He grasped with a rapacious, that he might distribute with a liberal, hand: his primitive indigence had taught the habits of frugality; the gain of a merchant was not below his attention; and his prisoners were tortured with slow and unfeeling cruelty, to force a discovery of their secret treasure. According to the Greeks, he departed from Normandy with only five followers on horseback and thirty on foot; yet even this allowance appears too bountiful: the sixth son of Tancred of

    Hauteville passed the Alps as a pilgrim; and his first military band was levied among the adventurers of Italy. His brothers and countrymen had divided the fertile lands of Apulia; but they guarded their shares with the jealousy of avarice; the aspiring youth was driven forwards to the mountains of Calabria, and in his first exploits against the Greeks and the natives, it is not easy to discriminate the hero from the robber. To surprise a castle or a convent, to ensnare a wealthy citizen, to plunder the adjacent villages for necessary food, were the obscure labors which formed and exercised the powers of his mind and body. The volunteers of Normandy adhered to his standard; and, under his command, the peasants of Calabria assumed the name and character of Normans.

    As the genius of Robert expanded with his fortune, he awakened the jealousy of his elder brother, by whom, in a transient quarrel, his life was threatened and his liberty restrained. After the death of Humphrey, the tender age of his sons excluded them from the command; they were reduced to a private estate, by the ambition of their guardian and uncle; and Guiscard was exalted on a buckler, and saluted count of Apulia and general of the republic. With an increase of authority and of force, he resumed the conquest of Calabria, and soon aspired to a rank that should raise him forever above the heads of his equals. By some acts of rapine or sacrilege, he had incurred a papal excommunication; but Nicholas the Second was easily persuaded that the divisions of friends could terminate only in their mutual prejudice; that the Normans were the faithful champions of the Holy See; and it was safer to trust the alliance of a prince than the caprice of an aristocracy. A synod of one hundred bishops was convened at Melphi; and the count interrupted an important enterprise to guard the person and execute the decrees of the Roman pontiff. His gratitude and policy conferred on Robert and his posterity the ducal title, with the investiture of Apulia, Calabria, and all the lands, both in Italy and Sicily, which his sword could rescue from the schismatic Greeks and the unbelieving Saracens. This apostolic sanction might justify his

    arms; but the obedience of a free and victorious people could not be transferred without their consent; and Guiscard dissembled his elevation till the ensuing campaign had been illustrated by the conquest of Consenza and Reggio. In the hour of triumph, he assembled his troops, and solicited the Normans to confirm by their suffrage the judgment of the vicar of Christ: the soldiers hailed with joyful acclamations their valiant duke; and the counts, his former equals, pronounced the oath of fidelity with hollow smiles and secret indignation. After this inauguration, Robert styled himself, “By the grace of God and St. Peter, duke of Apulia, Calabria, and hereafter of Sicily;” and it was the labor of twenty years to deserve and realize these lofty appellations. Such tardy progress, in a narrow space, may seem unworthy of the abilities of the chief and the spirit of the nation; but the Normans were few in number; their resources were scanty; their service was voluntary and precarious. The bravest designs of the duke were sometimes opposed by the free voice of his parliament of barons: the twelve counts of popular election conspired against his authority; and against their perfidious uncle, the sons of Humphrey demanded justice and revenge. By his policy and vigor, Guiscard discovered their plots, suppressed their rebellions, and punished the guilty with death or exile: but in these domestic feuds, his years, and the national strength, were unprofitably consumed. After the defeat of his foreign enemies, the Greeks, Lombards, and Saracens, their broken forces retreated to the strong and populous cities of the sea-coast. They excelled in the arts of fortification and defence; the Normans were accustomed to serve on horseback in the field, and their rude attempts could only succeed by the efforts of persevering courage. The resistance of Salerno was maintained above eight months; the siege or blockade of Bari lasted near four years. In these actions the Norman duke was the foremost in every danger; in every fatigue the last and most patient. As he pressed the citadel of Salerno, a huge stone from the rampart shattered one of his military engines; and by a splinter he was wounded in the breast. Before the gates of Bari, he lodged in a miserable hut or barrack, composed of dry branches, and thatched with straw; a

    perilous station, on all sides open to the inclemency of the winter and the spears of the enemy.

    The Italian conquests of Robert correspond with the limits of the present kingdom of Naples; and the countries united by his arms have not been dissevered by the revolutions of seven hundred years. The monarchy has been composed of the Greek provinces of Calabria and Apulia, of the Lombard principality of Salerno, the republic of Amalphi, and the inland dependencies of the large and ancient duchy of Beneventum. Three districts only were exempted from the common law of subjection; the first forever, the two last till the middle of the succeeding century. The city and immediate territory of Benevento had been transferred, by gift or exchange, from the German emperor to the Roman pontiff; and although this holy land was sometimes invaded, the name of St. Peter was finally more potent than the sword of the Normans. Their first colony of Aversa subdued and held the state of Capua; and her princes were reduced to beg their bread before the palace of their fathers. The dukes of Naples, the present metropolis, maintained the popular freedom, under the shadow of the Byzantine empire. Among the new acquisitions of Guiscard, the science of Salerno, and the trade of Amalphi, may detain for a moment the curiosity of the reader. I. Of the learned faculties, jurisprudence implies the previous establishment of laws and property; and theology may perhaps be superseded by the full light of religion and reason. But the savage and the sage must alike implore the assistance of physic; and, if our diseases are inflamed by luxury, the mischiefs of blows and wounds would be more frequent in the ruder ages of society. The treasures of Grecian medicine had been communicated to the Arabian colonies of Africa, Spain, and Sicily; and in the intercourse of peace and war, a spark of knowledge had been kindled and cherished at Salerno, an illustrious city, in which the men were honest and the women beautiful. A school, the first that arose in the darkness of Europe, was consecrated to the healing art: the conscience of monks and bishops was reconciled to that salutary and lucrative profession; and a

    crowd of patients, of the most eminent rank, and most distant climates, invited or visited the physicians of Salerno. They were protected by the Norman conquerors; and Guiscard, though bred in arms, could discern the merit and value of a philosopher. After a pilgrimage of thirty-nine years, Constantine, an African Christian, returned from Bagdad, a master of the language and learning of the Arabians; and Salerno was enriched by the practice, the lessons, and the writings of the pupil of Avicenna. The school of medicine has long slept in the name of a university; but her precepts are abridged in a string of aphorisms, bound together in the Leonine verses, or Latin rhymes, of the twelfth century. II. Seven miles to the west of Salerno, and thirty to the south of Naples, the obscure town of Amalphi displayed the power and rewards of industry. The land, however fertile, was of narrow extent; but the sea was accessible and open: the inhabitants first assumed the office of supplying the western world with the manufactures and productions of the East; and this useful traffic was the source of their opulence and freedom. The government was popular, under the administration of a duke and the supremacy of the Greek emperor. Fifty thousand citizens were numbered in the walls of Amalphi; nor was any city more abundantly provided with gold, silver, and the objects of precious luxury. The mariners who swarmed in her port, excelled in the theory and practice of navigation and astronomy: and the discovery of the compass, which has opened the globe, is owing to their ingenuity or good fortune. Their trade was extended to the coasts, or at least to the commodities, of Africa, Arabia, and India: and their settlements in Constantinople, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria, acquired the privileges of independent colonies. After three hundred years of prosperity, Amalphi was oppressed by the arms of the Normans, and sacked by the jealousy of Pisa; but the poverty of one thousand * fisherman is yet dignified by the remains of an arsenal, a cathedral, and the palaces of royal merchants.

    Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans. —

    Part III.

    Roger, the twelfth and last of the sons of Tancred, had been long detained in Normandy by his own and his father’ age. He accepted the welcome summons; hastened to the Apulian camp; and deserved at first the esteem, and afterwards the envy, of his elder brother. Their valor and ambition were equal; but the youth, the beauty, the elegant manners, of Roger engaged the disinterested love of the soldiers and people. So scanty was his allowance for himself and forty followers, that he descended from conquest to robbery, and from robbery to domestic theft; and so loose were the notions of property, that, by his own historian, at his special command, he is accused of stealing horses from a stable at Melphi. His spirit emerged from poverty and disgrace: from these base practices he rose to the merit and glory of a holy war; and the invasion of Sicily was seconded by the zeal and policy of his brother Guiscard. After the retreat of the Greeks, the idolaters, a most audacious reproach of the Catholics, had retrieved their losses and possessions; but the deliverance of the island, so vainly undertaken by the forces of the Eastern empire, was achieved by a small and private band of adventurers. In the first attempt, Roger braved, in an open boat, the real and fabulous dangers of Scylla and Charybdis; landed with only sixty soldiers on a hostile shore; drove the Saracens to the gates of Messina and safely returned with the spoils of the adjacent country. In the fortress of Trani, his active and patient courage were equally conspicuous. In his old age he related with pleasure, that, by the distress of the siege, himself, and the countess his wife, had been reduced to a single cloak or mantle, which they wore alternately; that in a sally his horse had been slain, and he was dragged away by the Saracens; but that he owed his rescue to his good sword, and had retreated with his saddle on his back, lest the meanest trophy might be left in the hands of the miscreants. In the siege of Trani, three hundred Normans withstood and repulsed the forces of the island. In the field of Ceramio, fifty thousand horse and foot were overthrown by one hundred and thirty-six Christian

    soldiers, without reckoning St. George, who fought on horseback in the foremost ranks. The captive banners, with four camels, were reserved for the successor of St. Peter; and had these barbaric spoils been exposed, not in the Vatican, but in the Capitol, they might have revived the memory of the Punic triumphs. These insufficient numbers of the Normans most probably denote their knights, the soldiers of honorable and equestrian rank, each of whom was attended by five or six followers in the field; yet, with the aid of this interpretation, and after every fair allowance on the side of valor, arms, and reputation, the discomfiture of so many myriads will reduce the prudent reader to the alternative of a miracle or a fable. The Arabs of Sicily derived a frequent and powerful succor from their countrymen of Africa: in the siege of Palermo, the Norman cavalry was assisted by the galleys of Pisa; and, in the hour of action, the envy of the two brothers was sublimed to a generous and invincible emulation. After a war of thirty years, Roger, with the title of great count, obtained the sovereignty of the largest and most fruitful island of the Mediterranean; and his administration displays a liberal and enlightened mind, above the limits of his age and education. The Moslems were maintained in the free enjoyment of their religion and property: a philosopher and physician of Mazara, of the race of Mahomet, harangued the conqueror, and was invited to court; his geography of the seven climates was translated into Latin; and Roger, after a diligent perusal, preferred the work of the Arabian to the writings of the Grecian Ptolemy. A remnant of Christian natives had promoted the success of the Normans: they were rewarded by the triumph of the cross. The island was restored to the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff; new bishops were planted in the principal cities; and the clergy was satisfied by a liberal endowment of churches and monasteries. Yet the Catholic hero asserted the rights of the civil magistrate. Instead of resigning the investiture of benefices, he dexterously applied to his own profit the papal claims: the supremacy of the crown was secured and enlarged, by the singular bull, which declares the princes of Sicily hereditary and perpetual legates of the Holy See.

    To Robert Guiscard, the conquest of Sicily was more glorious than beneficial: the possession of Apulia and Calabria was inadequate to his ambition; and he resolved to embrace or create the first occasion of invading, perhaps of subduing, the Roman empire of the East. From his first wife, the partner of his humble fortune, he had been divorced under the pretence of consanguinity; and her son Bohemond was destined to imitate, rather than to succeed, his illustrious father. The second wife of Guiscard was the daughter of the princes of Salerno; the Lombards acquiesced in the lineal succession of their son Roger; their five daughters were given in honorable nuptials, and one of them was betrothed, in a tender age, to Constantine, a beautiful youth, the son and heir of the emperor Michael. But the throne of Constantinople was shaken by a revolution: the Imperial family of Ducas was confined to the palace or the cloister; and Robert deplored, and resented, the disgrace of his daughter and the expulsion of his ally. A Greek, who styled himself the father of Constantine, soon appeared at Salerno, and related the adventures of his fall and flight. That unfortunate friend was acknowledged by the duke, and adorned with the pomp and titles of Imperial dignity: in his triumphal progress through Apulia and Calabria, Michael was saluted with the tears and acclamations of the people; and Pope Gregory the Seventh exhorted the bishops to preach, and the Catholics to fight, in the pious work of his restoration. His conversations with Robert were frequent and familiar; and their mutual promises were justified by the valor of the Normans and the treasures of the East. Yet this Michael, by the confession of the Greeks and Latins, was a pageant and an impostor; a monk who had fled from his convent, or a domestic who had served in the palace. The fraud had been contrived by the subtle Guiscard; and he trusted, that after this pretender had given a decent color to his arms, he would sink, at the nod of the conqueror, into his primitive obscurity. But victory was the only argument that could determine the belief of the Greeks; and the ardor of the Latins was much inferior to their credulity: the Norman veterans wished to enjoy the harvest of their toils, and the

    unwarlike Italians trembled at the known and unknown dangers of a transmarine expedition. In his new levies, Robert exerted the influence of gifts and promises, the terrors of civil and ecclesiastical authority; and some acts of violence might justify the reproach, that age and infancy were pressed without distinction into the service of their unrelenting prince. After two years’ incessant preparations the land and naval forces were assembled at Otranto, at the heel, or extreme promontory, of Italy; and Robert was accompanied by his wife, who fought by his side, his son Bohemond, and the representative of the emperor Michael. Thirteen hundred knights of Norman race or discipline, formed the sinews of the army, which might be swelled to thirty thousand followers of every denomination. The men, the horses, the arms, the engines, the wooden towers, covered with raw hides, were embarked on board one hundred and fifty vessels: the transports had been built in the ports of Italy, and the galleys were supplied by the alliance of the republic of Ragusa.

    At the mouth of the Adriatic Gulf, the shores of Italy and Epirus incline towards each other. The space between Brundusium and Durazzo, the Roman passage, is no more than one hundred miles; at the last station of Otranto, it is contracted to fifty; and this narrow distance had suggested to Pyrrhus and Pompey the sublime or extravagant idea of a bridge. Before the general embarkation, the Norman duke despatched Bohemond with fifteen galleys to seize or threaten the Isle of Corfu, to survey the opposite coast, and to secure a harbor in the neighborhood of Vallona for the landing of the troops. They passed and landed without perceiving an enemy; and this successful experiment displayed the neglect and decay of the naval power of the Greeks. The islands of Epirus and the maritime towns were subdued by the arms or the name of Robert, who led his fleet and army from Corfu (I use the modern appellation) to the siege of Durazzo. That city, the western key of the empire, was guarded by ancient renown, and recent fortifications, by George Palæologus, a patrician, victorious in the Oriental wars, and a numerous garrison of

    Albanians and Macedonians, who, in every age, have maintained the character of soldiers. In the prosecution of his enterprise, the courage of Guiscard was assailed by every form of danger and mischance. In the most propitious season of the year, as his fleet passed along the coast, a storm of wind and snow unexpectedly arose: the Adriatic was swelled by the raging blast of the south, and a new shipwreck confirmed the old infamy of the Acroceraunian rocks. The sails, the masts, and the oars, were shattered or torn away; the sea and shore were covered with the fragments of vessels, with arms and dead bodies; and the greatest part of the provisions were either drowned or damaged. The ducal galley was laboriously rescued from the waves, and Robert halted seven days on the adjacent cape, to collect the relics of his loss, and revive the drooping spirits of his soldiers. The Normans were no longer the bold and experienced mariners who had explored the ocean from Greenland to Mount Atlas, and who smiled at the petty dangers of the Mediterranean. They had wept during the tempest; they were alarmed by the hostile approach of the Venetians, who had been solicited by the prayers and promises of the Byzantine court. The first day’s action was not disadvantageous to Bohemond, a beardless youth, who led the naval powers of his father. All night the galleys of the republic lay on their anchors in the form of a crescent; and the victory of the second day was decided by the dexterity of their evolutions, the station of their archers, the weight of their javelins, and the borrowed aid of the Greek fire. The Apulian and Ragusian vessels fled to the shore, several were cut from their cables, and dragged away by the conqueror; and a sally from the town carried slaughter and dismay to the tents of the Norman duke. A seasonable relief was poured into Durazzo, and as soon as the besiegers had lost the command of the sea, the islands and maritime towns withdrew from the camp the supply of tribute and provision. That camp was soon afflicted with a pestilential disease; five hundred knights perished by an inglorious death; and the list of burials (if all could obtain a decent burial) amounted to ten thousand persons. Under these calamities, the mind of Guiscard alone was firm and invincible; and while he collected new forces from Apulia and

    Sicily, he battered, or scaled, or sapped, the walls of Durazzo. But his industry and valor were encountered by equal valor and more perfect industry. A movable turret, of a size and capacity to contain five hundred soldiers, had been rolled forwards to the foot of the rampart: but the descent of the door or drawbridge was checked by an enormous beam, and the wooden structure was constantly consumed by artificial flames.

    While the Roman empire was attacked by the Turks in the East, east, and the Normans in the West, the aged successor of Michael surrendered the sceptre to the hands of Alexius, an illustrious captain, and the founder of the Comnenian dynasty. The princess Anne, his daughter and historian, observes, in her affected style, that even Hercules was unequal to a double combat; and, on this principle, she approves a hasty peace with the Turks, which allowed her father to undertake in person the relief of Durazzo. On his accession, Alexius found the camp without soldiers, and the treasury without money; yet such were the vigor and activity of his measures, that in six months he assembled an army of seventy thousand men, and performed a march of five hundred miles. His troops were levied in Europe and Asia, from Peloponnesus to the Black Sea; his majesty was displayed in the silver arms and rich trappings of the companies of Horse-guards; and the emperor was attended by a train of nobles and princes, some of whom, in rapid succession, had been clothed with the purple, and were indulged by the lenity of the times in a life of affluence and dignity. Their youthful ardor might animate the multitude; but their love of pleasure and contempt of subordination were pregnant with disorder and mischief; and their importunate clamors for speedy and decisive action disconcerted the prudence of Alexius, who might have surrounded and starved the besieging army. The enumeration of provinces recalls a sad comparison of the past and present limits of the Roman world: the raw levies were drawn together in haste and terror; and the garrisons of Anatolia, or Asia Minor, had been purchased

    by the evacuation of the cities which were immediately occupied by the Turks. The strength of the Greek army consisted in the Varangians, the Scandinavian guards, whose numbers were recently augmented by a colony of exiles and volunteers from the British Island of Thule. Under the yoke of the Norman conqueror, the Danes and English were oppressed and united; a band of adventurous youths resolved to desert a land of slavery; the sea was open to their escape; and, in their long pilgrimage, they visited every coast that afforded any hope of liberty and revenge. They were entertained in the service of the Greek emperor; and their first station was in a new city on the Asiatic shore: but Alexius soon recalled them to the defence of his person and palace; and bequeathed to his successors the inheritance of their faith and valor. The name of a Norman invader revived the memory of their wrongs: they marched with alacrity against the national foe, and panted to regain in Epirus the glory which they had lost in the battle of Hastings. The Varangians were supported by some companies of Franks or Latins; and the rebels, who had fled to Constantinople from the tyranny of Guiscard, were eager to signalize their zeal and gratify their revenge. In this emergency, the emperor had not disdained the impure aid of the Paulicians or Manichæans of Thrace and Bulgaria; and these heretics united with the patience of martyrdom the spirit and discipline of active valor. The treaty with the sultan had procured a supply of some thousand Turks; and the arrows of the Scythian horse were opposed to the lances of the Norman cavalry. On the report and distant prospect of these formidable numbers, Robert assembled a council of his principal officers. “You behold,” said he, “your danger: it is urgent and inevitable. The hills are covered with arms and standards; and the emperor of the Greeks is accustomed to wars and triumphs. Obedience and union are our only safety; and I am ready to yield the command to a more worthy leader.” The vote and acclamation even of his secret enemies, assured him, in that perilous moment, of their esteem and confidence; and the duke thus continued: “Let us trust in the rewards of victory, and deprive cowardice of the means of escape. Let us burn our vessels and our baggage, and give battle on this spot, as if it

    were the place of our nativity and our burial.” The resolution was unanimously approved; and, without confining himself to his lines, Guiscard awaited in battle-array the nearer approach of the enemy. His rear was covered by a small river; his right wing extended to the sea; his left to the hills: nor was he conscious, perhaps, that on the same ground Cæsar and Pompey had formerly disputed the empire of the world.

    Against the advice of his wisest captains, Alexius resolved to risk the event of a general action, and exhorted the garrison of Durazzo to assist their own deliverance by a well-timed sally from the town. He marched in two columns to surprise the Normans before daybreak on two different sides: his light cavalry was scattered over the plain; the archers formed the second line; and the Varangians claimed the honors of the vanguard. In the first onset, the battle-axes of the strangers made a deep and bloody impression on the army of Guiscard, which was now reduced to fifteen thousand men. The Lombards and Calabrians ignominiously turned their backs; they fled towards the river and the sea; but the bridge had been broken down to check the sally of the garrison, and the coast was lined with the Venetian galleys, who played their engines among the disorderly throng. On the verge of ruin, they were saved by the spirit and conduct of their chiefs. Gaita, the wife of Robert, is painted by the Greeks as a warlike Amazon, a second Pallas; less skilful in arts, but not less terrible in arms, than the Athenian goddess: though wounded by an arrow, she stood her ground, and strove, by her exhortation and example, to rally the flying troops. Her female voice was seconded by the more powerful voice and arm of the Norman duke, as calm in action as he was magnanimous in council: “Whither,” he cried aloud, “whither do ye fly? Your enemy is implacable; and death is less grievous than servitude.” The moment was decisive: as the Varangians advanced before the line, they discovered the nakedness of their flanks: the main battle of the duke, of eight hundred knights, stood firm and entire; they couched their lances, and the Greeks deplore the furious and irresistible shock of the

    French cavalry. Alexius was not deficient in the duties of a soldier or a general; but he no sooner beheld the slaughter of the Varangians, and the flight of the Turks, than he despised his subjects, and despaired of his fortune. The princess Anne, who drops a tear on this melancholy event, is reduced to praise the strength and swiftness of her father’s horse, and his vigorous struggle when he was almost overthrown by the stroke of a lance, which had shivered the Imperial helmet. His desperate valor broke through a squadron of Franks who opposed his flight; and after wandering two days and as many nights in the mountains, he found some repose, of body, though not of mind, in the walls of Lychnidus. The victorious Robert reproached the tardy and feeble pursuit which had suffered the escape of so illustrious a prize: but he consoled his disappointment by the trophies and standards of the field, the wealth and luxury of the Byzantine camp, and the glory of defeating an army five times more numerous than his own. A multitude of Italians had been the victims of their own fears; but only thirty of his knights were slain in this memorable day. In the Roman host, the loss of Greeks, Turks, and English, amounted to five or six thousand: the plain of Durazzo was stained with noble and royal blood; and the end of the impostor Michael was more honorable than his life.

    It is more than probable that Guiscard was not afflicted by the loss of a costly pageant, which had merited only the contempt and derision of the Greeks. After their defeat, they still persevered in the defence of Durazzo; and a Venetian commander supplied the place of George Palæologus, who had been imprudently called away from his station. The tents of the besiegers were converted into barracks, to sustain the inclemency of the winter; and in answer to the defiance of the garrison, Robert insinuated, that his patience was at least equal to their obstinacy. Perhaps he already trusted to his secret correspondence with a Venetian noble, who sold the city for a rich and honorable marriage. At the dead of night, several rope-ladders were dropped from the walls; the light Calabrians ascended in silence; and the Greeks were

    awakened by the name and trumpets of the conqueror. Yet they defended the streets three days against an enemy already master of the rampart; and near seven months elapsed between the first investment and the final surrender of the place. From Durazzo, the Norman duke advanced into the heart of Epirus or Albania; traversed the first mountains of Thessaly; surprised three hundred English in the city of Castoria; approached Thessalonica; and made Constantinople tremble. A more pressing duty suspended the prosecution of his ambitious designs. By shipwreck, pestilence, and the sword, his army was reduced to a third of the original numbers; and instead of being recruited from Italy, he was informed, by plaintive epistles, of the mischiefs and dangers which had been produced by his absence: the revolt of the cities and barons of Apulia; the distress of the pope; and the approach or invasion of Henry king of Germany. Highly presuming that his person was sufficient for the public safety, he repassed the sea in a single brigantine, and left the remains of the army under the command of his son and the Norman counts, exhorting Bohemond to respect the freedom of his peers, and the counts to obey the authority of their leader. The son of Guiscard trod in the footsteps of his father; and the two destroyers are compared, by the Greeks, to the caterpillar and the locust, the last of whom devours whatever has escaped the teeth of the former. After winning two battles against the emperor, he descended into the plain of Thessaly, and besieged Larissa, the fabulous realm of Achilles, which contained the treasure and magazines of the Byzantine camp. Yet a just praise must not be refused to the fortitude and prudence of Alexius, who bravely struggled with the calamities of the times. In the poverty of the state, he presumed to borrow the superfluous ornaments of the churches: the desertion of the Manichæans was supplied by some tribes of Moldavia: a reënforcement of seven thousand Turks replaced and revenged the loss of their brethren; and the Greek soldiers were exercised to ride, to draw the bow, and to the daily practice of ambuscades and evolutions. Alexius had been taught by experience, that the formidable cavalry of the Franks on foot was unfit for action, and almost incapable of

    motion; his archers were directed to aim their arrows at the horse rather than the man; and a variety of spikes and snares were scattered over the ground on which he might expect an attack. In the neighborhood of Larissa the events of war were protracted and balanced. The courage of Bohemond was always conspicuous, and often successful; but his camp was pillaged by a stratagem of the Greeks; the city was impregnable; and the venal or discontented counts deserted his standard, betrayed their trusts, and enlisted in the service of the emperor. Alexius returned to Constantinople with the advantage, rather than the honor, of victory. After evacuating the conquests which he could no longer defend, the son of Guiscard embarked for Italy, and was embraced by a father who esteemed his merit, and sympathized in his misfortune.

    Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans. —

    Part IV.

    Of the Latin princes, the allies of Alexius and enemies of Robert, the most prompt and powerful was Henry the Third or Fourth, king of Germany and Italy, and future emperor of the West. The epistle of the Greek monarch to his brother is filled with the warmest professions of friendship, and the most lively desire of strengthening their alliance by every public and private tie. He congratulates Henry on his success in a just and pious war; and complains that the prosperity of his own empire is disturbed by the audacious enterprises of the Norman Robert. The lists of his presents expresses the manners of the age — a radiated crown of gold, a cross set with pearls to hang on the breast, a case of relics, with the names and titles of the saints, a vase of crystal, a vase of sardonyx, some balm, most probably of Mecca, and one hundred pieces of purple. To these he added a more solid present, of one hundred and forty-four thousand Byzantines of gold, with a further assurance of two hundred and sixteen thousand, so soon as Henry should have entered in arms the Apulian territories, and confirmed by an oath the league against the

    common enemy. The German, who was already in Lombardy at the head of an army and a faction, accepted these liberal offers, and marched towards the south: his speed was checked by the sound of the battle of Durazzo; but the influence of his arms, or name, in the hasty return of Robert, was a full equivalent for the Grecian bribe. Henry was the severe adversary of the Normans, the allies and vassals of Gregory the Seventh, his implacable foe. The long quarrel of the throne and mitre had been recently kindled by the zeal and ambition of that haughty priest: the king and the pope had degraded each other; and each had seated a rival on the temporal or spiritual throne of his antagonist. After the defeat and death of his Swabian rebel, Henry descended into Italy, to assume the Imperial crown, and to drive from the Vatican the tyrant of the church. But the Roman people adhered to the cause of Gregory: their resolution was fortified by supplies of men and money from Apulia; and the city was thrice ineffectually besieged by the king of Germany. In the fourth year he corrupted, as it is said, with Byzantine gold, the nobles of Rome, whose estates and castles had been ruined by the war. The gates, the bridges, and fifty hostages, were delivered into his hands: the anti-pope, Clement the Third, was consecrated in the Lateran: the grateful pontiff crowned his protector in the Vatican; and the emperor Henry fixed his residence in the Capitol, as the lawful successor of Augustus and Charlemagne. The ruins of the Septizonium were still defended by the nephew of Gregory: the pope himself was invested in the castle of St. Angelo; and his last hope was in the courage and fidelity of his Norman vassal. Their friendship had been interrupted by some reciprocal injuries and complaints; but, on this pressing occasion, Guiscard was urged by the obligation of his oath, by his interest, more potent than oaths, by the love of fame, and his enmity to the two emperors. Unfurling the holy banner, he resolved to fly to the relief of the prince of the apostles: the most numerous of his armies, six thousand horse, and thirty thousand foot, was instantly assembled; and his march from Salerno to Rome was animated by the public applause and the promise of the divine favor. Henry, invincible in sixty-six battles, trembled at his

    approach; recollected some indispensable affairs that required his presence in Lombardy; exhorted the Romans to persevere in their allegiance; and hastily retreated three days before the entrance of the Normans. In less than three years, the son of Tancred of Hauteville enjoyed the glory of delivering the pope, and of compelling the two emperors, of the East and West, to fly before his victorious arms. But the triumph of Robert was clouded by the calamities of Rome. By the aid of the friends of Gregory, the walls had been perforated or scaled; but the Imperial faction was still powerful and active; on the third day, the people rose in a furious tumult; and a hasty word of the conqueror, in his defence or revenge, was the signal of fire and pillage. The Saracens of Sicily, the subjects of Roger, and auxiliaries of his brother, embraced this fair occasion of rifling and profaning the holy city of the Christians: many thousands of the citizens, in the sight, and by the allies, of their spiritual father were exposed to violation, captivity, or death; and a spacious quarter of the city, from the Lateran to the Coliseum, was consumed by the flames, and devoted to perpetual solitude. From a city, where he was now hated, and might be no longer feared, Gregory retired to end his days in the palace of Salerno. The artful pontiff might flatter the vanity of Guiscard with the hope of a Roman or Imperial crown; but this dangerous measure, which would have inflamed the ambition of the Norman, must forever have alienated the most faithful princes of Germany.

    The deliverer and scourge of Rome might have indulged himself in a season of repose; but in the same year of the flight of the German emperor, the indefatigable Robert resumed the design of his eastern conquests. The zeal or gratitude of Gregory had promised to his valor the kingdoms of Greece and Asia; his troops were assembled in arms, flushed with success, and eager for action. Their numbers, in the language of Homer, are compared by Anna to a swarm of bees; yet the utmost and moderate limits of the powers of Guiscard have been already defined; they were contained on this second occasion in one hundred and twenty vessels; and as the

    season was far advanced, the harbor of Brundusium was preferred to the open road of Otranto. Alexius, apprehensive of a second attack, had assiduously labored to restore the naval forces of the empire; and obtained from the republic of Venice an important succor of thirty-six transports, fourteen galleys, and nine galiots or ships of extra-ordinary strength and magnitude. Their services were liberally paid by the license or monopoly of trade, a profitable gift of many shops and houses in the port of Constantinople, and a tribute to St. Mark, the more acceptable, as it was the produce of a tax on their rivals at Amalphi. By the union of the Greeks and Venetians, the Adriatic was covered with a hostile fleet; but their own neglect, or the vigilance of Robert, the change of a wind, or the shelter of a mist, opened a free passage; and the Norman troops were safely disembarked on the coast of Epirus. With twenty strong and well-appointed galleys, their intrepid duke immediately sought the enemy, and though more accustomed to fight on horseback, he trusted his own life, and the lives of his brother and two sons, to the event of a naval combat. The dominion of the sea was disputed in three engagements, in sight of the Isle of Corfu: in the two former, the skill and numbers of the allies were superior; but in the third, the Normans obtained a final and complete victory. The light brigantines of the Greeks were scattered in ignominious flight: the nine castles of the Venetians maintained a more obstinate conflict; seven were sunk, two were taken; two thousand five hundred captives implored in vain the mercy of the victor; and the daughter of Alexius deplores the loss of thirteen thousand of his subjects or allies. The want of experience had been supplied by the genius of Guiscard; and each evening, when he had sounded a retreat, he calmly explored the causes of his repulse, and invented new methods how to remedy his own defects, and to baffle the advantages of the enemy. The winter season suspended his progress: with the return of spring he again aspired to the conquest of Constantinople; but, instead of traversing the hills of Epirus, he turned his arms against Greece and the islands, where the spoils would repay the labor, and where the land and sea forces might pursue their joint operations with vigor and effect. But, in the Isle of

    Cephalonia, his projects were fatally blasted by an epidemical disease: Robert himself, in the seventieth year of his age, expired in his tent; and a suspicion of poison was imputed, by public rumor, to his wife, or to the Greek emperor. This premature death might allow a boundless scope for the imagination of his future exploits; and the event sufficiently declares, that the Norman greatness was founded on his life. Without the appearance of an enemy, a victorious army dispersed or retreated in disorder and consternation; and Alexius, who had trembled for his empire, rejoiced in his deliverance. The galley which transported the remains of Guiscard was ship-wrecked on the Italian shore; but the duke’s body was recovered from the sea, and deposited in the sepulchre of Venusia, a place more illustrious for the birth of Horace than for the burial of the Norman heroes. Roger, his second son and successor, immediately sunk to the humble station of a duke of Apulia: the esteem or partiality of his father left the valiant Bohemond to the inheritance of his sword. The national tranquillity was disturbed by his claims, till the first crusade against the infidels of the East opened a more splendid field of glory and conquest.

    Of human life, the most glorious or humble prospects are alike and soon bounded by the sepulchre. The male line of Robert Guiscard was extinguished, both in Apulia and at Antioch, in the second generation; but his younger brother became the father of a line of kings; and the son of the great count was endowed with the name, the conquests, and the spirit, of the first Roger. The heir of that Norman adventurer was born in Sicily; and, at the age of only four years, he succeeded to the sovereignty of the island, a lot which reason might envy, could she indulge for a moment the visionary, though virtuous wish of dominion. Had Roger been content with his fruitful patrimony, a happy and grateful people might have blessed their benefactor; and if a wise administration could have restored the prosperous times of the Greek colonies, the opulence and power of Sicily alone might have equalled the widest scope that could be acquired and desolated by the

    sword of war. But the ambition of the great count was ignorant of these noble pursuits; it was gratified by the vulgar means of violence and artifice. He sought to obtain the undivided possession of Palermo, of which one moiety had been ceded to the elder branch; struggled to enlarge his Calabrian limits beyond the measure of former treaties; and impatiently watched the declining health of his cousin William of Apulia, the grandson of Robert. On the first intelligence of his premature death, Roger sailed from Palermo with seven galleys, cast anchor in the Bay of Salerno, received, after ten days’ negotiation, an oath of fidelity from the Norman capital, commanded the submission of the barons, and extorted a legal investiture from the reluctant popes, who could not long endure either the friendship or enmity of a powerful vassal. The sacred spot of Benevento was respectfully spared, as the patrimony of St. Peter; but the reduction of Capua and Naples completed the design of his uncle Guiscard; and the sole inheritance of the Norman conquests was possessed by the victorious Roger. A conscious superiority of power and merit prompted him to disdain the titles of duke and of count; and the Isle of Sicily, with a third perhaps of the continent of Italy, might form the basis of a kingdom which would only yield to the monarchies of France and England. The chiefs of the nation who attended his coronation at Palermo might doubtless pronounce under what name he should reign over them; but the example of a Greek tyrant or a Saracen emir was insufficient to justify his regal character; and the nine kings of the Latin world might disclaim their new associate, unless he were consecrated by the authority of the supreme pontiff. The pride of Anacletus was pleased to confer a title, which the pride of the Norman had stooped to solicit; but his own legitimacy was attacked by the adverse election of Innocent the Second; and while Anacletus sat in the Vatican, the successful fugitive was acknowledged by the nations of Europe. The infant monarchy of Roger was shaken, and almost overthrown, by the unlucky choice of an ecclesiastical patron; and the sword of Lothaire the Second of Germany, the excommunications of Innocent, the fleets of Pisa, and the zeal of St. Bernard, were united for the ruin of the Sicilian robber.

    After a gallant resistance, the Norman prince was driven from the continent of Italy: a new duke of Apulia was invested by the pope and the emperor, each of whom held one end of the gonfanon, or flagstaff, as a token that they asserted their right, and suspended their quarrel. But such jealous friendship was of short and precarious duration: the German armies soon vanished in disease and desertion: the Apulian duke, with all his adherents, was exterminated by a conqueror who seldom forgave either the dead or the living; like his predecessor Leo the Ninth, the feeble though haughty pontiff became the captive and friend of the Normans; and their reconciliation was celebrated by the eloquence of Bernard, who now revered the title and virtues of the king of Sicily.

    As a penance for his impious war against the successor of St. Peter, that monarch might have promised to display the banner of the cross, and he accomplished with ardor a vow so propitious to his interest and revenge. The recent injuries of Sicily might provoke a just retaliation on the heads of the Saracens: the Normans, whose blood had been mingled with so many subject streams, were encouraged to remember and emulate the naval trophies of their fathers, and in the maturity of their strength they contended with the decline of an African power. When the Fatimite caliph departed for the conquest of Egypt, he rewarded the real merit and apparent fidelity of his servant Joseph with a gift of his royal mantle, and forty Arabian horses, his palace with its sumptuous furniture, and the government of the kingdoms of Tunis and Algiers. The Zeirides, the descendants of Joseph, forgot their allegiance and gratitude to a distant benefactor, grasped and abused the fruits of prosperity; and after running the little course of an Oriental dynasty, were now fainting in their own weakness. On the side of the land, they were pressed by the Almohades, the fanatic princes of Morocco, while the sea-coast was open to the enterprises of the Greeks and Franks, who, before the close of the eleventh century, had extorted a ransom of two hundred thousand pieces of gold. By the first arms of Roger, the island or rock of Malta, which has been

    since ennobled by a military and religious colony, was inseparably annexed to the crown of Sicily. Tripoli, a strong and maritime city, was the next object of his attack; and the slaughter of the males, the captivity of the females, might be justified by the frequent practice of the Moslems themselves. The capital of the Zeirides was named Africa from the country, and Mahadia from the Arabian founder: it is strongly built on a neck of land, but the imperfection of the harbor is not compensated by the fertility of the adjacent plain. Mahadia was besieged by George the Sicilian admiral, with a fleet of one hundred and fifty galleys, amply provided with men and the instruments of mischief: the sovereign had fled, the Moorish governor refused to capitulate, declined the last and irresistible assault, and secretly escaping with the Moslem inhabitants abandoned the place and its treasures to the rapacious Franks. In successive expeditions, the king of Sicily or his lieutenants reduced the cities of Tunis, Safax, Capsia, Bona, and a long tract of the sea-coast; the fortresses were garrisoned, the country was tributary, and a boast that it held Africa in subjection might be inscribed with some flattery on the sword of Roger. After his death, that sword was broken; and these transmarine possessions were neglected, evacuated, or lost, under the troubled reign of his successor. The triumphs of Scipio and Belisarius have proved, that the African continent is neither inaccessible nor invincible; yet the great princes and powers of Christendom have repeatedly failed in their armaments against the Moors, who may still glory in the easy conquest and long servitude of Spain.

    Since the decease of Robert Guiscard, the Normans had relinquished, above sixty years, their hostile designs against the empire of the East. The policy of Roger solicited a public and private union with the Greek princes, whose alliance would dignify his regal character: he demanded in marriage a daughter of the Comnenian family, and the first steps of the treaty seemed to promise a favorable event. But the contemptuous treatment of his ambassadors exasperated the vanity of the new monarch; and the insolence of the Byzantine

    court was expiated, according to the laws of nations, by the sufferings of a guiltless people. With the fleet of seventy galleys, George, the admiral of Sicily, appeared before Corfu; and both the island and city were delivered into his hands by the disaffected inhabitants, who had yet to learn that a siege is still more calamitous than a tribute. In this invasion, of some moment in the annals of commerce, the Normans spread themselves by sea, and over the provinces of Greece; and the venerable age of Athens, Thebes, and Corinth, was violated by rapine and cruelty. Of the wrongs of Athens, no memorial remains. The ancient walls, which encompassed, without guarding, the opulence of Thebes, were scaled by the Latin Christians; but their sole use of the gospel was to sanctify an oath, that the lawful owners had not secreted any relic of their inheritance or industry. On the approach of the Normans, the lower town of Corinth was evacuated; the Greeks retired to the citadel, which was seated on a lofty eminence, abundantly watered by the classic fountain of Pirene; an impregnable fortress, if the want of courage could be balanced by any advantages of art or nature. As soon as the besiegers had surmounted the labor (their sole labor) of climbing the hill, their general, from the commanding eminence, admired his own victory, and testified his gratitude to Heaven, by tearing from the altar the precious image of Theodore, the tutelary saint. The silk weavers of both sexes, whom George transported to Sicily, composed the most valuable part of the spoil; and in comparing the skilful industry of the mechanic with the sloth and cowardice of the soldier, he was heard to exclaim that the distaff and loom were the only weapons which the Greeks were capable of using. The progress of this naval armament was marked by two conspicuous events, the rescue of the king of France, and the insult of the Byzantine capital. In his return by sea from an unfortunate crusade, Louis the Seventh was intercepted by the Greeks, who basely violated the laws of honor and religion. The fortunate encounter of the Norman fleet delivered the royal captive; and after a free and honorable entertainment in the court of Sicily, Louis continued his journey to Rome and Paris. In the absence of the emperor, Constantinople and the Hellespont were left

    without defence and without the suspicion of danger. The clergy and people (for the soldiers had followed the standard of Manuel) were astonished and dismayed at the hostile appearance of a line of galleys, which boldly cast anchor in the front of the Imperial city. The forces of the Sicilian admiral were inadequate to the siege or assault of an immense and populous metropolis; but George enjoyed the glory of humbling the Greek arrogance, and of marking the path of conquest to the navies of the West. He landed some soldiers to rifle the fruits of the royal gardens, and pointed with silver, or most probably with fire, the arrows which he discharged against the palace of the Cæsars. This playful outrage of the pirates of Sicily, who had surprised an unguarded moment, Manuel affected to despise, while his martial spirit, and the forces of the empire, were awakened to revenge. The Archipelago and Ionian Sea were covered with his squadrons and those of Venice; but I know not by what favorable allowance of transports, victuallers, and pinnaces, our reason, or even our fancy, can be reconciled to the stupendous account of fifteen hundred vessels, which is proposed by a Byzantine historian. These operations were directed with prudence and energy: in his homeward voyage George lost nineteen of his galleys, which were separated and taken: after an obstinate defence, Corfu implored the clemency of her lawful sovereign; nor could a ship, a soldier, of the Norman prince, be found, unless as a captive, within the limits of the Eastern empire. The prosperity and the health of Roger were already in a declining state: while he listened in his palace of Palermo to the messengers of victory or defeat, the invincible Manuel, the foremost in every assault, was celebrated by the Greeks and Latins as the Alexander or the Hercules of the age.

    Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans. —

    Part V.

    A prince of such a temper could not be satisfied with having repelled the insolence of a Barbarian. It was the right and

    duty, it might be the interest and glory, of Manuel to restore the ancient majesty of the empire, to recover the provinces of Italy and Sicily, and to chastise this pretended king, the grandson of a Norman vassal. The natives of Calabria were still attached to the Greek language and worship, which had been inexorably proscribed by the Latin clergy: after the loss of her dukes, Apulia was chained as a servile appendage to the crown of Sicily; the founder of the monarchy had ruled by the sword; and his death had abated the fear, without healing the discontent, of his subjects: the feudal government was always pregnant with the seeds of rebellion; and a nephew of Roger himself invited the enemies of his family and nation. The majesty of the purple, and a series of Hungarian and Turkish wars, prevented Manuel from embarking his person in the Italian expedition. To the brave and noble Palæologus, his lieutenant, the Greek monarch intrusted a fleet and army: the siege of Bari was his first exploit; and, in every operation, gold as well as steel was the instrument of victory. Salerno, and some places along the western coast, maintained their fidelity to the Norman king; but he lost in two campaigns the greater part of his continental possessions; and the modest emperor, disdaining all flattery and falsehood, was content with the reduction of three hundred cities or villages of Apulia and Calabria, whose names and titles were inscribed on all the walls of the palace. The prejudices of the Latins were gratified by a genuine or fictitious donation under the seal of the German Cæsars; but the successor of Constantine soon renounced this ignominious pretence, claimed the indefeasible dominion of Italy, and professed his design of chasing the Barbarians beyond the Alps. By the artful speeches, liberal gifts, and unbounded promises, of their Eastern ally, the free cities were encouraged to persevere in their generous struggle against the despotism of Frederic Barbarossa: the walls of Milan were rebuilt by the contributions of Manuel; and he poured, says the historian, a river of gold into the bosom of Ancona, whose attachment to the Greeks was fortified by the jealous enmity of the Venetians. The situation and trade of Ancona rendered it an important garrison in the heart of Italy: it was twice besieged by the arms of Frederic; the imperial

    forces were twice repulsed by the spirit of freedom; that spirit was animated by the ambassador of Constantinople; and the most intrepid patriots, the most faithful servants, were rewarded by the wealth and honors of the Byzantine court. The pride of Manuel disdained and rejected a Barbarian colleague; his ambition was excited by the hope of stripping the purple from the German usurpers, and of establishing, in the West, as in the East, his lawful title of sole emperor of the Romans. With this view, he solicited the alliance of the people and the bishop of Rome. Several of the nobles embraced the cause of the Greek monarch; the splendid nuptials of his niece with Odo Frangipani secured the support of that powerful family, and his royal standard or image was entertained with due reverence in the ancient metropolis. During the quarrel between Frederic and Alexander the Third, the pope twice received in the Vatican the ambassadors of Constantinople. They flattered his piety by the long-promised union of the two churches, tempted the avarice of his venal court, and exhorted the Roman pontiff to seize the just provocation, the favorable moment, to humble the savage insolence of the Alemanni and to acknowledge the true representative of Constantine and Augustus.

    But these Italian conquests, this universal reign, soon escaped from the hand of the Greek emperor. His first demands were eluded by the prudence of Alexander the Third, who paused on this deep and momentous revolution; nor could the pope be seduced by a personal dispute to renounce the perpetual inheritance of the Latin name. After the reunion with Frederic, he spoke a more peremptory language, confirmed the acts of his predecessors, excommunicated the adherents of Manuel, and pronounced the final separation of the churches, or at least the empires, of Constantinople and Rome. The free cities of Lombardy no longer remembered their foreign benefactor, and without preserving the friendship of Ancona, he soon incurred the enmity of Venice. By his own avarice, or the complaints of his subjects, the Greek emperor was provoked to arrest the persons, and confiscate the effects, of the Venetian

    merchants. This violation of the public faith exasperated a free and commercial people: one hundred galleys were launched and armed in as many days; they swept the coasts of Dalmatia and Greece: but after some mutual wounds, the war was terminated by an agreement, inglorious to the empire, insufficient for the republic; and a complete vengeance of these and of fresh injuries was reserved for the succeeding generation. The lieutenant of Manuel had informed his sovereign that he was strong enough to quell any domestic revolt of Apulia and Calabria; but that his forces were inadequate to resist the impending attack of the king of Sicily. His prophecy was soon verified: the death of Palæologus devolved the command on several chiefs, alike eminent in rank, alike defective in military talents; the Greeks were oppressed by land and sea; and a captive remnant that escaped the swords of the Normans and Saracens, abjured all future hostility against the person or dominions of their conqueror. Yet the king of Sicily esteemed the courage and constancy of Manuel, who had landed a second army on the Italian shore; he respectfully addressed the new Justinian; solicited a peace or truce of thirty years, accepted as a gift the regal title; and acknowledged himself the military vassal of the Roman empire. The Byzantine Cæsars acquiesced in this shadow of dominion, without expecting, perhaps without desiring, the service of a Norman army; and the truce of thirty years was not disturbed by any hostilities between Sicily and Constantinople. About the end of that period, the throne of Manuel was usurped by an inhuman tyrant, who had deserved the abhorrence of his country and mankind: the sword of William the Second, the grandson of Roger, was drawn by a fugitive of the Comnenian race; and the subjects of Andronicus might salute the strangers as friends, since they detested their sovereign as the worst of enemies. The Latin historians expatiate on the rapid progress of the four counts who invaded Romania with a fleet and army, and reduced many castles and cities to the obedience of the king of Sicily. The Greeks accuse and magnify the wanton and sacrilegious cruelties that were perpetrated in the sack of Thessalonica, the second city of the empire. The former deplore the fate of those

    invincible but unsuspecting warriors who were destroyed by the arts of a vanquished foe. The latter applaud, in songs of triumph, the repeated victories of their countrymen on the Sea of Marmora or Propontis, on the banks of the Strymon, and under the walls of Durazzo. A revolution which punished the crimes of Andronicus, had united against the Franks the zeal and courage of the successful insurgents: ten thousand were slain in battle, and Isaac Angelus, the new emperor, might indulge his vanity or vengeance in the treatment of four thousand captives. Such was the event of the last contest between the Greeks and Normans: before the expiration of twenty years, the rival nations were lost or degraded in foreign servitude; and the successors of Constantine did not long survive to insult the fall of the Sicilian monarchy.

    The sceptre of Roger successively devolved to his son and grandson: they might be confounded under the name of William: they are strongly discriminated by the epithets of the bad and the good; but these epithets, which appear to describe the perfection of vice and virtue, cannot strictly be applied to either of the Norman princes. When he was roused to arms by danger and shame, the first William did not degenerate from the valor of his race; but his temper was slothful; his manners were dissolute; his passions headstrong and mischievous; and the monarch is responsible, not only for his personal vices, but for those of Majo, the great admiral, who abused the confidence, and conspired against the life, of his benefactor. From the Arabian conquest, Sicily had imbibed a deep tincture of Oriental manners; the despotism, the pomp, and even the harem, of a sultan; and a Christian people was oppressed and insulted by the ascendant of the eunuchs, who openly professed, or secretly cherished, the religion of Mahomet. An eloquent historian of the times has delineated the misfortunes of his country: the ambition and fall of the ungrateful Majo; the revolt and punishment of his assassins; the imprisonment and deliverance of the king himself; the private feuds that arose from the public confusion; and the various forms of calamity and discord which afflicted Palermo, the island, and

    the continent, during the reign of William the First, and the minority of his son. The youth, innocence, and beauty of William the Second, endeared him to the nation: the factions were reconciled; the laws were revived; and from the manhood to the premature death of that amiable prince, Sicily enjoyed a short season of peace, justice, and happiness, whose value was enhanced by the remembrance of the past and the dread of futurity. The legitimate male posterity of Tancred of Hauteville was extinct in the person of the second William; but his aunt, the daughter of Roger, had married the most powerful prince of the age; and Henry the Sixth, the son of Frederic Barbarossa, descended from the Alps to claim the Imperial crown and the inheritance of his wife. Against the unanimous wish of a free people, this inheritance could only be acquired by arms; and I am pleased to transcribe the style and sense of the historian Falcandus, who writes at the moment, and on the spot, with the feelings of a patriot, and the prophetic eye of a statesman. “Constantia, the daughter of Sicily, nursed from her cradle in the pleasures and plenty, and educated in the arts and manners, of this fortunate isle, departed long since to enrich the Barbarians with our treasures, and now returns, with her savage allies, to contaminate the beauties of her venerable parent. Already I behold the swarms of angry Barbarians: our opulent cities, the places flourishing in a long peace, are shaken with fear, desolated by slaughter, consumed by rapine, and polluted by intemperance and lust. I see the massacre or captivity of our citizens, the rapes of our virgins and matrons. In this extremity (he interrogates a friend) how must the Sicilians act? By the unanimous election of a king of valor and experience, Sicily and Calabria might yet be preserved; for in the levity of the Apulians, ever eager for new revolutions, I can repose neither confidence nor hope. Should Calabria be lost, the lofty towers, the numerous youth, and the naval strength, of Messina, might guard the passage against a foreign invader. If the savage Germans coalesce with the pirates of Messina; if they destroy with fire the fruitful region, so often wasted by the fires of Mount Ætna, what resource will be left for the interior parts of the island, these noble cities which should never be

    violated by the hostile footsteps of a Barbarian? Catana has again been overwhelmed by an earthquake: the ancient virtue of Syracuse expires in poverty and solitude; but Palermo is still crowned with a diadem, and her triple walls enclose the active multitudes of Christians and Saracens. If the two nations, under one king, can unite for their common safety, they may rush on the Barbarians with invincible arms. But if the Saracens, fatigued by a repetition of injuries, should now retire and rebel; if they should occupy the castles of the mountains and sea-coast, the unfortunate Christians, exposed to a double attack, and placed as it were between the hammer and the anvil, must resign themselves to hopeless and inevitable servitude.” We must not forget, that a priest here prefers his country to his religion; and that the Moslems, whose alliance he seeks, were still numerous and powerful in the state of Sicily.

    The hopes, or at least the wishes, of Falcandus were at first gratified by the free and unanimous election of Tancred, the grandson of the first king, whose birth was illegitimate, but whose civil and military virtues shone without a blemish. During four years, the term of his life and reign, he stood in arms on the farthest verge of the Apulian frontier, against the powers of Germany; and the restitution of a royal captive, of Constantia herself, without injury or ransom, may appear to surpass the most liberal measure of policy or reason. After his decease, the kingdom of his widow and infant son fell without a struggle; and Henry pursued his victorious march from Capua to Palermo. The political balance of Italy was destroyed by his success; and if the pope and the free cities had consulted their obvious and real interest, they would have combined the powers of earth and heaven to prevent the dangerous union of the German empire with the kingdom of Sicily. But the subtle policy, for which the Vatican has so often been praised or arraigned, was on this occasion blind and inactive; and if it were true that Celestine the Third had kicked away the Imperial crown from the head of the prostrate Henry, such an act of impotent pride could serve only to cancel an

    obligation and provoke an enemy. The Genoese, who enjoyed a beneficial trade and establishment in Sicily, listened to the promise of his boundless gratitude and speedy departure: their fleet commanded the straits of Messina, and opened the harbor of Palermo; and the first act of his government was to abolish the privileges, and to seize the property, of these imprudent allies. The last hope of Falcandus was defeated by the discord of the Christians and Mahometans: they fought in the capital; several thousands of the latter were slain; but their surviving brethren fortified the mountains, and disturbed above thirty years the peace of the island. By the policy of Frederic the Second, sixty thousand Saracens were transplanted to Nocera in Apulia. In their wars against the Roman church, the emperor and his son Mainfroy were strengthened and disgraced by the service of the enemies of Christ; and this national colony maintained their religion and manners in the heart of Italy, till they were extirpated, at the end of the thirteenth century, by the zeal and revenge of the house of Anjou. All the calamities which the prophetic orator had deplored were surpassed by the cruelty and avarice of the German conqueror. He violated the royal sepulchres, * and explored the secret treasures of the palace, Palermo, and the whole kingdom: the pearls and jewels, however precious, might be easily removed; but one hundred and sixty horses were laden with the gold and silver of Sicily. The young king, his mother and sisters, and the nobles of both sexes, were separately confined in the fortresses of the Alps; and, on the slightest rumor of rebellion, the captives were deprived of life, of their eyes, or of the hope of posterity. Constantia herself was touched with sympathy for the miseries of her country; and the heiress of the Norman line might struggle to check her despotic husband, and to save the patrimony of her new-born son, of an emperor so famous in the next age under the name of Frederic the Second. Ten years after this revolution, the French monarchs annexed to their crown the duchy of Normandy: the sceptre of her ancient dukes had been transmitted, by a granddaughter of William the Conqueror, to the house of Plantagenet; and the adventurous Normans, who had raised so many trophies in France, England, and Ireland,

    in Apulia, Sicily, and the East, were lost, either in victory or servitude, among the vanquished nations.

    Chapter LVII:

    The Turks.

    Part I.

    The Turks Of The House Of Seljuk. — Their Revolt Against Mahmud Conqueror Of Hindostan. — Togrul Subdues Persia, And Protects The Caliphs. — Defeat And Captivity Of The Emperor Romanus Diogenes By Alp Arslan. — Power And Magnificence Of Malek Shah. — Conquest Of Asia Minor And Syria. — State And Oppression Of Jerusalem. — Pilgrimages To The Holy Sepulchre.

    From the Isle of Sicily, the reader must transport himself beyond the Caspian Sea, to the original seat of the Turks or Turkmans, against whom the first crusade was principally directed. Their Scythian empire of the sixth century was long since dissolved; but the name was still famous among the Greeks and Orientals; and the fragments of the nation, each a powerful and independent people, were scattered over the desert from China to the Oxus and the Danube: the colony of Hungarians was admitted into the republic of Europe, and the thrones of Asia were occupied by slaves and soldiers of Turkish extraction. While Apulia and Sicily were subdued by the Norman lance, a swarm of these northern shepherds overspread the kingdoms of Persia; their princes of the race of Seljuk erected a splendid and solid empire from Samarcand to the confines of Greece and Egypt; and the Turks have maintained their dominion in Asia Minor, till the victorious crescent has been planted on the dome of St. Sophia.

    One of the greatest of the Turkish princes was Mahmood or Mahmud, the Gaznevide, who reigned in the eastern provinces of Persia, one thousand years after the birth of Christ. His father Sebectagi was the slave of the slave of the slave of the commander of the faithful. But in this descent of servitude, the first degree was merely titular, since it was filled by the sovereign of Transoxiana and Chorasan, who still paid a nominal allegiance to the caliph of Bagdad. The second rank was that of a minister of state, a lieutenant of the Samanides, who broke, by his revolt, the bonds of political slavery. But the third step was a state of real and domestic servitude in the family of that rebel; from which Sebectagi, by his courage and dexterity, ascended to the supreme command of the city and provinces of Gazna, as the son-in-law and successor of his grateful master. The falling dynasty of the Samanides was at first protected, and at last overthrown, by their servants; and, in the public disorders, the fortune of Mahmud continually increased. From him the title of Sultan was first invented; and his kingdom was enlarged from Transoxiana to the neighborhood of Ispahan, from the shores of the Caspian to the mouth of the Indus. But the principal source of his fame and riches was the holy war which he waged against the Gentoos of Hindostan. In this foreign narrative I may not consume a page; and a volume would scarcely suffice to recapitulate the battles and sieges of his twelve expeditions. Never was the Mussulman hero dismayed by the inclemency of the seasons, the height of the mountains, the breadth of the rivers, the barrenness of the desert, the multitudes of the enemy, or the formidable array of their elephants of war. The sultan of Gazna surpassed the limits of the conquests of Alexander: after a march of three months, over the hills of Cashmir and Thibet, he reached the famous city of Kinnoge, on the Upper Ganges; and, in a naval combat on one of the branches of the Indus, he fought and vanquished four thousand boats of the natives. Delhi, Lahor, and Multan, were compelled to open their gates: the fertile kingdom of Guzarat attracted his ambition and tempted his stay; and his avarice indulged the fruitless project of discovering the golden and

    aromatic isles of the Southern Ocean. On the payment of a tribute, the rajahs preserved their dominions; the people, their lives and fortunes; but to the religion of Hindostan the zealous Mussulman was cruel and inexorable: many hundred temples, or pagodas, were levelled with the ground; many thousand idols were demolished; and the servants of the prophet were stimulated and rewarded by the precious materials of which they were composed. The pagoda of Sumnat was situate on the promontory of Guzarat, in the neighborhood of Diu, one of the last remaining possessions of the Portuguese. It was endowed with the revenue of two thousand villages; two thousand Brahmins were consecrated to the service of the Deity, whom they washed each morning and evening in water from the distant Ganges: the subordinate ministers consisted of three hundred musicians, three hundred barbers, and five hundred dancing girls, conspicuous for their birth or beauty. Three sides of the temple were protected by the ocean, the narrow isthmus was fortified by a natural or artificial precipice; and the city and adjacent country were peopled by a nation of fanatics. They confessed the sins and the punishment of Kinnoge and Delhi; but if the impious stranger should presume to approach their holy precincts, he would surely be overwhelmed by a blast of the divine vengeance. By this challenge, the faith of Mahmud was animated to a personal trial of the strength of this Indian deity. Fifty thousand of his worshippers were pierced by the spear of the Moslems; the walls were scaled; the sanctuary was profaned; and the conqueror aimed a blow of his iron mace at the head of the idol. The trembling Brahmins are said to have offered ten millions * sterling for his ransom; and it was urged by the wisest counsellors, that the destruction of a stone image would not change the hearts of the Gentoos; and that such a sum might be dedicated to the relief of the true believers. “Your reasons,” replied the sultan, “are specious and strong; but never in the eyes of posterity shall Mahmud appear as a merchant of idols.” * He repeated his blows, and a treasure of pearls and rubies, concealed in the belly of the statue, explained in some degree the devout prodigality of the Brahmins. The fragments of the idol were distributed to

    Gazna, Mecca, and Medina. Bagdad listened to the edifying tale; and Mahmud was saluted by the caliph with the title of guardian of the fortune and faith of Mahomet.

    From the paths of blood (and such is the history of nations) I cannot refuse to turn aside to gather some flowers of science or virtue. The name of Mahmud the Gaznevide is still venerable in the East: his subjects enjoyed the blessings of prosperity and peace; his vices were concealed by the veil of religion; and two familiar examples will testify his justice and magnanimity. I. As he sat in the Divan, an unhappy subject bowed before the throne to accuse the insolence of a Turkish soldier who had driven him from his house and bed. “Suspend your clamors,” said Mahmud; “inform me of his next visit, and ourself in person will judge and punish the offender.” The sultan followed his guide, invested the house with his guards, and extinguishing the torches, pronounced the death of the criminal, who had been seized in the act of rapine and adultery. After the execution of his sentence, the lights were rekindled, Mahmud fell prostrate in prayer, and rising from the ground, demanded some homely fare, which he devoured with the voraciousness of hunger. The poor man, whose injury he had avenged, was unable to suppress his astonishment and curiosity; and the courteous monarch condescended to explain the motives of this singular behavior. “I had reason to suspect that none, except one of my sons, could dare to perpetrate such an outrage; and I extinguished the lights, that my justice might be blind and inexorable. My prayer was a thanksgiving on the discovery of the offender; and so painful was my anxiety, that I had passed three days without food since the first moment of your complaint.” II. The sultan of Gazna had declared war against the dynasty of the Bowides, the sovereigns of the western Persia: he was disarmed by an epistle of the sultana mother, and delayed his invasion till the manhood of her son. “During the life of my husband,” said the artful regent, “I was ever apprehensive of your ambition: he was a prince and a soldier worthy of your arms. He is now no more his sceptre has passed to a woman and a child, and you

    dare not attack their infancy and weakness. How inglorious would be your conquest, how shameful your defeat! and yet the event of war is in the hand of the Almighty.” Avarice was the only defect that tarnished the illustrious character of Mahmud; and never has that passion been more richly satiated. * The Orientals exceed the measure of credibility in the account of millions of gold and silver, such as the avidity of man has never accumulated; in the magnitude of pearls, diamonds, and rubies, such as have never been produced by the workmanship of nature. Yet the soil of Hindostan is impregnated with precious minerals: her trade, in every age, has attracted the gold and silver of the world; and her virgin spoils were rifled by the first of the Mahometan conquerors. His behavior, in the last days of his life, evinces the vanity of these possessions, so laboriously won, so dangerously held, and so inevitably lost. He surveyed the vast and various chambers of the treasury of Gazna, burst into tears, and again closed the doors, without bestowing any portion of the wealth which he could no longer hope to preserve. The following day he reviewed the state of his military force; one hundred thousand foot, fifty-five thousand horse, and thirteen hundred elephants of battle. He again wept the instability of human greatness; and his grief was imbittered by the hostile progress of the Turkmans, whom he had introduced into the heart of his Persian kingdom.

    In the modern depopulation of Asia, the regular operation of government and agriculture is confined to the neighborhood of cities; and the distant country is abandoned to the pastoral tribes of Arabs, Curds, and Turkmans. Of the last-mentioned people, two considerable branches extend on either side of the Caspian Sea: the western colony can muster forty thousand soldiers; the eastern, less obvious to the traveller, but more strong and populous, has increased to the number of one hundred thousand families. In the midst of civilized nations, they preserve the manners of the Scythian desert, remove their encampments with a change of seasons, and feed their cattle among the ruins of palaces and temples. Their flocks and

    herds are their only riches; their tents, either black or white, according to the color of the banner, are covered with felt, and of a circular form; their winter apparel is a sheep-skin; a robe of cloth or cotton their summer garment: the features of the men are harsh and ferocious; the countenance of their women is soft and pleasing. Their wandering life maintains the spirit and exercise of arms; they fight on horseback; and their courage is displayed in frequent contests with each other and with their neighbors. For the license of pasture they pay a slight tribute to the sovereign of the land; but the domestic jurisdiction is in the hands of the chiefs and elders. The first emigration of the Eastern Turkmans, the most ancient of the race, may be ascribed to the tenth century of the Christian æra. In the decline of the caliphs, and the weakness of their lieutenants, the barrier of the Jaxartes was often violated; in each invasion, after the victory or retreat of their countrymen, some wandering tribe, embracing the Mahometan faith, obtained a free encampment in the spacious plains and pleasant climate of Transoxiana and Carizme. The Turkish slaves who aspired to the throne encouraged these emigrations which recruited their armies, awed their subjects and rivals, and protected the frontier against the wilder natives of Turkestan; and this policy was abused by Mahmud the Gaznevide beyond the example of former times. He was admonished of his error by the chief of the race of Seljuk, who dwelt in the territory of Bochara. The sultan had inquired what supply of men he could furnish for military service. “If you send,” replied Ismael, “one of these arrows into our camp, fifty thousand of your servants will mount on horseback.” — “And if that number,” continued Mahmud, “should not be sufficient?” — “Send this second arrow to the horde of Balik, and you will find fifty thousand more.” — “But,” said the Gaznevide, dissembling his anxiety, “if I should stand in need of the whole force of your kindred tribes?” — “Despatch my bow,” was the last reply of Ismael, “and as it is circulated around, the summons will be obeyed by two hundred thousand horse.” The apprehension of such formidable friendship induced Mahmud to transport the most obnoxious tribes into the heart of Chorasan, where they would be

    separated from their brethren of the River Oxus, and enclosed on all sides by the walls of obedient cities. But the face of the country was an object of temptation rather than terror; and the vigor of government was relaxed by the absence and death of the sultan of Gazna. The shepherds were converted into robbers; the bands of robbers were collected into an army of conquerors: as far as Ispahan and the Tigris, Persia was afflicted by their predatory inroads; and the Turkmans were not ashamed or afraid to measure their courage and numbers with the proudest sovereigns of Asia. Massoud, the son and successor of Mahmud, had too long neglected the advice of his wisest Omrahs. “Your enemies,” they repeatedly urged, “were in their origin a swarm of ants; they are now little snakes; and, unless they be instantly crushed, they will acquire the venom and magnitude of serpents.” After some alternatives of truce and hostility, after the repulse or partial success of his lieutenants, the sultan marched in person against the Turkmans, who attacked him on all sides with barbarous shouts and irregular onset. “Massoud,” says the Persian historian, “plunged singly to oppose the torrent of gleaming arms, exhibiting such acts of gigantic force and valor as never king had before displayed. A few of his friends, roused by his words and actions, and that innate honor which inspires the brave, seconded their lord so well, that wheresoever he turned his fatal sword, the enemies were mowed down, or retreated before him. But now, when victory seemed to blow on his standard, misfortune was active behind it; for when he looked round, be beheld almost his whole army, excepting that body he commanded in person, devouring the paths of flight.” The Gaznevide was abandoned by the cowardice or treachery of some generals of Turkish race; and this memorable day of Zendecan founded in Persia the dynasty of the shepherd kings.

    The victorious Turkmans immediately proceeded to the election of a king; and, if the probable tale of a Latin historian deserves any credit, they determined by lot the choice of their new master. A number of arrows were successively inscribed

    with the name of a tribe, a family, and a candidate; they were drawn from the bundle by the hand of a child; and the important prize was obtained by Togrul Beg, the son of Michael the son of Seljuk, whose surname was immortalized in the greatness of his posterity. The sultan Mahmud, who valued himself on his skill in national genealogy, professed his ignorance of the family of Seljuk; yet the father of that race appears to have been a chief of power and renown. For a daring intrusion into the harem of his prince. Seljuk was banished from Turkestan: with a numerous tribe of his friends and vassals, he passed the Jaxartes, encamped in the neighborhood of Samarcand, embraced the religion of Mahomet, and acquired the crown of martyrdom in a war against the infidels. His age, of a hundred and seven years, surpassed the life of his son, and Seljuk adopted the care of his two grandsons, Togrul and Jaafar; the eldest of whom, at the age of forty-five, was invested with the title of Sultan, in the royal city of Nishabur. The blind determination of chance was justified by the virtues of the successful candidate. It would be superfluous to praise the valor of a Turk; and the ambition of Togrul was equal to his valor. By his arms, the Gasnevides were expelled from the eastern kingdoms of Persia, and gradually driven to the banks of the Indus, in search of a softer and more wealthy conquest. In the West he annihilated the dynasty of the Bowides; and the sceptre of Irak passed from the Persian to the Turkish nation. The princes who had felt, or who feared, the Seljukian arrows, bowed their heads in the dust; by the conquest of Aderbijan, or Media, he approached the Roman confines; and the shepherd presumed to despatch an ambassador, or herald, to demand the tribute and obedience of the emperor of Constantinople. In his own dominions, Togrul was the father of his soldiers and people; by a firm and equal administration, Persia was relieved from the evils of anarchy; and the same hands which had been imbrued in blood became the guardians of justice and the public peace. The more rustic, perhaps the wisest, portion of the Turkmans continued to dwell in the tents of their ancestors; and, from the Oxus to the Euphrates, these military colonies were protected and propagated by their native princes. But the

    Turks of the court and city were refined by business and softened by pleasure: they imitated the dress, language, and manners of Persia; and the royal palaces of Nishabur and Rei displayed the order and magnificence of a great monarchy. The most deserving of the Arabians and Persians were promoted to the honors of the state; and the whole body of the Turkish nation embraced, with fervor and sincerity, the religion of Mahomet. The northern swarms of Barbarians, who overspread both Europe and Asia, have been irreconcilably separated by the consequences of a similar conduct. Among the Moslems, as among the Christians, their vague and local traditions have yielded to the reason and authority of the prevailing system, to the fame of antiquity, and the consent of nations. But the triumph of the Koran is more pure and meritorious, as it was not assisted by any visible splendor of worship which might allure the Pagans by some resemblance of idolatry. The first of the Seljukian sultans was conspicuous by his zeal and faith: each day he repeated the five prayers which are enjoined to the true believers; of each week, the two first days were consecrated by an extraordinary fast; and in every city a mosch was completed, before Togrul presumed to lay the foundations of a palace.

    With the belief of the Koran, the son of Seljuk imbibed a lively reverence for the successor of the prophet. But that sublime character was still disputed by the caliphs of Bagdad and Egypt, and each of the rivals was solicitous to prove his title in the judgment of the strong, though illiterate Barbarians. Mahmud the Gaznevide had declared himself in favor of the line of Abbas; and had treated with indignity the robe of honor which was presented by the Fatimite ambassador. Yet the ungrateful Hashemite had changed with the change of fortune; he applauded the victory of Zendecan, and named the Seljukian sultan his temporal vicegerent over the Moslem world. As Togrul executed and enlarged this important trust, he was called to the deliverance of the caliph Cayem, and obeyed the holy summons, which gave a new kingdom to his arms. In the palace of Bagdad, the commander of the faithful

    still slumbered, a venerable phantom. His servant or master, the prince of the Bowides, could no longer protect him from the insolence of meaner tyrants; and the Euphrates and Tigris were oppressed by the revolt of the Turkish and Arabian emirs. The presence of a conqueror was implored as a blessing; and the transient mischiefs of fire and sword were excused as the sharp but salutary remedies which alone could restore the health of the republic. At the head of an irresistible force, the sultan of Persia marched from Hamadan: the proud were crushed, the prostrate were spared; the prince of the Bowides disappeared; the heads of the most obstinate rebels were laid at the feet of Togrul; and he inflicted a lesson of obedience on the people of Mosul and Bagdad. After the chastisement of the guilty, and the restoration of peace, the royal shepherd accepted the reward of his labors; and a solemn comedy represented the triumph of religious prejudice over Barbarian power. The Turkish sultan embarked on the Tigris, landed at the gate of Racca, and made his public entry on horseback. At the palace-gate he respectfully dismounted, and walked on foot, preceded by his emirs without arms. The caliph was seated behind his black veil: the black garment of the Abbassides was cast over his shoulders, and he held in his hand the staff of the apostle of God. The conqueror of the East kissed the ground, stood some time in a modest posture, and was led towards the throne by the vizier and interpreter. After Togrul had seated himself on another throne, his commission was publicly read, which declared him the temporal lieutenant of the vicar of the prophet. He was successively invested with seven robes of honor, and presented with seven slaves, the natives of the seven climates of the Arabian empire. His mystic veil was perfumed with musk; two crowns * were placed on his head; two cimeters were girded to his side, as the symbols of a double reign over the East and West. After this inauguration, the sultan was prevented from prostrating himself a second time; but he twice kissed the hand of the commander of the faithful, and his titles were proclaimed by the voice of heralds and the applause of the Moslems. In a second visit to Bagdad, the Seljukian prince again rescued the caliph from his enemies and devoutly, on foot, led the bridle of his mule from

    the prison to the palace. Their alliance was cemented by the marriage of Togrul’s sister with the successor of the prophet. Without reluctance he had introduced a Turkish virgin into his harem; but Cayem proudly refused his daughter to the sultan, disdained to mingle the blood of the Hashemites with the blood of a Scythian shepherd; and protracted the negotiation many months, till the gradual diminution of his revenue admonished him that he was still in the hands of a master. The royal nuptials were followed by the death of Togrul himself; as he left no children, his nephew Alp Arslan succeeded to the title and prerogatives of sultan; and his name, after that of the caliph, was pronounced in the public prayers of the Moslems. Yet in this revolution, the Abbassides acquired a larger measure of liberty and power. On the throne of Asia, the Turkish monarchs were less jealous of the domestic administration of Bagdad; and the commanders of the faithful were relieved from the ignominious vexations to which they had been exposed by the presence and poverty of the Persian dynasty.

    Chapter LVII: The Turks. —

    Part II.

    Since the fall of the caliphs, the discord and degeneracy of the Saracens respected the Asiatic provinces of Rome; which, by the victories of Nicephorus, Zimisces, and Basil, had been extended as far as Antioch and the eastern boundaries of Armenia. Twenty-five years after the death of Basil, his successors were suddenly assaulted by an unknown race of Barbarians, who united the Scythian valor with the fanaticism of new proselytes, and the art and riches of a powerful monarchy. The myriads of Turkish horse overspread a frontier of six hundred miles from Tauris to Arzeroum, and the blood of one hundred and thirty thousand Christians was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian prophet. Yet the arms of Togrul did not make any deep or lasting impression on the Greek empire. The torrent rolled away from the open country; the sultan retired

    without glory or success from the siege of an Armenian city; the obscure hostilities were continued or suspended with a vicissitude of events; and the bravery of the Macedonian legions renewed the fame of the conqueror of Asia. The name of Alp Arslan, the valiant lion, is expressive of the popular idea of the perfection of man; and the successor of Togrul displayed the fierceness and generosity of the royal animal. He passed the Euphrates at the head of the Turkish cavalry, and entered Cæsarea, the metropolis of Cappadocia, to which he had been attracted by the fame and wealth of the temple of St. Basil. The solid structure resisted the destroyer: but he carried away the doors of the shrine incrusted with gold and pearls, and profaned the relics of the tutelar saint, whose mortal frailties were now covered by the venerable rust of antiquity. The final conquest of Armenia and Georgia was achieved by Alp Arslan. In Armenia, the title of a kingdom, and the spirit of a nation, were annihilated: the artificial fortifications were yielded by the mercenaries of Constantinople; by strangers without faith, veterans without pay or arms, and recruits without experience or discipline. The loss of this important frontier was the news of a day; and the Catholics were neither surprised nor displeased, that a people so deeply infected with the Nestorian and Eutychian errors had been delivered by Christ and his mother into the hands of the infidels. The woods and valleys of Mount Caucasus were more strenuously defended by the native Georgians or Iberians; but the Turkish sultan and his son Malek were indefatigable in this holy war: their captives were compelled to promise a spiritual, as well as temporal, obedience; and, instead of their collars and bracelets, an iron horseshoe, a badge of ignominy, was imposed on the infidels who still adhered to the worship of their fathers. The change, however, was not sincere or universal; and, through ages of servitude, the Georgians have maintained the succession of their princes and bishops. But a race of men, whom nature has cast in her most perfect mould, is degraded by poverty, ignorance, and vice; their profession, and still more their practice, of Christianity is an empty name; and if they have emerged from heresy, it is only because they are too illiterate to remember a metaphysical creed.

    The false or genuine magnanimity of Mahmud the Gaznevide was not imitated by Alp Arslan; and he attacked without scruple the Greek empress Eudocia and her children. His alarming progress compelled her to give herself and her sceptre to the hand of a soldier; and Romanus Diogenes was invested with the Imperial purple. His patriotism, and perhaps his pride, urged him from Constantinople within two months after his accession; and the next campaign he most scandalously took the field during the holy festival of Easter. In the palace, Diogenes was no more than the husband of Eudocia: in the camp, he was the emperor of the Romans, and he sustained that character with feeble resources and invincible courage. By his spirit and success the soldiers were taught to act, the subjects to hope, and the enemies to fear. The Turks had penetrated into the heart of Phrygia; but the sultan himself had resigned to his emirs the prosecution of the war; and their numerous detachments were scattered over Asia in the security of conquest. Laden with spoil, and careless of discipline, they were separately surprised and defeated by the Greeks: the activity of the emperor seemed to multiply his presence: and while they heard of his expedition to Antioch, the enemy felt his sword on the hills of Trebizond. In three laborious campaigns, the Turks were driven beyond the Euphrates; in the fourth and last, Romanus undertook the deliverance of Armenia. The desolation of the land obliged him to transport a supply of two months’ provisions; and he marched forwards to the siege of Malazkerd, an important fortress in the midway between the modern cities of Arzeroum and Van. His army amounted, at the least, to one hundred thousand men. The troops of Constantinople were reënforced by the disorderly multitudes of Phrygia and Cappadocia; but the real strength was composed of the subjects and allies of Europe, the legions of Macedonia, and the squadrons of Bulgaria; the Uzi, a Moldavian horde, who were themselves of the Turkish race; and, above all, the mercenary and adventurous bands of French and Normans. Their lances were commanded by the valiant Ursel of Baliol, the kinsman or father of the Scottish kings, and were allowed to excel in the

    exercise of arms, or, according to the Greek style, in the practice of the Pyrrhic dance.

    On the report of this bold invasion, which threatened his hereditary dominions, Alp Arslan flew to the scene of action at the head of forty thousand horse. His rapid and skilful evolutions distressed and dismayed the superior numbers of the Greeks; and in the defeat of Basilacius, one of their principal generals, he displayed the first example of his valor and clemency. The imprudence of the emperor had separated his forces after the reduction of Malazkerd. It was in vain that he attempted to recall the mercenary Franks: they refused to obey his summons; he disdained to await their return: the desertion of the Uzi filled his mind with anxiety and suspicion; and against the most salutary advice he rushed forwards to speedy and decisive action. Had he listened to the fair proposals of the sultan, Romanus might have secured a retreat, perhaps a peace; but in these overtures he supposed the fear or weakness of the enemy, and his answer was conceived in the tone of insult and defiance. “If the Barbarian wishes for peace, let him evacuate the ground which he occupies for the encampment of the Romans, and surrender his city and palace of Rei as a pledge of his sincerity.” Alp Arslan smiled at the vanity of the demand, but he wept the death of so many faithful Moslems; and, after a devout prayer, proclaimed a free permission to all who were desirous of retiring from the field. With his own hands he tied up his horse’s tail, exchanged his bow and arrows for a mace and cimeter, clothed himself in a white garment, perfumed his body with musk, and declared that if he were vanquished, that spot should be the place of his burial. The sultan himself had affected to cast away his missile weapons: but his hopes of victory were placed in the arrows of the Turkish cavalry, whose squadrons were loosely distributed in the form of a crescent. Instead of the successive lines and reserves of the Grecian tactics, Romulus led his army in a single and solid phalanx, and pressed with vigor and impatience the artful and yielding resistance of the Barbarians. In this desultory and fruitless

    combat he spent the greater part of a summer’s day, till prudence and fatigue compelled him to return to his camp. But a retreat is always perilous in the face of an active foe; and no sooner had the standard been turned to the rear than the phalanx was broken by the base cowardice, or the baser jealousy, of Andronicus, a rival prince, who disgraced his birth and the purple of the Cæsars. The Turkish squadrons poured a cloud of arrows on this moment of confusion and lassitude; and the horns of their formidable crescent were closed in the rear of the Greeks. In the destruction of the army and pillage of the camp, it would be needless to mention the number of the slain or captives. The Byzantine writers deplore the loss of an inestimable pearl: they forgot to mention, that in this fatal day the Asiatic provinces of Rome were irretrievably sacrificed.

    As long as a hope survived, Romanus attempted to rally and save the relics of his army. When the centre, the Imperial station, was left naked on all sides, and encompassed by the victorious Turks, he still, with desperate courage, maintained the fight till the close of day, at the head of the brave and faithful subjects who adhered to his standard. They fell around him; his horse was slain; the emperor was wounded; yet he stood alone and intrepid, till he was oppressed and bound by the strength of multitudes. The glory of this illustrious prize was disputed by a slave and a soldier; a slave who had seen him on the throne of Constantinople, and a soldier whose extreme deformity had been excused on the promise of some signal service. Despoiled of his arms, his jewels, and his purple, Romanus spent a dreary and perilous night on the field of battle, amidst a disorderly crowd of the meaner Barbarians. In the morning the royal captive was presented to Alp Arslan, who doubted of his fortune, till the identity of the person was ascertained by the report of his ambassadors, and by the more pathetic evidence of Basilacius, who embraced with tears the feet of his unhappy sovereign. The successor of Constantine, in a plebeian habit, was led into the Turkish divan, and commanded to kiss the ground before the lord of Asia. He reluctantly obeyed; and Alp Arslan,

    starting from his throne, is said to have planted his foot on the neck of the Roman emperor. But the fact is doubtful; and if, in this moment of insolence, the sultan complied with the national custom, the rest of his conduct has extorted the praise of his bigoted foes, and may afford a lesson to the most civilized ages. He instantly raised the royal captive from the ground; and thrice clasping his hand with tender sympathy, assured him, that his life and dignity should be inviolate in the hands of a prince who had learned to respect the majesty of his equals and the vicissitudes of fortune. From the divan, Romanus was conducted to an adjacent tent, where he was served with pomp and reverence by the officers of the sultan, who, twice each day, seated him in the place of honor at his own table. In a free and familiar conversation of eight days, not a word, not a look, of insult escaped from the conqueror; but he severely censured the unworthy subjects who had deserted their valiant prince in the hour of danger, and gently admonished his antagonist of some errors which he had committed in the management of the war. In the preliminaries of negotiation, Alp Arslan asked him what treatment he expected to receive, and the calm indifference of the emperor displays the freedom of his mind. “If you are cruel,” said he, “you will take my life; if you listen to pride, you will drag me at your chariot-wheels; if you consult your interest, you will accept a ransom, and restore me to my country.” “And what,” continued the sultan, “would have been your own behavior, had fortune smiled on your arms?” The reply of the Greek betrays a sentiment, which prudence, and even gratitude, should have taught him to suppress. “Had I vanquished,” he fiercely said, “I would have inflicted on thy body many a stripe.” The Turkish conqueror smiled at the insolence of his captive observed that the Christian law inculcated the love of enemies and forgiveness of injuries; and nobly declared, that he would not imitate an example which he condemned. After mature deliberation, Alp Arslan dictated the terms of liberty and peace, a ransom of a million, * an annual tribute of three hundred and sixty thousand pieces of gold, the marriage of the royal children, and the deliverance of all the Moslems, who were in the power of the Greeks. Romanus, with a sigh,

    subscribed this treaty, so disgraceful to the majesty of the empire; he was immediately invested with a Turkish robe of honor; his nobles and patricians were restored to their sovereign; and the sultan, after a courteous embrace, dismissed him with rich presents and a military guard. No sooner did he reach the confines of the empire, than he was informed that the palace and provinces had disclaimed their allegiance to a captive: a sum of two hundred thousand pieces was painfully collected; and the fallen monarch transmitted this part of his ransom, with a sad confession of his impotence and disgrace. The generosity, or perhaps the ambition, of the sultan, prepared to espouse the cause of his ally; but his designs were prevented by the defeat, imprisonment, and death, of Romanus Diogenes.

    In the treaty of peace, it does not appear that Alp Arslan extorted any province or city from the captive emperor; and his revenge was satisfied with the trophies of his victory, and the spoils of Anatolia, from Antioch to the Black Sea. The fairest part of Asia was subject to his laws: twelve hundred princes, or the sons of princes, stood before his throne; and two hundred thousand soldiers marched under his banners. The sultan disdained to pursue the fugitive Greeks; but he meditated the more glorious conquest of Turkestan, the original seat of the house of Seljuk. He moved from Bagdad to the banks of the Oxus; a bridge was thrown over the river; and twenty days were consumed in the passage of his troops. But the progress of the great king was retarded by the governor of Berzem; and Joseph the Carizmian presumed to defend his fortress against the powers of the East. When he was produced a captive in the royal tent, the sultan, instead of praising his valor, severely reproached his obstinate folly: and the insolent replies of the rebel provoked a sentence, that he should be fastened to four stakes, and left to expire in that painful situation. At this command, the desperate Carizmian, drawing a dagger, rushed headlong towards the throne: the guards raised their battle-axes; their zeal was checked by Alp Arslan, the most skilful archer of the age: he drew his bow,

    but his foot slipped, the arrow glanced aside, and he received in his breast the dagger of Joseph, who was instantly cut in pieces. The wound was mortal; and the Turkish prince bequeathed a dying admonition to the pride of kings. “In my youth,” said Alp Arslan, “I was advised by a sage to humble myself before God; to distrust my own strength; and never to despise the most contemptible foe. I have neglected these lessons; and my neglect has been deservedly punished. Yesterday, as from an eminence I beheld the numbers, the discipline, and the spirit, of my armies, the earth seemed to tremble under my feet; and I said in my heart, Surely thou art the king of the world, the greatest and most invincible of warriors. These armies are no longer mine; and, in the confidence of my personal strength, I now fall by the hand of an assassin.” Alp Arslan possessed the virtues of a Turk and a Mussulman; his voice and stature commanded the reverence of mankind; his face was shaded with long whiskers; and his ample turban was fashioned in the shape of a crown. The remains of the sultan were deposited in the tomb of the Seljukian dynasty; and the passenger might read and meditate this useful inscription: “O ye who have seen the glory of Alp Arslan exalted to the heavens, repair to Maru, and you will behold it buried in the dust.” The annihilation of the inscription, and the tomb itself, more forcibly proclaims the instability of human greatness.

    During the life of Alp Arslan, his eldest son had been acknowledged as the future sultan of the Turks. On his father’s death the inheritance was disputed by an uncle, a cousin, and a brother: they drew their cimeters, and assembled their followers; and the triple victory of Malek Shah established his own reputation and the right of primogeniture. In every age, and more especially in Asia, the thirst of power has inspired the same passions, and occasioned the same disorders; but, from the long series of civil war, it would not be easy to extract a sentiment more pure and magnanimous than is contained in the saying of the Turkish prince. On the eve of the battle, he performed his devotions at Thous, before the

    tomb of the Imam Riza. As the sultan rose from the ground, he asked his vizier Nizam, who had knelt beside him, what had been the object of his secret petition: “That your arms may be crowned with victory,” was the prudent, and most probably the sincere, answer of the minister. “For my part,” replied the generous Malek, “I implored the Lord of Hosts that he would take from me my life and crown, if my brother be more worthy than myself to reign over the Moslems.” The favorable judgment of heaven was ratified by the caliph; and for the first time, the sacred title of Commander of the Faithful was communicated to a Barbarian. But this Barbarian, by his personal merit, and the extent of his empire, was the greatest prince of his age. After the settlement of Persia and Syria, he marched at the head of innumerable armies to achieve the conquest of Turkestan, which had been undertaken by his father. In his passage of the Oxus, the boatmen, who had been employed in transporting some troops, complained, that their payment was assigned on the revenues of Antioch. The sultan frowned at this preposterous choice; but he smiled at the artful flattery of his vizier. “It was not to postpone their reward, that I selected those remote places, but to leave a memorial to posterity, that, under your reign, Antioch and the Oxus were subject to the same sovereign.” But this description of his limits was unjust and parsimonious: beyond the Oxus, he reduced to his obedience the cities of Bochara, Carizme, and Samarcand, and crushed each rebellious slave, or independent savage, who dared to resist. Malek passed the Sihon or Jaxartes, the last boundary of Persian civilization: the hordes of Turkestan yielded to his supremacy: his name was inserted on the coins, and in the prayers of Cashgar, a Tartar kingdom on the extreme borders of China. From the Chinese frontier, he stretched his immediate jurisdiction or feudatory sway to the west and south, as far as the mountains of Georgia, the neighborhood of Constantinople, the holy city of Jerusalem, and the spicy groves of Arabia Felix. Instead of resigning himself to the luxury of his harem, the shepherd king, both in peace and war, was in action and in the field. By the perpetual motion of the royal camp, each province was successively blessed with his presence; and he is said to have

    perambulated twelve times the wide extent of his dominions, which surpassed the Asiatic reign of Cyrus and the caliphs. Of these expeditions, the most pious and splendid was the pilgrimage of Mecca: the freedom and safety of the caravans were protected by his arms; the citizens and pilgrims were enriched by the profusion of his alms; and the desert was cheered by the places of relief and refreshment, which he instituted for the use of his brethren. Hunting was the pleasure, and even the passion, of the sultan, and his train consisted of forty-seven thousand horses; but after the massacre of a Turkish chase, for each piece of game, he bestowed a piece of gold on the poor, a slight atonement, at the expense of the people, for the cost and mischief of the amusement of kings. In the peaceful prosperity of his reign, the cities of Asia were adorned with palaces and hospitals with moschs and colleges; few departed from his Divan without reward, and none without justice. The language and literature of Persia revived under the house of Seljuk; and if Malek emulated the liberality of a Turk less potent than himself, his palace might resound with the songs of a hundred poets. The sultan bestowed a more serious and learned care on the reformation of the calendar, which was effected by a general assembly of the astronomers of the East. By a law of the prophet, the Moslems are confined to the irregular course of the lunar months; in Persia, since the age of Zoroaster, the revolution of the sun has been known and celebrated as an annual festival; but after the fall of the Magian empire, the intercalation had been neglected; the fractions of minutes and hours were multiplied into days; and the date of the springs was removed from the sign of Aries to that of Pisces. The reign of Malek was illustrated by the Gelalan æra; and all errors, either past or future, were corrected by a computation of time, which surpasses the Julian, and approaches the accuracy of the Gregorian, style.

    In a period when Europe was plunged in the deepest barbarism, the light and splendor of Asia may be ascribed to

    the docility rather than the knowledge of the Turkish conquerors. An ample share of their wisdom and virtue is due to a Persian vizier, who ruled the empire under the reigns of Alp Arslan and his son. Nizam, one of the most illustrious ministers of the East, was honored by the caliph as an oracle of religion and science; he was trusted by the sultan as the faithful vicegerent of his power and justice. After an administration of thirty years, the fame of the vizier, his wealth, and even his services, were transformed into crimes. He was overthrown by the insidious arts of a woman and a rival; and his fall was hastened by a rash declaration, that his cap and ink-horn, the badges of his office, were connected by the divine decree with the throne and diadem of the sultan. At the age of ninety-three years, the venerable statesman was dismissed by his master, accused by his enemies, and murdered by a fanatic: * the last words of Nizam attested his innocence, and the remainder of Malek’s life was short and inglorious. From Ispahan, the scene of this disgraceful transaction, the sultan moved to Bagdad, with the design of transplanting the caliph, and of fixing his own residence in the capital of the Moslem world. The feeble successor of Mahomet obtained a respite of ten days; and before the expiration of the term, the Barbarian was summoned by the angel of death. His ambassadors at Constantinople had asked in marriage a Roman princess; but the proposal was decently eluded; and the daughter of Alexius, who might herself have been the victim, expresses her abhorrence of his unnatural conjunction. The daughter of the sultan was bestowed on the caliph Moctadi, with the imperious condition, that, renouncing the society of his wives and concubines, he should forever confine himself to this honorable alliance.

    Chapter LVII: The Turks. —

    Part III.

    The greatness and unity of the Turkish empire expired in the person of Malek Shah. His vacant throne was disputed by his

    brother and his four sons; and, after a series of civil wars, the treaty which reconciled the surviving candidates confirmed a lasting separation in the Persian dynasty, the eldest and principal branch of the house of Seljuk. The three younger dynasties were those of Kerman, of Syria, and of Roum: the first of these commanded an extensive, though obscure, dominion on the shores of the Indian Ocean: the second expelled the Arabian princes of Aleppo and Damascus; and the third, our peculiar care, invaded the Roman provinces of Asia Minor. The generous policy of Malek contributed to their elevation: he allowed the princes of his blood, even those whom he had vanquished in the field, to seek new kingdoms worthy of their ambition; nor was he displeased that they should draw away the more ardent spirits, who might have disturbed the tranquillity of his reign. As the supreme head of his family and nation, the great sultan of Persia commanded the obedience and tribute of his royal brethren: the thrones of Kerman and Nice, of Aleppo and Damascus; the Atabeks, and emirs of Syria and Mesopotamia, erected their standards under the shadow of his sceptre: and the hordes of Turkmans overspread the plains of the Western Asia. After the death of Malek, the bands of union and subordination were relaxed and finally dissolved: the indulgence of the house of Seljuk invested their slaves with the inheritance of kingdoms; and, in the Oriental style, a crowd of princes arose from the dust of their feet.

    A prince of the royal line, Cutulmish, * the son of Izrail, the son of Seljuk, had fallen in a battle against Alp Arslan and the humane victor had dropped a tear over his grave. His five sons, strong in arms, ambitious of power, and eager for revenge, unsheathed their cimeters against the son of Alp Arslan. The two armies expected the signal when the caliph, forgetful of the majesty which secluded him from vulgar eyes, interposed his venerable mediation. “Instead of shedding the blood of your brethren, your brethren both in descent and faith, unite your forces in a holy war against the Greeks, the enemies of God and his apostle.” They listened to his voice; the

    sultan embraced his rebellious kinsmen; and the eldest, the valiant Soliman, accepted the royal standard, which gave him the free conquest and hereditary command of the provinces of the Roman empire, from Arzeroum to Constantinople, and the unknown regions of the West. Accompanied by his four brothers, he passed the Euphrates; the Turkish camp was soon seated in the neighborhood of Kutaieh in Phrygia; and his flying cavalry laid waste the country as far as the Hellespont and the Black Sea. Since the decline of the empire, the peninsula of Asia Minor had been exposed to the transient, though destructive, inroads of the Persians and Saracens; but the fruits of a lasting conquest were reserved for the Turkish sultan; and his arms were introduced by the Greeks, who aspired to reign on the ruins of their country. Since the captivity of Romanus, six years the feeble son of Eudocia had trembled under the weight of the Imperial crown, till the provinces of the East and West were lost in the same month by a double rebellion: of either chief Nicephorus was the common name; but the surnames of Bryennius and Botoniates distinguish the European and Asiatic candidates. Their reasons, or rather their promises, were weighed in the Divan; and, after some hesitation, Soliman declared himself in favor of Botoniates, opened a free passage to his troops in their march from Antioch to Nice, and joined the banner of the Crescent to that of the Cross. After his ally had ascended the throne of Constantinople, the sultan was hospitably entertained in the suburb of Chrysopolis or Scutari; and a body of two thousand Turks was transported into Europe, to whose dexterity and courage the new emperor was indebted for the defeat and captivity of his rival, Bryennius. But the conquest of Europe was dearly purchased by the sacrifice of Asia: Constantinople was deprived of the obedience and revenue of the provinces beyond the Bosphorus and Hellespont; and the regular progress of the Turks, who fortified the passes of the rivers and mountains, left not a hope of their retreat or expulsion. Another candidate implored the aid of the sultan: Melissenus, in his purple robes and red buskins, attended the motions of the Turkish camp; and the desponding cities were tempted by the summons of a Roman

    prince, who immediately surrendered them into the hands of the Barbarians. These acquisitions were confirmed by a treaty of peace with the emperor Alexius: his fear of Robert compelled him to seek the friendship of Soliman; and it was not till after the sultan’s death that he extended as far as Nicomedia, about sixty miles from Constantinople, the eastern boundary of the Roman world. Trebizond alone, defended on either side by the sea and mountains, preserved at the extremity of the Euxine the ancient character of a Greek colony, and the future destiny of a Christian empire.

    Since the first conquests of the caliphs, the establishment of the Turks in Anatolia or Asia Minor was the most deplorable loss which the church and empire had sustained. By the propagation of the Moslem faith, Soliman deserved the name of Gazi, a holy champion; and his new kingdoms, of the Romans, or of Roum, was added to the tables of Oriental geography. It is described as extending from the Euphrates to Constantinople, from the Black Sea to the confines of Syria; pregnant with mines of silver and iron, of alum and copper, fruitful in corn and wine, and productive of cattle and excellent horses. The wealth of Lydia, the arts of the Greeks, the splendor of the Augustan age, existed only in books and ruins, which were equally obscure in the eyes of the Scythian conquerors. Yet, in the present decay, Anatolia still contains some wealthy and populous cities; and, under the Byzantine empire, they were far more flourishing in numbers, size, and opulence. By the choice of the sultan, Nice, the metropolis of Bithynia, was preferred for his palace and fortress: the seat of the Seljukian dynasty of Roum was planted one hundred miles from Constantinople; and the divinity of Christ was denied and derided in the same temple in which it had been pronounced by the first general synod of the Catholics. The unity of God, and the mission of Mahomet, were preached in the moschs; the Arabian learning was taught in the schools; the Cadhis judged according to the law of the Koran; the Turkish manners and language prevailed in the cities; and Turkman camps were scattered over the plains and mountains of Anatolia. On the

    hard conditions of tribute and servitude, the Greek Christians might enjoy the exercise of their religion; but their most holy churches were profaned; their priests and bishops were insulted; they were compelled to suffer the triumph of the Pagans, and the apostasy of their brethren; many thousand children were marked by the knife of circumcision; and many thousand captives were devoted to the service or the pleasures of their masters. After the loss of Asia, Antioch still maintained her primitive allegiance to Christ and Cæsar; but the solitary province was separated from all Roman aid, and surrounded on all sides by the Mahometan powers. The despair of Philaretus the governor prepared the sacrifice of his religion and loyalty, had not his guilt been prevented by his son, who hastened to the Nicene palace, and offered to deliver this valuable prize into the hands of Soliman. The ambitious sultan mounted on horseback, and in twelve nights (for he reposed in the day) performed a march of six hundred miles. Antioch was oppressed by the speed and secrecy of his enterprise; and the dependent cities, as far as Laodicea and the confines of Aleppo, obeyed the example of the metropolis. From Laodicea to the Thracian Bosphorus, or arm of St. George, the conquests and reign of Soliman extended thirty days’ journey in length, and in breadth about ten or fifteen, between the rocks of Lycia and the Black Sea. The Turkish ignorance of navigation protected, for a while, the inglorious safety of the emperor; but no sooner had a fleet of two hundred ships been constructed by the hands of the captive Greeks, than Alexius trembled behind the walls of his capital. His plaintive epistles were dispersed over Europe, to excite the compassion of the Latins, and to paint the danger, the weakness, and the riches of the city of Constantine.

    But the most interesting conquest of the Seljukian Turks was that of Jerusalem, which soon became the theatre of nations. In their capitulation with Omar, the inhabitants had stipulated the assurance of their religion and property; but the articles were interpreted by a master against whom it was dangerous to dispute; and in the four hundred years of the

    reign of the caliphs, the political climate of Jerusalem was exposed to the vicissitudes of storm and sunshine. By the increase of proselytes and population, the Mahometans might excuse the usurpation of three fourths of the city: but a peculiar quarter was resolved for the patriarch with his clergy and people; a tribute of two pieces of gold was the price of protection; and the sepulchre of Christ, with the church of the Resurrection, was still left in the hands of his votaries. Of these votaries, the most numerous and respectable portion were strangers to Jerusalem: the pilgrimages to the Holy Land had been stimulated, rather than suppressed, by the conquest of the Arabs; and the enthusiasm which had always prompted these perilous journeys, was nourished by the congenial passions of grief and indignation. A crowd of pilgrims from the East and West continued to visit the holy sepulchre, and the adjacent sanctuaries, more especially at the festival of Easter; and the Greeks and Latins, the Nestorians and Jacobites, the Copts and Abyssinians, the Armenians and Georgians, maintained the chapels, the clergy, and the poor of their respective communions. The harmony of prayer in so many various tongues, the worship of so many nations in the common temple of their religion, might have afforded a spectacle of edification and peace; but the zeal of the Christian sects was imbittered by hatred and revenge; and in the kingdom of a suffering Messiah, who had pardoned his enemies, they aspired to command and persecute their spiritual brethren. The preëminence was asserted by the spirit and numbers of the Franks; and the greatness of Charlemagne protected both the Latin pilgrims and the Catholics of the East. The poverty of Carthage, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, was relieved by the alms of that pious emperor; and many monasteries of Palestine were founded or restored by his liberal devotion. Harun Alrashid, the greatest of the Abbassides, esteemed in his Christian brother a similar supremacy of genius and power: their friendship was cemented by a frequent intercourse of gifts and embassies; and the caliph, without resigning the substantial dominion, presented the emperor with the keys of the holy sepulchre, and perhaps of the city of Jerusalem. In the decline of the

    Carlovingian monarchy, the republic of Amalphi promoted the interest of trade and religion in the East. Her vessels transported the Latin pilgrims to the coasts of Egypt and Palestine, and deserved, by their useful imports, the favor and alliance of the Fatimite caliphs: an annual fair was instituted on Mount Calvary: and the Italian merchants founded the convent and hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, the cradle of the monastic and military order, which has since reigned in the isles of Rhodes and of Malta. Had the Christian pilgrims been content to revere the tomb of a prophet, the disciples of Mahomet, instead of blaming, would have imitated, their piety: but these rigid Unitarians were scandalized by a worship which represents the birth, death, and resurrection, of a God; the Catholic images were branded with the name of idols; and the Moslems smiled with indignation at the miraculous flame which was kindled on the eve of Easter in the holy sepulchre. This pious fraud, first devised in the ninth century, was devoutly cherished by the Latin crusaders, and is annually repeated by the clergy of the Greek, Armenian, and Coptic sects, who impose on the credulous spectators for their own benefit, and that of their tyrants. In every age, a principle of toleration has been fortified by a sense of interest: and the revenue of the prince and his emir was increased each year, by the expense and tribute of so many thousand strangers.

    The revolution which transferred the sceptre from the Abbassides to the Fatimites was a benefit, rather than an injury, to the Holy Land. A sovereign resident in Egypt was more sensible of the importance of Christian trade; and the emirs of Palestine were less remote from the justice and power of the throne. But the third of these Fatimite caliphs was the famous Hakem, a frantic youth, who was delivered by his impiety and despotism from the fear either of God or man; and whose reign was a wild mixture of vice and folly. Regardless of the most ancient customs of Egypt, he imposed on the women an absolute confinement; the restraint excited the clamors of both sexes; their clamors provoked his fury; a part of Old Cairo was delivered to the flames and the guards and citizens

    were engaged many days in a bloody conflict. At first the caliph declared himself a zealous Mussulman, the founder or benefactor of moschs and colleges: twelve hundred and ninety copies of the Koran were transcribed at his expense in letters of gold; and his edict extirpated the vineyards of the Upper Egypt. But his vanity was soon flattered by the hope of introducing a new religion; he aspired above the fame of a prophet, and styled himself the visible image of the Most High God, who, after nine apparitions on earth, was at length manifest in his royal person. At the name of Hakem, the lord of the living and the dead, every knee was bent in religious adoration: his mysteries were performed on a mountain near Cairo: sixteen thousand converts had signed his profession of faith; and at the present hour, a free and warlike people, the Druses of Mount Libanus, are persuaded of the life and divinity of a madman and tyrant. In his divine character, Hakem hated the Jews and Christians, as the servants of his rivals; while some remains of prejudice or prudence still pleaded in favor of the law of Mahomet. Both in Egypt and Palestine, his cruel and wanton persecution made some martyrs and many apostles: the common rights and special privileges of the sectaries were equally disregarded; and a general interdict was laid on the devotion of strangers and natives. The temple of the Christian world, the church of the Resurrection, was demolished to its foundations; the luminous prodigy of Easter was interrupted, and much profane labor was exhausted to destroy the cave in the rock which properly constitutes the holy sepulchre. At the report of this sacrilege, the nations of Europe were astonished and afflicted: but instead of arming in the defence of the Holy Land, they contented themselves with burning, or banishing, the Jews, as the secret advisers of the impious Barbarian. Yet the calamities of Jerusalem were in some measure alleviated by the inconstancy or repentance of Hakem himself; and the royal mandate was sealed for the restitution of the churches, when the tyrant was assassinated by the emissaries of his sister. The succeeding caliphs resumed the maxims of religion and policy: a free toleration was again granted; with the pious aid of the emperor of Constantinople, the holy sepulchre arose

    from its ruins; and, after a short abstinence, the pilgrims returned with an increase of appetite to the spiritual feast. In the sea-voyage of Palestine, the dangers were frequent, and the opportunities rare: but the conversion of Hungary opened a safe communication between Germany and Greece. The charity of St. Stephen, the apostle of his kingdom, relieved and conducted his itinerant brethren; and from Belgrade to Antioch, they traversed fifteen hundred miles of a Christian empire. Among the Franks, the zeal of pilgrimage prevailed beyond the example of former times: and the roads were covered with multitudes of either sex, and of every rank, who professed their contempt of life, so soon as they should have kissed the tomb of their Redeemer. Princes and prelates abandoned the care of their dominions; and the numbers of these pious caravans were a prelude to the armies which marched in the ensuing age under the banner of the cross. About thirty years before the first crusade, the arch bishop of Mentz, with the bishops of Utrecht, Bamberg, and Ratisbon, undertook this laborious journey from the Rhine to the Jordan; and the multitude of their followers amounted to seven thousand persons. At Constantinople, they were hospitably entertained by the emperor; but the ostentation of their wealth provoked the assault of the wild Arabs: they drew their swords with scrupulous reluctance, and sustained siege in the village of Capernaum, till they were rescued by the venal protection of the Fatimite emir. After visiting the holy places, they embarked for Italy, but only a remnant of two thousand arrived in safety in their native land. Ingulphus, a secretary of William the Conqueror, was a companion of this pilgrimage: he observes that they sailed from Normandy, thirty stout and well-appointed horsemen; but that they repassed the Alps, twenty miserable palmers, with the staff in their hand, and the wallet at their back.

    After the defeat of the Romans, the tranquillity of the Fatimite caliphs was invaded by the Turks. One of the lieutenants of Malek Shah, Atsiz the Carizmian, marched into Syria at the head of a powerful army, and reduced Damascus by famine

    and the sword. Hems, and the other cities of the province, acknowledged the caliph of Bagdad and the sultan of Persia; and the victorious emir advanced without resistance to the banks of the Nile: the Fatimite was preparing to fly into the heart of Africa; but the negroes of his guard and the inhabitants of Cairo made a desperate sally, and repulsed the Turk from the confines of Egypt. In his retreat he indulged the license of slaughter and rapine: the judge and notaries of Jerusalem were invited to his camp; and their execution was followed by the massacre of three thousand citizens. The cruelty or the defeat of Atsiz was soon punished by the sultan Toucush, the brother of Malek Shah, who, with a higher title and more formidable powers, asserted the dominion of Syria and Palestine. The house of Seljuk reigned about twenty years in Jerusalem; but the hereditary command of the holy city and territory was intrusted or abandoned to the emir Ortok, the chief of a tribe of Turkmans, whose children, after their expulsion from Palestine, formed two dynasties on the borders of Armenia and Assyria. The Oriental Christians and the Latin pilgrims deplored a revolution, which, instead of the regular government and old alliance of the caliphs, imposed on their necks the iron yoke of the strangers of the North. In his court and camp the great sultan had adopted in some degree the arts and manners of Persia; but the body of the Turkish nation, and more especially the pastoral tribes, still breathed the fierceness of the desert. From Nice to Jerusalem, the western countries of Asia were a scene of foreign and domestic hostility; and the shepherds of Palestine, who held a precarious sway on a doubtful frontier, had neither leisure nor capacity to await the slow profits of commercial and religious freedom. The pilgrims, who, through innumerable perils, had reached the gates of Jerusalem, were the victims of private rapine or public oppression, and often sunk under the pressure of famine and disease, before they were permitted to salute the holy sepulchre. A spirit of native barbarism, or recent zeal, prompted the Turkmans to insult the clergy of every sect: the patriarch was dragged by the hair along the pavement, and cast into a dungeon, to extort a ransom from the sympathy of his flock; and the divine worship in the

    church of the Resurrection was often disturbed by the savage rudeness of its masters. The pathetic tale excited the millions of the West to march under the standard of the cross to the relief of the Holy Land; and yet how trifling is the sum of these accumulated evils, if compared with the single act of the sacrilege of Hakem, which had been so patiently endured by the Latin Christians! A slighter provocation inflamed the more irascible temper of their descendants: a new spirit had arisen of religious chivalry and papal dominion; a nerve was touched of exquisite feeling; and the sensation vibrated to the heart of Europe.

    Chapter LVIII:

    The First Crusade.

    Part I.

    Origin And Numbers Of The First Crusade. — Characters Of The Latin Princes. — Their March To Constantinople. — Policy Of The Greek Emperor Alexius. — Conquest Of Nice, Antioch, And Jerusalem, By The Franks. — Deliverance Of The Holy Sepulchre. — Godfrey Of Bouillon, First King Of Jerusalem. — Institutions Of The French Or Latin Kingdom.

    About twenty years after the conquest of Jerusalem by the Turks, the holy sepulchre was visited by a hermit of the name of Peter, a native of Amiens, in the province of Picardy in France. His resentment and sympathy were excited by his own injuries and the oppression of the Christian name; he mingled his tears with those of the patriarch, and earnestly inquired, if no hopes of relief could be entertained from the Greek emperors of the East. The patriarch exposed the vices and weakness of the successors of Constantine. “I will rouse,” exclaimed the hermit, “the martial nations of Europe in your cause;” and Europe was obedient to the call of the hermit. The astonished patriarch dismissed him with epistles of credit and complaint; and no sooner did he land at Bari, than Peter hastened to kiss the feet of the Roman pontiff. His stature was small, his appearance contemptible; but his eye was keen and lively; and he possessed that vehemence of speech, which seldom fails to impart the persuasion of the soul. He was born of a gentleman’s family, (for we must now adopt a modern

    idiom,) and his military service was under the neighboring counts of Boulogne, the heroes of the first crusade. But he soon relinquished the sword and the world; and if it be true, that his wife, however noble, was aged and ugly, he might withdraw, with the less reluctance, from her bed to a convent, and at length to a hermitage. * In this austere solitude, his body was emaciated, his fancy was inflamed; whatever he wished, he believed; whatever he believed, he saw in dreams and revelations. From Jerusalem the pilgrim returned an accomplished fanatic; but as he excelled in the popular madness of the times, Pope Urban the Second received him as a prophet, applauded his glorious design, promised to support it in a general council, and encouraged him to proclaim the deliverance of the Holy Land. Invigorated by the approbation of the pontiff, his zealous missionary traversed. with speed and success, the provinces of Italy and France. His diet was abstemious, his prayers long and fervent, and the alms which he received with one hand, he distributed with the other: his head was bare, his feet naked, his meagre body was wrapped in a coarse garment; he bore and displayed a weighty crucifix; and the ass on which he rode was sanctified, in the public eye, by the service of the man of God. He preached to innumerable crowds in the churches, the streets, and the highways: the hermit entered with equal confidence the palace and the cottage; and the people (for all was people) was impetuously moved by his call to repentance and arms. When he painted the sufferings of the natives and pilgrims of Palestine, every heart was melted to compassion; every breast glowed with indignation, when he challenged the warriors of the age to defend their brethren, and rescue their Savior: his ignorance of art and language was compensated by sighs, and tears, and ejaculations; and Peter supplied the deficiency of reason by loud and frequent appeals to Christ and his mother, to the saints and angels of paradise, with whom he had personally conversed. The most perfect orator of Athens might have envied the success of his eloquence; the rustic enthusiast inspired the passions which he felt, and Christendom expected with impatience the counsels and decrees of the supreme pontiff.

    The magnanimous spirit of Gregory the Seventh had already embraced the design of arming Europe against Asia; the ardor of his zeal and ambition still breathes in his epistles: from either side of the Alps, fifty thousand Catholics had enlisted under the banner of St. Peter; and his successor reveals his intention of marching at their head against the impious sectaries of Mahomet. But the glory or reproach of executing, though not in person, this holy enterprise, was reserved for Urban the Second, the most faithful of his disciples. He undertook the conquest of the East, whilst the larger portion of Rome was possessed and fortified by his rival Guibert of Ravenna, who contended with Urban for the name and honors of the pontificate. He attempted to unite the powers of the West, at a time when the princes were separated from the church, and the people from their princes, by the excommunication which himself and his predecessors had thundered against the emperor and the king of France. Philip the First, of France, supported with patience the censures which he had provoked by his scandalous life and adulterous marriage. Henry the Fourth, of Germany, asserted the right of investitures, the prerogative of confirming his bishops by the delivery of the ring and crosier. But the emperor’s party was crushed in Italy by the arms of the Normans and the Countess Mathilda; and the long quarrel had been recently envenomed by the revolt of his son Conrad and the shame of his wife, who, in the synods of Constance and Placentia, confessed the manifold prostitutions to which she had been exposed by a husband regardless of her honor and his own. So popular was the cause of Urban, so weighty was his influence, that the council which he summoned at Placentia was composed of two hundred bishops of Italy, France, Burgandy, Swabia, and Bavaria. Four thousand of the clergy, and thirty thousand of the laity, attended this important meeting; and, as the most spacious cathedral would have been inadequate to the multitude, the session of seven days was held in a plain adjacent to the city. The ambassadors of the Greek emperor, Alexius Comnenus, were introduced to plead the distress of their sovereign, and the danger of Constantinople, which was

    divided only by a narrow sea from the victorious Turks, the common enemies of the Christian name. In their suppliant address they flattered the pride of the Latin princes; and, appealing at once to their policy and religion, exhorted them to repel the Barbarians on the confines of Asia, rather than to expect them in the heart of Europe. At the sad tale of the misery and perils of their Eastern brethren, the assembly burst into tears; the most eager champions declared their readiness to march; and the Greek ambassadors were dismissed with the assurance of a speedy and powerful succor. The relief of Constantinople was included in the larger and most distant project of the deliverance of Jerusalem; but the prudent Urban adjourned the final decision to a second synod, which he proposed to celebrate in some city of France in the autumn of the same year. The short delay would propagate the flame of enthusiasm; and his firmest hope was in a nation of soldiers still proud of the preëminence of their name, and ambitious to emulate their hero Charlemagne, who, in the popular romance of Turpin, had achieved the conquest of the Holy Land. A latent motive of affection or vanity might influence the choice of Urban: he was himself a native of France, a monk of Clugny, and the first of his countrymen who ascended the throne of St. Peter. The pope had illustrated his family and province; nor is there perhaps a more exquisite gratification than to revisit, in a conspicuous dignity, the humble and laborious scenes of our youth.

    It may occasion some surprise that the Roman pontiff should erect, in the heart of France, the tribunal from whence he hurled his anathemas against the king; but our surprise will vanish so soon as we form a just estimate of a king of France of the eleventh century. Philip the First was the great-grandson of Hugh Capet, the founder of the present race, who, in the decline of Charlemagne’s posterity, added the regal title to his patrimonial estates of Paris and Orleans. In this narrow compass, he was possessed of wealth and jurisdiction; but in the rest of France, Hugh and his first descendants were no more than the feudal lords of about sixty dukes and counts, of

    independent and hereditary power, who disdained the control of laws and legal assemblies, and whose disregard of their sovereign was revenged by the disobedience of their inferior vassals. At Clermont, in the territories of the count of Auvergne, the pope might brave with impunity the resentment of Philip; and the council which he convened in that city was not less numerous or respectable than the synod of Placentia. Besides his court and council of Roman cardinals, he was supported by thirteen archbishops and two hundred and twenty-five bishops: the number of mitred prelates was computed at four hundred; and the fathers of the church were blessed by the saints and enlightened by the doctors of the age. From the adjacent kingdoms, a martial train of lords and knights of power and renown attended the council, in high expectation of its resolves; and such was the ardor of zeal and curiosity, that the city was filled, and many thousands, in the month of November, erected their tents or huts in the open field. A session of eight days produced some useful or edifying canons for the reformation of manners; a severe censure was pronounced against the license of private war; the Truce of God was confirmed, a suspension of hostilities during four days of the week; women and priests were placed under the safeguard of the church; and a protection of three years was extended to husbandmen and merchants, the defenceless victims of military rapine. But a law, however venerable be the sanction, cannot suddenly transform the temper of the times; and the benevolent efforts of Urban deserve the less praise, since he labored to appease some domestic quarrels that he might spread the flames of war from the Atlantic to the Euphrates. From the synod of Placentia, the rumor of his great design had gone forth among the nations: the clergy on their return had preached in every diocese the merit and glory of the deliverance of the Holy Land; and when the pope ascended a lofty scaffold in the market-place of Clermont, his eloquence was addressed to a well-prepared and impatient audience. His topics were obvious, his exhortation was vehement, his success inevitable. The orator was interrupted by the shout of thousands, who with one voice, and in their rustic idiom, exclaimed aloud, “God wills it, God wills it.” “It is indeed the

    will of God,” replied the pope; “and let this memorable word, the inspiration surely of the Holy Spirit, be forever adopted as your cry of battle, to animate the devotion and courage of the champions of Christ. His cross is the symbol of your salvation; wear it, a red, a bloody cross, as an external mark, on your breasts or shoulders, as a pledge of your sacred and irrevocable engagement.” The proposal was joyfully accepted; great numbers, both of the clergy and laity, impressed on their garments the sign of the cross, and solicited the pope to march at their head. This dangerous honor was declined by the more prudent successor of Gregory, who alleged the schism of the church, and the duties of his pastoral office, recommending to the faithful, who were disqualified by sex or profession, by age or infirmity, to aid, with their prayers and alms, the personal service of their robust brethren. The name and powers of his legate he devolved on Adhemar bishop of Puy, the first who had received the cross at his hands. The foremost of the temporal chiefs was Raymond count of Thoulouse, whose ambassadors in the council excused the absence, and pledged the honor, of their master. After the confession and absolution of their sins, the champions of the cross were dismissed with a superfluous admonition to invite their countrymen and friends; and their departure for the Holy Land was fixed to the festival of the Assumption, the fifteenth of August, of the ensuing year.

    So familiar, and as it were so natural to man, is the practice of violence, that our indulgence allows the slightest provocation, the most disputable right, as a sufficient ground of national hostility. But the name and nature of a holy war demands a more rigorous scrutiny; nor can we hastily believe, that the servants of the Prince of Peace would unsheathe the sword of destruction, unless the motive were pure, the quarrel legitimate, and the necessity inevitable. The policy of an action may be determined from the tardy lessons of experience; but, before we act, our conscience should be satisfied of the justice and propriety of our enterprise. In the age of the crusades, the Christians, both of the East and West, were persuaded of their

    lawfulness and merit; their arguments are clouded by the perpetual abuse of Scripture and rhetoric; but they seem to insist on the right of natural and religious defence, their peculiar title to the Holy Land, and the impiety of their Pagan and Mahometan foes. I. The right of a just defence may fairly include our civil and spiritual allies: it depends on the existence of danger; and that danger must be estimated by the twofold consideration of the malice, and the power, of our enemies. A pernicious tenet has been imputed to the Mahometans, the duty of extirpating all other religions by the sword. This charge of ignorance and bigotry is refuted by the Koran, by the history of the Mussulman conquerors, and by their public and legal toleration of the Christian worship. But it cannot be denied, that the Oriental churches are depressed under their iron yoke; that, in peace and war, they assert a divine and indefeasible claim of universal empire; and that, in their orthodox creed, the unbelieving nations are continually threatened with the loss of religion or liberty. In the eleventh century, the victorious arms of the Turks presented a real and urgent apprehension of these losses. They had subdued, in less than thirty years, the kingdoms of Asia, as far as Jerusalem and the Hellespont; and the Greek empire tottered on the verge of destruction. Besides an honest sympathy for their brethren, the Latins had a right and interest in the support of Constantinople, the most important barrier of the West; and the privilege of defence must reach to prevent, as well as to repel, an impending assault. But this salutary purpose might have been accomplished by a moderate succor; and our calmer reason must disclaim the innumerable hosts, and remote operations, which overwhelmed Asia and depopulated Europe. * II. Palestine could add nothing to the strength or safety of the Latins; and fanaticism alone could pretend to justify the conquest of that distant and narrow province. The Christians affirmed that their inalienable title to the promised land had been sealed by the blood of their divine Savior; it was their right and duty to rescue their inheritance from the unjust possessors, who profaned his sepulchre, and oppressed the pilgrimage of his disciples. Vainly would it be alleged that the preëminence of Jerusalem, and the sanctity of

    Palestine, have been abolished with the Mosaic law; that the God of the Christians is not a local deity, and that the recovery of Bethlem or Calvary, his cradle or his tomb, will not atone for the violation of the moral precepts of the gospel. Such arguments glance aside from the leaden shield of superstition; and the religious mind will not easily relinquish its hold on the sacred ground of mystery and miracle. III. But the holy wars which have been waged in every climate of the globe, from Egypt to Livonia, and from Peru to Hindostan, require the support of some more general and flexible tenet. It has been often supposed, and sometimes affirmed, that a difference of religion is a worthy cause of hostility; that obstinate unbelievers may be slain or subdued by the champions of the cross; and that grace is the sole fountain of dominion as well as of mercy. * Above four hundred years before the first crusade, the eastern and western provinces of the Roman empire had been acquired about the same time, and in the same manner, by the Barbarians of Germany and Arabia. Time and treaties had legitimated the conquest of the Christian Franks; but in the eyes of their subjects and neighbors, the Mahometan princes were still tyrants and usurpers, who, by the arms of war or rebellion, might be lawfully driven from their unlawful possession.

    As the manners of the Christians were relaxed, their discipline of penance was enforced; and with the multiplication of sins, the remedies were multiplied. In the primitive church, a voluntary and open confession prepared the work of atonement. In the middle ages, the bishops and priests interrogated the criminal; compelled him to account for his thoughts, words, and actions; and prescribed the terms of his reconciliation with God. But as this discretionary power might alternately be abused by indulgence and tyranny, a rule of discipline was framed, to inform and regulate the spiritual judges. This mode of legislation was invented by the Greeks; their penitentials were translated, or imitated, in the Latin church; and, in the time of Charlemagne, the clergy of every diocese were provided with a code, which they prudently

    concealed from the knowledge of the vulgar. In this dangerous estimate of crimes and punishments, each case was supposed, each difference was remarked, by the experience or penetration of the monks; some sins are enumerated which innocence could not have suspected, and others which reason cannot believe; and the more ordinary offences of fornication and adultery, of perjury and sacrilege, of rapine and murder, were expiated by a penance, which, according to the various circumstances, was prolonged from forty days to seven years. During this term of mortification, the patient was healed, the criminal was absolved, by a salutary regimen of fasts and prayers: the disorder of his dress was expressive of grief and remorse; and he humbly abstained from all the business and pleasure of social life. But the rigid execution of these laws would have depopulated the palace, the camp, and the city; the Barbarians of the West believed and trembled; but nature often rebelled against principle; and the magistrate labored without effect to enforce the jurisdiction of the priest. A literal accomplishment of penance was indeed impracticable: the guilt of adultery was multiplied by daily repetition; that of homicide might involve the massacre of a whole people; each act was separately numbered; and, in those times of anarchy and vice, a modest sinner might easily incur a debt of three hundred years. His insolvency was relieved by a commutation, or indulgence: a year of penance was appreciated at twenty-six solidi of silver, about four pounds sterling, for the rich; at three solidi, or nine shillings, for the indigent: and these alms were soon appropriated to the use of the church, which derived, from the redemption of sins, an inexhaustible source of opulence and dominion. A debt of three hundred years, or twelve hundred pounds, was enough to impoverish a plentiful fortune; the scarcity of gold and silver was supplied by the alienation of land; and the princely donations of Pepin and Charlemagne are expressly given for the remedy of their soul. It is a maxim of the civil law, that whosoever cannot pay with his purse, must pay with his body; and the practice of flagellation was adopted by the monks, a cheap, though painful equivalent. By a fantastic arithmetic, a year of penance was taxed at three thousand lashes; and such was the skill

    and patience of a famous hermit, St. Dominic of the iron Cuirass, that in six days he could discharge an entire century, by a whipping of three hundred thousand stripes. His example was followed by many penitents of both sexes; and, as a vicarious sacrifice was accepted, a sturdy disciplinarian might expiate on his own back the sins of his benefactors. These compensations of the purse and the person introduced, in the eleventh century, a more honorable mode of satisfaction. The merit of military service against the Saracens of Africa and Spain had been allowed by the predecessors of Urban the Second. In the council of Clermont, that pope proclaimed a plenary indulgence to those who should enlist under the banner of the cross; the absolution of all their sins, and a full receipt for all that might be due of canonical penance. The cold philosophy of modern times is incapable of feeling the impression that was made on a sinful and fanatic world. At the voice of their pastor, the robber, the incendiary, the homicide, arose by thousands to redeem their souls, by repeating on the infidels the same deeds which they had exercised against their Christian brethren; and the terms of atonement were eagerly embraced by offenders of every rank and denomination. None were pure; none were exempt from the guilt and penalty of sin; and those who were the least amenable to the justice of God and the church were the best entitled to the temporal and eternal recompense of their pious courage. If they fell, the spirit of the Latin clergy did not hesitate to adorn their tomb with the crown of martyrdom; and should they survive, they could expect without impatience the delay and increase of their heavenly reward. They offered their blood to the Son of God, who had laid down his life for their salvation: they took up the cross, and entered with confidence into the way of the Lord. His providence would watch over their safety; perhaps his visible and miraculous power would smooth the difficulties of their holy enterprise. The cloud and pillar of Jehovah had marched before the Israelites into the promised land. Might not the Christians more reasonably hope that the rivers would open for their passage; that the walls of their strongest cities would fall at the sound of their trumpets;

    and that the sun would be arrested in his mid career, to allow them time for the destruction of the infidels?

    Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade. —

    Part II.

    Of the chiefs and soldiers who marched to the holy sepulchre, I will dare to affirm, that all were prompted by the spirit of enthusiasm; the belief of merit, the hope of reward, and the assurance of divine aid. But I am equally persuaded, that in many it was not the sole, that in some it was not the leading, principle of action. The use and abuse of religion are feeble to stem, they are strong and irresistible to impel, the stream of national manners. Against the private wars of the Barbarians, their bloody tournaments, licentious love, and judicial duels, the popes and synods might ineffectually thunder. It is a more easy task to provoke the metaphysical disputes of the Greeks, to drive into the cloister the victims of anarchy or despotism, to sanctify the patience of slaves and cowards, or to assume the merit of the humanity and benevolence of modern Christians. War and exercise were the reigning passions of the Franks or Latins; they were enjoined, as a penance, to gratify those passions, to visit distant lands, and to draw their swords against the nation of the East. Their victory, or even their attempt, would immortalize the names of the intrepid heroes of the cross; and the purest piety could not be insensible to the most splendid prospect of military glory. In the petty quarrels of Europe, they shed the blood of their friends and countrymen, for the acquisition perhaps of a castle or a village. They could march with alacrity against the distant and hostile nations who were devoted to their arms; their fancy already grasped the golden sceptres of Asia; and the conquest of Apulia and Sicily by the Normans might exalt to royalty the hopes of the most private adventurer. Christendom, in her rudest state, must have yielded to the climate and cultivation of the Mahometan countries; and their natural and artificial wealth had been magnified by the tales of pilgrims, and the

    gifts of an imperfect commerce. The vulgar, both the great and small, were taught to believe every wonder, of lands flowing with milk and honey, of mines and treasures, of gold and diamonds, of palaces of marble and jasper, and of odoriferous groves of cinnamon and frankincense. In this earthly paradise, each warrior depended on his sword to carve a plenteous and honorable establishment, which he measured only by the extent of his wishes. Their vassals and soldiers trusted their fortunes to God and their master: the spoils of a Turkish emir might enrich the meanest follower of the camp; and the flavor of the wines, the beauty of the Grecian women, were temptations more adapted to the nature, than to the profession, of the champions of the cross. The love of freedom was a powerful incitement to the multitudes who were oppressed by feudal or ecclesiastical tyranny. Under this holy sign, the peasants and burghers, who were attached to the servitude of the glebe, might escape from a haughty lord, and transplant themselves and their families to a land of liberty. The monk might release himself from the discipline of his convent: the debtor might suspend the accumulation of usury, and the pursuit of his creditors; and outlaws and malefactors of every cast might continue to brave the laws and elude the punishment of their crimes.

    These motives were potent and numerous: when we have singly computed their weight on the mind of each individual, we must add the infinite series, the multiplying powers, of example and fashion. The first proselytes became the warmest and most effectual missionaries of the cross: among their friends and countrymen they preached the duty, the merit, and the recompense, of their holy vow; and the most reluctant hearers were insensibly drawn within the whirlpool of persuasion and authority. The martial youths were fired by the reproach or suspicion of cowardice; the opportunity of visiting with an army the sepulchre of Christ was embraced by the old and infirm, by women and children, who consulted rather their zeal than their strength; and those who in the evening had derided the folly of their companions, were the most eager,

    the ensuing day, to tread in their footsteps. The ignorance, which magnified the hopes, diminished the perils, of the enterprise. Since the Turkish conquest, the paths of pilgrimage were obliterated; the chiefs themselves had an imperfect notion of the length of the way and the state of their enemies; and such was the stupidity of the people, that, at the sight of the first city or castle beyond the limits of their knowledge, they were ready to ask whether that was not the Jerusalem, the term and object of their labors. Yet the more prudent of the crusaders, who were not sure that they should be fed from heaven with a shower of quails or manna, provided themselves with those precious metals, which, in every country, are the representatives of every commodity. To defray, according to their rank, the expenses of the road, princes alienated their provinces, nobles their lands and castles, peasants their cattle and the instruments of husbandry. The value of property was depreciated by the eager competition of multitudes; while the price of arms and horses was raised to an exorbitant height by the wants and impatience of the buyers. Those who remained at home, with sense and money, were enriched by the epidemical disease: the sovereigns acquired at a cheap rate the domains of their vassals; and the ecclesiastical purchasers completed the payment by the assurance of their prayers. The cross, which was commonly sewed on the garment, in cloth or silk, was inscribed by some zealots on their skin: a hot iron, or indelible liquor, was applied to perpetuate the mark; and a crafty monk, who showed the miraculous impression on his breast was repaid with the popular veneration and the richest benefices of Palestine.

    The fifteenth of August had been fixed in the council of Clermont for the departure of the pilgrims; but the day was anticipated by the thoughtless and needy crowd of plebeians, and I shall briefly despatch the calamities which they inflicted and suffered, before I enter on the more serious and successful enterprise of the chiefs. Early in the spring, from the confines of France and Lorraine, above sixty thousand of

    the populace of both sexes flocked round the first missionary of the crusade, and pressed him with clamorous importunity to lead them to the holy sepulchre. The hermit, assuming the character, without the talents or authority, of a general, impelled or obeyed the forward impulse of his votaries along the banks of the Rhine and Danube. Their wants and numbers soon compelled them to separate, and his lieutenant, Walter the Penniless, a valiant though needy soldier, conducted a van guard of pilgrims, whose condition may be determined from the proportion of eight horsemen to fifteen thousand foot. The example and footsteps of Peter were closely pursued by another fanatic, the monk Godescal, whose sermons had swept away fifteen or twenty thousand peasants from the villages of Germany. Their rear was again pressed by a herd of two hundred thousand, the most stupid and savage refuse of the people, who mingled with their devotion a brutal license of rapine, prostitution, and drunkenness. Some counts and gentlemen, at the head of three thousand horse, attended the motions of the multitude to partake in the spoil; but their genuine leaders (may we credit such folly?) were a goose and a goat, who were carried in the front, and to whom these worthy Christians ascribed an infusion of the divine spirit. Of these, and of other bands of enthusiasts, the first and most easy warfare was against the Jews, the murderers of the Son of God. In the trading cities of the Moselle and the Rhine, their colonies were numerous and rich; and they enjoyed, under the protection of the emperor and the bishops, the free exercise of their religion. At Verdun, Treves, Mentz, Spires, Worms, many thousands of that unhappy people were pillaged and massacred: nor had they felt a more bloody stroke since the persecution of Hadrian. A remnant was saved by the firmness of their bishops, who accepted a feigned and transient conversion; but the more obstinate Jews opposed their fanaticism to the fanaticism of the Christians, barricadoed their houses, and precipitating themselves, their families, and their wealth, into the rivers or the flames, disappointed the malice, or at least the avarice, of their implacable foes.

    Between the frontiers of Austria and the seat of the Byzan tine monarchy, the crusaders were compelled to traverse as interval of six hundred miles; the wild and desolate countries of Hungary and Bulgaria. The soil is fruitful, and intersected with rivers; but it was then covered with morasses and forests, which spread to a boundless extent, whenever man has ceased to exercise his dominion over the earth. Both nations had imbibed the rudiments of Christianity; the Hungarians were ruled by their native princes; the Bulgarians by a lieutenant of the Greek emperor; but, on the slightest provocation, their ferocious nature was rekindled, and ample provocation was afforded by the disorders of the first pilgrims Agriculture must have been unskilful and languid among a people, whose cities were built of reeds and timber, which were deserted in the summer season for the tents of hunters and shepherds. A scanty supply of provisions was rudely demanded, forcibly seized, and greedily consumed; and on the first quarrel, the crusaders gave a loose to indignation and revenge. But their ignorance of the country, of war, and of discipline, exposed them to every snare. The Greek præfect of Bulgaria commanded a regular force; * at the trumpet of the Hungarian king, the eighth or the tenth of his martial subjects bent their bows and mounted on horseback; their policy was insidious, and their retaliation on these pious robbers was unrelenting and bloody. About a third of the naked fugitives (and the hermit Peter was of the number) escaped to the Thracian mountains; and the emperor, who respected the pilgrimage and succor of the Latins, conducted them by secure and easy journeys to Constantinople, and advised them to await the arrival of their brethren. For a while they remembered their faults and losses; but no sooner were they revived by the hospitable entertainment, than their venom was again inflamed; they stung their benefactor, and neither gardens, nor palaces, nor churches, were safe from their depredations. For his own safety, Alexius allured them to pass over to the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus; but their blind impetuosity soon urged them to desert the station which he had assigned, and to rush headlong against the Turks, who occupied the road to

    Jerusalem. The hermit, conscious of his shame, had withdrawn from the camp to Constantinople; and his lieutenant, Walter the Penniless, who was worthy of a better command, attempted without success to introduce some order and prudence among the herd of savages. They separated in quest of prey, and themselves fell an easy prey to the arts of the sultan. By a rumor that their foremost companions were rioting in the spoils of his capital, Soliman * tempted the main body to descend into the plain of Nice: they were overwhelmed by the Turkish arrows; and a pyramid of bones informed their companions of the place of their defeat. Of the first crusaders, three hundred thousand had already perished, before a single city was rescued from the infidels, before their graver and more noble brethren had completed the preparations of their enterprise.

    “To save time and space, I shall represent, in a short table, the particular references to the great events of the first crusade.”

    [See Table 1.: Events Of The First Crusade. ##]

    None of the great sovereigns of Europe embarked their persons in the first crusade. The emperor Henry the Fourth was not disposed to obey the summons of the pope: Philip the First of France was occupied by his pleasures; William Rufus of England by a recent conquest; the kings of Spain were engaged in a domestic war against the Moors; and the northern monarchs of Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, were yet strangers to the passions and interests of the South. The religious ardor was more strongly felt by the princes of the second order, who held an important place in the feudal system. Their situation will naturally cast under four distinct heads the review of their names and characters; but I may escape some needless repetition, by observing at once, that courage and the exercise of arms are the common attribute of these Christian adventurers. I. The first rank both in war and council is justly due to Godfrey of Bouillon; and

    happy would it have been for the crusaders, if they had trusted themselves to the sole conduct of that accomplished hero, a worthy representative of Charlemagne, from whom he was descended in the female line. His father was of the noble race of the counts of Boulogne: Brabant, the lower province of Lorraine, was the inheritance of his mother; and by the emperor’s bounty he was himself invested with that ducal title, which has been improperly transferred to his lordship of Bouillon in the Ardennes. In the service of Henry the Fourth, he bore the great standard of the empire, and pierced with his lance the breast of Rodolph, the rebel king: Godfrey was the first who ascended the walls of Rome; and his sickness, his vow, perhaps his remorse for bearing arms against the pope, confirmed an early resolution of visiting the holy sepulchre, not as a pilgrim, but a deliverer. His valor was matured by prudence and moderation; his piety, though blind, was sincere; and, in the tumult of a camp, he practised the real and fictitious virtues of a convent. Superior to the private factions of the chiefs, he reserved his enmity for the enemies of Christ; and though he gained a kingdom by the attempt, his pure and disinterested zeal was acknowledged by his rivals. Godfrey of Bouillon was accompanied by his two brothers, by Eustace the elder, who had succeeded to the county of Boulogne, and by the younger, Baldwin, a character of more ambiguous virtue. The duke of Lorraine, was alike celebrated on either side of the Rhine: from his birth and education, he was equally conversant with the French and Teutonic languages: the barons of France, Germany, and Lorraine, assembled their vassals; and the confederate force that marched under his banner was composed of fourscore thousand foot and about ten thousand horse. II. In the parliament that was held at Paris, in the king’s presence, about two months after the council of Clermont, Hugh, count of Vermandois, was the most conspicuous of the princes who assumed the cross. But the appellation of the Great was applied, not so much to his merit or possessions, (though neither were contemptible,) as to the royal birth of the brother of the king of France. Robert, duke of Normandy, was the eldest son of William the Conqueror; but on his father’s death

    he was deprived of the kingdom of England, by his own indolence and the activity of his brother Rufus. The worth of Robert was degraded by an excessive levity and easiness of temper: his cheerfulness seduced him to the indulgence of pleasure; his profuse liberality impoverished the prince and people; his indiscriminate clemency multiplied the number of offenders; and the amiable qualities of a private man became the essential defects of a sovereign. For the trifling sum of ten thousand marks, he mortgaged Normandy during his absence to the English usurper; but his engagement and behavior in the holy war announced in Robert a reformation of manners, and restored him in some degree to the public esteem. Another Robert was count of Flanders, a royal province, which, in this century, gave three queens to the thrones of France, England, and Denmark: he was surnamed the Sword and Lance of the Christians; but in the exploits of a soldier he sometimes forgot the duties of a general. Stephen, count of Chartres, of Blois, and of Troyes, was one of the richest princes of the age; and the number of his castles has been compared to the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year. His mind was improved by literature; and, in the council of the chiefs, the eloquent Stephen was chosen to discharge the office of their president. These four were the principal leaders of the French, the Normans, and the pilgrims of the British isles: but the list of the barons who were possessed of three or four towns would exceed, says a contemporary, the catalogue of the Trojan war. III. In the south of France, the command was assumed by Adhemar bishop of Puy, the pope legate, and by Raymond count of St. Giles and Thoulouse who added the prouder titles of duke of Narbonne and marquis of Provence. The former was a respectable prelate, alike qualified for this world and the next. The latter was a veteran warrior, who had fought against the Saracens of Spain, and who consecrated his declining age, not only to the deliverance, but to the perpetual service, of the holy sepulchre. His experience and riches gave him a strong ascendant in the Christian camp, whose distress he was often able, and sometimes willing, to relieve. But it was easier for him to extort the praise of the Infidels, than to preserve the love of his subjects and associates. His eminent qualities were

    clouded by a temper haughty, envious, and obstinate; and, though he resigned an ample patrimony for the cause of God, his piety, in the public opinion, was not exempt from avarice and ambition. A mercantile, rather than a martial, spirit prevailed among his provincials, a common name, which included the natives of Auvergne and Languedoc, the vassals of the kingdom of Burgundy or Arles. From the adjacent frontier of Spain he drew a band of hardy adventurers; as he marched through Lombardy, a crowd of Italians flocked to his standard, and his united force consisted of one hundred thousand horse and foot. If Raymond was the first to enlist and the last to depart, the delay may be excused by the greatness of his preparation and the promise of an everlasting farewell. IV. The name of Bohemond, the son of Robert Guiscard, was already famous by his double victory over the Greek emperor; but his father’s will had reduced him to the principality of Tarentum, and the remembrance of his Eastern trophies, till he was awakened by the rumor and passage of the French pilgrims. It is in the person of this Norman chief that we may seek for the coolest policy and ambition, with a small allay of religious fanaticism. His conduct may justify a belief that he had secretly directed the design of the pope, which he affected to second with astonishment and zeal: at the siege of Amalphi, his example and discourse inflamed the passions of a confederate army; he instantly tore his garment to supply crosses for the numerous candidates, and prepared to visit Constantinople and Asia at the head of ten thousand horse and twenty thousand foot. Several princes of the Norman race accompanied this veteran general; and his cousin Tancred was the partner, rather than the servant, of the war. In the accomplished character of Tancred we discover all the virtues of a perfect knight, the true spirit of chivalry, which inspired the generous sentiments and social offices of man far better than the base philosophy, or the baser religion, of the times.

    Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade. —

    Part III.

    Between the age of Charlemagne and that of the crusades, a revolution had taken place among the Spaniards, the Normans, and the French, which was gradually extended to the rest of Europe. The service of the infantry was degraded to the plebeians; the cavalry formed the strength of the armies, and the honorable name of miles, or soldier, was confined to the gentlemen who served on horseback, and were invested with the character of knighthood. The dukes and counts, who had usurped the rights of sovereignty, divided the provinces among their faithful barons: the barons distributed among their vassals the fiefs or benefices of their jurisdiction; and these military tenants, the peers of each other and of their lord, composed the noble or equestrian order, which disdained to conceive the peasant or burgher as of the same species with themselves. The dignity of their birth was preserved by pure and equal alliances; their sons alone, who could produce four quarters or lines of ancestry without spot or reproach, might legally pretend to the honor of knighthood; but a valiant plebeian was sometimes enriched and ennobled by the sword, and became the father of a new race. A single knight could impart, according to his judgment, the character which he received; and the warlike sovereigns of Europe derived more glory from this personal distinction than from the lustre of their diadem. This ceremony, of which some traces may be found in Tacitus and the woods of Germany, was in its origin simple and profane; the candidate, after some previous trial, was invested with the sword and spurs; and his cheek or shoulder was touched with a slight blow, as an emblem of the last affront which it was lawful for him to endure. But superstition mingled in every public and private action of life: in the holy wars, it sanctified the profession of arms; and the order of chivalry was assimilated in its rights and privileges to the sacred orders of priesthood. The bath and white garment of the novice were an indecent copy of the regeneration of baptism: his sword, which he offered on the altar, was blessed by the ministers of religion: his solemn reception was preceded by fasts and vigils; and he was created a knight in the name of God, of St. George, and of St. Michael the archangel. He swore

    to accomplish the duties of his profession; and education, example, and the public opinion, were the inviolable guardians of his oath. As the champion of God and the ladies, (I blush to unite such discordant names,) he devoted himself to speak the truth; to maintain the right; to protect the distressed; to practise courtesy, a virtue less familiar to the ancients; to pursue the infidels; to despise the allurements of ease and safety; and to vindicate in every perilous adventure the honor of his character. The abuse of the same spirit provoked the illiterate knight to disdain the arts of industry and peace; to esteem himself the sole judge and avenger of his own injuries; and proudly to neglect the laws of civil society and military discipline. Yet the benefits of this institution, to refine the temper of Barbarians, and to infuse some principles of faith, justice, and humanity, were strongly felt, and have been often observed. The asperity of national prejudice was softened; and the community of religion and arms spread a similar color and generous emulation over the face of Christendom. Abroad in enterprise and pilgrimage, at home in martial exercise, the warriors of every country were perpetually associated; and impartial taste must prefer a Gothic tournament to the Olympic games of classic antiquity. Instead of the naked spectacles which corrupted the manners of the Greeks, and banished from the stadium the virgins and matrons, the pompous decoration of the lists was crowned with the presence of chaste and high-born beauty, from whose hands the conqueror received the prize of his dexterity and courage. The skill and strength that were exerted in wrestling and boxing bear a distant and doubtful relation to the merit of a soldier; but the tournaments, as they were invented in France, and eagerly adopted both in the East and West, presented a lively image of the business of the field. The single combats, the general skirmish, the defence of a pass, or castle, were rehearsed as in actual service; and the contest, both in real and mimic war, was decided by the superior management of the horse and lance. The lance was the proper and peculiar weapon of the knight: his horse was of a large and heavy breed; but this charger, till he was roused by the approaching danger, was usually led by an attendant, and he quietly rode a

    pad or palfrey of a more easy pace. His helmet and sword, his greaves and buckler, it would be superfluous to describe; but I may remark, that, at the period of the crusades, the armor was less ponderous than in later times; and that, instead of a massy cuirass, his breast was defended by a hauberk or coat of mail. When their long lances were fixed in the rest, the warriors furiously spurred their horses against the foe; and the light cavalry of the Turks and Arabs could seldom stand against the direct and impetuous weight of their charge. Each knight was attended to the field by his faithful squire, a youth of equal birth and similar hopes; he was followed by his archers and men at arms, and four, or five, or six soldiers were computed as the furniture of a complete lance. In the expeditions to the neighboring kingdoms or the Holy Land, the duties of the feudal tenure no longer subsisted; the voluntary service of the knights and their followers were either prompted by zeal or attachment, or purchased with rewards and promises; and the numbers of each squadron were measured by the power, the wealth, and the fame, of each independent chieftain. They were distinguished by his banner, his armorial coat, and his cry of war; and the most ancient families of Europe must seek in these achievements the origin and proof of their nobility. In this rapid portrait of chivalry I have been urged to anticipate on the story of the crusades, at once an effect and a cause, of this memorable institution.

    Such were the troops, and such the leaders, who assumed the cross for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre. As soon as they were relieved by the absence of the plebeian multitude, they encouraged each other, by interviews and messages, to accomplish their vow, and hasten their departure. Their wives and sisters were desirous of partaking the danger and merit of the pilgrimage: their portable treasures were conveyed in bars of silver and gold; and the princes and barons were attended by their equipage of hounds and hawks to amuse their leisure and to supply their table. The difficulty of procuring subsistence for so many myriads of men and horses engaged them to separate their forces: their choice or situation

    determined the road; and it was agreed to meet in the neighborhood of Constantinople, and from thence to begin their operations against the Turks. From the banks of the Meuse and the Moselle, Godfrey of Bouillon followed the direct way of Germany, Hungary, and Bulgaria; and, as long as he exercised the sole command every step afforded some proof of his prudence and virtue. On the confines of Hungary he was stopped three weeks by a Christian people, to whom the name, or at least the abuse, of the cross was justly odious. The Hungarians still smarted with the wounds which they had received from the first pilgrims: in their turn they had abused the right of defence and retaliation; and they had reason to apprehend a severe revenge from a hero of the same nation, and who was engaged in the same cause. But, after weighing the motives and the events, the virtuous duke was content to pity the crimes and misfortunes of his worthless brethren; and his twelve deputies, the messengers of peace, requested in his name a free passage and an equal market. To remove their suspicions, Godfrey trusted himself, and afterwards his brother, to the faith of Carloman, * king of Hungary, who treated them with a simple but hospitable entertainment: the treaty was sanctified by their common gospel; and a proclamation, under pain of death, restrained the animosity and license of the Latin soldiers. From Austria to Belgrade, they traversed the plains of Hungary, without enduring or offering an injury; and the proximity of Carloman, who hovered on their flanks with his numerous cavalry, was a precaution not less useful for their safety than for his own. They reached the banks of the Save; and no sooner had they passed the river, than the king of Hungary restored the hostages, and saluted their departure with the fairest wishes for the success of their enterprise. With the same conduct and discipline, Godfrey pervaded the woods of Bulgaria and the frontiers of Thrace; and might congratulate himself that he had almost reached the first term of his pilgrimage, without drawing his sword against a Christian adversary. After an easy and pleasant journey through Lombardy, from Turin to Aquileia, Raymond and his provincials marched forty days through the savage country of Dalmatia and Sclavonia. The

    weather was a perpetual fog; the land was mountainous and desolate; the natives were either fugitive or hostile: loose in their religion and government, they refused to furnish provisions or guides; murdered the stragglers; and exercised by night and day the vigilance of the count, who derived more security from the punishment of some captive robbers than from his interview and treaty with the prince of Scodra. His march between Durazzo and Constantinople was harassed, without being stopped, by the peasants and soldiers of the Greek emperor; and the same faint and ambiguous hostility was prepared for the remaining chiefs, who passed the Adriatic from the coast of Italy. Bohemond had arms and vessels, and foresight and discipline; and his name was not forgotten in the provinces of Epirus and Thessaly. Whatever obstacles he encountered were surmounted by his military conduct and the valor of Tancred; and if the Norman prince affected to spare the Greeks, he gorged his soldiers with the full plunder of an heretical castle. The nobles of France pressed forwards with the vain and thoughtless ardor of which their nation has been sometimes accused. From the Alps to Apulia the march of Hugh the Great, of the two Roberts, and of Stephen of Chartres, through a wealthy country, and amidst the applauding Catholics, was a devout or triumphant progress: they kissed the feet of the Roman pontiff; and the golden standard of St. Peter was delivered to the brother of the French monarch. But in this visit of piety and pleasure, they neglected to secure the season, and the means of their embarkation: the winter was insensibly lost: their troops were scattered and corrupted in the towns of Italy. They separately accomplished their passage, regardless of safety or dignity; and within nine months from the feast of the Assumption, the day appointed by Urban, all the Latin princes had reached Constantinople. But the count of Vermandois was produced as a captive; his foremost vessels were scattered by a tempest; and his person, against the law of nations, was detained by the lieutenants of Alexius. Yet the arrival of Hugh had been announced by four-and-twenty knights in golden armor, who commanded the emperor to revere the general of the Latin Christians, the brother of the king of kings. *

    In some oriental tale I have read the fable of a shepherd, who was ruined by the accomplishment of his own wishes: he had prayed for water; the Ganges was turned into his grounds, and his flock and cottage were swept away by the inundation. Such was the fortune, or at least the apprehension of the Greek emperor Alexius Comnenus, whose name has already appeared in this history, and whose conduct is so differently represented by his daughter Anne, and by the Latin writers. In the council of Placentia, his ambassadors had solicited a moderate succor, perhaps of ten thousand soldiers, but he was astonished by the approach of so many potent chiefs and fanatic nations. The emperor fluctuated between hope and fear, between timidity and courage; but in the crooked policy which he mistook for wisdom, I cannot believe, I cannot discern, that he maliciously conspired against the life or honor of the French heroes. The promiscuous multitudes of Peter the Hermit were savage beasts, alike destitute of humanity and reason: nor was it possible for Alexius to prevent or deplore their destruction. The troops of Godfrey and his peers were less contemptible, but not less suspicious, to the Greek emperor. Their motives might be pure and pious: but he was equally alarmed by his knowledge of the ambitious Bohemond, * and his ignorance of the Transalpine chiefs: the courage of the French was blind and headstrong; they might be tempted by the luxury and wealth of Greece, and elated by the view and opinion of their invincible strength: and Jerusalem might be forgotten in the prospect of Constantinople. After a long march and painful abstinence, the troops of Godfrey encamped in the plains of Thrace; they heard with indignation, that their brother, the count of Vermandois, was imprisoned by the Greeks; and their reluctant duke was compelled to indulge them in some freedom of retaliation and rapine. They were appeased by the submission of Alexius: he promised to supply their camp; and as they refused, in the midst of winter, to pass the Bosphorus, their quarters were assigned among the gardens and palaces on the shores of that narrow sea. But an incurable jealousy still rankled in the minds of the two nations, who despised each other as slaves and Barbarians.

    Ignorance is the ground of suspicion, and suspicion was inflamed into daily provocations: prejudice is blind, hunger is deaf; and Alexius is accused of a design to starve or assault the Latins in a dangerous post, on all sides encompassed with the waters. Godfrey sounded his trumpets, burst the net, overspread the plain, and insulted the suburbs; but the gates of Constantinople were strongly fortified; the ramparts were lined with archers; and, after a doubtful conflict, both parties listened to the voice of peace and religion. The gifts and promises of the emperor insensibly soothed the fierce spirit of the western strangers; as a Christian warrior, he rekindled their zeal for the prosecution of their holy enterprise, which he engaged to second with his troops and treasures. On the return of spring, Godfrey was persuaded to occupy a pleasant and plentiful camp in Asia; and no sooner had he passed the Bosphorus, than the Greek vessels were suddenly recalled to the opposite shore. The same policy was repeated with the succeeding chiefs, who were swayed by the example, and weakened by the departure, of their foremost companions. By his skill and diligence, Alexius prevented the union of any two of the confederate armies at the same moment under the walls of Constantinople; and before the feast of the Pentecost not a Latin pilgrim was left on the coast of Europe.

    The same arms which threatened Europe might deliver Asia, and repel the Turks from the neighboring shores of the Bosphorus and Hellespont. The fair provinces from Nice to Antioch were the recent patrimony of the Roman emperor; and his ancient and perpetual claim still embraced the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt. In his enthusiasm, Alexius indulged, or affected, the ambitious hope of leading his new allies to subvert the thrones of the East; but the calmer dictates of reason and temper dissuaded him from exposing his royal person to the faith of unknown and lawless Barbarians. His prudence, or his pride, was content with extorting from the French princes an oath of homage and fidelity, and a solemn promise, that they would either restore, or hold, their Asiatic conquests as the humble and loyal vassals of the Roman

    empire. Their independent spirit was fired at the mention of this foreign and voluntary servitude: they successively yielded to the dexterous application of gifts and flattery; and the first proselytes became the most eloquent and effectual missionaries to multiply the companions of their shame. The pride of Hugh of Vermandois was soothed by the honors of his captivity; and in the brother of the French king, the example of submission was prevalent and weighty. In the mind of Godfrey of Bouillon every human consideration was subordinate to the glory of God and the success of the crusade. He had firmly resisted the temptations of Bohemond and Raymond, who urged the attack and conquest of Constantinople. Alexius esteemed his virtues, deservedly named him the champion of the empire, and dignified his homage with the filial name and the rights of adoption. The hateful Bohemond was received as a true and ancient ally; and if the emperor reminded him of former hostilities, it was only to praise the valor that he had displayed, and the glory that he had acquired, in the fields of Durazzo and Larissa. The son of Guiscard was lodged and entertained, and served with Imperial pomp: one day, as he passed through the gallery of the palace, a door was carelessly left open to expose a pile of gold and silver, of silk and gems, of curious and costly furniture, that was heaped, in seeming disorder, from the floor to the roof of the chamber. “What conquests,” exclaimed the ambitious miser, “might not be achieved by the possession of such a treasure!” — “It is your own,” replied a Greek attendant, who watched the motions of his soul; and Bohemond, after some hesitation, condescended to accept this magnificent present. The Norman was flattered by the assurance of an independent principality; and Alexius eluded, rather than denied, his daring demand of the office of great domestic, or general of the East. The two Roberts, the son of the conqueror of England, and the kinsmen of three queens, bowed in their turn before the Byzantine throne. A private letter of Stephen of Chartres attests his admiration of the emperor, the most excellent and liberal of men, who taught him to believe that he was a favorite, and promised to educate and establish his youngest son. In his southern province, the count of St. Giles and Thoulouse faintly recognized the

    supremacy of the king of France, a prince of a foreign nation and language. At the head of a hundred thousand men, he declared that he was the soldier and servant of Christ alone, and that the Greek might be satisfied with an equal treaty of alliance and friendship. His obstinate resistance enhanced the value and the price of his submission; and he shone, says the princess Anne, among the Barbarians, as the sun amidst the stars of heaven. His disgust of the noise and insolence of the French, his suspicions of the designs of Bohemond, the emperor imparted to his faithful Raymond; and that aged statesman might clearly discern, that however false in friendship, he was sincere in his enmity. The spirit of chivalry was last subdued in the person of Tancred; and none could deem themselves dishonored by the imitation of that gallant knight. He disdained the gold and flattery of the Greek monarch; assaulted in his presence an insolent patrician; escaped to Asia in the habit of a private soldier; and yielded with a sigh to the authority of Bohemond, and the interest of the Christian cause. The best and most ostensible reason was the impossibility of passing the sea and accomplishing their vow, without the license and the vessels of Alexius; but they cherished a secret hope, that as soon as they trod the continent of Asia, their swords would obliterate their shame, and dissolve the engagement, which on his side might not be very faithfully performed. The ceremony of their homage was grateful to a people who had long since considered pride as the substitute of power. High on his throne, the emperor sat mute and immovable: his majesty was adored by the Latin princes; and they submitted to kiss either his feet or his knees, an indignity which their own writers are ashamed to confess and unable to deny.

    Private or public interest suppressed the murmurs of the dukes and counts; but a French baron (he is supposed to be Robert of Paris ) presumed to ascend the throne, and to place himself by the side of Alexius. The sage reproof of Baldwin provoked him to exclaim, in his barbarous idiom, “Who is this rustic, that keeps his seat, while so many valiant captains are

    standing round him?” The emperor maintained his silence, dissembled his indignation, and questioned his interpreter concerning the meaning of the words, which he partly suspected from the universal language of gesture and countenance. Before the departure of the pilgrims, he endeavored to learn the name and condition of the audacious baron. “I am a Frenchman,” replied Robert, “of the purest and most ancient nobility of my country. All that I know is, that there is a church in my neighborhood, the resort of those who are desirous of approving their valor in single combat. Till an enemy appears, they address their prayers to God and his saints. That church I have frequently visited. But never have I found an antagonist who dared to accept my defiance.” Alexius dismissed the challenger with some prudent advice for his conduct in the Turkish warfare; and history repeats with pleasure this lively example of the manners of his age and country.

    The conquest of Asia was undertaken and achieved by Alexander, with thirty-five thousand Macedonians and Greeks; and his best hope was in the strength and discipline of his phalanx of infantry. The principal force of the crusaders consisted in their cavalry; and when that force was mustered in the plains of Bithynia, the knights and their martial attendants on horseback amounted to one hundred thousand fighting men, completely armed with the helmet and coat of mail. The value of these soldiers deserved a strict and authentic account; and the flower of European chivalry might furnish, in a first effort, this formidable body of heavy horse. A part of the infantry might be enrolled for the service of scouts, pioneers, and archers; but the promiscuous crowd were lost in their own disorder; and we depend not on the eyes and knowledge, but on the belief and fancy, of a chaplain of Count Baldwin, in the estimate of six hundred thousand pilgrims able to bear arms, besides the priests and monks, the women and children of the Latin camp. The reader starts; and before he is recovered from his surprise, I shall add, on the same testimony, that if all who took the cross had accomplished

    their vow, above six millions would have migrated from Europe to Asia. Under this oppression of faith, I derive some relief from a more sagacious and thinking writer, who, after the same review of the cavalry, accuses the credulity of the priest of Chartres, and even doubts whether the Cisalpine regions (in the geography of a Frenchman) were sufficient to produce and pour forth such incredible multitudes. The coolest scepticism will remember, that of these religious volunteers great numbers never beheld Constantinople and Nice. Of enthusiasm the influence is irregular and transient: many were detained at home by reason or cowardice, by poverty or weakness; and many were repulsed by the obstacles of the way, the more insuperable as they were unforeseen, to these ignorant fanatics. The savage countries of Hungary and Bulgaria were whitened with their bones: their vanguard was cut in pieces by the Turkish sultan; and the loss of the first adventure, by the sword, or climate, or fatigue, has already been stated at three hundred thousand men. Yet the myriads that survived, that marched, that pressed forwards on the holy pilgrimage, were a subject of astonishment to themselves and to the Greeks. The copious energy of her language sinks under the efforts of the princess Anne: the images of locusts, of leaves and flowers, of the sands of the sea, or the stars of heaven, imperfectly represent what she had seen and heard; and the daughter of Alexius exclaims, that Europe was loosened from its foundations, and hurled against Asia. The ancient hosts of Darius and Xerxes labor under the same doubt of a vague and indefinite magnitude; but I am inclined to believe, that a larger number has never been contained within the lines of a single camp, than at the siege of Nice, the first operation of the Latin princes. Their motives, their characters, and their arms, have been already displayed. Of their troops the most numerous portion were natives of France: the Low Countries, the banks of the Rhine, and Apulia, sent a powerful reënforcement: some bands of adventurers were drawn from Spain, Lombardy, and England; and from the distant bogs and mountains of Ireland or Scotland issued some naked and savage fanatics, ferocious at home but unwarlike abroad. Had not superstition condemned

    the sacrilegious prudence of depriving the poorest or weakest Christian of the merit of the pilgrimage, the useless crowd, with mouths but without hands, might have been stationed in the Greek empire, till their companions had opened and secured the way of the Lord. A small remnant of the pilgrims, who passed the Bosphorus, was permitted to visit the holy sepulchre. Their northern constitution was scorched by the rays, and infected by the vapors, of a Syrian sun. They consumed, with heedless prodigality, their stores of water and provision: their numbers exhausted the inland country: the sea was remote, the Greeks were unfriendly, and the Christians of every sect fled before the voracious and cruel rapine of their brethren. In the dire necessity of famine, they sometimes roasted and devoured the flesh of their infant or adult captives. Among the Turks and Saracens, the idolaters of Europe were rendered more odious by the name and reputation of Cannibals; the spies, who introduced themselves into the kitchen of Bohemond, were shown several human bodies turning on the spit: and the artful Norman encouraged a report, which increased at the same time the abhorrence and the terror of the infidels.

    Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade. —

    Part IV.

    I have expiated with pleasure on the first steps of the crusaders, as they paint the manners and character of Europe: but I shall abridge the tedious and uniform narrative of their blind achievements, which were performed by strength and are described by ignorance. From their first station in the neighborhood of Nicomedia, they advanced in successive divisions; passed the contracted limit of the Greek empire; opened a road through the hills, and commenced, by the siege of his capital, their pious warfare against the Turkish sultan. His kingdom of Roum extended from the Hellespont to the confines of Syria, and barred the pilgrimage of Jerusalem, his name was Kilidge-Arslan, or Soliman, of the race of Seljuk,

    and son of the first conqueror; and in the defence of a land which the Turks considered as their own, he deserved the praise of his enemies, by whom alone he is known to posterity. Yielding to the first impulse of the torrent, he deposited his family and treasure in Nice; retired to the mountains with fifty thousand horse; and twice descended to assault the camps or quarters of the Christian besiegers, which formed an imperfect circle of above six miles. The lofty and solid walls of Nice were covered by a deep ditch, and flanked by three hundred and seventy towers; and on the verge of Christendom, the Moslems were trained in arms, and inflamed by religion. Before this city, the French princes occupied their stations, and prosecuted their attacks without correspondence or subordination: emulation prompted their valor; but their valor was sullied by cruelty, and their emulation degenerated into envy and civil discord. In the siege of Nice, the arts and engines of antiquity were employed by the Latins; the mine and the battering-ram, the tortoise, and the belfrey or movable turret, artificial fire, and the catapult and balist, the sling, and the crossbow for the casting of stones and darts. In the space of seven weeks much labor and blood were expended, and some progress, especially by Count Raymond, was made on the side of the besiegers. But the Turks could protract their resistance and secure their escape, as long as they were masters of the Lake Ascanius, which stretches several miles to the westward of the city. The means of conquest were supplied by the prudence and industry of Alexius; a great number of boats was transported on sledges from the sea to the lake; they were filled with the most dexterous of his archers; the flight of the sultana was intercepted; Nice was invested by land and water; and a Greek emissary persuaded the inhabitants to accept his master’s protection, and to save themselves, by a timely surrender, from the rage of the savages of Europe. In the moment of victory, or at least of hope, the crusaders, thirsting for blood and plunder, were awed by the Imperial banner that streamed from the citadel; * and Alexius guarded with jealous vigilance this important conquest. The murmurs of the chiefs were stifled by honor or interest; and after a halt of nine days, they directed their march towards Phrygia under

    the guidance of a Greek general, whom they suspected of a secret connivance with the sultan. The consort and the principal servants of Soliman had been honorably restored without ransom; and the emperor’s generosity to the miscreants was interpreted as treason to the Christian cause.

    Soliman was rather provoked than dismayed by the loss of his capital: he admonished his subjects and allies of this strange invasion of the Western Barbarians; the Turkish emirs obeyed the call of loyalty or religion; the Turkman hordes encamped round his standard; and his whole force is loosely stated by the Christians at two hundred, or even three hundred and sixty thousand horse. Yet he patiently waited till they had left behind them the sea and the Greek frontier; and hovering on the flanks, observed their careless and confident progress in two columns beyond the view of each other. Some miles before they could reach Dorylæum in Phrygia, the left, and least numerous, division was surprised, and attacked, and almost oppressed, by the Turkish cavalry. The heat of the weather, the clouds of arrows, and the barbarous onset, overwhelmed the crusaders; they lost their order and confidence, and the fainting fight was sustained by the personal valor, rather than by the military conduct, of Bohemond, Tancred, and Robert of Normandy. They were revived by the welcome banners of Duke Godfrey, who flew to their succor, with the count of Vermandois, and sixty thousand horse; and was followed by Raymond of Tholouse, the bishop of Puy, and the remainder of the sacred army. Without a moment’s pause, they formed in new order, and advanced to a second battle. They were received with equal resolution; and, in their common disdain for the unwarlike people of Greece and Asia, it was confessed on both sides, that the Turks and the Franks were the only nations entitled to the appellation of soldiers. Their encounter was varied, and balanced by the contrast of arms and discipline; of the direct charge, and wheeling evolutions; of the couched lance, and the brandished javelin; of a weighty broadsword, and a crooked sabre; of cumbrous armor, and thin flowing robes; and of the long Tartar bow, and the arbalist

    or crossbow, a deadly weapon, yet unknown to the Orientals. As long as the horses were fresh, and the quivers full, Soliman maintained the advantage of the day; and four thousand Christians were pierced by the Turkish arrows. In the evening, swiftness yielded to strength: on either side, the numbers were equal or at least as great as any ground could hold, or any generals could manage; but in turning the hills, the last division of Raymond and his provincials was led, perhaps without design on the rear of an exhausted enemy; and the long contest was determined. Besides a nameless and unaccounted multitude, three thousand Pagan knights were slain in the battle and pursuit; the camp of Soliman was pillaged; and in the variety of precious spoil, the curiosity of the Latins was amused with foreign arms and apparel, and the new aspect of dromedaries and camels. The importance of the victory was proved by the hasty retreat of the sultan: reserving ten thousand guards of the relics of his army, Soliman evacuated the kingdom of Roum, and hastened to implore the aid, and kindle the resentment, of his Eastern brethren. In a march of five hundred miles, the crusaders traversed the Lesser Asia, through a wasted land and deserted towns, without finding either a friend or an enemy. The geographer may trace the position of Dorylæum, Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, Archelais, and Germanicia, and may compare those classic appellations with the modern names of Eskishehr the old city, Akshehr the white city, Cogni, Erekli, and Marash. As the pilgrims passed over a desert, where a draught of water is exchanged for silver, they were tormented by intolerable thirst; and on the banks of the first rivulet, their haste and intemperance were still more pernicious to the disorderly throng. They climbed with toil and danger the steep and slippery sides of Mount Taurus; many of the soldiers cast away their arms to secure their footsteps; and had not terror preceded their van, the long and trembling file might have been driven down the precipice by a handful of resolute enemies. Two of their most respectable chiefs, the duke of Lorraine and the count of Tholouse, were carried in litters: Raymond was raised, as it is said by miracle, from a hopeless

    malady; and Godfrey had been torn by a bear, as he pursued that rough and perilous chase in the mountains of Pisidia.

    To improve the general consternation, the cousin of Bohemond and the brother of Godfrey were detached from the main army with their respective squadrons of five, and of seven, hundred knights. They overran in a rapid career the hills and sea-coast of Cilicia, from Cogni to the Syrian gates: the Norman standard was first planted on the walls of Tarsus and Malmistra; but the proud injustice of Baldwin at length provoked the patient and generous Italian; and they turned their consecrated swords against each other in a private and profane quarrel. Honor was the motive, and fame the reward, of Tancred; but fortune smiled on the more selfish enterprise of his rival. He was called to the assistance of a Greek or Armenian tyrant, who had been suffered under the Turkish yoke to reign over the Christians of Edessa. Baldwin accepted the character of his son and champion: but no sooner was he introduced into the city, than he inflamed the people to the massacre of his father, occupied the throne and treasure, extended his conquests over the hills of Armenia and the plain of Mesopotamia, and founded the first principality of the Franks or Latins, which subsisted fifty-four years beyond the Euphrates.

    Before the Franks could enter Syria, the summer, and even the autumn, were completely wasted: the siege of Antioch, or the separation and repose of the army during the winter season, was strongly debated in their council: the love of arms and the holy sepulchre urged them to advance; and reason perhaps was on the side of resolution, since every hour of delay abates the fame and force of the invader, and multiplies the resources of defensive war. The capital of Syria was protected by the River Orontes; and the iron bridge, * of nine arches, derives its name from the massy gates of the two towers which are constructed at either end. They were opened by the sword of the duke of Normandy: his victory gave entrance to three hundred thousand crusaders, an account

    which may allow some scope for losses and desertion, but which clearly detects much exaggeration in the review of Nice. In the description of Antioch, it is not easy to define a middle term between her ancient magnificence, under the successors of Alexander and Augustus, and the modern aspect of Turkish desolation. The Tetrapolis, or four cities, if they retained their name and position, must have left a large vacuity in a circumference of twelve miles; and that measure, as well as the number of four hundred towers, are not perfectly consistent with the five gates, so often mentioned in the history of the siege. Yet Antioch must have still flourished as a great and populous capital. At the head of the Turkish emirs, Baghisian, a veteran chief, commanded in the place: his garrison was composed of six or seven thousand horse, and fifteen or twenty thousand foot: one hundred thousand Moslems are said to have fallen by the sword; and their numbers were probably inferior to the Greeks, Armenians, and Syrians, who had been no more than fourteen years the slaves of the house of Seljuk. From the remains of a solid and stately wall, it appears to have arisen to the height of threescore feet in the valleys; and wherever less art and labor had been applied, the ground was supposed to be defended by the river, the morass, and the mountains. Notwithstanding these fortifications, the city had been repeatedly taken by the Persians, the Arabs, the Greeks, and the Turks; so large a circuit must have yielded many pervious points of attack; and in a siege that was formed about the middle of October, the vigor of the execution could alone justify the boldness of the attempt. Whatever strength and valor could perform in the field was abundantly discharged by the champions of the cross: in the frequent occasions of sallies, of forage, of the attack and defence of convoys, they were often victorious; and we can only complain, that their exploits are sometimes enlarged beyond the scale of probability and truth. The sword of Godfrey divided a Turk from the shoulder to the haunch; and one half of the infidel fell to the ground, while the other was transported by his horse to the city gate. As Robert of Normandy rode against his antagonist, “I devote thy head,” he piously exclaimed, “to the dæmons of hell;” and that head was

    instantly cloven to the breast by the resistless stroke of his descending falchion. But the reality or the report of such gigantic prowess must have taught the Moslems to keep within their walls: and against those walls of earth or stone, the sword and the lance were unavailing weapons. In the slow and successive labors of a siege, the crusaders were supine and ignorant, without skill to contrive, or money to purchase, or industry to use, the artificial engines and implements of assault. In the conquest of Nice, they had been powerfully assisted by the wealth and knowledge of the Greek emperor: his absence was poorly supplied by some Genoese and Pisan vessels, that were attracted by religion or trade to the coast of Syria: the stores were scanty, the return precarious, and the communication difficult and dangerous. Indolence or weakness had prevented the Franks from investing the entire circuit; and the perpetual freedom of two gates relieved the wants and recruited the garrison of the city. At the end of seven months, after the ruin of their cavalry, and an enormous loss by famine, desertion and fatigue, the progress of the crusaders was imperceptible, and their success remote, if the Latin Ulysses, the artful and ambitious Bohemond, had not employed the arms of cunning and deceit. The Christians of Antioch were numerous and discontented: Phirouz, a Syrian renegado, had acquired the favor of the emir and the command of three towers; and the merit of his repentance disguised to the Latins, and perhaps to himself, the foul design of perfidy and treason. A secret correspondence, for their mutual interest, was soon established between Phirouz and the prince of Tarento; and Bohemond declared in the council of the chiefs, that he could deliver the city into their hands. * But he claimed the sovereignty of Antioch as the reward of his service; and the proposal which had been rejected by the envy, was at length extorted from the distress, of his equals. The nocturnal surprise was executed by the French and Norman princes, who ascended in person the scaling-ladders that were thrown from the walls: their new proselyte, after the murder of his too scrupulous brother, embraced and introduced the servants of Christ; the army rushed through the gates; and the Moslems soon found, that

    although mercy was hopeless, resistance was impotent. But the citadel still refused to surrender; and the victims themselves were speedily encompassed and besieged by the innumerable forces of Kerboga, prince of Mosul, who, with twenty-eight Turkish emirs, advanced to the deliverance of Antioch. Five-and-twenty days the Christians spent on the verge of destruction; and the proud lieutenant of the caliph and the sultan left them only the choice of servitude or death. In this extremity they collected the relics of their strength, sallied from the town, and in a single memorable day, annihilated or dispersed the host of Turks and Arabians, which they might safely report to have consisted of six hundred thousand men. Their supernatural allies I shall proceed to consider: the human causes of the victory of Antioch were the fearless despair of the Franks; and the surprise, the discord, perhaps the errors, of their unskilful and presumptuous adversaries. The battle is described with as much disorder as it was fought; but we may observe the tent of Kerboga, a movable and spacious palace, enriched with the luxury of Asia, and capable of holding above two thousand persons; we may distinguish his three thousand guards, who were cased, the horse as well as the men, in complete steel.

    In the eventful period of the siege and defence of Antioch, the crusaders were alternately exalted by victory or sunk in despair; either swelled with plenty or emaciated with hunger. A speculative reasoner might suppose, that their faith had a strong and serious influence on their practice; and that the soldiers of the cross, the deliverers of the holy sepulchre, prepared themselves by a sober and virtuous life for the daily contemplation of martyrdom. Experience blows away this charitable illusion; and seldom does the history of profane war display such scenes of intemperance and prostitution as were exhibited under the walls of Antioch. The grove of Daphne no longer flourished; but the Syrian air was still impregnated with the same vices; the Christians were seduced by every temptation that nature either prompts or reprobates; the authority of the chiefs was despised; and sermons and edicts

    were alike fruitless against those scandalous disorders, not less pernicious to military discipline, than repugnant to evangelic purity. In the first days of the siege and the possession of Antioch, the Franks consumed with wanton and thoughtless prodigality the frugal subsistence of weeks and months: the desolate country no longer yielded a supply; and from that country they were at length excluded by the arms of the besieging Turks. Disease, the faithful companion of want, was envenomed by the rains of the winter, the summer heats, unwholesome food, and the close imprisonment of multitudes. The pictures of famine and pestilence are always the same, and always disgustful; and our imagination may suggest the nature of their sufferings and their resources. The remains of treasure or spoil were eagerly lavished in the purchase of the vilest nourishment; and dreadful must have been the calamities of the poor, since, after paying three marks of silver for a goat and fifteen for a lean camel, the count of Flanders was reduced to beg a dinner, and Duke Godfrey to borrow a horse. Sixty thousand horse had been reviewed in the camp: before the end of the siege they were diminished to two thousand, and scarcely two hundred fit for service could be mustered on the day of battle. Weakness of body and terror of mind extinguished the ardent enthusiasm of the pilgrims; and every motive of honor and religion was subdued by the desire of life. Among the chiefs, three heroes may be found without fear or reproach: Godfrey of Bouillon was supported by his magnanimous piety; Bohemond by ambition and interest; and Tancred declared, in the true spirit of chivalry, that as long as he was at the head of forty knights, he would never relinquish the enterprise of Palestine. But the count of Tholouse and Provence was suspected of a voluntary indisposition; the duke of Normandy was recalled from the sea-shore by the censures of the church: Hugh the Great, though he led the vanguard of the battle, embraced an ambiguous opportunity of returning to France and Stephen, count of Chartres, basely deserted the standard which he bore, and the council in which he presided. The soldiers were discouraged by the flight of William, viscount of Melun, surnamed the Carpenter, from the weighty strokes of his axe; and the saints were scandalized by the fall *

    of Peter the Hermit, who, after arming Europe against Asia, attempted to escape from the penance of a necessary fast. Of the multitude of recreant warriors, the names (says an historian) are blotted from the book of life; and the opprobrious epithet of the rope-dancers was applied to the deserters who dropped in the night from the walls of Antioch. The emperor Alexius, who seemed to advance to the succor of the Latins, was dismayed by the assurance of their hopeless condition. They expected their fate in silent despair; oaths and punishments were tried without effect; and to rouse the soldiers to the defence of the walls, it was found necessary to set fire to their quarters.

    For their salvation and victory, they were indebted to the same fanaticism which had led them to the brink of ruin. In such a cause, and in such an army, visions, prophecies, and miracles, were frequent and familiar. In the distress of Antioch, they were repeated with unusual energy and success: St. Ambrose had assured a pious ecclesiastic, that two years of trial must precede the season of deliverance and grace; the deserters were stopped by the presence and reproaches of Christ himself; the dead had promised to arise and combat with their brethren; the Virgin had obtained the pardon of their sins; and their confidence was revived by a visible sign, the seasonable and splendid discovery of the holy lance. The policy of their chiefs has on this occasion been admired, and might surely be excused; but a pious baud is seldom produced by the cool conspiracy of many persons; and a voluntary impostor might depend on the support of the wise and the credulity of the people. Of the diocese of Marseilles, there was a priest of low cunning and loose manners, and his name was Peter Bartholemy. He presented himself at the door of the council-chamber, to disclose an apparition of St. Andrew, which had been thrice reiterated in his sleep with a dreadful menace, if he presumed to suppress the commands of Heaven. “At Antioch,” said the apostle, “in the church of my brother St. Peter, near the high altar, is concealed the steel head of the lance that pierced the side of our Redeemer. In three days that

    instrument of eternal, and now of temporal, salvation, will be manifested to his disciples. Search, and ye shall find: bear it aloft in battle; and that mystic weapon shall penetrate the souls of the miscreants.” The pope’s legate, the bishop of Puy, affected to listen with coldness and distrust; but the revelation was eagerly accepted by Count Raymond, whom his faithful subject, in the name of the apostle, had chosen for the guardian of the holy lance. The experiment was resolved; and on the third day after a due preparation of prayer and fasting, the priest of Marseilles introduced twelve trusty spectators, among whom were the count and his chaplain; and the church doors were barred against the impetuous multitude. The ground was opened in the appointed place; but the workmen, who relieved each other, dug to the depth of twelve feet without discovering the object of their search. In the evening, when Count Raymond had withdrawn to his post, and the weary assistants began to murmur, Bartholemy, in his shirt, and without his shoes, boldly descended into the pit; the darkness of the hour and of the place enabled him to secrete and deposit the head of a Saracen lance; and the first sound, the first gleam, of the steel was saluted with a devout rapture. The holy lance was drawn from its recess, wrapped in a veil of silk and gold, and exposed to the veneration of the crusaders; their anxious suspense burst forth in a general shout of joy and hope, and the desponding troops were again inflamed with the enthusiasm of valor. Whatever had been the arts, and whatever might be the sentiments of the chiefs, they skilfully improved this fortunate revolution by every aid that discipline and devotion could afford. The soldiers were dismissed to their quarters with an injunction to fortify their minds and bodies for the approaching conflict, freely to bestow their last pittance on themselves and their horses, and to expect with the dawn of day the signal of victory. On the festival of St. Peter and St. Paul, the gates of Antioch were thrown open: a martial psalm, “Let the Lord arise, and let his enemies be scattered!” was chanted by a procession of priests and monks; the battle array was marshalled in twelve divisions, in honor of the twelve apostles; and the holy lance, in the absence of Raymond, was intrusted to the hands of his chaplain. The influence of his

    relic or trophy, was felt by the servants, and perhaps by the enemies, of Christ; and its potent energy was heightened by an accident, a stratagem, or a rumor, of a miraculous complexion. Three knights, in white garments and resplendent arms, either issued, or seemed to issue, from the hills: the voice of Adhemar, the pope’s legate, proclaimed them as the martyrs St. George, St. Theodore, and St. Maurice: the tumult of battle allowed no time for doubt or scrutiny; and the welcome apparition dazzled the eyes or the imagination of a fanatic army. * In the season of danger and triumph, the revelation of Bartholemy of Marseilles was unanimously asserted; but as soon as the temporary service was accomplished, the personal dignity and liberal arms which the count of Tholouse derived from the custody of the holy lance, provoked the envy, and awakened the reason, of his rivals. A Norman clerk presumed to sift, with a philosophic spirit, the truth of the legend, the circumstances of the discovery, and the character of the prophet; and the pious Bohemond ascribed their deliverance to the merits and intercession of Christ alone. For a while, the Provincials defended their national palladium with clamors and arms and new visions condemned to death and hell the profane sceptics who presumed to scrutinize the truth and merit of the discovery. The prevalence of incredulity compelled the author to submit his life and veracity to the judgment of God. A pile of dry fagots, four feet high and fourteen long, was erected in the midst of the camp; the flames burnt fiercely to the elevation of thirty cubits; and a narrow path of twelve inches was left for the perilous trial. The unfortunate priest of Marseilles traversed the fire with dexterity and speed; but the thighs and belly were scorched by the intense heat; he expired the next day; and the logic of believing minds will pay some regard to his dying protestations of innocence and truth. Some efforts were made by the Provincials to substitute a cross, a ring, or a tabernacle, in the place of the holy lance, which soon vanished in contempt and oblivion. Yet the revelation of Antioch is gravely asserted by succeeding historians: and such is the progress of credulity, that miracles most doubtful on the spot,

    and at the moment, will be received with implicit faith at a convenient distance of time and space.

    The prudence or fortune of the Franks had delayed their invasion till the decline of the Turkish empire. Under the manly government of the three first sultans, the kingdoms of Asia were united in peace and justice; and the innumerable armies which they led in person were equal in courage, and superior in discipline, to the Barbarians of the West. But at the time of the crusade, the inheritance of Malek Shaw was disputed by his four sons; their private ambition was insensible of the public danger; and, in the vicissitudes of their fortune, the royal vassals were ignorant, or regardless, of the true object of their allegiance. The twenty-eight emirs who marched with the standard or Kerboga were his rivals or enemies: their hasty levies were drawn from the towns and tents of Mesopotamia and Syria; and the Turkish veterans were employed or consumed in the civil wars beyond the Tigris. The caliph of Egypt embraced this opportunity of weakness and discord to recover his ancient possessions; and his sultan Aphdal besieged Jerusalem and Tyre, expelled the children of Ortok, and restored in Palestine the civil and ecclesiastical authority of the Fatimites. They heard with astonishment of the vast armies of Christians that had passed from Europe to Asia, and rejoiced in the sieges and battles which broke the power of the Turks, the adversaries of their sect and monarchy. But the same Christians were the enemies of the prophet; and from the overthrow of Nice and Antioch, the motive of their enterprise, which was gradually understood, would urge them forwards to the banks of the Jordan, or perhaps of the Nile. An intercourse of epistles and embassies, which rose and fell with the events of war, was maintained between the throne of Cairo and the camp of the Latins; and their adverse pride was the result of ignorance and enthusiasm. The ministers of Egypt declared in a haughty, or insinuated in a milder, tone, that their sovereign, the true and lawful commander of the faithful, had rescued Jerusalem from the Turkish yoke; and that the pilgrims, if they would divide

    their numbers, and lay aside their arms, should find a safe and hospitable reception at the sepulchre of Jesus. In the belief of their lost condition, the caliph Mostali despised their arms and imprisoned their deputies: the conquest and victory of Antioch prompted him to solicit those formidable champions with gifts of horses and silk robes, of vases, and purses of gold and silver; and in his estimate of their merit or power, the first place was assigned to Bohemond, and the second to Godfrey. In either fortune, the answer of the crusaders was firm and uniform: they disdained to inquire into the private claims or possessions of the followers of Mahomet; whatsoever was his name or nation, the usurper of Jerusalem was their enemy; and instead of prescribing the mode and terms of their pilgrimage, it was only by a timely surrender of the city and province, their sacred right, that he could deserve their alliance, or deprecate their impending and irresistible attack.

    Yet this attack, when they were within the view and reach of their glorious prize, was suspended above ten months after the defeat of Kerboga. The zeal and courage of the crusaders were chilled in the moment of victory; and instead of marching to improve the consternation, they hastily dispersed to enjoy the luxury, of Syria. The causes of this strange delay may be found in the want of strength and subordination. In the painful and various service of Antioch, the cavalry was annihilated; many thousands of every rank had been lost by famine, sickness, and desertion: the same abuse of plenty had been productive of a third famine; and the alternative of intemperance and distress had generated a pestilence, which swept away above fifty thousand of the pilgrims. Few were able to command, and none were willing to obey; the domestic feuds, which had been stifled by common fear, were again renewed in acts, or at least in sentiments, of hostility; the fortune of Baldwin and Bohemond excited the envy of their companions; the bravest knights were enlisted for the defence of their new principalities; and Count Raymond exhausted his troops and treasures in an idle expedition into the heart of Syria. * The winter was consumed in discord and disorder; a

    sense of honor and religion was rekindled in the spring; and the private soldiers, less susceptible of ambition and jealousy, awakened with angry clamors the indolence of their chiefs. In the month of May, the relics of this mighty host proceeded from Antioch to Laodicea: about forty thousand Latins, of whom no more than fifteen hundred horse, and twenty thousand foot, were capable of immediate service. Their easy march was continued between Mount Libanus and the sea-shore: their wants were liberally supplied by the coasting traders of Genoa and Pisa; and they drew large contributions from the emirs of Tripoli, Tyre, Sidon, Acre, and Cæsarea, who granted a free passage, and promised to follow the example of Jerusalem. From Cæsarea they advanced into the midland country; their clerks recognized the sacred geography of Lydda, Ramla, Emmaus, and Bethlem, * and as soon as they descried the holy city, the crusaders forgot their toils and claimed their reward.

    Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade. Part V.

    Jerusalem has derived some reputation from the number and importance of her memorable sieges. It was not till after a long and obstinate contest that Babylon and Rome could prevail against the obstinacy of the people, the craggy ground that might supersede the necessity of fortifications, and the walls and towers that would have fortified the most accessible plain. These obstacles were diminished in the age of the crusades. The bulwarks had been completely destroyed and imperfectly restored: the Jews, their nation, and worship, were forever banished; but nature is less changeable than man, and the site of Jerusalem, though somewhat softened and somewhat removed, was still strong against the assaults of an enemy. By the experience of a recent siege, and a three years’ possession, the Saracens of Egypt had been taught to discern, and in some degree to remedy, the defects of a place, which religion as well as honor forbade them to resign. Aladin, or Iftikhar, the

    caliph’s lieutenant, was intrusted with the defence: his policy strove to restrain the native Christians by the dread of their own ruin and that of the holy sepulchre; to animate the Moslems by the assurance of temporal and eternal rewards. His garrison is said to have consisted of forty thousand Turks and Arabians; and if he could muster twenty thousand of the inhabitants, it must be confessed that the besieged were more numerous than the besieging army. Had the diminished strength and numbers of the Latins allowed them to grasp the whole circumference of four thousand yards, (about two English miles and a half, ) to what useful purpose should they have descended into the valley of Ben Hinnom and torrent of Cedron, or approach the precipices of the south and east, from whence they had nothing either to hope or fear? Their siege was more reasonably directed against the northern and western sides of the city. Godfrey of Bouillon erected his standard on the first swell of Mount Calvary: to the left, as far as St. Stephen’s gate, the line of attack was continued by Tancred and the two Roberts; and Count Raymond established his quarters from the citadel to the foot of Mount Sion, which was no longer included within the precincts of the city. On the fifth day, the crusaders made a general assault, in the fanatic hope of battering down the walls without engines, and of scaling them without ladders. By the dint of brutal force, they burst the first barrier; but they were driven back with shame and slaughter to the camp: the influence of vision and prophecy was deadened by the too frequent abuse of those pious stratagems; and time and labor were found to be the only means of victory. The time of the siege was indeed fulfilled in forty days, but they were forty days of calamity and anguish. A repetition of the old complaint of famine may be imputed in some degree to the voracious or disorderly appetite of the Franks; but the stony soil of Jerusalem is almost destitute of water; the scanty springs and hasty torrents were dry in the summer season; nor was the thirst of the besiegers relieved, as in the city, by the artificial supply of cisterns and aqueducts. The circumjacent country is equally destitute of trees for the uses of shade or building, but some large beams were discovered in a cave by the crusaders: a wood near

    Sichem, the enchanted grove of Tasso, was cut down: the necessary timber was transported to the camp by the vigor and dexterity of Tancred; and the engines were framed by some Genoese artists, who had fortunately landed in the harbor of Jaffa. Two movable turrets were constructed at the expense, and in the stations, of the duke of Lorraine and the count of Tholouse, and rolled forwards with devout labor, not to the most accessible, but to the most neglected, parts of the fortification. Raymond’s Tower was reduced to ashes by the fire of the besieged, but his colleague was more vigilant and successful; * the enemies were driven by his archers from the rampart; the draw-bridge was let down; and on a Friday, at three in the afternoon, the day and hour of the passion, Godfrey of Bouillon stood victorious on the walls of Jerusalem. His example was followed on every side by the emulation of valor; and about four hundred and sixty years after the conquest of Omar, the holy city was rescued from the Mahometan yoke. In the pillage of public and private wealth, the adventurers had agreed to respect the exclusive property of the first occupant; and the spoils of the great mosque, seventy lamps and massy vases of gold and silver, rewarded the diligence, and displayed the generosity, of Tancred. A bloody sacrifice was offered by his mistaken votaries to the God of the Christians: resistance might provoke but neither age nor sex could mollify, their implacable rage: they indulged themselves three days in a promiscuous massacre; and the infection of the dead bodies produced an epidemical disease. After seventy thousand Moslems had been put to the sword, and the harmless Jews had been burnt in their synagogue, they could still reserve a multitude of captives, whom interest or lassitude persuaded them to spare. Of these savage heroes of the cross, Tancred alone betrayed some sentiments of compassion; yet we may praise the more selfish lenity of Raymond, who granted a capitulation and safe-conduct to the garrison of the citadel. The holy sepulchre was now free; and the bloody victors prepared to accomplish their vow. Bareheaded and barefoot, with contrite hearts, and in an humble posture, they ascended the hill of Calvary, amidst the loud anthems of the clergy; kissed the stone which had

    covered the Savior of the world; and bedewed with tears of joy and penitence the monument of their redemption. This union of the fiercest and most tender passions has been variously considered by two philosophers; by the one, as easy and natural; by the other, as absurd and incredible. Perhaps it is too rigorously applied to the same persons and the same hour; the example of the virtuous Godfrey awakened the piety of his companions; while they cleansed their bodies, they purified their minds; nor shall I believe that the most ardent in slaughter and rapine were the foremost in the procession to the holy sepulchre.

    Eight days after this memorable event, which Pope Urban did not live to hear, the Latin chiefs proceeded to the election of a king, to guard and govern their conquests in Palestine. Hugh the Great, and Stephen of Chartres, had retired with some loss of reputation, which they strove to regain by a second crusade and an honorable death. Baldwin was established at Edessa, and Bohemond at Antioch; and two Roberts, the duke of Normandy and the count of Flanders, preferred their fair inheritance in the West to a doubtful competition or a barren sceptre. The jealousy and ambition of Raymond were condemned by his own followers, and the free, the just, the unanimous voice of the army proclaimed Godfrey of Bouillon the first and most worthy of the champions of Christendom. His magnanimity accepted a trust as full of danger as of glory; but in a city where his Savior had been crowned with thorns, the devout pilgrim rejected the name and ensigns of royalty; and the founder of the kingdom of Jerusalem contented himself with the modest title of Defender and Baron of the Holy Sepulchre. His government of a single year, too short for the public happiness, was interrupted in the first fortnight by a summons to the field, by the approach of the vizier or sultan of Egypt, who had been too slow to prevent, but who was impatient to avenge, the loss of Jerusalem. His total overthrow in the battle of Ascalon sealed the establishment of the Latins in Syria, and signalized the valor of the French princes who in this action bade a long farewell to the holy wars. Some glory

    might be derived from the prodigious inequality of numbers, though I shall not count the myriads of horse and foot * on the side of the Fatimites; but, except three thousand Ethiopians or Blacks, who were armed with flails or scourges of iron, the Barbarians of the South fled on the first onset, and afforded a pleasing comparison between the active valor of the Turks and the sloth and effeminacy of the natives of Egypt. After suspending before the holy sepulchre the sword and standard of the sultan, the new king (he deserves the title) embraced his departing companions, and could retain only with the gallant Tancred three hundred knights, and two thousand foot-soldiers for the defence of Palestine. His sovereignty was soon attacked by a new enemy, the only one against whom Godfrey was a coward. Adhemar, bishop of Puy, who excelled both in council and action, had been swept away in the last plague at Antioch: the remaining ecclesiastics preserved only the pride and avarice of their character; and their seditious clamors had required that the choice of a bishop should precede that of a king. The revenue and jurisdiction of the lawful patriarch were usurped by the Latin clergy: the exclusion of the Greeks and Syrians was justified by the reproach of heresy or schism; and, under the iron yoke of their deliverers, the Oriental Christians regretted the tolerating government of the Arabian caliphs. Daimbert, archbishop of Pisa, had long been trained in the secret policy of Rome: he brought a fleet at his countrymen to the succor of the Holy Land, and was installed, without a competitor, the spiritual and temporal head of the church. * The new patriarch immediately grasped the sceptre which had been acquired by the toil and blood of the victorious pilgrims; and both Godfrey and Bohemond submitted to receive at his hands the investiture of their feudal possessions. Nor was this sufficient; Daimbert claimed the immediate property of Jerusalem and Jaffa; instead of a firm and generous refusal, the hero negotiated with the priest; a quarter of either city was ceded to the church; and the modest bishop was satisfied with an eventual reversion of the rest, on the death of Godfrey without children, or on the future acquisition of a new seat at Cairo or Damascus.

    Without this indulgence, the conqueror would have almost been stripped of his infant kingdom, which consisted only of Jerusalem and Jaffa, with about twenty villages and towns of the adjacent country. Within this narrow verge, the Mahometans were still lodged in some impregnable castles: and the husbandman, the trader, and the pilgrim, were exposed to daily and domestic hostility. By the arms of Godfrey himself, and of the two Baldwins, his brother and cousin, who succeeded to the throne, the Latins breathed with more ease and safety; and at length they equalled, in the extent of their dominions, though not in the millions of their subjects, the ancient princes of Judah and Israel. After the reduction of the maritime cities of Laodicea, Tripoli, Tyre, and Ascalon, which were powerfully assisted by the fleets of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, and even of Flanders and Norway, the range of sea-coast from Scanderoon to the borders of Egypt was possessed by the Christian pilgrims. If the prince of Antioch disclaimed his supremacy, the counts of Edessa and Tripoli owned themselves the vassals of the king of Jerusalem: the Latins reigned beyond the Euphrates; and the four cities of Hems, Hamah, Damascus, and Aleppo, were the only relics of the Mahometan conquests in Syria. The laws and language, the manners and titles, of the French nation and Latin church, were introduced into these transmarine colonies. According to the feudal jurisprudence, the principal states and subordinate baronies descended in the line of male and female succession: but the children of the first conquerors, a motley and degenerate race, were dissolved by the luxury of the climate; the arrival of new crusaders from Europe was a doubtful hope and a casual event. The service of the feudal tenures was performed by six hundred and sixty-six knights, who might expect the aid of two hundred more under the banner of the count of Tripoli; and each knight was attended to the field by four squires or archers on horseback. Five thousand and seventy sergeants, most probably foot-soldiers, were supplied by the churches and cities; and the whole legal militia of the kingdom could not exceed eleven thousand men, a slender defence against the surrounding myriads of

    Saracens and Turks. But the firmest bulwark of Jerusalem was founded on the knights of the Hospital of St. John, and of the temple of Solomon; on the strange association of a monastic and military life, which fanaticism might suggest, but which policy must approve. The flower of the nobility of Europe aspired to wear the cross, and to profess the vows, of these respectable orders; their spirit and discipline were immortal; and the speedy donation of twenty-eight thousand farms, or manors, enabled them to support a regular force of cavalry and infantry for the defence of Palestine. The austerity of the convent soon evaporated in the exercise of arms; the world was scandalized by the pride, avarice, and corruption of these Christian soldiers; their claims of immunity and jurisdiction disturbed the harmony of the church and state; and the public peace was endangered by their jealous emulation. But in their most dissolute period, the knights of their hospital and temple maintained their fearless and fanatic character: they neglected to live, but they were prepared to die, in the service of Christ; and the spirit of chivalry, the parent and offspring of the crusades, has been transplanted by this institution from the holy sepulchre to the Isle of Malta.

    The spirit of freedom, which pervades the feudal institutions, was felt in its strongest energy by the volunteers of the cross, who elected for their chief the most deserving of his peers. Amidst the slaves of Asia, unconscious of the lesson or example, a model of political liberty was introduced; and the laws of the French kingdom are derived from the purest source of equality and justice. Of such laws, the first and indispensable condition is the assent of those whose obedience they require, and for whose benefit they are designed. No sooner had Godfrey of Bouillon accepted the office of supreme magistrate, than he solicited the public and private advice of the Latin pilgrims, who were the best skilled in the statutes and customs of Europe. From these materials, with the counsel and approbation of the patriarch and barons, of the clergy and laity, Godfrey composed the Assise of Jerusalem, a precious monument of feudal jurisprudence. The new code,

    attested by the seals of the king, the patriarch, and the viscount of Jerusalem, was deposited in the holy sepulchre, enriched with the improvements of succeeding times, and respectfully consulted as often as any doubtful question arose in the tribunals of Palestine. With the kingdom and city all was lost: the fragments of the written law were preserved by jealous tradition and variable practice till the middle of the thirteenth century: the code was restored by the pen of John d’Ibelin, count of Jaffa, one of the principal feudatories; and the final revision was accomplished in the year thirteen hundred and sixty-nine, for the use of the Latin kingdom of Cyprus.

    The justice and freedom of the constitution were maintained by two tribunals of unequal dignity, which were instituted by Godfrey of Bouillon after the conquest of Jerusalem. The king, in person, presided in the upper court, the court of the barons. Of these the four most conspicuous were the prince of Galilee, the lord of Sidon and Cæsarea, and the counts of Jaffa and Tripoli, who, perhaps with the constable and marshal, were in a special manner the compeers and judges of each other. But all the nobles, who held their lands immediately of the crown, were entitled and bound to attend the king’s court; and each baron exercised a similar jurisdiction on the subordinate assemblies of his own feudatories. The connection of lord and vassal was honorable and voluntary: reverence was due to the benefactor, protection to the dependant; but they mutually pledged their faith to each other; and the obligation on either side might be suspended by neglect or dissolved by injury. The cognizance of marriages and testaments was blended with religion, and usurped by the clergy: but the civil and criminal causes of the nobles, the inheritance and tenure of their fiefs, formed the proper occupation of the supreme court. Each member was the judge and guardian both of public and private rights. It was his duty to assert with his tongue and sword the lawful claims of the lord; but if an unjust superior presumed to violate the freedom or property of a vassal, the confederate peers stood forth to maintain his quarrel by word and deed. They boldly affirmed his innocence and his wrongs; demanded the restitution of his liberty or his lands; suspended, after a fruitless demand, their own service; rescued their brother from prison; and employed every weapon in his defence, without offering direct violence to the person of their lord, which was ever sacred in their eyes. In their pleadings, replies, and rejoinders, the advocates of the court were subtle and copious; but the use of argument and evidence was often superseded by judicial combat; and the Assise of Jerusalem admits in many cases this barbarous institution, which has been slowly abolished by the laws and manners of Europe.

    The trial by battle was established in all criminal cases which affected the life, or limb, or honor, of any person; and in all civil transactions, of or above the value of one mark of silver. It appears that in criminal cases the combat was the privilege of the accuser, who, except in a charge of treason, avenged his personal injury, or the death of those persons whom he had a right to represent; but wherever, from the nature of the charge, testimony could be obtained, it was necessary for him to produce witnesses of the fact. In civil cases, the combat was not allowed as the means of establishing the claim of the demandant; but he was obliged to produce witnesses who had, or assumed to have, knowledge of the fact. The combat was then the privilege of the defendant; because he charged the witness with an attempt by perjury to take away his right. He came therefore to be in the same situation as the appellant in criminal cases. It was not then as a mode of proof that the combat was received, nor as making negative evidence, (according to the supposition of Montesquieu; ) but in every case the right to offer battle was founded on the right to pursue by arms the redress of an injury; and the judicial combat was fought on the same principle, and with the same spirit, as a private duel. Champions were only allowed to women, and to men maimed or past the age of sixty. The consequence of a defeat was death to the person accused, or to the champion or witness, as well as to the accuser himself: but in civil cases, the demandant was punished with infamy and the loss of his suit, while his witness and champion suffered ignominious death. In many cases it was in the option of the judge to award or to refuse the combat: but two are specified, in which it was the inevitable result of the challenge; if a faithful vassal gave the lie to his compeer, who unjustly claimed any portion of their lord’s demesnes; or if an unsuccessful suitor presumed to impeach the judgment and veracity of the court. He might impeach them, but the terms were severe and perilous: in the same day he successively fought all the members of the tribunal, even those who had been absent; a single defeat was followed by death and infamy; and where none could hope for victory, it is highly probable that none would adventure the trial. In the Assise of Jerusalem, the legal subtlety of the count of Jaffa is more laudably employed to elude, than to facilitate, the judicial combat, which he derives from a principle of honor rather than of superstition.

    Among the causes which enfranchised the plebeians from the yoke of feudal tyranny, the institution of cities and corporations is one of the most powerful; and if those of Palestine are coeval with the first crusade, they may be ranked with the most ancient of the Latin world. Many of the pilgrims had escaped from their lords under the banner of the cross; and it was the policy of the French princes to tempt their stay by the assurance of the rights and privileges of freemen. It is expressly declared in the Assise of Jerusalem, that after instituting, for his knights and barons, the court of peers, in which he presided himself, Godfrey of Bouillon established a second tribunal, in which his person was represented by his viscount. The jurisdiction of this inferior court extended over the burgesses of the kingdom; and it was composed of a select number of the most discreet and worthy citizens, who were sworn to judge, according to the laws of the actions and fortunes of their equals. In the conquest and settlement of new cities, the example of Jerusalem was imitated by the kings and their great vassals; and above thirty similar corporations were founded before the loss of the Holy Land. Another class of subjects, the Syrians, or Oriental Christians, were oppressed by the zeal of the clergy, and protected by the toleration of the state. Godfrey listened to their reasonable prayer, that they might be judged by their own national laws. A third court was instituted for their use, of limited and domestic jurisdiction: the sworn members were Syrians, in blood, language, and religion; but the office of the president (in Arabic, of the rais) was sometimes exercised by the viscount of the city. At an immeasurable distance below the nobles, the burgesses, and the strangers, the Assise of Jerusalem condescends to mention the villains and slaves, the peasants of the land and the captives of war, who were almost equally considered as the objects of property. The relief or protection of these unhappy men was not esteemed worthy of the care of the legislator; but he diligently provides for the recovery, though not indeed for the punishment, of the fugitives. Like hounds, or hawks, who had strayed from the lawful owner, they might be lost and claimed: the slave and falcon were of the same value; but three slaves, or twelve oxen, were accumulated to equal the price of the war-horse; and a sum of three hundred pieces of gold was fixed, in the age of chivalry, as the equivalent of the more noble animal.

  • Edward Gibbon《History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire》LI-LIII

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.

    Part I. The Conquest Of Persia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, And Spain, By The Arabs Or Saracens. — Empire Of The Caliphs, Or Successors Of Mahomet. — State Of The Christians, &c., Under Their Government.

    The revolution of Arabia had not changed the character of the Arabs: the death of Mahomet was the signal of independence; and the hasty structure of his power and religion tottered to its foundations. A small and faithful band of his primitive disciples had listened to his eloquence, and shared his distress; had fled with the apostle from the persecution of Mecca, or had received the fugitive in the walls of Medina. The increasing myriads, who acknowledged Mahomet as their king and prophet, had been compelled by his arms, or allured by his prosperity. The polytheists were confounded by the simple idea of a solitary and invisible God; the pride of the Christians and Jews disdained the yoke of a mortal and contemporary legislator. The habits of faith and obedience were not sufficiently confirmed; and many of the new converts regretted the venerable antiquity of the law of Moses, or the rites and mysteries of the Catholic church; or the idols, the sacrifices, the joyous festivals, of their Pagan ancestors. The jarring interests and hereditary feuds of the Arabian tribes had not yet coalesced in a system of union and subordination; and the Barbarians were impatient of the mildest and most salutary laws that curbed their passions, or violated their customs. They submitted with reluctance to the religious precepts of the Koran, the abstinence from wine, the fast of the Ramadan, and the daily repetition of five prayers; and the alms and tithes, which were collected for the treasury of Medina, could be distinguished only by a name from the payment of a perpetual and ignominious tribute. The example of Mahomet had excited a spirit of fanaticism or imposture, and several of his rivals presumed to imitate the conduct, and defy the authority, of the living prophet. At the head of the fugitives and auxiliaries, the first caliph was reduced to the cities of Mecca, Medina, and Tayef; and perhaps the Koreish would have restored the idols of the Caaba, if their levity had not been checked by a seasonable reproof. “Ye men of Mecca, will ye be the last to embrace, and the first to abandon, the religion of Islam?” After exhorting the Moslems to confide in the aid of God and his apostle, Abubeker resolved, by a vigorous attack, to prevent the junction of the rebels. The women and children were safely lodged in the cavities of the mountains: the warriors, marching under eleven banners, diffused the terror of their arms; and the appearance of a military force revived and confirmed the loyalty of the faithful. The inconstant tribes accepted, with humble repentance, the duties of prayer, and fasting, and alms; and, after some examples of success and severity, the most daring apostates fell prostrate before the sword of the Lord and of Caled. In the fertile province of Yemanah, between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Persia, in a city not inferior to Medina itself, a powerful chief (his name was Moseilama) had assumed the character of a prophet, and the tribe of Hanifa listened to his voice. A female prophetess * was attracted by his reputation; the decencies of words and actions were spurned by these favorites of Heaven; and they employed several days in mystic and amorous converse. An obscure sentence of his Koran, or book, is yet extant; and in the pride of his mission, Moseilama condescended to offer a partition of the earth. The proposal was answered by Mahomet with contempt; but the rapid progress of the impostor awakened the fears of his successor: forty thousand Moslems were assembled under the standard of Caled; and the existence of their faith was resigned to the event of a decisive battle. * In the first action they were repulsed by the loss of twelve hundred men; but the skill and perseverance of their general prevailed; their defeat was avenged by the slaughter of ten thousand infidels; and Moseilama himself was pierced by an Æthiopian slave with the same javelin which had mortally wounded the uncle of Mahomet. The various rebels of Arabia without a chief or a cause, were speedily suppressed by the power and discipline of the rising monarchy; and the whole nation again professed, and more steadfastly held, the religion of the Koran. The ambition of the caliphs provided an immediate exercise for the restless spirit of the Saracens: their valor was united in the prosecution of a holy war; and their enthusiasm was equally confirmed by opposition and victory.

    From the rapid conquests of the Saracens a presumption will naturally arise, that the caliphs commanded in person the armies of the faithful, and sought the crown of martyrdom in the foremost ranks of the battle. The courage of Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, had indeed been tried in the persecution and wars of the prophet; and the personal assurance of paradise must have taught them to despise the pleasures and dangers of the present world. But they ascended the throne in a venerable or mature age; and esteemed the domestic cares of religion and justice the most important duties of a sovereign. Except the presence of Omar at the siege of Jerusalem, their longest expeditions were the frequent pilgrimage from Medina to Mecca; and they calmly received the tidings of victory as they prayed or preached before the sepulchre of the prophet. The austere and frugal measure of their lives was the effect of virtue or habit, and the pride of their simplicity insulted the vain magnificence of the kings of the earth. When Abubeker assumed the office of caliph, he enjoined his daughter Ayesha to take a strict account of his private patrimony, that it might be evident whether he were enriched or impoverished by the service of the state. He thought himself entitled to a stipend of three pieces of gold, with the sufficient maintenance of a single camel and a black slave; but on the Friday of each week he distributed the residue of his own and the public money, first to the most worthy, and then to the most indigent, of the Moslems. The remains of his wealth, a coarse garment, and five pieces of gold, were delivered to his successor, who lamented with a modest sigh his own inability to equal such an admirable model. Yet the abstinence and humility of Omar were not inferior to the virtues of Abubeker: his food consisted of barley bread or dates; his drink was water; he preached in a gown that was torn or tattered in twelve places; and the Persian satrap, who paid his homage to the conqueror, found him asleep among the beggars on the steps of the mosch of Medina. conomy is the source of liberality, and the increase of the revenue enabled Omar to establish a just and perpetual reward for the past and present services of the faithful. Careless of his own emolument, he assigned to Abbas, the uncle of the prophet, the first and most ample allowance of twenty-five thousand drachms or pieces of silver. Five thousand were allotted to each of the aged warriors, the relics of the field of Beder; and the last and meanest of the companions of Mahomet was distinguished by the annual reward of three thousand pieces. One thousand was the stipend of the veterans who had fought in the first battles against the Greeks and Persians; and the decreasing pay, as low as fifty pieces of silver, was adapted to the respective merit and seniority of the soldiers of Omar. Under his reign, and that of his predecessor, the conquerors of the East were the trusty servants of God and the people; the mass of the public treasure was consecrated to the expenses of peace and war; a prudent mixture of justice and bounty maintained the discipline of the Saracens, and they united, by a rare felicity, the despatch and execution of despotism with the equal and frugal maxims of a republican government. The heroic courage of Ali, the consummate prudence of Moawiyah, excited the emulation of their subjects; and the talents which had been exercised in the school of civil discord were more usefully applied to propagate the faith and dominion of the prophet. In the sloth and vanity of the palace of Damascus, the succeeding princes of the house of Ommiyah were alike destitute of the qualifications of statesmen and of saints. Yet the spoils of unknown nations were continually laid at the foot of their throne, and the uniform ascent of the Arabian greatness must be ascribed to the spirit of the nation rather than the abilities of their chiefs. A large deduction must be allowed for the weakness of their enemies. The birth of Mahomet was fortunately placed in the most degenerate and disorderly period of the Persians, the Romans, and the Barbarians of Europe: the empires of Trajan, or even of Constantine or Charlemagne, would have repelled the assault of the naked Saracens, and the torrent of fanaticism might have been obscurely lost in the sands of Arabia.

    In the victorious days of the Roman republic, it had been the aim of the senate to confine their councils and legions to a single war, and completely to suppress a first enemy before they provoked the hostilities of a second. These timid maxims of policy were disdained by the magnanimity or enthusiasm of the Arabian caliphs. With the same vigor and success they invaded the successors of Augustus and those of Artaxerxes; and the rival monarchies at the same instant became the prey of an enemy whom they had been so long accustomed to despise. In the ten years of the administration of Omar, the Saracens reduced to his obedience thirty-six thousand cities or castles, destroyed four thousand churches or temples of the unbelievers, and edified fourteen hundred moschs for the exercise of the religion of Mahomet. One hundred years after his flight from Mecca, the arms and the reign of his successors extended from India to the Atlantic Ocean, over the various and distant provinces, which may be comprised under the names of, I. Persia; II. Syria; III. Egypt; IV. Africa; and, V. Spain. Under this general division, I shall proceed to unfold these memorable transactions; despatching with brevity the remote and less interesting conquests of the East, and reserving a fuller narrative for those domestic countries which had been included within the pale of the Roman empire. Yet I must excuse my own defects by a just complaint of the blindness and insufficiency of my guides. The Greeks, so loquacious in controversy, have not been anxious to celebrate the triumphs of their enemies. After a century of ignorance, the first annals of the Mussulmans were collected in a great measure from the voice of tradition. Among the numerous productions of Arabic and Persian literature, our interpreters have selected the imperfect sketches of a more recent age. The art and genius of history have ever been unknown to the Asiatics; they are ignorant of the laws of criticism; and our monkish chronicle of the same period may be compared to their most popular works, which are never vivified by the spirit of philosophy and freedom. The Oriental library of a Frenchman would instruct the most learned mufti of the East; and perhaps the Arabs might not find in a single historian so clear and comprehensive a narrative of their own exploits as that which will be deduced in the ensuing sheets.

    1. In the first year of the first caliph, his lieutenant Caled, the Sword of God, and the scourge of the infidels, advanced to the banks of the Euphrates, and reduced the cities of Anbar and Hira. Westward of the ruins of Babylon, a tribe of sedentary Arabs had fixed themselves on the verge of the desert; and Hira was the seat of a race of kings who had embraced the Christian religion, and reigned above six hundred years under the shadow of the throne of Persia. The last of the Mondars * was defeated and slain by Caled; his son was sent a captive to Medina; his nobles bowed before the successor of the prophet; the people was tempted by the example and success of their countrymen; and the caliph accepted as the first-fruits of foreign conquest an annual tribute of seventy thousand pieces of gold. The conquerors, and even their historians, were astonished by the dawn of their future greatness: “In the same year,” says Elmacin, “Caled fought many signal battles: an immense multitude of the infidels was slaughtered; and spoils infinite and innumerable were acquired by the victorious Moslems.” But the invincible Caled was soon transferred to the Syrian war: the invasion of the Persian frontier was conducted by less active or less prudent commanders: the Saracens were repulsed with loss in the passage of the Euphrates; and,

    though they chastised the insolent pursuit of the Magians, their remaining forces still hovered in the desert of Babylon.

    The indignation and fears of the Persians suspended for a moment their intestine divisions. By the unanimous sentence of the priests and nobles, their queen Arzema was deposed; the sixth of the transient usurpers, who had arisen and vanished in three or four years since the death of Chosroes, and the retreat of Heraclius. Her tiara was placed on the head of Yezdegerd, the grandson of Chosroes; and the same æra, which coincides with an astronomical period, has recorded the fall of the Sassanian dynasty and the religion of Zoroaster. The youth and inexperience of the prince (he was only fifteen years of age) declined a perilous encounter: the royal standard was delivered into the hands of his general Rustam; and a remnant of thirty thousand regular troops was swelled in truth, or in opinion, to one hundred and twenty thousand subjects, or allies, of the great king. The Moslems, whose numbers were reënforced from twelve to thirty thousand, had pitched their camp in the plains of Cadesia: and their line, though it consisted of fewer men, could produce more soldiers, than the unwieldy host of the infidels. I shall here observe, what I must often repeat, that the charge of the Arabs was not, like that of the Greeks and Romans, the effort of a firm and compact infantry: their military force was chiefly formed of cavalry and archers; and the engagement, which was often interrupted and often renewed by single combats and flying skirmishes, might be protracted without any decisive event to the continuance of several days. The periods of the battle of Cadesia were distinguished by their peculiar appellations. The first, from the well-timed appearance of six thousand of the Syrian brethren, was denominated the day of succor. The day of concussion might express the disorder of one, or perhaps of both, of the contending armies. The third, a nocturnal tumult, received the whimsical name of the night of barking, from the discordant clamors, which were compared to the inarticulate sounds of the fiercest animals. The morning of the succeeding day * determined the fate of Persia; and a seasonable whirlwind drove a cloud of dust against the faces of the unbelievers. The clangor of arms was reechoed to the tent of Rustam, who, far unlike the ancient hero of his name, was gently reclining in a cool and tranquil shade, amidst the baggage of his camp, and the train of mules that were laden with gold and silver. On the sound of danger he started from his couch; but his flight was overtaken by a valiant Arab, who caught him by the foot, struck off his head, hoisted it on a lance, and instantly returning to the field of battle, carried slaughter and dismay among the thickest ranks of the Persians. The Saracens confess a loss of seven thousand five hundred men; and the battle of Cadesia is justly described by the epithets of obstinate and atrocious. The standard of the monarchy was overthrown and captured in the field — a leathern apron of a blacksmith, who in ancient times had arisen the deliverer of Persia; but this badge of heroic poverty was disguised, and almost concealed, by a profusion of precious gems. After this victory, the wealthy province of Irak, or Assyria, submitted to the caliph, and his conquests were firmly established by the speedy foundation of Bassora, a place which ever commands the trade and navigation of the Persians. As the distance of fourscore miles from the Gulf, the Euphrates and Tigris unite in a broad and direct current, which is aptly styled the river of the Arabs. In the midway, between the junction and the mouth of these famous streams, the new settlement was planted on the western bank: the first colony was composed of eight hundred Moslems; but the influence of the situation soon reared a flourishing and populous capital. The air, though excessively hot, is pure and healthy: the meadows are filled with palm-trees and cattle; and one of the adjacent valleys has been celebrated among the four paradises or gardens of Asia. Under the first caliphs the jurisdiction of this Arabian colony extended over the southern provinces of Persia: the city has been sanctified by the tombs of the companions and martyrs; and the vessels of Europe still frequent the port of Bassora, as a convenient station and passage of the Indian trade.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.

    Part II.

    After the defeat of Cadesia, a country intersected by rivers and canals might have opposed an insuperable barrier to the victorious cavalry; and the walls of Ctesiphon or Madayn, which had resisted the battering-rams of the Romans, would not have yielded to the darts of the Saracens. But the flying Persians were overcome by the belief, that the last day of their religion and empire was at hand; the strongest posts were abandoned by treachery or cowardice; and the king, with a part of his family and treasures, escaped to Holwan at the foot of the Median hills. In the third month after the battle, Said, the lieutenant of Omar, passed the Tigris without opposition; the capital was taken by assault; and the disorderly resistance of the people gave a keener edge to the sabres of the Moslems, who shouted with religious transport, “This is the white palace of Chosroes; this is the promise of the apostle of God!” The naked robbers of the desert were suddenly enriched beyond the measure of their hope or knowledge. Each chamber revealed a new treasure secreted with art, or ostentatiously displayed; the gold and silver, the various wardrobes and precious furniture, surpassed (says Abulfeda) the estimate of fancy or numbers; and another historian defines the untold and almost infinite mass, by the fabulous computation of three thousands of thousands of thousands of pieces of gold. Some minute though curious facts represent the contrast of riches and ignorance. From the remote islands of the Indian Ocean a large provision of camphire had been imported, which is employed with a mixture of wax to illuminate the palaces of the East. Strangers to the name and properties of that odoriferous gum, the Saracens, mistaking it for salt, mingled the camphire in their bread, and were astonished at the bitterness of the taste. One of the apartments of the palace was decorated with a carpet of silk, sixty cubits in length, and as many in breadth: a paradise or garden was depictured on the ground: the flowers, fruits, and shrubs, were imitated by the figures of the gold embroidery, and the colors of the precious stones; and the ample square was encircled by a variegated and verdant border. The Arabian general persuaded his soldiers to relinquish their claim, in the reasonable hope that the eyes of the caliph would be delighted with the splendid workmanship of nature and industry. Regardless of the merit of art, and the pomp of royalty, the rigid Omar divided the prize among his brethren of Medina: the picture was destroyed; but such was the intrinsic value of the materials, that the share of Ali alone was sold for twenty thousand drams. A mule that carried away the tiara and cuirass, the belt and bracelets of Chosroes, was overtaken by the pursuers; the gorgeous trophy was presented to the commander of the faithful; and the gravest of the companions condescended to smile when they beheld the white beard, the hairy arms, and uncouth figure of the veteran, who was invested with the spoils of the Great King. The sack of Ctesiphon was followed by its desertion and gradual decay. The Saracens disliked the air and situation of the place, and Omar was advised by his general to remove the seat of government to the western side of the Euphrates. In every age, the foundation and ruin of the Assyrian cities has been easy and rapid: the country is destitute of stone and timber; and the most solid structures are composed of bricks baked in the sun, and joined by a cement of the native bitumen. The name of Cufa describes a habitation of reeds and earth; but the importance of the new capital was supported by the numbers, wealth, and spirit, of a colony of veterans; and their licentiousness was indulged by the wisest caliphs, who were apprehensive of provoking the revolt of a hundred thousand swords: “Ye men of Cufa,” said Ali, who solicited their aid, “you have been always conspicuous by your valor. You conquered the Persian king, and scattered his forces, till you had taken possession of his inheritance.” This mighty conquest was achieved by the battles of Jalula and Nehavend. After the loss of the former, Yezdegerd fled from Holwan, and concealed his shame and despair in the mountains of Farsistan, from whence Cyrus had descended with his equal and valiant companions. The courage of the nation survived that of the monarch: among the hills to the south of Ecbatana or Hamadan, one hundred and fifty thousand Persians made a third and final stand for their religion and country; and the decisive battle of Nehavend was styled by the Arabs the victory of victories. If it be true that the flying general of the Persians was stopped and overtaken in a crowd of mules and camels laden with honey, the incident, however slight and singular, will denote the luxurious impediments of an Oriental army.

    The geography of Persia is darkly delineated by the Greeks and Latins; but the most illustrious of her cities appear to be more ancient than the invasion of the Arabs. By the reduction of Hamadan and Ispahan, of Caswin, Tauris, and Rei, they gradually approached the shores of the Caspian Sea: and the orators of Mecca might applaud the success and spirit of the faithful, who had already lost sight of the northern bear, and had almost transcended the bounds of the habitable world. Again, turning towards the West and the Roman empire, they repassed the Tigris over the bridge of Mosul, and, in the captive provinces of Armenia and Mesopotamia, embraced their victorious brethren of the Syrian army. From the palace of Madayn their Eastern progress was not less rapid or extensive. They advanced along the Tigris and the Gulf; penetrated through the passes of the mountains into the valley of Estachar or Persepolis, and profaned the last sanctuary of the Magian empire. The grandson of Chosroes was nearly surprised among the falling columns and mutilated figures; a sad emblem of the past and present fortune of Persia: he fled with accelerated haste over the desert of Kirman, implored the aid of the warlike Segestans, and sought an humble refuge on the verge of the Turkish and Chinese power. But a victorious army is insensible of fatigue: the Arabs divided their forces in the pursuit of a timorous enemy; and the caliph Othman promised the government of Chorasan to the first general who should enter that large and populous country, the kingdom of the ancient Bactrians. The condition was accepted; the prize was deserved; the standard of Mahomet was planted on the walls of Herat, Merou, and Balch; and the successful leader neither halted nor reposed till his foaming cavalry had tasted the waters of the Oxus. In the public anarchy, the independent governors of the cities and castles obtained their separate capitulations: the terms were granted or imposed by the esteem, the prudence, or the compassion, of the victors; and a simple profession of faith established the distinction between a brother and a slave. After a noble defence, Harmozan, the prince or satrap of Ahwaz and Susa, was compelled to surrender his person and his state to the discretion of the caliph; and their interview exhibits a portrait of the Arabian manners. In the presence, and by the command, of Omar, the gay Barbarian was despoiled of his silken robes embroidered with gold, and of his tiara bedecked with rubies and emeralds: “Are you now sensible,” said the conqueror to his naked captive — “are you now sensible of the judgment of God, and of the different rewards of infidelity and obedience?” “Alas!” replied Harmozan, “I feel them too deeply. In the days of our common ignorance, we fought with the weapons of the flesh, and my nation was superior. God was then neuter: since he has espoused your quarrel, you have subverted our kingdom and religion.” Oppressed by this painful dialogue, the Persian complained of intolerable thirst, but discovered some apprehension lest he should be killed whilst he was drinking a cup of water. “Be of good courage,” said the caliph; “your life is safe till you have drunk this water: ” the crafty satrap accepted the assurance, and instantly dashed the vase against the ground. Omar would have avenged the deceit, but his companions represented the sanctity of an oath; and the speedy conversion of Harmozan entitled him not only to a free pardon, but even to a stipend of two thousand pieces of gold. The administration of Persia was regulated by an actual survey of the people, the cattle, and the fruits of the earth; and this monument, which attests the vigilance of the caliphs, might have instructed the philosophers of every age.

    The flight of Yezdegerd had carried him beyond the Oxus, and as far as the Jaxartes, two rivers of ancient and modern renown, which descend from the mountains of India towards the Caspian Sea. He was hospitably entertained by Tarkhan, prince of Fargana, a fertile province on the Jaxartes: the king of Samarcand, with the Turkish tribes of Sogdiana and Scythia, were moved by the lamentations and promises of the fallen monarch; and he solicited, by a suppliant embassy, the more solid and powerful friendship of the emperor of China. The virtuous Taitsong, the first of the dynasty of the Tang may be justly compared with the Antonines of Rome: his people enjoyed the blessings of prosperity and peace; and his dominion was acknowledged by forty-four hordes of the Barbarians of Tartary. His last garrisons of Cashgar and Khoten maintained a frequent intercourse with their neighbors of the Jaxartes and Oxus; a recent colony of Persians had introduced into China the astronomy of the Magi; and Taitsong might be alarmed by the rapid progress and dangerous vicinity of the Arabs. The influence, and perhaps the supplies, of China revived the hopes of Yezdegerd and the zeal of the worshippers of fire; and he returned with an army of Turks to conquer the inheritance of his fathers. The fortunate Moslems, without unsheathing their swords, were the spectators of his ruin and death. The grandson of Chosroes was betrayed by his servant, insulted by the seditious inhabitants of Merou, and oppressed, defeated, and pursued by his Barbarian allies. He reached the banks of a river, and offered his rings and bracelets for an instant passage in a miller’s boat. Ignorant or insensible of royal distress, the rustic replied, that four drams of silver were the daily profit of his mill, and that he would not suspend his work unless the loss were repaid. In this moment of hesitation and delay, the last of the Sassanian kings was overtaken and slaughtered by the Turkish cavalry, in the nineteenth year of his unhappy reign. * His son Firuz, an humble client of the Chinese emperor, accepted the station of captain of his guards; and the Magian worship was long preserved by a colony of loyal exiles in the province of Bucharia. His grandson inherited the regal name; but after a faint and fruitless enterprise, he returned to China, and ended his days in the palace of Sigan. The male line of the Sassanides was extinct; but the female captives, the daughters of Persia, were given to the conquerors in servitude, or marriage; and the race of the caliphs and imams was ennobled by the blood of their royal mothers.

    After the fall of the Persian kingdom, the River Oxus divided the territories of the Saracens and of the Turks. This narrow boundary was soon overleaped by the spirit of the Arabs; the governors of Chorasan extended their successive inroads; and one of their triumphs was adorned with the buskin of a Turkish queen, which she dropped in her precipitate flight beyond the hills of Bochara. But the final conquest of Transoxiana, as well as of Spain, was reserved for the glorious reign of the inactive Walid; and the name of Catibah, the camel driver, declares the origin and merit of his successful lieutenant. While one of his colleagues displayed the first Mahometan banner on the banks of the Indus, the spacious regions between the Oxus, the Jaxartes, and the Caspian Sea, were reduced by the arms of Catibah to the obedience of the prophet and of the caliph. A tribute of two millions of pieces of gold was imposed on the infidels; their idols were burnt or broken; the Mussulman chief pronounced a sermon in the new mosch of Carizme; after several battles, the Turkish hordes were driven back to the desert; and the emperors of China solicited the friendship of the victorious Arabs. To their industry, the prosperity of the province, the Sogdiana of the ancients, may in a great measure be ascribed; but the advantages of the soil and climate had been understood and cultivated since the reign of the Macedonian kings. Before the invasion of the Saracens, Carizme, Bochara, and Samarcand were rich and populous under the yoke of the shepherds of the north. * These cities were surrounded with a double wall; and the exterior fortification, of a larger circumference, enclosed the fields and gardens of the adjacent district. The mutual wants of India and Europe were supplied by the diligence of the Sogdian merchants; and the inestimable art of transforming linen into paper has been diffused from the manufacture of Samarcand over the western world.

    1. No sooner had Abubeker restored the unity of faith and

    government, than he despatched a circular letter to the Arabian tribes. “In the name of the most merciful God, to the rest of the true believers. Health and happiness, and the mercy and blessing of God, be upon you. I praise the most high God, and I pray for his prophet Mahomet. This is to acquaint you, that I intend to send the true believers into Syria to take it out of the hands of the infidels. And I would have you know, that the fighting for religion is an act of obedience to God.” His messengers returned with the tidings of pious and martial ardor which they had kindled in every province; and the camp of Medina was successively filled with the intrepid bands of the Saracens, who panted for action, complained of the heat of the season and the scarcity of provisions, and accused with impatient murmurs the delays of the caliph. As soon as their numbers were complete, Abubeker ascended the hill, reviewed the men, the horses, and the arms, and poured forth a fervent prayer for the success of their undertaking. In person, and on foot, he accompanied the first day’s march; and when the blushing leaders attempted to dismount, the caliph removed their scruples by a declaration, that those who rode, and those who walked, in the service of religion, were equally meritorious. His instructions to the chiefs of the Syrian army were inspired by the warlike fanaticism which advances to seize, and affects to despise, the objects of earthly ambition. “Remember,” said the successor of the prophet, “that you are always in the presence of God, on the verge of death, in the assurance of judgment, and the hope of paradise. Avoid injustice and oppression; consult with your brethren, and study to preserve the love and confidence of your troops. When you fight the battles of the Lord, acquit yourselves like men, without turning your backs; but let not your victory be stained with the blood of women or children. Destroy no palm-trees, nor burn any fields of corn. Cut down no fruit-trees, nor do any mischief to cattle, only such as you kill to eat. When you make any covenant or article, stand to it, and be as good as your word. As you go on, you will find some religious persons who live retired in monasteries, and propose to themselves to serve God that way: let them alone, and neither kill them nor destroy their monasteries: And you will

    find another sort of people, that belong to the synagogue of Satan, who have shaven crowns; be sure you cleave their skulls, and give them no quarter till they either turn Mahometans or pay “tribute.” All profane or frivolous conversation, all dangerous recollection of ancient quarrels, was severely prohibited among the Arabs: in the tumult of a camp, the exercises of religion were assiduously practised; and the intervals of action were employed in prayer, meditation, and the study of the Koran. The abuse, or even the use, of wine was chastised by fourscore strokes on the soles of the feet, and in the fervor of their primitive zeal, many secret sinners revealed their fault, and solicited their punishment. After some hesitation, the command of the Syrian army was delegated to Abu Obeidah, one of the fugitives of Mecca, and companions of Mahomet; whose zeal and devotion was assuaged, without being abated, by the singular mildness and benevolence of his temper. But in all the emergencies of war, the soldiers demanded the superior genius of Caled; and whoever might be the choice of the prince, the Sword of God was both in fact and fame the foremost leader of the Saracens. He obeyed without reluctance; * he was consulted without jealousy; and such was the spirit of the man, or rather of the times, that Caled professed his readiness to serve under the banner of the faith, though it were in the hands of a child or an enemy. Glory, and riches, and dominion, were indeed promised to the victorious Mussulman; but he was carefully instructed, that if the goods of this life were his only incitement, they likewise would be his only reward.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part III.

    One of the fifteen provinces of Syria, the cultivated lands to the eastward of the Jordan, had been decorated by Roman vanity with the name of Arabia; and the first arms of the Saracens were justified by the semblance of a national right. The country was enriched by the various benefits of trade; by

    the vigilance of the emperors it was covered with a line of forts; and the populous cities of Gerasa, Philadelphia, and Bosra, were secure, at least from a surprise, by the solid structure of their walls. The last of these cities was the eighteenth station from Medina: the road was familiar to the caravans of Hejaz and Irak, who annually visited this plenteous market of the province and the desert: the perpetual jealousy of the Arabs had trained the inhabitants to arms; and twelve thousand horse could sally from the gates of Bosra, an appellation which signifies, in the Syriac language, a strong tower of defence. Encouraged by their first success against the open towns and flying parties of the borders, a detachment of four thousand Moslems presumed to summon and attack the fortress of Bosra. They were oppressed by the numbers of the Syrians; they were saved by the presence of Caled, with fifteen hundred horse: he blamed the enterprise, restored the battle, and rescued his friend, the venerable Serjabil, who had vainly invoked the unity of God and the promises of the apostle. After a short repose, the Moslems performed their ablutions with sand instead of water; and the morning prayer was recited by Caled before they mounted on horseback. Confident in their strength, the people of Bosra threw open their gates, drew their forces into the plain, and swore to die in the defence of their religion. But a religion of peace was incapable of withstanding the fanatic cry of “Fight, fight! Paradise, paradise!” that reechoed in the ranks of the Saracens; and the uproar of the town, the ringing of bells, and the exclamations of the priests and monks increased the dismay and disorder of the Christians. With the loss of two hundred and thirty men, the Arabs remained masters of the field; and the ramparts of Bosra, in expectation of human or divine aid, were crowded with holy crosses and consecrated banners. The governor Romanus had recommended an early submission: despised by the people, and degraded from his office, he still retained the desire and opportunity of revenge. In a nocturnal interview, he informed the enemy of a subterraneous passage from his house under the wall of the city; the son of the caliph, with a hundred volunteers, were committed to the faith of this new ally, and their successful intrepidity gave an easy entrance to

    their companions. After Caled had imposed the terms of servitude and tribute, the apostate or convert avowed in the assembly of the people his meritorious treason: “I renounce your society,” said Romanus, “both in this world and the world to come. And I deny him that was crucified, and whosoever worships him. And I choose God for my Lord, Islam for my faith, Mecca for my temple, the Moslems for my brethren, and Mahomet for my prophet; who was sent to lead us into the right way, and to exalt the true religion in spite of those who join partners with God.”

    The conquest of Bosra, four days’ journey from Damascus, encouraged the Arabs to besiege the ancient capital of Syria. At some distance from the walls, they encamped among the groves and fountains of that delicious territory, and the usual option of the Mahometan faith, of tribute or of war, was proposed to the resolute citizens, who had been lately strengthened by a reenforcement of five thousand Greeks. In the decline, as in the infancy, of the military art, a hostile defiance was frequently offered and accepted by the generals themselves: many a lance was shivered in the plain of Damascus, and the personal prowess of Caled was signalized in the first sally of the besieged. After an obstinate combat, he had overthrown and made prisoner one of the Christian leaders, a stout and worthy antagonist. He instantly mounted a fresh horse, the gift of the governor of Palmyra, and pushed forwards to the front of the battle. “Repose yourself for a moment,” said his friend Derar, “and permit me to supply your place: you are fatigued with fighting with this dog.” “O Dear!” replied the indefatigable Saracen, “we shall rest in the world to come. He that labors to-day shall rest to-morrow.” With the same unabated ardor, Caled answered, encountered, and vanquished a second champion; and the heads of his two captives who refused to abandon their religion were indignantly hurled into the midst of the city. The event of some general and partial actions reduced the Damascenes to a closer defence: but a messenger, whom they dropped from the walls, returned with the promise of speedy and powerful

    succor, and their tumultuous joy conveyed the intelligence to the camp of the Arabs. After some debate, it was resolved by the generals to raise, or rather to suspend, the siege of Damascus, till they had given battle to the forces of the emperor. In the retreat, Caled would have chosen the more perilous station of the rear-guard; he modestly yielded to the wishes of Abu Obeidah. But in the hour of danger he flew to the rescue of his companion, who was rudely pressed by a sally of six thousand horse and ten thousand foot, and few among the Christians could relate at Damascus the circumstances of their defeat. The importance of the contest required the junction of the Saracens, who were dispersed on the frontiers of Syria and Palestine; and I shall transcribe one of the circular mandates which was addressed to Amrou, the future conqueror of Egypt. “In the name of the most merciful God: from Caled to Amrou, health and happiness. Know that thy brethren the Moslems design to march to Aiznadin, where there is an army of seventy thousand Greeks, who purpose to come against us, that they may extinguish the light of God with their mouths; but God preserveth his light in spite of the infidels. As soon therefore as this letter of mine shall be delivered to thy hands, come with those that are with thee to Aiznadin, where thou shalt find us if it please the most high God.” The summons was cheerfully obeyed, and the forty-five thousand Moslems, who met on the same day, on the same spot ascribed to the blessing of Providence the effects of their activity and zeal.

    About four years after the triumph of the Persian war, the repose of Heraclius and the empire was again disturbed by a new enemy, the power of whose religion was more strongly felt, than it was clearly understood, by the Christians of the East. In his palace of Constantinople or Antioch, he was awakened by the invasion of Syria, the loss of Bosra, and the danger of Damascus. * An army of seventy thousand veterans, or new levies, was assembled at Hems or Emesa, under the command of his general Werdan: and these troops consisting chiefly of cavalry, might be indifferently styled either Syrians, or Greeks,

    or Romans: Syrians, from the place of their birth or warfare; Greeks from the religion and language of their sovereign; and Romans, from the proud appellation which was still profaned by the successors of Constantine. On the plain of Aiznadin, as Werdan rode on a white mule decorated with gold chains, and surrounded with ensigns and standards, he was surprised by the near approach of a fierce and naked warrior, who had undertaken to view the state of the enemy. The adventurous valor of Derar was inspired, and has perhaps been adorned, by the enthusiasm of his age and country. The hatred of the Christians, the love of spoil, and the contempt of danger, were the ruling passions of the audacious Saracen; and the prospect of instant death could never shake his religious confidence, or ruffle the calmness of his resolution, or even suspend the frank and martial pleasantry of his humor. In the most hopeless enterprises, he was bold, and prudent, and fortunate: after innumerable hazards, after being thrice a prisoner in the hands of the infidels, he still survived to relate the achievements, and to enjoy the rewards, of the Syrian conquest. On this occasion, his single lance maintained a flying fight against thirty Romans, who were detached by Werdan; and, after killing or unhorsing seventeen of their number, Derar returned in safety to his applauding brethren. When his rashness was mildly censured by the general, he excused himself with the simplicity of a soldier. “Nay,” said Derar, “I did not begin first: but they came out to take me, and I was afraid that God should see me turn my back: and indeed I fought in good earnest, and without doubt God assisted me against them; and had I not been apprehensive of disobeying your orders, I should not have come away as I did; and I perceive already that they will fall into our hands.” In the presence of both armies, a venerable Greek advanced from the ranks with a liberal offer of peace; and the departure of the Saracens would have been purchased by a gift to each soldier, of a turban, a robe, and a piece of gold; ten robes and a hundred pieces to their leader; one hundred robes and a thousand pieces to the caliph. A smile of indignation expressed the refusal of Caled. “Ye Christian dogs, you know your option; the Koran, the tribute, or the sword. We are a

    people whose delight is in war, rather than in peace: and we despise your pitiful alms, since we shall be speedily masters of your wealth, your families, and your persons.” Notwithstanding this apparent disdain, he was deeply conscious of the public danger: those who had been in Persia, and had seen the armies of Chosroes confessed that they never beheld a more formidable array. From the superiority of the enemy, the artful Saracen derived a fresh incentive of courage: “You see before you,” said he, “the united force of the Romans; you cannot hope to escape, but you may conquer Syria in a single day. The event depends on your discipline and patience. Reserve yourselves till the evening. It was in the evening that the Prophet was accustomed to vanquish.” During two successive engagements, his temperate firmness sustained the darts of the enemy, and the murmurs of his troops. At length, when the spirits and quivers of the adverse line were almost exhausted, Caled gave the signal of onset and victory. The remains of the Imperial army fled to Antioch, or Cæsarea, or Damascus; and the death of four hundred and seventy Moslems was compensated by the opinion that they had sent to hell above fifty thousand of the infidels. The spoil was inestimable; many banners and crosses of gold and silver, precious stones, silver and gold chains, and innumerable suits of the richest armor and apparel. The general distribution was postponed till Damascus should be taken; but the seasonable supply of arms became the instrument of new victories. The glorious intelligence was transmitted to the throne of the caliph; and the Arabian tribes, the coldest or most hostile to the prophet’s mission, were eager and importunate to share the harvest of Syria.

    The sad tidings were carried to Damascus by the speed of grief and terror; and the inhabitants beheld from their walls the return of the heroes of Aiznadin. Amrou led the van at the head of nine thousand horse: the bands of the Saracens succeeded each other in formidable review; and the rear was closed by Caled in person, with the standard of the black eagle. To the activity of Derar he intrusted the commission of

    patrolling round the city with two thousand horse, of scouring the plain, and of intercepting all succor or intelligence. The rest of the Arabian chiefs were fixed in their respective stations before the seven gates of Damascus; and the siege was renewed with fresh vigor and confidence. The art, the labor, the military engines, of the Greeks and Romans are seldom to be found in the simple, though successful, operations of the Saracens: it was sufficient for them to invest a city with arms, rather than with trenches; to repel the allies of the besieged; to attempt a stratagem or an assault; or to expect the progress of famine and discontent. Damascus would have acquiesced in the trial of Aiznadin, as a final and peremptory sentence between the emperor and the caliph; her courage was rekindled by the example and authority of Thomas, a noble Greek, illustrious in a private condition by the alliance of Heraclius. The tumult and illumination of the night proclaimed the design of the morning sally; and the Christian hero, who affected to despise the enthusiasm of the Arabs, employed the resource of a similar superstition. At the principal gate, in the sight of both armies, a lofty crucifix was erected; the bishop, with his clergy, accompanied the march, and laid the volume of the New Testament before the image of Jesus; and the contending parties were scandalized or edified by a prayer that the Son of God would defend his servants and vindicate his truth. The battle raged with incessant fury; and the dexterity of Thomas, an incomparable archer, was fatal to the boldest Saracens, till their death was revenged by a female heroine. The wife of Aban, who had followed him to the holy war, embraced her expiring husband. “Happy,” said she, “happy art thou, my dear: thou art gone to they Lord, who first joined us together, and then parted us asunder. I will revenge thy death, and endeavor to the utmost of my power to come to the place where thou art, because I love thee. Henceforth shall no man ever touch me more, for I have dedicated myself to the service of God.” Without a groan, without a tear, she washed the corpse of her husband, and buried him with the usual rites. Then grasping the manly weapons, which in her native land she was accustomed to wield, the intrepid widow of Aban sought the place where his murderer fought in the thickest of

    the battle. Her first arrow pierced the hand of his standard-bearer; her second wounded Thomas in the eye; and the fainting Christians no longer beheld their ensign or their leader. Yet the generous champion of Damascus refused to withdraw to his palace: his wound was dressed on the rampart; the fight was continued till the evening; and the Syrians rested on their arms. In the silence of the night, the signal was given by a stroke on the great bell; the gates were thrown open, and each gate discharged an impetuous column on the sleeping camp of the Saracens. Caled was the first in arms: at the head of four hundred horse he flew to the post of danger, and the tears trickled down his iron cheeks, as he uttered a fervent ejaculation; “O God, who never sleepest, look upon they servants, and do not deliver them into the hands of their enemies.” The valor and victory of Thomas were arrested by the presence of the Sword of God; with the knowledge of the peril, the Moslems recovered their ranks, and charged the assailants in the flank and rear. After the loss of thousands, the Christian general retreated with a sigh of despair, and the pursuit of the Saracens was checked by the military engines of the rampart.

    After a siege of seventy days, the patience, and perhaps the provisions, of the Damascenes were exhausted; and the bravest of their chiefs submitted to the hard dictates of necessity. In the occurrences of peace and war, they had been taught to dread the fierceness of Caled, and to revere the mild virtues of Abu Obeidah. At the hour of midnight, one hundred chosen deputies of the clergy and people were introduced to the tent of that venerable commander. He received and dismissed them with courtesy. They returned with a written agreement, on the faith of a companion of Mahomet, that all hostilities should cease; that the voluntary emigrants might depart in safety, with as much as they could carry away of their effects; and that the tributary subjects of the caliph should enjoy their lands and houses, with the use and possession of seven churches. On these terms, the most respectable hostages, and the gate nearest to his camp, were

    delivered into his hands: his soldiers imitated the moderation of their chief; and he enjoyed the submissive gratitude of a people whom he had rescued from destruction. But the success of the treaty had relaxed their vigilance, and in the same moment the opposite quarter of the city was betrayed and taken by assault. A party of a hundred Arabs had opened the eastern gate to a more inexorable foe. “No quarter,” cried the rapacious and sanguinary Caled, “no quarter to the enemies of the Lord: ” his trumpets sounded, and a torrent of Christian blood was poured down the streets of Damascus. When he reached the church of St. Mary, he was astonished and provoked by the peaceful aspect of his companions; their swords were in the scabbard, and they were surrounded by a multitude of priests and monks. Abu Obeidah saluted the general: “God,” said he, “has delivered the city into my hands by way of surrender, and has saved the believers the trouble of fighting.” “And am I not,” replied the indignant Caled, “am I not the lieutenant of the commander of the faithful? Have I not taken the city by storm? The unbelievers shall perish by the sword. Fall on.” The hungry and cruel Arabs would have obeyed the welcome command; and Damascus was lost, if the benevolence of Abu Obeidah had not been supported by a decent and dignified firmness. Throwing himself between the trembling citizens and the most eager of the Barbarians, he adjured them, by the holy name of God, to respect his promise, to suspend their fury, and to wait the determination of their chiefs. The chiefs retired into the church of St. Mary; and after a vehement debate, Caled submitted in some measure to the reason and authority of his colleague; who urged the sanctity of a covenant, the advantage as well as the honor which the Moslems would derive from the punctual performance of their word, and the obstinate resistance which they must encounter from the distrust and despair of the rest of the Syrian cities. It was agreed that the sword should be sheathed, that the part of Damascus which had surrendered to Abu Obeidah, should be immediately entitled to the benefit of his capitulation, and that the final decision should be referred to the justice and wisdom of the caliph. A large majority of the people accepted the terms of toleration and

    tribute; and Damascus is still peopled by twenty thousand Christians. But the valiant Thomas, and the free-born patriots who had fought under his banner, embraced the alternative of poverty and exile. In the adjacent meadow, a numerous encampment was formed of priests and laymen, of soldiers and citizens, of women and children: they collected, with haste and terror, their most precious movables; and abandoned, with loud lamentations, or silent anguish, their native homes, and the pleasant banks of the Pharpar. The inflexible soul of Caled was not touched by the spectacle of their distress: he disputed with the Damascenes the property of a magazine of corn; endeavored to exclude the garrison from the benefit of the treaty; consented, with reluctance, that each of the fugitives should arm himself with a sword, or a lance, or a bow; and sternly declared, that, after a respite of three days, they might be pursued and treated as the enemies of the Moslems.

    The passion of a Syrian youth completed the ruin of the exiles of Damascus. A nobleman of the city, of the name of Jonas, was betrothed to a wealthy maiden; but her parents delayed the consummation of his nuptials, and their daughter was persuaded to escape with the man whom she had chosen. They corrupted the nightly watchmen of the gate Keisan; the lover, who led the way, was encompassed by a squadron of Arabs; but his exclamation in the Greek tongue, “The bird is taken,” admonished his mistress to hasten her return. In the presence of Caled, and of death, the unfortunate Jonas professed his belief in one God and his apostle Mahomet; and continued, till the season of his martyrdom, to discharge the duties of a brave and sincere Mussulman. When the city was taken, he flew to the monastery, where Eudocia had taken refuge; but the lover was forgotten; the apostate was scorned; she preferred her religion to her country; and the justice of Caled, though deaf to mercy, refused to detain by force a male or female inhabitant of Damascus. Four days was the general confined to the city by the obligation of the treaty, and the urgent cares of his new conquest. His appetite for blood and

    rapine would have been extinguished by the hopeless computation of time and distance; but he listened to the importunities of Jonas, who assured him that the weary fugitives might yet be overtaken. At the head of four thousand horse, in the disguise of Christian Arabs, Caled undertook the pursuit. They halted only for the moments of prayer; and their guide had a perfect knowledge of the country. For a long way the footsteps of the Damascenes were plain and conspicuous: they vanished on a sudden; but the Saracens were comforted by the assurance that the caravan had turned aside into the mountains, and must speedily fall into their hands. In traversing the ridges of the Libanus, they endured intolerable hardships, and the sinking spirits of the veteran fanatics were supported and cheered by the unconquerable ardor of a lover. From a peasant of the country, they were informed that the emperor had sent orders to the colony of exiles to pursue without delay the road of the sea-coast, and of Constantinople, apprehensive, perhaps, that the soldiers and people of Antioch might be discouraged by the sight and the story of their sufferings. The Saracens were conducted through the territories of Gabala and Laodicea, at a cautious distance from the walls of the cities; the rain was incessant, the night was dark, a single mountain separated them from the Roman army; and Caled, ever anxious for the safety of his brethren, whispered an ominous dream in the ear of his companion. With the dawn of day, the prospect again cleared, and they saw before them, in a pleasant valley, the tents of Damascus. After a short interval of repose and prayer, Caled divided his cavalry into four squadrons, committing the first to his faithful Derar, and reserving the last for himself. They successively rushed on the promiscuous multitude, insufficiently provided with arms, and already vanquished by sorrow and fatigue. Except a captive, who was pardoned and dismissed, the Arabs enjoyed the satisfaction of believing that not a Christian of either sex escaped the edge of their cimeters. The gold and silver of Damascus was scattered over the camp, and a royal wardrobe of three hundred load of silk might clothe an army of naked Barbarians. In the tumult of the battle, Jonas sought and found the object of his pursuit: but her resentment was

    inflamed by the last act of his perfidy; and as Eudocia struggled in his hateful embraces, she struck a dagger to her heart. Another female, the widow of Thomas, and the real or supposed daughter of Heraclius, was spared and released without a ransom; but the generosity of Caled was the effect of his contempt; and the haughty Saracen insulted, by a message of defiance, the throne of the Cæsars. Caled had penetrated above a hundred and fifty miles into the heart of the Roman province: he returned to Damascus with the same secrecy and speed On the accession of Omar, the Sword of God was removed from the command; but the caliph, who blamed the rashness, was compelled to applaud the vigor and conduct, of the enterprise.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part IV.

    Another expedition of the conquerors of Damascus will equally display their avidity and their contempt for the riches of the present world. They were informed that the produce and manufactures of the country were annually collected in the fair of Abyla, about thirty miles from the city; that the cell of a devout hermit was visited at the same time by a multitude of pilgrims; and that the festival of trade and superstition would be ennobled by the nuptials of the daughter of the governor of Tripoli. Abdallah, the son of Jaafar, a glorious and holy martyr, undertook, with a banner of five hundred horse, the pious and profitable commission of despoiling the infidels. As he approached the fair of Abyla, he was astonished by the report of this mighty concourse of Jews and Christians, Greeks, and Armenians, of natives of Syria and of strangers of Egypt, to the number of ten thousand, besides a guard of five thousand horse that attended the person of the bride. The Saracens paused: “For my own part,” said Abdallah, “I dare not go back: our foes are many, our danger is great, but our reward is splendid and secure, either in this life or in the life to come. Let every man, according to his inclination, advance

    or retire.” Not a Mussulman deserted his standard. “Lead the way,” said Abdallah to his Christian guide, “and you shall see what the companions of the prophet can perform.” They charged in five squadrons; but after the first advantage of the surprise, they were encompassed and almost overwhelmed by the multitude of their enemies; and their valiant band is fancifully compared to a white spot in the skin of a black camel. About the hour of sunset, when their weapons dropped from their hands, when they panted on the verge of eternity, they discovered an approaching cloud of dust; they heard the welcome sound of the tecbir, and they soon perceived the standard of Caled, who flew to their relief with the utmost speed of his cavalry. The Christians were broken by his attack, and slaughtered in their flight, as far as the river of Tripoli. They left behind them the various riches of the fair; the merchandises that were exposed for sale, the money that was brought for purchase, the gay decorations of the nuptials, and the governor’s daughter, with forty of her female attendants. The fruits, provisions, and furniture, the money, plate, and jewels, were diligently laden on the backs of horses, asses, and mules; and the holy robbers returned in triumph to Damascus. The hermit, after a short and angry controversy with Caled, declined the crown of martyrdom, and was left alive in the solitary scene of blood and devastation.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part V.

    Syria, one of the countries that have been improved by the most early cultivation, is not unworthy of the preference. The heat of the climate is tempered by the vicinity of the sea and mountains, by the plenty of wood and water; and the produce of a fertile soil affords the subsistence, and encourages the propagation, of men and animals. From the age of David to that of Heraclius, the country was overspread with ancient and flourishing cities: the inhabitants were numerous and

    wealthy; and, after the slow ravage of despotism and superstition, after the recent calamities of the Persian war, Syria could still attract and reward the rapacious tribes of the desert. A plain, of ten days’ journey, from Damascus to Aleppo and Antioch, is watered, on the western side, by the winding course of the Orontes. The hills of Libanus and Anti-Libanus are planted from north to south, between the Orontes and the Mediterranean; and the epithet of hollow (Clesyria) was applied to a long and fruitful valley, which is confined in the same direction, by the two ridges of snowy mountains. Among the cities, which are enumerated by Greek and Oriental names in the geography and conquest of Syria, we may distinguish Emesa or Hems, Heliopolis or Baalbec, the former as the metropolis of the plain, the latter as the capital of the valley. Under the last of the Cæsars, they were strong and populous; the turrets glittered from afar: an ample space was covered with public and private buildings; and the citizens were illustrious by their spirit, or at least by their pride; by their riches, or at least by their luxury. In the days of Paganism, both Emesa and Heliopolis were addicted to the worship of Baal, or the sun; but the decline of their superstition and splendor has been marked by a singular variety of fortune. Not a vestige remains of the temple of Emesa, which was equalled in poetic style to the summits of Mount Libanus, while the ruins of Baalbec, invisible to the writers of antiquity, excite the curiosity and wonder of the European traveller. The measure of the temple is two hundred feet in length, and one hundred in breadth: the front is adorned with a double portico of eight columns; fourteen may be counted on either side; and each column, forty-five feet in height, is composed of three massy blocks of stone or marble. The proportions and ornaments of the Corinthian order express the architecture of the Greeks: but as Baalbec has never been the seat of a monarch, we are at a loss to conceive how the expense of these magnificent structures could be supplied by private or municipal liberality. From the conquest of Damascus the Saracens proceeded to Heliopolis and Emesa: but I shall decline the repetition of the sallies and combats which have been already shown on a larger scale. In the prosecution of the war, their policy was not

    less effectual than their sword. By short and separate truces they dissolved the union of the enemy; accustomed the Syrians to compare their friendship with their enmity; familiarized the idea of their language, religion, and manners; and exhausted, by clandestine purchase, the magazines and arsenals of the cities which they returned to besiege. They aggravated the ransom of the more wealthy, or the more obstinate; and Chalcis alone was taxed at five thousand ounces of gold, five thousand ounces of silver, two thousand robes of silk, and as many figs and olives as would load five thousand asses. But the terms of truce or capitulation were faithfully observed; and the lieutenant of the caliph, who had promised not to enter the walls of the captive Baalbec, remained tranquil and immovable in his tent till the jarring factions solicited the interposition of a foreign master. The conquest of the plain and valley of Syria was achieved in less than two years. Yet the commander of the faithful reproved the slowness of their progress; and the Saracens, bewailing their fault with tears of rage and repentance, called aloud on their chiefs to lead them forth to fight the battles of the Lord. In a recent action, under the walls of Emesa, an Arabian youth, the cousin of Caled, was heard aloud to exclaim, “Methinks I see the black-eyed girls looking upon me; one of whom, should she appear in this world, all mankind would die for love of her. And I see in the hand of one of them a handkerchief of green silk, and a cap of precious stones, and she beckons me, and calls out, Come hither quickly, for I love thee.” With these words, charging the Christians, he made havoc wherever he went, till, observed at length by the governor of Hems, he was struck through with a javelin.

    It was incumbent on the Saracens to exert the full powers of their valor and enthusiasm against the forces of the emperor, who was taught, by repeated losses, that the rovers of the desert had undertaken, and would speedily achieve, a regular and permanent conquest. From the provinces of Europe and Asia, fourscore thousand soldiers were transported by sea and land to Antioch and Cæsarea: the light troops of the army

    consisted of sixty thousand Christian Arabs of the tribe of Gassan. Under the banner of Jabalah, the last of their princes, they marched in the van; and it was a maxim of the Greeks, that for the purpose of cutting diamond, a diamond was the most effectual. Heraclius withheld his person from the dangers of the field; but his presumption, or perhaps his despondency, suggested a peremptory order, that the fate of the province and the war should be decided by a single battle. The Syrians were attached to the standard of Rome and of the cross: but the noble, the citizen, the peasant, were exasperated by the injustice and cruelty of a licentious host, who oppressed them as subjects, and despised them as strangers and aliens. A report of these mighty preparations was conveyed to the Saracens in their camp of Emesa, and the chiefs, though resolved to fight, assembled a council: the faith of Abu Obeidah would have expected on the same spot the glory of martyrdom; the wisdom of Caled advised an honorable retreat to the skirts of Palestine and Arabia, where they might await the succors of their friends, and the attack of the unbelievers. A speedy messenger soon returned from the throne of Medina, with the blessings of Omar and Ali, the prayers of the widows of the prophet, and a reënforcement of eight thousand Moslems. In their way they overturned a detachment of Greeks, and when they joined at Yermuk the camp of their brethren, they found the pleasing intelligence, that Caled had already defeated and scattered the Christian Arabs of the tribe of Gassan. In the neighborhood of Bosra, the springs of Mount Hermon descend in a torrent to the plain of Decapolis, or ten cities; and the Hieromax, a name which has been corrupted to Yermuk, is lost, after a short course, in the Lake of Tiberias. The banks of this obscure stream were illustrated by a long and bloody encounter. * On this momentous occasion, the public voice, and the modesty of Abu Obeidah, restored the command to the most deserving of the Moslems. Caled assumed his station in the front, his colleague was posted in the rear, that the disorder of the fugitive might be checked by his venerable aspect, and the sight of the yellow banner which Mahomet had displayed before the walls of Chaibar. The last line was occupied by the sister of Derar, with the Arabian

    women who had enlisted in this holy war, who were accustomed to wield the bow and the lance, and who in a moment of captivity had defended, against the uncircumcised ravishers, their chastity and religion. The exhortation of the generals was brief and forcible: “Paradise is before you, the devil and hell-fire in your rear.” Yet such was the weight of the Roman cavalry, that the right wing of the Arabs was broken and separated from the main body. Thrice did they retreat in disorder, and thrice were they driven back to the charge by the reproaches and blows of the women. In the intervals of action, Abu Obeidah visited the tents of his brethren, prolonged their repose by repeating at once the prayers of two different hours, bound up their wounds with his own hands, and administered the comfortable reflection, that the infidels partook of their sufferings without partaking of their reward. Four thousand and thirty of the Moslems were buried in the field of battle; and the skill of the Armenian archers enabled seven hundred to boast that they had lost an eye in that meritorious service. The veterans of the Syrian war acknowledged that it was the hardest and most doubtful of the days which they had seen. But it was likewise the most decisive: many thousands of the Greeks and Syrians fell by the swords of the Arabs; many were slaughtered, after the defeat, in the woods and mountains; many, by mistaking the ford, were drowned in the waters of the Yermuk; and however the loss may be magnified, the Christian writers confess and bewail the bloody punishment of their sins. Manuel, the Roman general, was either killed at Damascus, or took refuge in the monastery of Mount Sinai. An exile in the Byzantine court, Jabalah lamented the manners of Arabia, and his unlucky preference of the Christian cause. He had once inclined to the profession of Islam; but in the pilgrimage of Mecca, Jabalah was provoked to strike one of his brethren, and fled with amazement from the stern and equal justice of the caliph These victorious Saracens enjoyed at Damascus a month of pleasure and repose: the spoil was divided by the discretion of Abu Obeidah: an equal share was allotted to a soldier and to his horse, and a double portion was reserved for the noble coursers of the Arabian breed.

    After the battle of Yermuk, the Roman army no longer appeared in the field; and the Saracens might securely choose, among the fortified towns of Syria, the first object of their attack. They consulted the caliph whether they should march to Cæsarea or Jerusalem; and the advice of Ali determined the immediate siege of the latter. To a profane eye, Jerusalem was the first or second capital of Palestine; but after Mecca and Medina, it was revered and visited by the devout Moslems, as the temple of the Holy Land which had been sanctified by the revelation of Moses, of Jesus, and of Mahomet himself. The son of Abu Sophian was sent with five thousand Arabs to try the first experiment of surprise or treaty; but on the eleventh day, the town was invested by the whole force of Abu Obeidah. He addressed the customary summons to the chief commanders and people of Ælia.

    “Health and happiness to every one that follows the right way! We require of you to testify that there is but one God, and that Mahomet is his apostle. If you refuse this, consent to pay tribute, and be under us forthwith. Otherwise I shall bring men against you who love death better than you do the drinking of wine or eating hog’s flesh. Nor will I ever stir from you, if it please God, till I have destroyed those that fight for you, and made slaves of your children.” But the city was defended on every side by deep valleys and steep ascents; since the invasion of Syria, the walls and towers had been anxiously restored; the bravest of the fugitives of Yermuk had stopped in the nearest place of refuge; and in the defence of the sepulchre of Christ, the natives and strangers might feel some sparks of the enthusiasm, which so fiercely glowed in the bosoms of the Saracens. The siege of Jerusalem lasted four months; not a day was lost without some action of sally or assault; the military engines incessantly played from the ramparts; and the inclemency of the winter was still more painful and destructive to the Arabs. The Christians yielded at length to the perseverance of the besiegers. The patriarch Sophronius appeared on the walls, and by the voice of an

    interpreter demanded a conference. * After a vain attempt to dissuade the lieutenant of the caliph from his impious enterprise, he proposed, in the name of the people, a fair capitulation, with this extraordinary clause, that the articles of security should be ratified by the authority and presence of Omar himself. The question was debated in the council of Medina; the sanctity of the place, and the advice of Ali, persuaded the caliph to gratify the wishes of his soldiers and enemies; and the simplicity of his journey is more illustrious than the royal pageants of vanity and oppression. The conqueror of Persia and Syria was mounted on a red camel, which carried, besides his person, a bag of corn, a bag of dates, a wooden dish, and a leathern bottle of water. Wherever he halted, the company, without distinction, was invited to partake of his homely fare, and the repast was consecrated by the prayer and exhortation of the commander of the faithful. But in this expedition or pilgrimage, his power was exercised in the administration of justice: he reformed the licentious polygamy of the Arabs, relieved the tributaries from extortion and cruelty, and chastised the luxury of the Saracens, by despoiling them of their rich silks, and dragging them on their faces in the dirt. When he came within sight of Jerusalem, the caliph cried with a loud voice, “God is victorious. O Lord, give us an easy conquest!” and, pitching his tent of coarse hair, calmly seated himself on the ground. After signing the capitulation, he entered the city without fear or precaution; and courteously discoursed with the patriarch concerning its religious antiquities. Sophronius bowed before his new master, and secretly muttered, in the words of Daniel, “The abomination of desolation is in the holy place.” At the hour of prayer they stood together in the church of the resurrection; but the caliph refused to perform his devotions, and contented himself with praying on the steps of the church of Constantine. To the patriarch he disclosed his prudent and honorable motive. “Had I yielded,” said Omar, “to your request, the Moslems of a future age would have infringed the treaty under color of imitating my example.” By his command the ground of the temple of Solomon was prepared for the foundation of a mosch; and, during a residence of ten days, he

    regulated the present and future state of his Syrian conquests. Medina might be jealous, lest the caliph should be detained by the sanctity of Jerusalem or the beauty of Damascus; her apprehensions were dispelled by his prompt and voluntary return to the tomb of the apostle.

    To achieve what yet remained of the Syrian war the caliph had formed two separate armies; a chosen detachment, under Amrou and Yezid, was left in the camp of Palestine; while the larger division, under the standard of Abu Obeidah and Caled, marched away to the north against Antioch and Aleppo. The latter of these, the Beræa of the Greeks, was not yet illustrious as the capital of a province or a kingdom; and the inhabitants, by anticipating their submission and pleading their poverty, obtained a moderate composition for their lives and religion. But the castle of Aleppo, distinct from the city, stood erect on a lofty artificial mound the sides were sharpened to a precipice, and faced with free-stone; and the breadth of the ditch might be filled with water from the neighboring springs. After the loss of three thousand men, the garrison was still equal to the defence; and Youkinna, their valiant and hereditary chief, had murdered his brother, a holy monk, for daring to pronounce the name of peace. In a siege of four or five months, the hardest of the Syrian war, great numbers of the Saracens were killed and wounded: their removal to the distance of a mile could not seduce the vigilance of Youkinna; nor could the Christians be terrified by the execution of three hundred captives, whom they beheaded before the castle wall. The silence, and at length the complaints, of Abu Obeidah informed the caliph that their hope and patience were consumed at the foot of this impregnable fortress. “I am variously affected,” replied Omar, “by the difference of your success; but I charge you by no means to raise the siege of the castle. Your retreat would diminish the reputation of our arms, and encourage the infidels to fall upon you on all sides. Remain before Aleppo till God shall determine the event, and forage with your horse round the adjacent country.” The exhortation of the commander of the faithful was fortified by a

    supply of volunteers from all the tribes of Arabia, who arrived in the camp on horses or camels. Among these was Dames, of a servile birth, but of gigantic size and intrepid resolution. The forty-seventh day of his service he proposed, with only thirty men, to make an attempt on the castle. The experience and testimony of Caled recommended his offer; and Abu Obeidah admonished his brethren not to despise the baser origin of Dames, since he himself, could he relinquish the public care, would cheerfully serve under the banner of the slave. His design was covered by the appearance of a retreat; and the camp of the Saracens was pitched about a league from Aleppo. The thirty adventurers lay in ambush at the foot of the hill; and Dames at length succeeded in his inquiries, though he was provoked by the ignorance of his Greek captives. “God curse these dogs,” said the illiterate Arab; “what a strange barbarous language they speak!” At the darkest hour of the night, he scaled the most accessible height, which he had diligently surveyed, a place where the stones were less entire, or the slope less perpendicular, or the guard less vigilant. Seven of the stoutest Saracens mounted on each other’s shoulders, and the weight of the column was sustained on the broad and sinewy back of the gigantic slave. The foremost in this painful ascent could grasp and climb the lowest part of the battlements; they silently stabbed and cast down the sentinels; and the thirty brethren, repeating a pious ejaculation, “O apostle of God, help and deliver us!” were successively drawn up by the long folds of their turbans. With bold and cautious footsteps, Dames explored the palace of the governor, who celebrated, in riotous merriment, the festival of his deliverance. From thence, returning to his companions, he assaulted on the inside the entrance of the castle. They overpowered the guard, unbolted the gate, let down the drawbridge, and defended the narrow pass, till the arrival of Caled, with the dawn of day, relieved their danger and assured their conquest. Youkinna, a formidable foe, became an active and useful proselyte; and the general of the Saracens expressed his regard for the most humble merit, by detaining the army at Aleppo till Dames was cured of his honorable wounds. The capital of Syria was still covered by the castle of

    Aazaz and the iron bridge of the Orontes. After the loss of those important posts, and the defeat of the last of the Roman armies, the luxury of Antioch trembled and obeyed. Her safety was ransomed with three hundred thousand pieces of gold; but the throne of the successors of Alexander, the seat of the Roman government of the East, which had been decorated by Cæsar with the titles of free, and holy, and inviolate was degraded under the yoke of the caliphs to the secondary rank of a provincial town.

    In the life of Heraclius, the glories of the Persian war are clouded on either hand by the disgrace and weakness of his more early and his later days. When the successors of Mahomet unsheathed the sword of war and religion, he was astonished at the boundless prospect of toil and danger; his nature was indolent, nor could the infirm and frigid age of the emperor be kindled to a second effort. The sense of shame, and the importunities of the Syrians, prevented the hasty departure from the scene of action; but the hero was no more; and the loss of Damascus and Jerusalem, the bloody fields of Aiznadin and Yermuk, may be imputed in some degree to the absence or misconduct of the sovereign. Instead of defending the sepulchre of Christ, he involved the church and state in a metaphysical controversy for the unity of his will; and while Heraclius crowned the offspring of his second nuptials, he was tamely stripped of the most valuable part of their inheritance. In the cathedral of Antioch, in the presence of the bishops, at the foot of the crucifix, he bewailed the sins of the prince and people; but his confession instructed the world, that it was vain, and perhaps impious, to resist the judgment of God. The Saracens were invincible in fact, since they were invincible in opinion; and the desertion of Youkinna, his false repentance and repeated perfidy, might justify the suspicion of the emperor, that he was encompassed by traitors and apostates, who conspired to betray his person and their country to the enemies of Christ. In the hour of adversity, his superstition was agitated by the omens and dreams of a falling crown; and after bidding an eternal farewell to Syria, he secretly embarked

    with a few attendants, and absolved the faith of his subjects. Constantine, his eldest son, had been stationed with forty thousand men at Cæsarea, the civil metropolis of the three provinces of Palestine. But his private interest recalled him to the Byzantine court; and, after the flight of his father, he felt himself an unequal champion to the united force of the caliph. His vanguard was boldly attacked by three hundred Arabs and a thousand black slaves, who, in the depth of winter, had climbed the snowy mountains of Libanus, and who were speedily followed by the victorious squadrons of Caled himself. From the north and south the troops of Antioch and Jerusalem advanced along the sea-shore till their banners were joined under the walls of the Phnician cities: Tripoli and Tyre were betrayed; and a fleet of fifty transports, which entered without distrust the captive harbors, brought a seasonable supply of arms and provisions to the camp of the Saracens. Their labors were terminated by the unexpected surrender of Cæsarea: the Roman prince had embarked in the night; and the defenceless citizens solicited their pardon with an offering of two hundred thousand pieces of gold. The remainder of the province, Ramlah, Ptolemais or Acre, Sichem or Neapolis, Gaza, Ascalon, Berytus, Sidon, Gabala, Laodicea, Apamea, Hierapolis, no longer presumed to dispute the will of the conqueror; and Syria bowed under the sceptre of the caliphs seven hundred years after Pompey had despoiled the last of the Macedonian kings.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part VI.

    The sieges and battles of six campaigns had consumed many thousands of the Moslems. They died with the reputation and the cheerfulness of martyrs; and the simplicity of their faith may be expressed in the words of an Arabian youth, when he embraced, for the last time, his sister and mother: “It is not,” said he, “the delicacies of Syria, or the fading delights of this world, that have prompted me to devote my life in the cause of

    religion. But I seek the favor of God and his apostle; and I have heard, from one of the companions of the prophet, that the spirits of the martyrs will be lodged in the crops of green birds, who shall taste the fruits, and drink of the rivers, of paradise. Farewell, we shall meet again among the groves and fountains which God has provided for his elect.” The faithful captives might exercise a passive and more arduous resolution; and a cousin of Mahomet is celebrated for refusing, after an abstinence of three days, the wine and pork, the only nourishment that was allowed by the malice of the infidels. The frailty of some weaker brethren exasperated the implacable spirit of fanaticism; and the father of Amer deplored, in pathetic strains, the apostasy and damnation of a son, who had renounced the promises of God, and the intercession of the prophet, to occupy, with the priests and deacons, the lowest mansions of hell. The more fortunate Arabs, who survived the war and persevered in the faith, were restrained by their abstemious leader from the abuse of prosperity. After a refreshment of three days, Abu Obeidah withdrew his troops from the pernicious contagion of the luxury of Antioch, and assured the caliph that their religion and virtue could only be preserved by the hard discipline of poverty and labor. But the virtue of Omar, however rigorous to himself, was kind and liberal to his brethren. After a just tribute of praise and thanksgiving, he dropped a tear of compassion; and sitting down on the ground, wrote an answer, in which he mildly censured the severity of his lieutenant: “God,” said the successor of the prophet, “has not forbidden the use of the good things of this world to faithful men, and such as have performed good works. Therefore you ought to have given them leave to rest themselves, and partake freely of those good things which the country affordeth. If any of the Saracens have no family in Arabia, they may marry in Syria; and whosoever of them wants any female slaves, he may purchase as many as he hath occasion for.” The conquerors prepared to use, or to abuse, this gracious permission; but the year of their triumph was marked by a mortality of men and cattle; and twenty-five thousand Saracens were snatched away from the possession of Syria. The death of Abu Obeidah might

    be lamented by the Christians; but his brethren recollected that he was one of the ten elect whom the prophet had named as the heirs of paradise. Caled survived his brethren about three years: and the tomb of the Sword of God is shown in the neighborhood of Emesa. His valor, which founded in Arabia and Syria the empire of the caliphs, was fortified by the opinion of a special providence; and as long as he wore a cap, which had been blessed by Mahomet, he deemed himself invulnerable amidst the darts of the infidels. *

    The place of the first conquerors was supplied by a new generation of their children and countrymen: Syria became the seat and support of the house of Ommiyah; and the revenue, the soldiers, the ships of that powerful kingdom were consecrated to enlarge on every side the empire of the caliphs. But the Saracens despise a superfluity of fame; and their historians scarcely condescend to mention the subordinate conquests which are lost in the splendor and rapidity of their victorious career. To the north of Syria, they passed Mount Taurus, and reduced to their obedience the province of Cilicia, with its capital Tarsus, the ancient monument of the Assyrian kings. Beyond a second ridge of the same mountains, they spread the flame of war, rather than the light of religion, as far as the shores of the Euxine, and the neighborhood of Constantinople. To the east they advanced to the banks and sources of the Euphrates and Tigris: the long disputed barrier of Rome and Persia was forever confounded the walls of Edessa and Amida, of Dara and Nisibis, which had resisted the arms and engines of Sapor or Nushirvan, were levelled in the dust; and the holy city of Abgarus might vainly produce the epistle or the image of Christ to an unbelieving conqueror. To the west the Syrian kingdom is bounded by the sea: and the ruin of Aradus, a small island or peninsula on the coast, was postponed during ten years. But the hills of Libanus abounded in timber; the trade of Phnicia was populous in mariners; and a fleet of seventeen hundred barks was equipped and manned by the natives of the desert. The Imperial navy of the Romans fled before them from the

    Pamphylian rocks to the Hellespont; but the spirit of the emperor, a grandson of Heraclius, had been subdued before the combat by a dream and a pun. The Saracens rode masters of the sea; and the islands of Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Cyclades, were successively exposed to their rapacious visits. Three hundred years before the Christian æra, the memorable though fruitless siege of Rhodes by Demetrius had furnished that maritime republic with the materials and the subject of a trophy. A gigantic statue of Apollo, or the sun, seventy cubits in height, was erected at the entrance of the harbor, a monument of the freedom and the arts of Greece. After standing fifty-six years, the colossus of Rhodes was overthrown by an earthquake; but the massy trunk, and huge fragments, lay scattered eight centuries on the ground, and are often described as one of the wonders of the ancient world. They were collected by the diligence of the Saracens, and sold to a Jewish merchant of Edessa, who is said to have laden nine hundred camels with the weight of the brass metal; an enormous weight, though we should include the hundred colossal figures, and the three thousand statues, which adorned the prosperity of the city of the sun.

    1. The conquest of Egypt may be explained by the character of the victorious Saracen, one of the first of his nation, in an age when the meanest of the brethren was exalted above his nature by the spirit of enthusiasm. The birth of Amrou was at once base and illustrious; his mother, a notorious prostitute, was unable to decide among five of the Koreish; but the proof of resemblance adjudged the child to Aasi, the oldest of her lovers. The youth of Amrou was impelled by the passions and prejudices of his kindred: his poetic genius was exercised in satirical verses against the person and doctrine of Mahomet; his dexterity was employed by the reigning faction to pursue the religious exiles who had taken refuge in the court of the Æthiopian king. Yet he returned from this embassy a secret proselyte; his reason or his interest determined him to renounce the worship of idols; he escaped from Mecca with his friend Caled; and the prophet of Medina enjoyed at the same

    moment the satisfaction of embracing the two firmest champions of his cause. The impatience of Amrou to lead the armies of the faithful was checked by the reproof of Omar, who advised him not to seek power and dominion, since he who is a subject to-day, may be a prince to-morrow. Yet his merit was not overlooked by the two first successors of Mahomet; they were indebted to his arms for the conquest of Palestine; and in all the battles and sieges of Syria, he united with the temper of a chief the valor of an adventurous soldier. In a visit to Medina, the caliph expressed a wish to survey the sword which had cut down so many Christian warriors; the son of Aasi unsheathed a short and ordinary cimeter; and as he perceived the surprise of Omar, “Alas,” said the modest Saracen, “the sword itself, without the arm of its master, is neither sharper nor more weighty than the sword of Pharezdak the poet.” After the conquest of Egypt, he was recalled by the jealousy of the caliph Othman; but in the subsequent troubles, the ambition of a soldier, a statesman, and an orator, emerged from a private station. His powerful support, both in council and in the field, established the throne of the Ommiades; the administration and revenue of Egypt were restored by the gratitude of Moawiyah to a faithful friend who had raised himself above the rank of a subject; and Amrou ended his days in the palace and city which he had founded on the banks of the Nile. His dying speech to his children is celebrated by the Arabians as a model of eloquence and wisdom: he deplored the errors of his youth but if the penitent was still infected by the vanity of a poet, he might exaggerate the venom and mischief of his impious compositions.

    From his camp in Palestine, Amrou had surprised or anticipated the caliph’s leave for the invasion of Egypt. The magnanimous Omar trusted in his God and his sword, which had shaken the thrones of Chosroes and Cæsar: but when he compared the slender force of the Moslems with the greatness of the enterprise, he condemned his own rashness, and listened to his timid companions. The pride and the greatness of Pharaoh were familiar to the readers of the Koran; and a

    tenfold repetition of prodigies had been scarcely sufficient to effect, not the victory, but the flight, of six hundred thousand of the children of Israel: the cities of Egypt were many and populous; their architecture was strong and solid; the Nile, with its numerous branches, was alone an insuperable barrier; and the granary of the Imperial city would be obstinately defended by the Roman powers. In this perplexity, the commander of the faithful resigned himself to the decision of chance, or, in his opinion, of Providence. At the head of only four thousand Arabs, the intrepid Amrou had marched away from his station of Gaza when he was overtaken by the messenger of Omar. “If you are still in Syria,” said the ambiguous mandate, “retreat without delay; but if, at the receipt of this epistle, you have already reached the frontiers of Egypt, advance with confidence, and depend on the succor of God and of your brethren.” The experience, perhaps the secret intelligence, of Amrou had taught him to suspect the mutability of courts; and he continued his march till his tents were unquestionably pitched on Egyptian ground. He there assembled his officers, broke the seal, perused the epistle, gravely inquired the name and situation of the place, and declared his ready obedience to the commands of the caliph. After a siege of thirty days, he took possession of Farmah or Pelusium; and that key of Egypt, as it has been justly named, unlocked the entrance of the country as far as the ruins of Heliopolis and the neighborhood of the modern Cairo.

    On the Western side of the Nile, at a small distance to the east of the Pyramids, at a small distance to the south of the Delta, Memphis, one hundred and fifty furlongs in circumference, displayed the magnificence of ancient kings. Under the reign of the Ptolemies and Cæsars, the seat of government was removed to the sea-coast; the ancient capital was eclipsed by the arts and opulence of Alexandria; the palaces, and at length the temples, were reduced to a desolate and ruinous condition: yet, in the age of Augustus, and even in that of Constantine, Memphis was still numbered among the greatest and most populous of the provincial cities. The banks of the Nile, in this

    place of the breadth of three thousand feet, were united by two bridges of sixty and of thirty boats, connected in the middle stream by the small island of Rouda, which was covered with gardens and habitations. The eastern extremity of the bridge was terminated by the town of Babylon and the camp of a Roman legion, which protected the passage of the river and the second capital of Egypt. This important fortress, which might fairly be described as a part of Memphis or Misrah, was invested by the arms of the lieutenant of Omar: a reënforcement of four thousand Saracens soon arrived in his camp; and the military engines, which battered the walls, may be imputed to the art and labor of his Syrian allies. Yet the siege was protracted to seven months; and the rash invaders were encompassed and threatened by the inundation of the Nile. Their last assault was bold and successful: they passed the ditch, which had been fortified with iron spikes, applied their scaling ladders, entered the fortress with the shout of “God is victorious!” and drove the remnant of the Greeks to their boats and the Isle of Rouda. The spot was afterwards recommended to the conqueror by the easy communication with the gulf and the peninsula of Arabia; the remains of Memphis were deserted; the tents of the Arabs were converted into permanent habitations; and the first mosch was blessed by the presence of fourscore companions of Mahomet. A new city arose in their camp, on the eastward bank of the Nile; and the contiguous quarters of Babylon and Fostat are confounded in their present decay by the appellation of old Misrah, or Cairo, of which they form an extensive suburb. But the name of Cairo, the town of victory, more strictly belongs to the modern capital, which was founded in the tenth century by the Fatimite caliphs. It has gradually receded from the river; but the continuity of buildings may be traced by an attentive eye from the monuments of Sesostris to those of Saladin.

    Yet the Arabs, after a glorious and profitable enterprise, must have retreated to the desert, had they not found a powerful alliance in the heart of the country. The rapid conquest of Alexander was assisted by the superstition and revolt of the

    natives: they abhorred their Persian oppressors, the disciples of the Magi, who had burnt the temples of Egypt, and feasted with sacrilegious appetite on the flesh of the god Apis. After a period of ten centuries, the same revolution was renewed by a similar cause; and in the support of an incomprehensible creed, the zeal of the Coptic Christians was equally ardent. I have already explained the origin and progress of the Monophysite controversy, and the persecution of the emperors, which converted a sect into a nation, and alienated Egypt from their religion and government. The Saracens were received as the deliverers of the Jacobite church; and a secret and effectual treaty was opened during the siege of Memphis between a victorious army and a people of slaves. A rich and noble Egyptian, of the name of Mokawkas, had dissembled his faith to obtain the administration of his province: in the disorders of the Persian war he aspired to independence: the embassy of Mahomet ranked him among princes; but he declined, with rich gifts and ambiguous compliments, the proposal of a new religion. The abuse of his trust exposed him to the resentment of Heraclius: his submission was delayed by arrogance and fear; and his conscience was prompted by interest to throw himself on the favor of the nation and the support of the Saracens. In his first conference with Amrou, he heard without indignation the usual option of the Koran, the tribute, or the sword. “The Greeks,” replied Mokawkas, “are determined to abide the determination of the sword; but with the Greeks I desire no communion, either in this world or in the next, and I abjure forever the Byzantine tyrant, his synod of Chalcedon, and his Melchite slaves. For myself and my brethren, we are resolved to live and die in the profession of the gospel and unity of Christ. It is impossible for us to embrace the revelations of your prophet; but we are desirous of peace, and cheerfully submit to pay tribute and obedience to his temporal successors.” The tribute was ascertained at two pieces of gold for the head of every Christian; but old men, monks, women, and children, of both sexes, under sixteen years of age, were exempted from this personal assessment: the Copts above and below Memphis swore allegiance to the caliph, and promised a hospitable entertainment of three days

    to every Mussulman who should travel through their country. By this charter of security, the ecclesiastical and civil tyranny of the Melchites was destroyed: the anathemas of St. Cyril were thundered from every pulpit; and the sacred edifices, with the patrimony of the church, were restored to the national communion of the Jacobites, who enjoyed without moderation the moment of triumph and revenge. At the pressing summons of Amrou, their patriarch Benjamin emerged from his desert; and after the first interview, the courteous Arab affected to declare that he had never conversed with a Christian priest of more innocent manners and a more venerable aspect. In the march from Memphis to Alexandria, the lieutenant of Omar intrusted his safety to the zeal and gratitude of the Egyptians: the roads and bridges were diligently repaired; and in every step of his progress, he could depend on a constant supply of provisions and intelligence. The Greeks of Egypt, whose numbers could scarcely equal a tenth of the natives, were overwhelmed by the universal defection: they had ever been hated, they were no longer feared: the magistrate fled from his tribunal, the bishop from his altar; and the distant garrisons were surprised or starved by the surrounding multitudes. Had not the Nile afforded a safe and ready conveyance to the sea, not an individual could have escaped, who by birth, or language, or office, or religion, was connected with their odious name.

    By the retreat of the Greeks from the provinces of Upper Egypt, a considerable force was collected in the Island of Delta; the natural and artificial channels of the Nile afforded a succession of strong and defensible posts; and the road to Alexandria was laboriously cleared by the victory of the Saracens in two-and-twenty days of general or partial combat. In their annals of conquest, the siege of Alexandria is perhaps the most arduous and important enterprise. The first trading city in the world was abundantly replenished with the means of subsistence and defence. Her numerous inhabitants fought for the dearest of human rights, religion and property; and the enmity of the natives seemed to exclude them from the

    common benefit of peace and toleration. The sea was continually open; and if Heraclius had been awake to the public distress, fresh armies of Romans and Barbarians might have been poured into the harbor to save the second capital of the empire. A circumference of ten miles would have scattered the forces of the Greeks, and favored the stratagems of an active enemy; but the two sides of an oblong square were covered by the sea and the Lake Maræotis, and each of the narrow ends exposed a front of no more than ten furlongs. The efforts of the Arabs were not inadequate to the difficulty of the attempt and the value of the prize. From the throne of Medina, the eyes of Omar were fixed on the camp and city: his voice excited to arms the Arabian tribes and the veterans of Syria; and the merit of a holy war was recommended by the peculiar fame and fertility of Egypt. Anxious for the ruin or expulsion of their tyrants, the faithful natives devoted their labors to the service of Amrou: some sparks of martial spirit were perhaps rekindled by the example of their allies; and the sanguine hopes of Mokawkas had fixed his sepulchre in the church of St. John of Alexandria. Eutychius the patriarch observes, that the Saracens fought with the courage of lions: they repulsed the frequent and almost daily sallies of the besieged, and soon assaulted in their turn the walls and towers of the city. In every attack, the sword, the banner of Amrou, glittered in the van of the Moslems. On a memorable day, he was betrayed by his imprudent valor: his followers who had entered the citadel were driven back; and the general, with a friend and slave, remained a prisoner in the hands of the Christians. When Amrou was conducted before the præfect, he remembered his dignity, and forgot his situation: a lofty demeanor, and resolute language, revealed the lieutenant of the caliph, and the battle-axe of a soldier was already raised to strike off the head of the audacious captive. His life was saved by the readiness of his slave, who instantly gave his master a blow on the face, and commanded him, with an angry tone, to be silent in the presence of his superiors. The credulous Greek was deceived: he listened to the offer of a treaty, and his prisoners were dismissed in the hope of a more respectable embassy, till the joyful acclamations of the camp announced the return of

    their general, and insulted the folly of the infidels. At length, after a siege of fourteen months, and the loss of three-and-twenty thousand men, the Saracens prevailed: the Greeks embarked their dispirited and diminished numbers, and the standard of Mahomet was planted on the walls of the capital of Egypt. “I have taken,” said Amrou to the caliph, “the great city of the West. It is impossible for me to enumerate the variety of its riches and beauty; and I shall content myself with observing, that it contains four thousand palaces, four thousand baths, four hundred theatres or places of amusement, twelve thousand shops for the sale of vegetable food, and forty thousand tributary Jews. The town has been subdued by force of arms, without treaty or capitulation, and the Moslems are impatient to seize the fruits of their victory.” The commander of the faithful rejected with firmness the idea of pillage, and directed his lieutenant to reserve the wealth and revenue of Alexandria for the public service and the propagation of the faith: the inhabitants were numbered; a tribute was imposed, the zeal and resentment of the Jacobites were curbed, and the Melchites who submitted to the Arabian yoke were indulged in the obscure but tranquil exercise of their worship. The intelligence of this disgraceful and calamitous event afflicted the declining health of the emperor; and Heraclius died of a dropsy about seven weeks after the loss of Alexandria. Under the minority of his grandson, the clamors of a people, deprived of their daily sustenance, compelled the Byzantine court to undertake the recovery of the capital of Egypt. In the space of four years, the harbor and fortifications of Alexandria were twice occupied by a fleet and army of Romans. They were twice expelled by the valor of Amrou, who was recalled by the domestic peril from the distant wars of Tripoli and Nubia. But the facility of the attempt, the repetition of the insult, and the obstinacy of the resistance, provoked him to swear, that if a third time he drove the infidels into the sea, he would render Alexandria as accessible on all sides as the house of a prostitute. Faithful to his promise, he dismantled several parts of the walls and towers; but the people was spared in the chastisement of the

    city, and the mosch of Mercy was erected on the spot where the victorious general had stopped the fury of his troops.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part VII.

    I should deceive the expectation of the reader, if I passed in silence the fate of the Alexandrian library, as it is described by the learned Abulpharagius. The spirit of Amrou was more curious and liberal than that of his brethren, and in his leisure hours, the Arabian chief was pleased with the conversation of John, the last disciple of Ammonius, and who derived the surname of Philoponus from his laborious studies of grammar and philosophy. Emboldened by this familiar intercourse, Philoponus presumed to solicit a gift, inestimable in his opinion, contemptible in that of the Barbarians — the royal library, which alone, among the spoils of Alexandria, had not been appropriated by the visit and the seal of the conqueror. Amrou was inclined to gratify the wish of the grammarian, but his rigid integrity refused to alienate the minutest object without the consent of the caliph; and the well-known answer of Omar was inspired by the ignorance of a fanatic. “If these writings of the Greeks agree with the book of God, they are useless, and need not be preserved: if they disagree, they are pernicious, and ought to be destroyed.” The sentence was executed with blind obedience: the volumes of paper or parchment were distributed to the four thousand baths of the city; and such was their incredible multitude, that six months were barely sufficient for the consumption of this precious fuel. Since the Dynasties of Abulpharagius have been given to the world in a Latin version, the tale has been repeatedly transcribed; and every scholar, with pious indignation, has deplored the irreparable shipwreck of the learning, the arts, and the genius, of antiquity. For my own part, I am strongly tempted to deny both the fact and the consequences. * The fact is indeed marvellous. “Read and wonder!” says the historian himself: and the solitary report of

    a stranger who wrote at the end of six hundred years on the confines of Media, is overbalanced by the silence of two annalist of a more early date, both Christians, both natives of Egypt, and the most ancient of whom, the patriarch Eutychius, has amply described the conquest of Alexandria. The rigid sentence of Omar is repugnant to the sound and orthodox precept of the Mahometan casuists they expressly declare, that the religious books of the Jews and Christians, which are acquired by the right of war, should never be committed to the flames; and that the works of profane science, historians or poets, physicians or philosophers, may be lawfully applied to the use of the faithful. A more destructive zeal may perhaps be attributed to the first successors of Mahomet; yet in this instance, the conflagration would have speedily expired in the deficiency of materials. I should not recapitulate the disasters of the Alexandrian library, the involuntary flame that was kindled by Cæsar in his own defence, or the mischievous bigotry of the Christians, who studied to destroy the monuments of idolatry. But if we gradually descend from the age of the Antonines to that of Theodosius, we shall learn from a chain of contemporary witnesses, that the royal palace and the temple of Serapis no longer contained the four, or the seven, hundred thousand volumes, which had been assembled by the curiosity and magnificence of the Ptolemies. Perhaps the church and seat of the patriarchs might be enriched with a repository of books; but if the ponderous mass of Arian and Monophysite controversy were indeed consumed in the public baths, a philosopher may allow, with a smile, that it was ultimately devoted to the benefit of mankind. I sincerely regret the more valuable libraries which have been involved in the ruin of the Roman empire; but when I seriously compute the lapse of ages, the waste of ignorance, and the calamities of war, our treasures, rather than our losses, are the objects of my surprise. Many curious and interesting facts are buried in oblivion: the three great historians of Rome have been transmitted to our hands in a mutilated state, and we are deprived of many pleasing compositions of the lyric, iambic, and dramatic poetry of the Greeks. Yet we should gratefully

    remember, that the mischances of time and accident have spared the classic works to which the suffrage of antiquity had adjudged the first place of genius and glory: the teachers of ancient knowledge, who are still extant, had perused and compared the writings of their predecessors; nor can it fairly be presumed that any important truth, any useful discovery in art or nature, has been snatched away from the curiosity of modern ages.

    In the administration of Egypt, Amrou balanced the demands of justice and policy; the interest of the people of the law, who were defended by God; and of the people of the alliance, who were protected by man. In the recent tumult of conquest and deliverance, the tongue of the Copts and the sword of the Arabs were most adverse to the tranquillity of the province. To the former, Amrou declared, that faction and falsehood would be doubly chastised; by the punishment of the accusers, whom he should detest as his personal enemies, and by the promotion of their innocent brethren, whom their envy had labored to injure and supplant. He excited the latter by the motives of religion and honor to sustain the dignity of their character, to endear themselves by a modest and temperate conduct to God and the caliph, to spare and protect a people who had trusted to their faith, and to content themselves with the legitimate and splendid rewards of their victory. In the management of the revenue, he disapproved the simple but oppressive mode of a capitation, and preferred with reason a proportion of taxes deducted on every branch from the clear profits of agriculture and commerce. A third part of the tribute was appropriated to the annual repairs of the dikes and canals, so essential to the public welfare. Under his administration, the fertility of Egypt supplied the dearth of Arabia; and a string of camels, laden with corn and provisions, covered almost without an interval the long road from Memphis to Medina. But the genius of Amrou soon renewed the maritime communication which had been attempted or achieved by the Pharaohs the Ptolemies, or the Cæsars; and a canal, at least eighty miles in length, was opened from the Nile

    to the Red Sea. * This inland navigation, which would have joined the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean, was soon discontinued as useless and dangerous: the throne was removed from Medina to Damascus, and the Grecian fleets might have explored a passage to the holy cities of Arabia.

    Of his new conquest, the caliph Omar had an imperfect knowledge from the voice of fame and the legends of the Koran. He requested that his lieutenant would place before his eyes the realm of Pharaoh and the Amalekites; and the answer of Amrou exhibits a lively and not unfaithful picture of that singular country. “O commander of the faithful, Egypt is a compound of black earth and green plants, between a pulverized mountain and a red sand. The distance from Syene to the sea is a month’s journey for a horseman. Along the valley descends a river, on which the blessing of the Most High reposes both in the evening and morning, and which rises and falls with the revolutions of the sun and moon. When the annual dispensation of Providence unlocks the springs and fountains that nourish the earth, the Nile rolls his swelling and sounding waters through the realm of Egypt: the fields are overspread by the salutary flood; and the villages communicate with each other in their painted barks. The retreat of the inundation deposits a fertilizing mud for the reception of the various seeds: the crowds of husbandmen who blacken the land may be compared to a swarm of industrious ants; and their native indolence is quickened by the lash of the task-master, and the promise of the flowers and fruits of a plentiful increase. Their hope is seldom deceived; but the riches which they extract from the wheat, the barley, and the rice, the legumes, the fruit-trees, and the cattle, are unequally shared between those who labor and those who possess. According to the vicissitudes of the seasons, the face of the country is adorned with a silver wave, a verdant emerald, and the deep yellow of a golden harvest.” Yet this beneficial order is sometimes interrupted; and the long delay and sudden swell of the river in the first year of the conquest might afford some color to an edifying fable. It is said, that the annual sacrifice of

    a virgin had been interdicted by the piety of Omar; and that the Nile lay sullen and inactive in his shallow bed, till the mandate of the caliph was cast into the obedient stream, which rose in a single night to the height of sixteen cubits. The admiration of the Arabs for their new conquest encouraged the license of their romantic spirit. We may read, in the gravest authors, that Egypt was crowded with twenty thousand cities or villages: that, exclusive of the Greeks and Arabs, the Copts alone were found, on the assessment, six millions of tributary subjects, or twenty millions of either sex, and of every age: that three hundred millions of gold or silver were annually paid to the treasury of the caliphs. Our reason must be startled by these extravagant assertions; and they will become more palpable, if we assume the compass and measure the extent of habitable ground: a valley from the tropic to Memphis seldom broader than twelve miles, and the triangle of the Delta, a flat surface of two thousand one hundred square leagues, compose a twelfth part of the magnitude of France. A more accurate research will justify a more reasonable estimate. The three hundred millions, created by the error of a scribe, are reduced to the decent revenue of four millions three hundred thousand pieces of gold, of which nine hundred thousand were consumed by the pay of the soldiers. Two authentic lists, of the present and of the twelfth century, are circumscribed within the respectable number of two thousand seven hundred villages and towns. After a long residence at Cairo, a French consul has ventured to assign about four millions of Mahometans, Christians, and Jews, for the ample, though not incredible, scope of the population of Egypt.

    1. The conquest of Africa, from the Nile to the Atlantic Ocean, was first attempted by the arms of the caliph Othman. The pious design was approved by the companions of Mahomet and the chiefs of the tribes; and twenty thousand Arabs marched from Medina, with the gifts and the blessing of the commander of the faithful. They were joined in the camp of Memphis by twenty thousand of their countrymen; and the conduct of the war was intrusted to Abdallah, the son of Said

    and the foster-brother of the caliph, who had lately supplanted the conqueror and lieutenant of Egypt. Yet the favor of the prince, and the merit of his favorite, could not obliterate the guilt of his apostasy. The early conversion of Abdallah, and his skilful pen, had recommended him to the important office of transcribing the sheets of the Koran: he betrayed his trust, corrupted the text, derided the errors which he had made, and fled to Mecca to escape the justice, and expose the ignorance, of the apostle. After the conquest of Mecca, he fell prostrate at the feet of Mahomet; his tears, and the entreaties of Othman, extorted a reluctant pardon; out the prophet declared that he had so long hesitated, to allow time for some zealous disciple to avenge his injury in the blood of the apostate. With apparent fidelity and effective merit, he served the religion which it was no longer his interest to desert: his birth and talents gave him an honorable rank among the Koreish; and, in a nation of cavalry, Abdallah was renowned as the boldest and most dexterous horseman of Arabia. At the head of forty thousand Moslems, he advanced from Egypt into the unknown countries of the West. The sands of Barca might be impervious to a Roman legion but the Arabs were attended by their faithful camels; and the natives of the desert beheld without terror the familiar aspect of the soil and climate. After a painful march, they pitched their tents before the walls of Tripoli, a maritime city in which the name, the wealth, and the inhabitants of the province had gradually centred, and which now maintains the third rank among the states of Barbary. A reënforcement of Greeks was surprised and cut in pieces on the sea-shore; but the fortifications of Tripoli resisted the first assaults; and the Saracens were tempted by the approach of the præfect Gregory to relinquish the labors of the siege for the perils and the hopes of a decisive action. If his standard was followed by one hundred and twenty thousand men, the regular bands of the empire must have been lost in the naked and disorderly crowd of Africans and Moors, who formed the strength, or rather the numbers, of his host. He rejected with indignation the option of the Koran or the tribute; and during several days the two armies were fiercely engaged from the dawn of light to the hour of noon, when their fatigue and the

    excessive heat compelled them to seek shelter and refreshment in their respective camps. The daughter of Gregory, a maid of incomparable beauty and spirit, is said to have fought by his side: from her earliest youth she was trained to mount on horseback, to draw the bow, and to wield the cimeter; and the richness of her arms and apparel were conspicuous in the foremost ranks of the battle. Her hand, with a hundred thousand pieces of gold, was offered for the head of the Arabian general, and the youths of Africa were excited by the prospect of the glorious prize. At the pressing solicitation of his brethren, Abdallah withdrew his person from the field; but the Saracens were discouraged by the retreat of their leader, and the repetition of these equal or unsuccessful conflicts.

    A noble Arabian, who afterwards became the adversary of Ali, and the father of a caliph, had signalized his valor in Egypt, and Zobeir was the first who planted the scaling-ladder against the walls of Babylon. In the African war he was detached from the standard of Abdallah. On the news of the battle, Zobeir, with twelve companions, cut his way through the camp of the Greeks, and pressed forwards, without tasting either food or repose, to partake of the dangers of his brethren. He cast his eyes round the field: “Where,” said he, “is our general?” “In his tent.” “Is the tent a station for the general of the Moslems?” Abdallah represented with a blush the importance of his own life, and the temptation that was held forth by the Roman præfect. “Retort,” said Zobeir, “on the infidels their ungenerous attempt. Proclaim through the ranks that the head of Gregory shall be repaid with his captive daughter, and the equal sum of one hundred thousand pieces of gold.” To the courage and discretion of Zobeir the lieutenant of the caliph intrusted the execution of his own stratagem, which inclined the long-disputed balance in favor of the Saracens. Supplying by activity and artifice the deficiency of numbers, a part of their forces lay concealed in their tents, while the remainder prolonged an irregular skirmish with the enemy till the sun was high in the heavens. On both sides they retired with fainting steps: their horses were unbridled, their

    armor was laid aside, and the hostile nations prepared, or seemed to prepare, for the refreshment of the evening, and the encounter of the ensuing day. On a sudden the charge was sounded; the Arabian camp poured forth a swarm of fresh and intrepid warriors; and the long line of the Greeks and Africans was surprised, assaulted, overturned, by new squadrons of the faithful, who, to the eye of fanaticism, might appear as a band of angels descending from the sky. The præfect himself was slain by the hand of Zobeir: his daughter, who sought revenge and death, was surrounded and made prisoner; and the fugitives involved in their disaster the town of Sufetula, to which they escaped from the sabres and lances of the Arabs. Sufetula was built one hundred and fifty miles to the south of Carthage: a gentle declivity is watered by a running stream, and shaded by a grove of juniper-trees; and, in the ruins of a triumphal arch, a portico, and three temples of the Corinthian order, curiosity may yet admire the magnificence of the Romans. After the fall of this opulent city, the provincials and Barbarians implored on all sides the mercy of the conqueror. His vanity or his zeal might be flattered by offers of tribute or professions of faith: but his losses, his fatigues, and the progress of an epidemical disease, prevented a solid establishment; and the Saracens, after a campaign of fifteen months, retreated to the confines of Egypt, with the captives and the wealth of their African expedition. The caliph’s fifth was granted to a favorite, on the nominal payment of five hundred thousand pieces of gold; but the state was doubly injured by this fallacious transaction, if each foot-soldier had shared one thousand, and each horseman three thousand, pieces, in the real division of the plunder. The author of the death of Gregory was expected to have claimed the most precious reward of the victory: from his silence it might be presumed that he had fallen in the battle, till the tears and exclamations of the præfect’s daughter at the sight of Zobeir revealed the valor and modesty of that gallant soldier. The unfortunate virgin was offered, and almost rejected as a slave, by her father’s murderer, who coolly declared that his sword was consecrated to the service of religion; and that he labored for a recompense far above the charms of mortal beauty, or

    the riches of this transitory life. A reward congenial to his temper was the honorable commission of announcing to the caliph Othman the success of his arms. The companions the chiefs, and the people, were assembled in the mosch of Medina, to hear the interesting narrative of Zobeir; and as the orator forgot nothing except the merit of his own counsels and actions, the name of Abdallah was joined by the Arabians with the heroic names of Caled and Amrou.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part VIII.

    The Western conquests of the Saracens were suspended near twenty years, till their dissensions were composed by the establishment of the house of Ommiyah; and the caliph Moawiyah was invited by the cries of the Africans themselves. The successors of Heraclius had been informed of the tribute which they had been compelled to stipulate with the Arabs, but instead of being moved to pity and relieve their distress, they imposed, as an equivalent or a fine, a second tribute of a similar amount. The ears of the Byzantine ministers were shut against the complaints of their poverty and ruin: their despair was reduced to prefer the dominion of a single master; and the extortions of the patriarch of Carthage, who was invested with civil and military power, provoked the sectaries, and even the Catholics of the Roman province, to abjure the religion as well as the authority of their tyrants. The first lieutenant of Moawiyah acquired a just renown, subdued an important city, defeated an army of thirty thousand Greeks, swept away fourscore thousand captives, and enriched with their spoils the bold adventures of Syria and Egypt. But the title of conqueror of Africa is more justly due to his successor Akbah. He marched from Damascus at the head of ten thousand of the bravest Arabs; and the genuine force of the Moslems was enlarged by the doubtful aid and conversion of many thousand Barbarians. It would be difficult, nor is it necessary, to trace the accurate line of the progress of Akbah. The interior regions

    have been peopled by the Orientals with fictitious armies and imaginary citadels. In the warlike province of Zab, or Numidia, fourscore thousand of the natives might assemble in arms; but the number of three hundred and sixty towns is incompatible with the ignorance or decay of husbandry; and a circumference of three leagues will not be justified by the ruins of Erbe or Lambesa, the ancient metropolis of that inland country. As we approach the seacoast, the well-known cities of Bugia and Tangier define the more certain limits of the Saracen victories. A remnant of trade still adheres to the commodious harbor of Bugia which, in a more prosperous age, is said to have contained about twenty thousand houses; and the plenty of iron which is dug from the adjacent mountains might have supplied a braver people with the instruments of defence. The remote position and venerable antiquity of Tingi, or Tangier, have been decorated by the Greek and Arabian fables; but the figurative expressions of the latter, that the walls were constructed of brass, and that the roofs were covered with gold and silver, may be interpreted as the emblems of strength and opulence. The provinces of Mauritania Tingitana, which assumed the name of the capital, had been imperfectly discovered and settled by the Romans; the five colonies were confined to a narrow pale, and the more southern parts were seldom explored except by the agents of luxury, who searched the forests for ivory and the citron-wood, and the shores of the ocean for the purple shell-fish. The fearless Akbah plunged into the heart of the country, traversed the wilderness in which his successors erected the splendid capitals of Fez and Morocco, and at length penetrated to the verge of the Atlantic and the great desert. The river Sus descends from the western sides of Mount Atlas, fertilizes, like the Nile, the adjacent soil, and falls into the sea at a moderate distance from the Canary, or Fortunate Islands. Its banks were inhabited by the last of the Moors, a race of savages, without laws, or discipline, or religion; they were astonished by the strange and irresistible terrors of the Oriental arms; and as they possessed neither gold nor silver, the riches spoil was the beauty of the female captives, some of whom were afterwards sold for a thousand pieces of gold. The career,

    though not the zeal, of Akbah was checked by the prospect of a boundless ocean. He spurred his horse into the waves, and raising his eyes to heaven, exclaimed with a tone of a fanatic, “Great God! if my course were not stopped by this sea, I would still go on, to the unknown kingdoms of the West, preaching the unity of thy holy name, and putting to the sword the rebellious nations who worship any other Gods than thee.” Yet this Mahometan Alexander, who sighed for new worlds, was unable to preserve his recent conquests. By the universal defection of the Greeks and Africans, he was recalled from the shores of the Atlantic, and the surrounding multitudes left him only the resource of an honorable death. The last scene was dignified by an example of national virtue. An ambitious chief, who had disputed the command and failed in the attempt, was led about as a prisoner in the camp of the Arabian general. The insurgents had trusted to his discontent and revenge; he disdained their offers, and revealed their designs. In the hour of danger, the grateful Akbah unlocked his fetters, and advised him to retire; he chose to die under the banner of his rival. Embracing as friends and martyrs, they unsheathed their cimeters, broke their scabbards, and maintained an obstinate combat, till they fell by each other’s side on the last of their slaughtered countrymen. The third general or governor of Africa, Zuheir, avenged and encountered the fate of his predecessor. He vanquished the natives in many battles; he was overthrown by a powerful army, which Constantinople had sent to the relief of Carthage.

    It had been the frequent practice of the Moorish tribes to join the invaders, to share the plunder, to profess the faith, and to revolt to their savage state of independence and idolatry, on the first retreat or misfortune of the Moslems. The prudence of Akbah had proposed to found an Arabian colony in the heart of Africa; a citadel that might curb the levity of the Barbarians, a place of refuge to secure, against the accidents of war, the wealth and the families of the Saracens. With this view, and under the modest title of the station of a caravan, he planted this colony in the fiftieth year of the Hegira. In the present

    decay, Cairoan still holds the second rank in the kingdom of Tunis, from which it is distant about fifty miles to the south: its inland situation, twelve miles westward of the sea, has protected the city from the Greek and Sicilian fleets. When the wild beasts and serpents were extirpated, when the forest, or rather wilderness, was cleared, the vestiges of a Roman town were discovered in a sandy plain: the vegetable food of Cairoan is brought from afar; and the scarcity of springs constrains the inhabitants to collect in cisterns and reservoirs a precarious supply of rain-water. These obstacles were subdued by the industry of Akbah; he traced a circumference of three thousand and six hundred paces, which he encompassed with a brick wall; in the space of five years, the governor’s palace was surrounded with a sufficient number of private habitations; a spacious mosch was supported by five hundred columns of granite, porphyry, and Numidian marble; and Cairoan became the seat of learning as well as of empire. But these were the glories of a later age; the new colony was shaken by the successive defeats of Akbah and Zuheir, and the western expeditions were again interrupted by the civil discord of the Arabian monarchy. The son of the valiant Zobeir maintained a war of twelve years, a siege of seven months against the house of Ommiyah. Abdallah was said to unite the fierceness of the lion with the subtlety of the fox; but if he inherited the courage, he was devoid of the generosity, of his father.

    The return of domestic peace allowed the caliph Abdalmalek to resume the conquest of Africa; the standard was delivered to Hassan, governor of Egypt, and the revenue of that kingdom, with an army of forty thousand men, was consecrated to the important service. In the vicissitudes of war, the interior provinces had been alternately won and lost by the Saracens. But the sea-coast still remained in the hands of the Greeks; the predecessors of Hassan had respected the name and fortifications of Carthage; and the number of its defenders was recruited by the fugitives of Cabes and Tripoli. The arms of Hassan, were bolder and more fortunate: he reduced and

    pillaged the metropolis of Africa; and the mention of scaling-ladders may justify the suspicion that he anticipated, by a sudden assault, the more tedious operations of a regular siege. But the joy of the conquerors was soon disturbed by the appearance of the Christian succors. The præfect and patrician John, a general of experience and renown, embarked at Constantinople the forces of the Eastern empire; they were joined by the ships and soldiers of Sicily, and a powerful reenforcement of Goths was obtained from the fears and religion of the Spanish monarch. The weight of the confederate navy broke the chain that guarded the entrance of the harbor; the Arabs retired to Cairoan, or Tripoli; the Christians landed; the citizens hailed the ensign of the cross, and the winter was idly wasted in the dream of victory or deliverance. But Africa was irrecoverably lost; the zeal and resentment of the commander of the faithful prepared in the ensuing spring a more numerous armament by sea and land; and the patrician in his turn was compelled to evacuate the post and fortifications of Carthage. A second battle was fought in the neighborhood of Utica: the Greeks and Goths were again defeated; and their timely embarkation saved them from the sword of Hassan, who had invested the slight and insufficient rampart of their camp. Whatever yet remained of Carthage was delivered to the flames, and the colony of Dido and Cæsar lay desolate above two hundred years, till a part, perhaps a twentieth, of the old circumference was repeopled by the first of the Fatimite caliphs. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, the second capital of the West was represented by a mosch, a college without students, twenty-five or thirty shops, and the huts of five hundred peasants, who, in their abject poverty, displayed the arrogance of the Punic senators. Even that paltry village was swept away by the Spaniards whom Charles the Fifth had stationed in the fortress of the Goletta. The ruins of Carthage have perished; and the place might be unknown if some broken arches of an aqueduct did not guide the footsteps of the inquisitive traveller.

    The Greeks were expelled, but the Arabians were not yet

    masters of the country. In the interior provinces the Moors or Berbers, so feeble under the first Cæsars, so formidable to the Byzantine princes, maintained a disorderly resistance to the religion and power of the successors of Mahomet. Under the standard of their queen Cahina, the independent tribes acquired some degree of union and discipline; and as the Moors respected in their females the character of a prophetess, they attacked the invaders with an enthusiasm similar to their own. The veteran bands of Hassan were inadequate to the defence of Africa: the conquests of an age were lost in a single day; and the Arabian chief, overwhelmed by the torrent, retired to the confines of Egypt, and expected, five years, the promised succors of the caliph. After the retreat of the Saracens, the victorious prophetess assembled the Moorish chiefs, and recommended a measure of strange and savage policy. “Our cities,” said she, “and the gold and silver which they contain, perpetually attract the arms of the Arabs. These vile metals are not the objects of our ambition; we content ourselves with the simple productions of the earth. Let us destroy these cities; let us bury in their ruins those pernicious treasures; and when the avarice of our foes shall be destitute of temptation, perhaps they will cease to disturb the tranquillity of a warlike people.” The proposal was accepted with unanimous applause. From Tangier to Tripoli, the buildings, or at least the fortifications, were demolished, the fruit-trees were cut down, the means of subsistence were extirpated, a fertile and populous garden was changed into a desert, and the historians of a more recent period could discern the frequent traces of the prosperity and devastation of their ancestors. Such is the tale of the modern Arabians. Yet I strongly suspect that their ignorance of antiquity, the love of the marvellous, and the fashion of extolling the philosophy of Barbarians, has induced them to describe, as one voluntary act, the calamities of three hundred years since the first fury of the Donatists and Vandals. In the progress of the revolt, Cahina had most probably contributed her share of destruction; and the alarm of universal ruin might terrify and alienate the cities that had reluctantly yielded to her unworthy yoke. They no longer hoped, perhaps they no longer wished,

    the return of their Byzantine sovereigns: their present servitude was not alleviated by the benefits of order and justice; and the most zealous Catholic must prefer the imperfect truths of the Koran to the blind and rude idolatry of the Moors. The general of the Saracens was again received as the savior of the province: the friends of civil society conspired against the savages of the land; and the royal prophetess was slain, in the first battle, which overturned the baseless fabric of her superstition and empire. The same spirit revived under the successor of Hassan: it was finally quelled by the activity of Musa and his two sons; but the number of the rebels may be presumed from that of three hundred thousand captives; sixty thousand of whom, the caliph’s fifth, were sold for the profit of the public treasury. Thirty thousand of the Barbarian youth were enlisted in the troops; and the pious labors of Musa, to inculcate the knowledge and practice of the Koran, accustomed the Africans to obey the apostle of God and the commander of the faithful. In their climate and government, their diet and habitation, the wandering Moors resembled the Bedoweens of the desert. With the religion they were proud to adopt the language, name, and origin, of Arabs: the blood of the strangers and natives was insensibly mingled; and from the Euphrates to the Atlantic, the same nation might seem to be diffused over the sandy plains of Asia and Africa. Yet I will not deny that fifty thousand tents of pure Arabians might be transported over the Nile, and scattered through the Libyan desert: and I am not ignorant that five of the Moorish tribes still retain their barbarous idiom, with the appellation and character of white Africans.

    1. In the progress of conquest from the north and south, the Goths and the Saracens encountered each other on the confines of Europe and Africa. In the opinion of the latter, the difference of religion is a reasonable ground of enmity and warfare.

    As early as the time of Othman, their piratical squadrons had ravaged the coast of Andalusia; nor had they forgotten the

    relief of Carthage by the Gothic succors. In that age, as well as in the present, the kings of Spain were possessed of the fortress of Ceuta; one of the columns of Hercules, which is divided by a narrow strait from the opposite pillar or point of Europe. A small portion of Mauritania was still wanting to the African conquest; but Musa, in the pride of victory, was repulsed from the walls of Ceuta, by the vigilance and courage of Count Julian, the general of the Goths. From his disappointment and perplexity, Musa was relieved by an unexpected message of the Christian chief, who offered his place, his person, and his sword, to the successors of Mahomet, and solicited the disgraceful honor of introducing their arms into the heart of Spain. If we inquire into the cause of his treachery, the Spaniards will repeat the popular story of his daughter Cava; * of a virgin who was seduced, or ravished, by her sovereign; of a father who sacrificed his religion and country to the thirst of revenge. The passions of princes have often been licentious and destructive; but this well-known tale, romantic in itself, is indifferently supported by external evidence; and the history of Spain will suggest some motive of interest and policy more congenial to the breast of a veteran statesman. After the decease or deposition of Witiza, his two sons were supplanted by the ambition of Roderic, a noble Goth, whose father, the duke or governor of a province, had fallen a victim to the preceding tyranny. The monarchy was still elective; but the sons of Witiza, educated on the steps of the throne, were impatient of a private station. Their resentment was the more dangerous, as it was varnished with the dissimulation of courts: their followers were excited by the remembrance of favors and the promise of a revolution; and their uncle Oppas, archbishop of Toledo and Seville, was the first person in the church, and the second in the state. It is probable that Julian was involved in the disgrace of the unsuccessful faction; that he had little to hope and much to fear from the new reign; and that the imprudent king could not forget or forgive the injuries which Roderic and his family had sustained. The merit and influence of the count rendered him a useful or formidable subject: his estates were ample, his followers bold and numerous; and it was too fatally shown,

    that, by his Andalusian and Mauritanian commands, he held in his hand the keys of the Spanish monarchy. Too feeble, however, to meet his sovereign in arms, he sought the aid of a foreign power; and his rash invitation of the Moors and Arabs produced the calamities of eight hundred years. In his epistles, or in a personal interview, he revealed the wealth and nakedness of his country; the weakness of an unpopular prince; the degeneracy of an effeminate people. The Goths were no longer the victorious Barbarians , who had humbled the pride of Rome, despoiled the queen of nations, and penetrated from the Danube to the Atlantic Ocean. Secluded from the world by the Pyrenæan mountains, the successors of Alaric had slumbered in a long peace: the walls of the cities were mouldered into dust: the youth had abandoned the exercise of arms; and the presumption of their ancient renown would expose them in a field of battle to the first assault of the invaders. The ambitious Saracen was fired by the ease and importance of the attempt; but the execution was delayed till he had consulted the commander of the faithful; and his messenger returned with the permission of Walid to annex the unknown kingdoms of the West to the religion and throne of the caliphs. In his residence of Tangier, Musa, with secrecy and caution, continued his correspondence and hastened his preparations. But the remorse of the conspirators was soothed by the fallacious assurance that he should content himself with the glory and spoil, without aspiring to establish the Moslems beyond the sea that separates Africa from Europe.

    Before Musa would trust an army of the faithful to the traitors and infidels of a foreign land, he made a less dangerous trial of their strength and veracity. One hundred Arabs, and four hundred Africans, passed over, in four vessels, from Tangier or Ceuta: the place of their descent on the opposite shore of the strait is marked by the name of Tarif their chief; and the date of this memorable event is fixed to the month of Ramadan, of the ninety-first year of the Hegira, to the month of July, seven hundred and forty-eight years from the Spanish æra of Cæsar, seven hundred and ten after the birth of Christ. From their

    first station, they marched eighteen miles through a hilly country to the castle and town of Julian: on which (it is still called Algezire) they bestowed the name of the Green Island, from a verdant cape that advances into the sea. Their hospitable entertainment, the Christians who joined their standard, their inroad into a fertile and unguarded province, the richness of their spoil, and the safety of their return, announced to their brethren and the most favorable omens of victory. In the ensuing spring, five thousand veterans and volunteers were embarked under the command of Tarik, a dauntless and skilful soldier, who surpassed the expectation of his chief; and the necessary transports were provided by the industry of their too faithful ally. The Saracens landed at the pillar or point of Europe; the corrupt and familiar appellation of Gibraltar (Gebel al Tarik) describes the mountain of Tarik; and the intrenchments of his camp were the first outline of those fortifications, which, in the hands of our countrymen, have resisted the art and power of the house of Bourbon. The adjacent governors informed the court of Toledo of the descent and progress of the Arabs; and the defeat of his lieutenant Edeco, who had been commanded to seize and bind the presumptuous strangers, admonished Roderic of the magnitude of the danger. At the royal summons, the dukes and counts, the bishops and nobles of the Gothic monarchy, assembled at the head of their followers; and the title of King of the Romans, which is employed by an Arabic historian, may be excused by the close affinity of language, religion, and manners, between the nations of Spain. His army consisted of ninety or a hundred thousand men; a formidable power, if their fidelity and discipline had been adequate to their numbers. The troops of Tarik had been augmented to twelve thousand Saracens; but the Christian malecontents were attracted by the influence of Julian, and a crowd of Africans most greedily tasted the temporal blessings of the Koran. In the neighborhood of Cadiz, the town of Xeres has been illustrated by the encounter which determined the fate of the kingdom; the stream of the Guadalete, which falls into the bay, divided the two camps, and marked the advancing and retreating skirmishes of three successive and bloody days. On

    the fourth day, the two armies joined a more serious and decisive issue; but Alaric would have blushed at the sight of his unworthy successor, sustaining on his head a diadem of pearls, encumbered with a flowing robe of gold and silken embroidery, and reclining on a litter or car of ivory drawn by two white mules. Notwithstanding the valor of the Saracens, they fainted under the weight of multitudes, and the plain of Xeres was overspread with sixteen thousand of their dead bodies. “My brethren,” said Tarik to his surviving companions, “the enemy is before you, the sea is behind; whither would ye fly? Follow your genera: I am resolved either to lose my life, or to trample on the prostrate king of the Romans.” Besides the resource of despair, he confided in the secret correspondence and nocturnal interviews of Count Julian with the sons and the brother of Witiza. The two princes and the archbishop of Toledo occupied the most important post: their well-timed defection broke the ranks of the Christians; each warrior was prompted by fear or suspicion to consult his personal safety; and the remains of the Gothic army were scattered or destroyed in the flight and pursuit of the three following days. Amidst the general disorder, Roderic started from his car, and mounted Orelia, the fleetest of his horses; but he escaped from a soldier’s death to perish more ignobly in the waters of the Btis or Guadalquivir. His diadem, his robes, and his courser, were found on the bank; but as the body of the Gothic prince was lost in the waves, the pride and ignorance of the caliph must have been gratified with some meaner head, which was exposed in triumph before the palace of Damascus. “And such,” continues a valiant historian of the Arabs, “is the fate of those kings who withdraw themselves from a field of battle.”

    Count Julian had plunged so deep into guilt and infamy, that his only hope was in the ruin of his country. After the battle of Xeres, he recommended the most effectual measures to the victorious Saracen. “The king of the Goths is slain; their princes have fled before you, the army is routed, the nation is astonished. Secure with sufficient detachments the cities of Btica; but in person, and without delay, march to the royal

    city of Toledo, and allow not the distracted Christians either time or tranquillity for the election of a new monarch.” Tarik listened to his advice. A Roman captive and proselyte, who had been enfranchised by the caliph himself, assaulted Cordova with seven hundred horse: he swam the river, surprised the town, and drove the Christians into the great church, where they defended themselves above three months. Another detachment reduced the sea-coast of Btica, which in the last period of the Moorish power has comprised in a narrow space the populous kingdom of Grenada. The march of Tarik from the Btis to the Tagus was directed through the Sierra Morena, that separates Andalusia and Castille, till he appeared in arms under the walls of Toledo. The most zealous of the Catholics had escaped with the relics of their saints; and if the gates were shut, it was only till the victor had subscribed a fair and reasonable capitulation. The voluntary exiles were allowed to depart with their effects; seven churches were appropriated to the Christian worship; the archbishop and his clergy were at liberty to exercise their functions, the monks to practise or neglect their penance; and the Goths and Romans were left in all civil and criminal cases to the subordinate jurisdiction of their own laws and magistrates. But if the justice of Tarik protected the Christians, his gratitude and policy rewarded the Jews, to whose secret or open aid he was indebted for his most important acquisitions. Persecuted by the kings and synods of Spain, who had often pressed the alternative of banishment or baptism, that outcast nation embraced the moment of revenge: the comparison of their past and present state was the pledge of their fidelity; and the alliance between the disciples of Moses and of Mahomet was maintained till the final æra of their common expulsion. From the royal seat of Toledo, the Arabian leader spread his conquests to the north, over the modern realms of Castille and Leon; but it is needless to enumerate the cities that yielded on his approach, or again to describe the table of emerald, transported from the East by the Romans, acquired by the Goths among the spoils of Rome, and presented by the Arabs to the throne of Damascus. Beyond the Asturian mountains, the maritime town of Gijon was the term of the lieutenant of Musa, who had performed, with the speed

    of a traveller, his victorious march, of seven hundred miles, from the rock of Gibraltar to the Bay of Biscay. The failure of land compelled him to retreat; and he was recalled to Toledo, to excuse his presumption of subduing a kingdom in the absence of his general. Spain, which, in a more savage and disorderly state, had resisted, two hundred years, the arms of the Romans, was overrun in a few months by those of the Saracens; and such was the eagerness of submission and treaty, that the governor of Cordova is recorded as the only chief who fell, without conditions, a prisoner into their hands. The cause of the Goths had been irrevocably judged in the field of Xeres; and, in the national dismay, each part of the monarchy declined a contest with the antagonist who had vanquished the united strength of the whole. That strength had been wasted by two successive seasons of famine and pestilence; and the governors, who were impatient to surrender, might exaggerate the difficulty of collecting the provisions of a siege. To disarm the Christians, superstition likewise contributed her terrors: and the subtle Arab encouraged the report of dreams, omens, and prophecies, and of the portraits of the destined conquerors of Spain, that were discovered on breaking open an apartment of the royal palace. Yet a spark of the vital flame was still alive: some invincible fugitives preferred a life of poverty and freedom in the Asturian valleys; the hardy mountaineers repulsed the slaves of the caliph; and the sword of Pelagius has been transformed into the sceptre of the Catholic kings.

    Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part IX.

    On the intelligence of this rapid success, the applause of Musa degenerated into envy; and he began, not to complain, but to fear, that Tarik would leave him nothing to subdue. At the head of ten thousand Arabs and eight thousand Africans, he passed over in person from Mauritania to Spain: the first of his companions were the noblest of the Koreish; his eldest son

    was left in the command of Africa; the three younger brethren were of an age and spirit to second the boldest enterprises of their father. At his landing in Algezire, he was respectfully entertained by Count Julian, who stifled his inward remorse, and testified, both in words and actions, that the victory of the Arabs had not impaired his attachment to their cause. Some enemies yet remained for the sword of Musa. The tardy repentance of the Goths had compared their own numbers and those of the invaders; the cities from which the march of Tarik had declined considered themselves as impregnable; and the bravest patriots defended the fortifications of Seville and Merida. They were successively besieged and reduced by the labor of Musa, who transported his camp from the Btis to the Anas, from the Guadalquivir to the Guadiana. When he beheld the works of Roman magnificence, the bridge, the aqueducts, the triumphal arches, and the theatre, of the ancient metropolis of Lusitania, “I should imagine,” said he to his four companions, “that the human race must have united their art and power in the foundation of this city: happy is the man who shall become its master!” He aspired to that happiness, but the Emeritans sustained on this occasion the honor of their descent from the veteran legionaries of Augustus Disdaining the confinement of their walls, they gave battle to the Arabs on the plain; but an ambuscade rising from the shelter of a quarry, or a ruin, chastised their indiscretion, and intercepted their return. The wooden turrets of assault were rolled forwards to the foot of the rampart; but the defence of Merida was obstinate and long; and the castle of the martyrs was a perpetual testimony of the losses of the Moslems. The constancy of the besieged was at length subdued by famine and despair; and the prudent victor disguised his impatience under the names of clemency and esteem. The alternative of exile or tribute was allowed; the churches were divided between the two religions; and the wealth of those who had fallen in the siege, or retired to Gallicia, was confiscated as the reward of the faithful. In the midway between Merida and Toledo, the lieutenant of Musa saluted the vicegerent of the caliph, and conducted him to the palace of the Gothic kings. Their first interview was cold and formal: a rigid account was

    exacted of the treasures of Spain: the character of Tarik was exposed to suspicion and obloquy; and the hero was imprisoned, reviled, and ignominiously scourged by the hand, or the command, of Musa. Yet so strict was the discipline, so pure the zeal, or so tame the spirit, of the primitive Moslems, that, after this public indignity, Tarik could serve and be trusted in the reduction of the Tarragonest province. A mosch was erected at Saragossa, by the liberality of the Koreish: the port of Barcelona was opened to the vessels of Syria; and the Goths were pursued beyond the Pyrenæan mountains into their Gallic province of Septimania or Languedoc. In the church of St. Mary at Carcassone, Musa found, but it is improbable that he left, seven equestrian statues of massy silver; and from his term or column of Narbonne, he returned on his footsteps to the Gallician and Lusitanian shores of the ocean. During the absence of the father, his son Abdelaziz chastised the insurgents of Seville, and reduced, from Malaga to Valentia, the sea-coast of the Mediterranean: his original treaty with the discreet and valiant Theodemir will represent the manners and policy of the times. “The conditions of peace agreed and sworn between Abdelaziz, the son of Musa, the son of Nassir, and Theodemir prince of the Goths. In the name of the most merciful God, Abdelaziz makes peace on these conditions: that Theodemir shall not be disturbed in his principality; nor any injury be offered to the life or property, the wives and children, the religion and temples, of the Christians: thatTheodemir shall freely deliver his seven * cities, Orihuela, Valentola, Alicanti Mola, Vacasora, Bigerra, (now Bejar,) Ora, (or Opta,) and Lorca: that he shall not assist or entertain the enemies of the caliph, but shall faithfully communicate his knowledge of their hostile designs: that himself, and each of the Gothic nobles, shall annually pay one piece of gold, four measures of wheat, as many of barley, with a certain proportion of honey, oil, and vinegar; and that each of their vassals shall be taxed at one moiety of the said imposition. Given the fourth of Regeb, in the year of the Hegira ninety-four, and subscribed with the names of four Mussulman witnesses.” Theodemir and his subjects were treated with uncommon lenity; but the rate of tribute appears

    to have fluctuated from a tenth to a fifth, according to the submission or obstinacy of the Christians. In this revolution, many partial calamities were inflicted by the carnal or religious passions of the enthusiasts: some churches were profaned by the new worship: some relics or images were confounded with idols: the rebels were put to the sword; and one town (an obscure place between Cordova and Seville) was razed to its foundations. Yet if we compare the invasion of Spain by the Goths, or its recovery by the kings of Castile and Arragon, we must applaud the moderation and discipline of the Arabian conquerors.

    The exploits of Musa were performed in the evening of life, though he affected to disguise his age by coloring with a red powder the whiteness of his beard. But in the love of action and glory, his breast was still fired with the ardor of youth; and the possession of Spain was considered only as the first step to the monarchy of Europe. With a powerful armament by sea and land, he was preparing to repass the Pyrenees, to extinguish in Gaul and Italy the declining kingdoms of the Franks and Lombards, and to preach the unity of God on the altar of the Vatican. From thence, subduing the Barbarians of Germany, he proposed to follow the course of the Danube from its source to the Euxine Sea, to overthrow the Greek or Roman empire of Constantinople, and returning from Europe to Asia, to unite his new acquisitions with Antioch and the provinces of Syria. But his vast enterprise, perhaps of easy execution, must have seemed extravagant to vulgar minds; and the visionary conqueror was soon reminded of his dependence and servitude. The friends of Tarik had effectually stated his services and wrongs: at the court of Damascus, the proceedings of Musa were blamed, his intentions were suspected, and his delay in complying with the first invitation was chastised by a harsher and more peremptory summons. An intrepid messenger of the caliph entered his camp at Lugo in Gallicia, and in the presence of the Saracens and Christians arrested the bridle of his horse. His own loyalty, or that of his troops, inculcated the duty of obedience: and his disgrace was

    alleviated by the recall of his rival, and the permission of investing with his two governments his two sons, Abdallah and Abdelaziz. His long triumph from Ceuta to Damascus displayed the spoils of Africa and the treasures of Spain: four hundred Gothic nobles, with gold coronets and girdles, were distinguished in his train; and the number of male and female captives, selected for their birth or beauty, was computed at eighteen, or even at thirty, thousand persons. As soon as he reached Tiberias in Palestine, he was apprised of the sickness and danger of the caliph, by a private message from Soliman, his brother and presumptive heir; who wished to reserve for his own reign the spectacle of victory. Had Walid recovered, the delay of Musa would have been criminal: he pursued his march, and found an enemy on the throne. In his trial before a partial judge against a popular antagonist, he was convicted of vanity and falsehood; and a fine of two hundred thousand pieces of gold either exhausted his poverty or proved his rapaciousness. The unworthy treatment of Tarik was revenged by a similar indignity; and the veteran commander, after a public whipping, stood a whole day in the sun before the palace gate, till he obtained a decent exile, under the pious name of a pilgrimage to Mecca. The resentment of the caliph might have been satiated with the ruin of Musa; but his fears demanded the extirpation of a potent and injured family. A sentence of death was intimated with secrecy and speed to the trusty servants of the throne both in Africa and Spain; and the forms, if not the substance, of justice were superseded in this bloody execution. In the mosch or palace of Cordova, Abdelaziz was slain by the swords of the conspirators; they accused their governor of claiming the honors of royalty; and his scandalous marriage with Egilona, the widow of Roderic, offended the prejudices both of the Christians and Moslems. By a refinement of cruelty, the head of the son was presented to the father, with an insulting question, whether he acknowledged the features of the rebel? “I know his features,” he exclaimed with indignation: “I assert his innocence; and I imprecate the same, a juster fate, against the authors of his death.” The age and despair of Musa raised him above the power of kings; and he expired at Mecca of the anguish of a broken heart. His rival

    was more favorably treated: his services were forgiven; and Tarik was permitted to mingle with the crowd of slaves. I am ignorant whether Count Julian was rewarded with the death which he deserved indeed, though not from the hands of the Saracens; but the tale of their ingratitude to the sons of Witiza is disproved by the most unquestionable evidence. The two royal youths were reinstated in the private patrimony of their father; but on the decease of Eba, the elder, his daughter was unjustly despoiled of her portion by the violence of her uncle Sigebut. The Gothic maid pleaded her cause before the caliph Hashem, and obtained the restitution of her inheritance; but she was given in marriage to a noble Arabian, and their two sons, Isaac and Ibrahim, were received in Spain with the consideration that was due to their origin and riches.

    A province is assimilated to the victorious state by the introduction of strangers and the imitative spirit of the natives; and Spain, which had been successively tinctured with Punic, and Roman, and Gothic blood, imbibed, in a few generations, the name and manners of the Arabs. The first conquerors, and the twenty successive lieutenants of the caliphs, were attended by a numerous train of civil and military followers, who preferred a distant fortune to a narrow home: the private and public interest was promoted by the establishment of faithful colonies; and the cities of Spain were proud to commemorate the tribe or country of their Eastern progenitors. The victorious though motley bands of Tarik and Musa asserted, by the name of Spaniards, their original claim of conquest; yet they allowed their brethren of Egypt to share their establishments of Murcia and Lisbon. The royal legion of Damascus was planted at Cordova; that of Emesa at Seville; that of Kinnisrin or Chalcis at Jaen; that of Palestine at Algezire and Medina Sidonia. The natives of Yemen and Persia were scattered round Toledo and the inland country, and the fertile seats of Grenada were bestowed on ten thousand horsemen of Syria and Irak, the children of the purest and most noble of the Arabian tribes. A spirit of emulation, sometimes beneficial, more frequently dangerous, was

    nourished by these hereditary factions. Ten years after the conquest, a map of the province was presented to the caliph: the seas, the rivers, and the harbors, the inhabitants and cities, the climate, the soil, and the mineral productions of the earth. In the space of two centuries, the gifts of nature were improved by the agriculture, the manufactures, and the commerce, of an industrious people; and the effects of their diligence have been magnified by the idleness of their fancy. The first of the Ommiades who reigned in Spain solicited the support of the Christians; and in his edict of peace and protection, he contents himself with a modest imposition of ten thousand ounces of gold, ten thousand pounds of silver, ten thousand horses, as many mules, one thousand cuirasses, with an equal number of helmets and lances. The most powerful of his successors derived from the same kingdom the annual tribute of twelve millions and forty-five thousand dinars or pieces of gold, about six millions of sterling money; a sum which, in the tenth century, most probably surpassed the united revenues of the Christians monarchs. His royal seat of Cordova contained six hundred moschs, nine hundred baths, and two hundred thousand houses; he gave laws to eighty cities of the first, to three hundred of the second and third order; and the fertile banks of the Guadalquivir were adorned with twelve thousand villages and hamlets. The Arabs might exaggerate the truth, but they created and they describe the most prosperous æra of the riches, the cultivation, and the populousness of Spain.

    The wars of the Moslems were sanctified by the prophet; but among the various precepts and examples of his life, the caliphs selected the lessons of toleration that might tend to disarm the resistance of the unbelievers. Arabia was the temple and patrimony of the God of Mahomet; but he beheld with less jealousy and affection the nations of the earth. The polytheists and idolaters, who were ignorant of his name, might be lawfully extirpated by his votaries; but a wise policy supplied the obligation of justice; and after some acts of intolerant zeal, the Mahometan conquerors of Hindostan have

    spared the pagods of that devout and populous country. The disciples of Abraham, of Moses, and of Jesus, were solemnly invited to accept the more perfect revelation of Mahomet; but if they preferred the payment of a moderate tribute, they were entitled to the freedom of conscience and religious worship. In a field of battle the forfeit lives of the prisoners were redeemed by the profession of Islam; the females were bound to embrace the religion of their masters, and a race of sincere proselytes was gradually multiplied by the education of the infant captives. But the millions of African and Asiatic converts, who swelled the native band of the faithful Arabs, must have been allured, rather than constrained, to declare their belief in one God and the apostle of God. By the repetition of a sentence and the loss of a foreskin, the subject or the slave, the captive or the criminal, arose in a moment the free and equal companion of the victorious Moslems. Every sin was expiated, every engagement was dissolved: the vow of celibacy was superseded by the indulgence of nature; the active spirits who slept in the cloister were awakened by the trumpet of the Saracens; and in the convulsion of the world, every member of a new society ascended to the natural level of his capacity and courage. The minds of the multitude were tempted by the invisible as well as temporal blessings of the Arabian prophet; and charity will hope that many of his proselytes entertained a serious conviction of the truth and sanctity of his revelation. In the eyes of an inquisitive polytheist, it must appear worthy of the human and the divine nature. More pure than the system of Zoroaster, more liberal than the law of Moses, the religion of Mahomet might seem less inconsistent with reason than the creed of mystery and superstition, which, in the seventh century, disgraced the simplicity of the gospel.

    In the extensive provinces of Persia and Africa, the national religion has been eradicated by the Mahometan faith. The ambiguous theology of the Magi stood alone among the sects of the East; but the profane writings of Zoroaster might, under the reverend name of Abraham, be dexterously connected with the chain of divine revelation. Their evil principle, the dæmon

    Ahriman, might be represented as the rival, or as the creature, of the God of light. The temples of Persia were devoid of images; but the worship of the sun and of fire might be stigmatized as a gross and criminal idolatry. The milder sentiment was consecrated by the practice of Mahomet and the prudence of the caliphs; the Magians or Ghebers were ranked with the Jews and Christians among the people of the written law; and as late as the third century of the Hegira, the city of Herat will afford a lively contrast of private zeal and public toleration. Under the payment of an annual tribute, the Mahometan law secured to the Ghebers of Herat their civil and religious liberties: but the recent and humble mosch was overshadowed by the antique splendor of the adjoining temple of fire. A fanatic Iman deplored, in his sermons, the scandalous neighborhood, and accused the weakness or indifference of the faithful. Excited by his voice, the people assembled in tumult; the two houses of prayer were consumed by the flames, but the vacant ground was immediately occupied by the foundations of a new mosch. The injured Magi appealed to the sovereign of Chorasan; he promised justice and relief; when, behold! four thousand citizens of Herat, of a grave character and mature age, unanimously swore that the idolatrous fane had never existed; the inquisition was silenced and their conscience was satisfied (says the historian Mirchond ) with this holy and meritorious perjury. But the greatest part of the temples of Persia were ruined by the insensible and general desertion of their votaries. It was insensible, since it is not accompanied with any memorial of time or place, of persecution or resistance. It was general, since the whole realm, from Shiraz to Samarcand, imbibed the faith of the Koran; and the preservation of the native tongue reveals the descent of the Mahometans of Persia. In the mountains and deserts, an obstinate race of unbelievers adhered to the superstition of their fathers; and a faint tradition of the Magian theology is kept alive in the province of Kirman, along the banks of the Indus, among the exiles of Surat, and in the colony which, in the last century, was planted by Shaw Abbas at the gates of Ispahan. The chief pontiff has retired to Mount Elbourz, eighteen leagues from

    the city of Yezd: the perpetual fire (if it continues to burn) is inaccessible to the profane; but his residence is the school, the oracle, and the pilgrimage of the Ghebers, whose hard and uniform features attest the unmingled purity of their blood. Under the jurisdiction of their elders, eighty thousand families maintain an innocent and industrious life: their subsistence is derived from some curious manufactures and mechanic trades; and they cultivate the earth with the fervor of a religious duty. Their ignorance withstood the despotism of Shaw Abbas, who demanded with threats and tortures the prophetic books of Zoroaster; and this obscure remnant of the Magians is spared by the moderation or contempt of their present sovereigns.

    The Northern coast of Africa is the only land in which the light of the gospel, after a long and perfect establishment, has been totally extinguished. The arts, which had been taught by Carthage and Rome, were involved in a cloud of ignorance; the doctrine of Cyprian and Augustin was no longer studied. Five hundred episcopal churches were overturned by the hostile fury of the Donatists, the Vandals, and the Moors. The zeal and numbers of the clergy declined; and the people, without discipline, or knowledge, or hope, submissively sunk under the yoke of the Arabian prophet Within fifty years after the expulsion of the Greeks, a lieutenant of Africa informed the caliph that the tribute of the infidels was abolished by their conversion; and, though he sought to disguise his fraud and rebellion, his specious pretence was drawn from the rapid and extensive progress of the Mahometan faith. In the next age, an extraordinary mission of five bishops was detached from Alexandria to Cairoan. They were ordained by the Jacobite patriarch to cherish and revive the dying embers of Christianity: but the interposition of a foreign prelate, a stranger to the Latins, an enemy to the Catholics, supposes the decay and dissolution of the African hierarchy. It was no longer the time when the successor of St. Cyprian, at the head of a numerous synod, could maintain an equal contest with the ambition of the Roman pontiff. In the eleventh century, the

    unfortunate priest who was seated on the ruins of Carthage implored the arms and the protection of the Vatican; and he bitterly complains that his naked body had been scourged by the Saracens, and that his authority was disputed by the four suffragans, the tottering pillars of his throne. Two epistles of Gregory the Seventh are destined to soothe the distress of the Catholics and the pride of a Moorish prince. The pope assures the sultan that they both worship the same God, and may hope to meet in the bosom of Abraham; but the complaint that three bishops could no longer be found to consecrate a brother, announces the speedy and inevitable ruin of the episcopal order. The Christians of Africa and Spain had long since submitted to the practice of circumcision and the legal abstinence from wine and pork; and the name of Mozarabes (adoptive Arabs) was applied to their civil or religious conformity. About the middle of the twelfth century, the worship of Christ and the succession of pastors were abolished along the coast of Barbary, and in the kingdoms of Cordova and Seville, of Valencia and Grenada. The throne of the Almohades, or Unitarians, was founded on the blindest fanaticism, and their extraordinary rigor might be provoked or justified by the recent victories and intolerant zeal of the princes of Sicily and Castille, of Arragon and Portugal. The faith of the Mozarabes was occasionally revived by the papal missionaries; and, on the landing of Charles the Fifth, some families of Latin Christians were encouraged to rear their heads at Tunis and Algiers. But the seed of the gospel was quickly eradicated, and the long province from Tripoli to the Atlantic has lost all memory of the language and religion of Rome.

    After the revolution of eleven centuries, the Jews and Christians of the Turkish empire enjoy the liberty of conscience which was granted by the Arabian caliphs. During the first age of the conquest, they suspected the loyalty of the Catholics, whose name of Melchites betrayed their secret attachment to the Greek emperor, while the Nestorians and Jacobites, his inveterate enemies, approved themselves the

    sincere and voluntary friends of the Mahometan government. Yet this partial jealousy was healed by time and submission; the churches of Egypt were shared with the Catholics; and all the Oriental sects were included in the common benefits of toleration. The rank, the immunities, the domestic jurisdiction of the patriarchs, the bishops, and the clergy, were protected by the civil magistrate: the learning of individuals recommended them to the employments of secretaries and physicians: they were enriched by the lucrative collection of the revenue; and their merit was sometimes raised to the command of cities and provinces. A caliph of the house of Abbas was heard to declare that the Christians were most worthy of trust in the administration of Persia. “The Moslems,” said he, “will abuse their present fortune; the Magians regret their fallen greatness; and the Jews are impatient for their approaching deliverance.” But the slaves of despotism are exposed to the alternatives of favor and disgrace. The captive churches of the East have been afflicted in every age by the avarice or bigotry of their rulers; and the ordinary and legal restraints must be offensive to the pride, or the zeal, of the Christians. About two hundred years after Mahomet, they were separated from their fellow-subjects by a turban or girdle of a less honorable color; instead of horses or mules. they were condemned to ride on asses, in the attitude of women. Their public and private building were measured by a diminutive standard; in the streets or the baths it is their duty to give way or bow down before the meanest of the people; and their testimony is rejected, if it may tend to the prejudice of a true believer. The pomp of processions, the sound of bells or of psalmody, is interdicted in their worship; a decent reverence for the national faith is imposed on their sermons and conversations; and the sacrilegious attempt to enter a mosch, or to seduce a Mussulman, will not be suffered to escape with impunity. In a time, however, of tranquillity and justice, the Christians have never been compelled to renounce the Gospel, or to embrace the Koran; but the punishment of death is inflicted upon the apostates who have professed and deserted the law of Mahomet. The martyrs of Cordova provoked the sentence of the cadhi, by the public confession of their

    inconstancy, or their passionate invectives against the person and religion of the prophet.

    At the end of the first century of the Hegira, the caliphs were the most potent and absolute monarchs of the globe. Their prerogative was not circumscribed, either in right or in fact, by the power of the nobles, the freedom of the commons, the privileges of the church, the votes of a senate, or the memory of a free constitution. The authority of the companions of Mahomet expired with their lives; and the chiefs or emirs of the Arabian tribes left behind, in the desert, the spirit of equality and independence. The regal and sacerdotal characters were united in the successors of Mahomet; and if the Koran was the rule of their actions, they were the supreme judges and interpreters of that divine book. They reigned by the right of conquest over the nations of the East, to whom the name of liberty was unknown, and who were accustomed to applaud in their tyrants the acts of violence and severity that were exercised at their own expense. Under the last of the Ommiades, the Arabian empire extended two hundred days’ journey from east to west, from the confines of Tartary and India to the shores of the Atlantic Ocean. And if we retrench the sleeve of the robe, as it is styled by their writers, the long and narrow province of Africa, the solid and compact dominion from Fargana to Aden, from Tarsus to Surat, will spread on every side to the measure of four or five months of the march of a caravan. We should vainly seek the indissoluble union and easy obedience that pervaded the government of Augustus and the Antonines; but the progress of the Mahometan religion diffused over this ample space a general resemblance of manners and opinions. The language and laws of the Koran were studied with equal devotion at Samarcand and Seville: the Moor and the Indian embraced as countrymen and brothers in the pilgrimage of Mecca; and the Arabian language was adopted as the popular idiom in all the provinces to the westward of the Tigris.

    Chapter LII:

    More Conquests By The Arabs.

    Part I.

    The Two Sieges Of Constantinople By The Arabs. — Their Invasion Of France, And Defeat By Charles Martel. — Civil War Of The Ommiades And Abbassides. — Learning Of The Arabs. — Luxury Of The Caliphs. — Naval Enterprises On Crete, Sicily, And Rome. — Decay And Division Of The Empire Of The Caliphs. — Defeats And Victories Of The Greek Emperors.

    When the Arabs first issued from the desert, they must have been surprised at the ease and rapidity of their own success. But when they advanced in the career of victory to the banks of the Indus and the summit of the Pyrenees; when they had repeatedly tried the edge of their cimeters and the energy of their faith, they might be equally astonished that any nation could resist their invincible arms; that any boundary should confine the dominion of the successor of the prophet. The confidence of soldiers and fanatics may indeed be excused, since the calm historian of the present hour, who strives to follow the rapid course of the Saracens, must study to explain by what means the church and state were saved from this impending, and, as it should seem, from this inevitable, danger. The deserts of Scythia and Sarmatia might be guarded by their extent, their climate, their poverty, and the courage of the northern shepherds; China was remote and inaccessible; but the greatest part of the temperate zone was subject to the Mahometan conquerors, the Greeks were exhausted by the

    calamities of war and the loss of their fairest provinces, and the Barbarians of Europe might justly tremble at the precipitate fall of the Gothic monarchy. In this inquiry I shall unfold the events that rescued our ancestors of Britain, and our neighbors of Gaul, from the civil and religious yoke of the Koran; that protected the majesty of Rome, and delayed the servitude of Constantinople; that invigorated the defence of the Christians, and scattered among their enemies the seeds of division and decay.

    Forty-six years after the flight of Mahomet from Mecca, his disciples appeared in arms under the walls of Constantinople. They were animated by a genuine or fictitious saying of the prophet, that, to the first army which besieged the city of the Cæsars, their sins were forgiven: the long series of Roman triumphs would be meritoriously transferred to the conquerors of New Rome; and the wealth of nations was deposited in this well-chosen seat of royalty and commerce. No sooner had the caliph Moawiyah suppressed his rivals and established his throne, than he aspired to expiate the guilt of civil blood, by the success and glory of this holy expedition; his preparations by sea and land were adequate to the importance of the object; his standard was intrusted to Sophian, a veteran warrior, but the troops were encouraged by the example and presence of Yezid, the son and presumptive heir of the commander of the faithful. The Greeks had little to hope, nor had their enemies any reason of fear, from the courage and vigilance of the reigning emperor, who disgraced the name of Constantine, and imitated only the inglorious years of his grandfather Heraclius. Without delay or opposition, the naval forces of the Saracens passed through the unguarded channel of the Hellespont, which even now, under the feeble and disorderly government of the Turks, is maintained as the natural bulwark of the capital. The Arabian fleet cast anchor, and the troops were disembarked near the palace of Hebdomon, seven miles from the city. During many days, from the dawn of light to the evening, the line of assault was extended from the golden gate to the eastern promontory and the foremost warriors were

    impelled by the weight and effort of the succeeding columns. But the besiegers had formed an insufficient estimate of the strength and resources of Constantinople. The solid and lofty walls were guarded by numbers and discipline: the spirit of the Romans was rekindled by the last danger of their religion and empire: the fugitives from the conquered provinces more successfully renewed the defence of Damascus and Alexandria; and the Saracens were dismayed by the strange and prodigious effects of artificial fire. This firm and effectual resistance diverted their arms to the more easy attempt of plundering the European and Asiatic coasts of the Propontis; and, after keeping the sea from the month of April to that of September, on the approach of winter they retreated fourscore miles from the capital, to the Isle of Cyzicus, in which they had established their magazine of spoil and provisions. So patient was their perseverance, or so languid were their operations, that they repeated in the six following summers the same attack and retreat, with a gradual abatement of hope and vigor, till the mischances of shipwreck and disease, of the sword and of fire, compelled them to relinquish the fruitless enterprise. They might bewail the loss, or commemorate the martyrdom, of thirty thousand Moslems, who fell in the siege of Constantinople; and the solemn funeral of Abu Ayub, or Job, excited the curiosity of the Christians themselves. That venerable Arab, one of the last of the companions of Mahomet, was numbered among the ansars, or auxiliaries, of Medina, who sheltered the head of the flying prophet. In his youth he fought, at Beder and Ohud, under the holy standard: in his mature age he was the friend and follower of Ali; and the last remnant of his strength and life was consumed in a distant and dangerous war against the enemies of the Koran. His memory was revered; but the place of his burial was neglected and unknown, during a period of seven hundred and eighty years, till the conquest of Constantinople by Mahomet the Second. A seasonable vision (for such are the manufacture of every religion) revealed the holy spot at the foot of the walls and the bottom of the harbor; and the mosch of Ayub has been deservedly chosen for the simple and martial inauguration of the Turkish sultans.

    The event of the siege revived, both in the East and West, the reputation of the Roman arms, and cast a momentary shade over the glories of the Saracens. The Greek ambassador was favorably received at Damascus, a general council of the emirs or Koreish: a peace, or truce, of thirty years was ratified between the two empires; and the stipulation of an annual tribute, fifty horses of a noble breed, fifty slaves, and three thousand pieces of gold, degraded the majesty of the commander of the faithful. The aged caliph was desirous of possessing his dominions, and ending his days in tranquillity and repose: while the Moors and Indians trembled at his name, his palace and city of Damascus was insulted by the Mardaites, or Maronites, of Mount Libanus, the firmest barrier of the empire, till they were disarmed and transplanted by the suspicious policy of the Greeks. After the revolt of Arabia and Persia, the house of Ommiyah was reduced to the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt: their distress and fear enforced their compliance with the pressing demands of the Christians; and the tribute was increased to a slave, a horse, and a thousand pieces of gold, for each of the three hundred and sixty-five days of the solar year. But as soon as the empire was again united by the arms and policy of Abdalmalek, he disclaimed a badge of servitude not less injurious to his conscience than to his pride; he discontinued the payment of the tribute; and the resentment of the Greeks was disabled from action by the mad tyranny of the second Justinian, the just rebellion of his subjects, and the frequent change of his antagonists and successors. Till the reign of Abdalmalek, the Saracens had been content with the free possession of the Persian and Roman treasures, in the coins of Chosroes and Cæsar. By the command of that caliph, a national mint was established, both for silver and gold, and the inscription of the Dinar, though it might be censured by some timorous casuists, proclaimed the unity of the God of Mahomet. Under the reign of the caliph Walid, the Greek language and characters were excluded from the accounts of the public revenue. If this change was productive of the invention or familiar use of our present numerals, the Arabic or Indian ciphers, as they are commonly

    styled, a regulation of office has promoted the most important discoveries of arithmetic, algebra, and the mathematical sciences.

    Whilst the caliph Walid sat idle on the throne of Damascus, whilst his lieutenants achieved the conquest of Transoxiana and Spain, a third army of Saracens overspread the provinces of Asia Minor, and approached the borders of the Byzantine capital. But the attempt and disgrace of the second siege was reserved for his brother Soliman, whose ambition appears to have been quickened by a more active and martial spirit. In the revolutions of the Greek empire, after the tyrant Justinian had been punished and avenged, an humble secretary, Anastasius or Artemius, was promoted by chance or merit to the vacant purple. He was alarmed by the sound of war; and his ambassador returned from Damascus with the tremendous news, that the Saracens were preparing an armament by sea and land, such as would transcend the experience of the past, or the belief of the present age. The precautions of Anastasius were not unworthy of his station, or of the impending danger. He issued a peremptory mandate, that all persons who were not provided with the means of subsistence for a three years’ siege should evacuate the city: the public granaries and arsenals were abundantly replenished; the walls were restored and strengthened; and the engines for casting stones, or darts, or fire, were stationed along the ramparts, or in the brigantines of war, of which an additional number was hastily constructed. To prevent is safer, as well as more honorable, than to repel, an attack; and a design was meditated, above the usual spirit of the Greeks, of burning the naval stores of the enemy, the cypress timber that had been hewn in Mount Libanus, and was piled along the sea-shore of Phnicia, for the service of the Egyptian fleet. This generous enterprise was defeated by the cowardice or treachery of the troops, who, in the new language of the empire, were styled of the Obsequian Theme. They murdered their chief, deserted their standard in the Isle of Rhodes, dispersed themselves over the adjacent continent, and

    deserved pardon or reward by investing with the purple a simple officer of the revenue. The name of Theodosius might recommend him to the senate and people; but, after some months, he sunk into a cloister, and resigned, to the firmer hand of Leo the Isaurian, the urgent defence of the capital and empire. The most formidable of the Saracens, Moslemah, the brother of the caliph, was advancing at the head of one hundred and twenty thousand Arabs and Persians, the greater part mounted on horses or camels; and the successful sieges of Tyana, Amorium, and Pergamus, were of sufficient duration to exercise their skill and to elevate their hopes. At the well-known passage of Abydus, on the Hellespont, the Mahometan arms were transported, for the first time, * from Asia to Europe. From thence, wheeling round the Thracian cities of the Propontis, Moslemah invested Constantinople on the land side, surrounded his camp with a ditch and rampart, prepared and planted his engines of assault, and declared, by words and actions, a patient resolution of expecting the return of seed-time and harvest, should the obstinacy of the besieged prove equal to his own. The Greeks would gladly have ransomed their religion and empire, by a fine or assessment of a piece of gold on the head of each inhabitant of the city; but the liberal offer was rejected with disdain, and the presumption of Moslemah was exalted by the speedy approach and invincible force of the natives of Egypt and Syria. They are said to have amounted to eighteen hundred ships: the number betrays their inconsiderable size; and of the twenty stout and capacious vessels, whose magnitude impeded their progress, each was manned with no more than one hundred heavy-armed soldiers. This huge armada proceeded on a smooth sea, and with a gentle gale, towards the mouth of the Bosphorus; the surface of the strait was overshadowed, in the language of the Greeks, with a moving forest, and the same fatal night had been fixed by the Saracen chief for a general assault by sea and land. To allure the confidence of the enemy, the emperor had thrown aside the chain that usually guarded the entrance of the harbor; but while they hesitated whether they should seize the opportunity, or apprehend the snare, the ministers of destruction were at hand. The fire-ships of the Greeks were

    launched against them; the Arabs, their arms, and vessels, were involved in the same flames; the disorderly fugitives were dashed against each other or overwhelmed in the waves; and I no longer find a vestige of the fleet, that had threatened to extirpate the Roman name. A still more fatal and irreparable loss was that of the caliph Soliman, who died of an indigestion, in his camp near Kinnisrin or Chalcis in Syria, as he was preparing to lead against Constantinople the remaining forces of the East. The brother of Moslemah was succeeded by a kinsman and an enemy; and the throne of an active and able prince was degraded by the useless and pernicious virtues of a bigot. While he started and satisfied the scruples of a blind conscience, the siege was continued through the winter by the neglect, rather than by the resolution of the caliph Omar. The winter proved uncommonly rigorous: above a hundred days the ground was covered with deep snow, and the natives of the sultry climes of Egypt and Arabia lay torpid and almost lifeless in their frozen camp. They revived on the return of spring; a second effort had been made in their favor; and their distress was relieved by the arrival of two numerous fleets, laden with corn, and arms, and soldiers; the first from Alexandria, of four hundred transports and galleys; the second of three hundred and sixty vessels from the ports of Africa. But the Greek fires were again kindled; and if the destruction was less complete, it was owing to the experience which had taught the Moslems to remain at a safe distance, or to the perfidy of the Egyptian mariners, who deserted with their ships to the emperor of the Christians. The trade and navigation of the capital were restored; and the produce of the fisheries supplied the wants, and even the luxury, of the inhabitants. But the calamities of famine and disease were soon felt by the troops of Moslemah, and as the former was miserably assuaged, so the latter was dreadfully propagated, by the pernicious nutriment which hunger compelled them to extract from the most unclean or unnatural food. The spirit of conquest, and even of enthusiasm, was extinct: the Saracens could no longer struggle, beyond their lines, either single or in small parties, without exposing themselves to the merciless retaliation of the Thracian peasants. An army of Bulgarians was attracted from

    the Danube by the gifts and promises of Leo; and these savage auxiliaries made some atonement for the evils which they had inflicted on the empire, by the defeat and slaughter of twenty-two thousand Asiatics. A report was dexterously scattered, that the Franks, the unknown nations of the Latin world, were arming by sea and land in the defence of the Christian cause, and their formidable aid was expected with far different sensations in the camp and city. At length, after a siege of thirteen months, the hopeless Moslemah received from the caliph the welcome permission of retreat. * The march of the Arabian cavalry over the Hellespont and through the provinces of Asia, was executed without delay or molestation; but an army of their brethren had been cut in pieces on the side of Bithynia, and the remains of the fleet were so repeatedly damaged by tempest and fire, that only five galleys entered the port of Alexandria to relate the tale of their various and almost incredible disasters.

    In the two sieges, the deliverance of Constantinople may be chiefly ascribed to the novelty, the terrors, and the real efficacy of the Greek fire. The important secret of compounding and directing this artificial flame was imparted by Callinicus, a native of Heliopolis in Syria, who deserted from the service of the caliph to that of the emperor. The skill of a chemist and engineer was equivalent to the succor of fleets and armies; and this discovery or improvement of the military art was fortunately reserved for the distressful period, when the degenerate Romans of the East were incapable of contending with the warlike enthusiasm and youthful vigor of the Saracens. The historian who presumes to analyze this extraordinary composition should suspect his own ignorance and that of his Byzantine guides, so prone to the marvellous, so careless, and, in this instance, so jealous of the truth. From their obscure, and perhaps fallacious, hints it should seem that the principal ingredient of the Greek fire was the naphtha, or liquid bitumen, a light, tenacious, and inflammable oil, which springs from the earth, and catches fire as soon as it comes in contact with the air. The naphtha was

    mingled, I know not by what methods or in what proportions, with sulphur and with the pitch that is extracted from evergreen firs. From this mixture, which produced a thick smoke and a loud explosion, proceeded a fierce and obstinate flame, which not only rose in perpendicular ascent, but likewise burnt with equal vehemence in descent or lateral progress; instead of being extinguished, it was nourished and quickened by the element of water; and sand, urine, or vinegar, were the only remedies that could damp the fury of this powerful agent, which was justly denominated by the Greeks the liquid, or the maritime, fire. For the annoyance of the enemy, it was employed with equal effect, by sea and land, in battles or in sieges. It was either poured from the rampart in large boilers, or launched in red-hot balls of stone and iron, or darted in arrows and javelins, twisted round with flax and tow, which had deeply imbibed the inflammable oil; sometimes it was deposited in fire-ships, the victims and instruments of a more ample revenge, and was most commonly blown through long tubes of copper which were planted on the prow of a galley, and fancifully shaped into the mouths of savage monsters, that seemed to vomit a stream of liquid and consuming fire. This important art was preserved at Constantinople, as the palladium of the state: the galleys and artillery might occasionally be lent to the allies of Rome; but the composition of the Greek fire was concealed with the most jealous scruple, and the terror of the enemies was increased and prolonged by their ignorance and surprise. In the treaties of the administration of the empire, the royal author suggests the answers and excuses that might best elude the indiscreet curiosity and importunate demands of the Barbarians. They should be told that the mystery of the Greek fire had been revealed by an angel to the first and greatest of the Constantines, with a sacred injunction, that this gift of Heaven, this peculiar blessing of the Romans, should never be communicated to any foreign nation; that the prince and the subject were alike bound to religious silence under the temporal and spiritual penalties of treason and sacrilege; and that the impious attempt would provoke the sudden and supernatural vengeance of the God of the Christians. By these

    precautions, the secret was confined, above four hundred years, to the Romans of the East; and at the end of the eleventh century, the Pisans, to whom every sea and every art were familiar, suffered the effects, without understanding the composition, of the Greek fire. It was at length either discovered or stolen by the Mahometans; and, in the holy wars of Syria and Egypt, they retorted an invention, contrived against themselves, on the heads of the Christians. A knight, who despised the swords and lances of the Saracens, relates, with heartfelt sincerity, his own fears, and those of his companions, at the sight and sound of the mischievous engine that discharged a torrent of the Greek fire, the feu Gregeois, as it is styled by the more early of the French writers. It came flying through the air, says Joinville, like a winged long-tailed dragon, about the thickness of a hogshead, with the report of thunder and the velocity of lightning; and the darkness of the night was dispelled by this deadly illumination. The use of the Greek, or, as it might now be called, of the Saracen fire, was continued to the middle of the fourteenth century, when the scientific or casual compound of nitre, sulphur, and charcoal, effected a new revolution in the art of war and the history of mankind.

    Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part II.

    Constantinople and the Greek fire might exclude the Arabs from the eastern entrance of Europe; but in the West, on the side of the Pyrenees, the provinces of Gaul were threatened and invaded by the conquerors of Spain. The decline of the French monarchy invited the attack of these insatiate fanatics. The descendants of Clovis had lost the inheritance of his martial and ferocious spirit; and their misfortune or demerit has affixed the epithet of lazy to the last kings of the Merovingian race. They ascended the throne without power, and sunk into the grave without a name. A country palace, in the neighborhood of Compiegne was allotted for their

    residence or prison: but each year, in the month of March or May, they were conducted in a wagon drawn by oxen to the assembly of the Franks, to give audience to foreign ambassadors, and to ratify the acts of the mayor of the palace. That domestic officer was become the minister of the nation and the master of the prince. A public employment was converted into the patrimony of a private family: the elder Pepin left a king of mature years under the guardianship of his own widow and her child; and these feeble regents were forcibly dispossessed by the most active of his bastards. A government, half savage and half corrupt, was almost dissolved; and the tributary dukes, and provincial counts, and the territorial lords, were tempted to despise the weakness of the monarch, and to imitate the ambition of the mayor. Among these independent chiefs, one of the boldest and most successful was Eudes, duke of Aquitain, who in the southern provinces of Gaul usurped the authority, and even the title of king. The Goths, the Gascons, and the Franks, assembled under the standard of this Christian hero: he repelled the first invasion of the Saracens; and Zama, lieutenant of the caliph, lost his army and his life under the walls of Thoulouse. The ambition of his successors was stimulated by revenge; they repassed the Pyrenees with the means and the resolution of conquest. The advantageous situation which had recommended Narbonne as the first Roman colony, was again chosen by the Moslems: they claimed the province of Septimania or Languedoc as a just dependence of the Spanish monarchy: the vineyards of Gascony and the city of Bourdeaux were possessed by the sovereign of Damascus and Samarcand; and the south of France, from the mouth of the Garonne to that of the Rhone, assumed the manners and religion of Arabia.

    But these narrow limits were scorned by the spirit of Abdalraman, or Abderame, who had been restored by the caliph Hashem to the wishes of the soldiers and people of Spain. That veteran and daring commander adjudged to the obedience of the prophet whatever yet remained of France or of

    Europe; and prepared to execute the sentence, at the head of a formidable host, in the full confidence of surmounting all opposition either of nature or of man. His first care was to suppress a domestic rebel, who commanded the most important passes of the Pyrenees: Manuza, a Moorish chief, had accepted the alliance of the duke of Aquitain; and Eudes, from a motive of private or public interest, devoted his beauteous daughter to the embraces of the African misbeliever. But the strongest fortresses of Cerdagne were invested by a superior force; the rebel was overtaken and slain in the mountains; and his widow was sent a captive to Damascus, to gratify the desires, or more probably the vanity, of the commander of the faithful. From the Pyrenees, Abderame proceeded without delay to the passage of the Rhone and the siege of Arles. An army of Christians attempted the relief of the city: the tombs of their leaders were yet visible in the thirteenth century; and many thousands of their dead bodies were carried down the rapid stream into the Mediterranean Sea. The arms of Abderame were not less successful on the side of the ocean. He passed without opposition the Garonne and Dordogne, which unite their waters in the Gulf of Bourdeaux; but he found, beyond those rivers, the camp of the intrepid Eudes, who had formed a second army and sustained a second defeat, so fatal to the Christians, that, according to their sad confession, God alone could reckon the number of the slain. The victorious Saracen overran the provinces of Aquitain, whose Gallic names are disguised, rather than lost, in the modern appellations of Perigord, Saintonge, and Poitou: his standards were planted on the walls, or at least before the gates, of Tours and of Sens; and his detachments overspread the kingdom of Burgundy as far as the well-known cities of Lyons and Besancon. The memory of these devastations (for Abderame did not spare the country or the people) was long preserved by tradition; and the invasion of France by the Moors or Mahometans affords the groundwork of those fables, which have been so wildly disfigured in the romances of chivalry, and so elegantly adorned by the Italian muse. In the decline of society and art, the deserted cities could supply a slender booty to the

    Saracens; their richest spoil was found in the churches and monasteries, which they stripped of their ornaments and delivered to the flames: and the tutelar saints, both Hilary of Poitiers and Martin of Tours, forgot their miraculous powers in the defence of their own sepulchres. A victorious line of march had been prolonged above a thousand miles from the rock of Gibraltar to the banks of the Loire; the repetition of an equal space would have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland and the Highlands of Scotland; the Rhine is not more impassable than the Nile or Euphrates, and the Arabian fleet might have sailed without a naval combat into the mouth of the Thames. Perhaps the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Mahomet.

    From such calamities was Christendom delivered by the genius and fortune of one man. Charles, the illegitimate son of the elder Pepin, was content with the titles of mayor or duke of the Franks; but he deserved to become the father of a line of kings. In a laborious administration of twenty-four years, he restored and supported the dignity of the throne, and the rebels of Germany and Gaul were successively crushed by the activity of a warrior, who, in the same campaign, could display his banner on the Elbe, the Rhone, and the shores of the ocean. In the public danger he was summoned by the voice of his country; and his rival, the duke of Aquitain, was reduced to appear among the fugitives and suppliants. “Alas!” exclaimed the Franks, “what a misfortune! what an indignity! We have long heard of the name and conquests of the Arabs: we were apprehensive of their attack from the East; they have now conquered Spain, and invade our country on the side of the West. Yet their numbers, and (since they have no buckler) their arms, are inferior to our own.” “If you follow my advice,” replied the prudent mayor of the palace, “you will not interrupt their march, nor precipitate your attack. They are like a torrent, which it is dangerous to stem in its career. The thirst of riches, and the consciousness of success, redouble their

    valor, and valor is of more avail than arms or numbers. Be patient till they have loaded themselves with the encumbrance of wealth. The possession of wealth will divide their councils and assure your victory.” This subtile policy is perhaps a refinement of the Arabian writers; and the situation of Charles will suggest a more narrow and selfish motive of procrastination — the secret desire of humbling the pride and wasting the provinces of the rebel duke of Aquitain. It is yet more probable, that the delays of Charles were inevitable and reluctant. A standing army was unknown under the first and second race; more than half the kingdom was now in the hands of the Saracens: according to their respective situation, the Franks of Neustria and Austrasia were to conscious or too careless of the impending danger; and the voluntary aids of the Gepidæ and Germans were separated by a long interval from the standard of the Christian general. No sooner had he collected his forces, than he sought and found the enemy in the centre of France, between Tours and Poitiers. His well-conducted march was covered with a range of hills, and Abderame appears to have been surprised by his unexpected presence. The nations of Asia, Africa, and Europe, advanced with equal ardor to an encounter which would change the history of the world. In the six first days of desultory combat, the horsemen and archers of the East maintained their advantage: but in the closer onset of the seventh day, the Orientals were oppressed by the strength and stature of the Germans, who, with stout hearts and iron hands, asserted the civil and religious freedom of their posterity. The epithet of Martel, the Hammer, which has been added to the name of Charles, is expressive of his weighty and irresistible strokes: the valor of Eudes was excited by resentment and emulation; and their companions, in the eye of history, are the true Peers and Paladins of French chivalry. After a bloody field, in which Abderame was slain, the Saracens, in the close of the evening, retired to their camp. In the disorder and despair of the night, the various tribes of Yemen and Damascus, of Africa and Spain, were provoked to turn their arms against each other: the remains of their host were suddenly dissolved, and each emir consulted his safety by a hasty and separate retreat. At

    the dawn of the day, the stillness of a hostile camp was suspected by the victorious Christians: on the report of their spies, they ventured to explore the riches of the vacant tents; but if we except some celebrated relics, a small portion of the spoil was restored to the innocent and lawful owners. The joyful tidings were soon diffused over the Catholic world, and the monks of Italy could affirm and believe that three hundred and fifty, or three hundred and seventy-five, thousand of the Mahometans had been crushed by the hammer of Charles, while no more than fifteen hundred Christians were slain in the field of Tours. But this incredible tale is sufficiently disproved by the caution of the French general, who apprehended the snares and accidents of a pursuit, and dismissed his German allies to their native forests. The inactivity of a conqueror betrays the loss of strength and blood, and the most cruel execution is inflicted, not in the ranks of battle, but on the backs of a flying enemy. Yet the victory of the Franks was complete and final; Aquitain was recovered by the arms of Eudes; the Arabs never resumed the conquest of Gaul, and they were soon driven beyond the Pyrenees by Charles Martel and his valiant race. It might have been expected that the savior of Christendom would have been canonized, or at least applauded, by the gratitude of the clergy, who are indebted to his sword for their present existence. But in the public distress, the mayor of the palace had been compelled to apply the riches, or at least the revenues, of the bishops and abbots, to the relief of the state and the reward of the soldiers. His merits were forgotten, his sacrilege alone was remembered, and, in an epistle to a Carlovingian prince, a Gallic synod presumes to declare that his ancestor was damned; that on the opening of his tomb, the spectators were affrighted by a smell of fire and the aspect of a horrid dragon; and that a saint of the times was indulged with a pleasant vision of the soul and body of Charles Martel, burning, to all eternity, in the abyss of hell.

    The loss of an army, or a province, in the Western world, was less painful to the court of Damascus, than the rise and

    progress of a domestic competitor. Except among the Syrians, the caliphs of the house of Ommiyah had never been the objects of the public favor. The life of Mahomet recorded their perseverance in idolatry and rebellion: their conversion had been reluctant, their elevation irregular and factious, and their throne was cemented with the most holy and noble blood of Arabia. The best of their race, the pious Omar, was dissatisfied with his own title: their personal virtues were insufficient to justify a departure from the order of succession; and the eyes and wishes of the faithful were turned towards the line of Hashem, and the kindred of the apostle of God. Of these the Fatimites were either rash or pusillanimous; but the descendants of Abbas cherished, with courage and discretion, the hopes of their rising fortunes. From an obscure residence in Syria, they secretly despatched their agents and missionaries, who preached in the Eastern provinces their hereditary indefeasible right; and Mohammed, the son of Ali, the son of Abdallah, the son of Abbas, the uncle of the prophet, gave audience to the deputies of Chorasan, and accepted their free gift of four hundred thousand pieces of gold. After the death of Mohammed, the oath of allegiance was administered in the name of his son Ibrahim to a numerous band of votaries, who expected only a signal and a leader; and the governor of Chorasan continued to deplore his fruitless admonitions and the deadly slumber of the caliphs of Damascus, till he himself, with all his adherents, was driven from the city and palace of Meru, by the rebellious arms of Abu Moslem. That maker of kings, the author, as he is named, of the call of the Abbassides, was at length rewarded for his presumption of merit with the usual gratitude of courts. A mean, perhaps a foreign, extraction could not repress the aspiring energy of Abu Moslem. Jealous of his wives, liberal of his wealth, prodigal of his own blood and of that of others, he could boast with pleasure, and possibly with truth, that he had destroyed six hundred thousand of his enemies; and such was the intrepid gravity of his mind and countenance, that he was never seen to smile except on a day of battle. In the visible separation of parties, the green was consecrated to the Fatimites; the Ommiades were distinguished by the white; and

    the black, as the most adverse, was naturally adopted by the Abbassides. Their turbans and garments were stained with that gloomy color: two black standards, on pike staves nine cubits long, were borne aloft in the van of Abu Moslem; and their allegorical names of the night and the shadow obscurely represented the indissoluble union and perpetual succession of the line of Hashem. From the Indus to the Euphrates, the East was convulsed by the quarrel of the white and the black factions: the Abbassides were most frequently victorious; but their public success was clouded by the personal misfortune of their chief. The court of Damascus, awakening from a long slumber, resolved to prevent the pilgrimage of Mecca, which Ibrahim had undertaken with a splendid retinue, to recommend himself at once to the favor of the prophet and of the people. A detachment of cavalry intercepted his march and arrested his person; and the unhappy Ibrahim, snatched away from the promise of untasted royalty, expired in iron fetters in the dungeons of Haran. His two younger brothers, Saffah * and Almansor, eluded the search of the tyrant, and lay concealed at Cufa, till the zeal of the people and the approach of his Eastern friends allowed them to expose their persons to the impatient public. On Friday, in the dress of a caliph, in the colors of the sect, Saffah proceeded with religious and military pomp to the mosch: ascending the pulpit, he prayed and preached as the lawful successor of Mahomet; and after his departure, his kinsmen bound a willing people by an oath of fidelity. But it was on the banks of the Zab, and not in the mosch of Cufa, that this important controversy was determined. Every advantage appeared to be on the side of the white faction: the authority of established government; an army of a hundred and twenty thousand soldiers, against a sixth part of that number; and the presence and merit of the caliph Mervan, the fourteenth and last of the house of Ommiyah. Before his accession to the throne, he had deserved, by his Georgian warfare, the honorable epithet of the ass of Mesopotamia; and he might have been ranked amongst the greatest princes, had not, says Abulfeda, the eternal order decreed that moment for the ruin of his family; a decree against which all human fortitude and prudence must struggle

    in vain. The orders of Mervan were mistaken, or disobeyed: the return of his horse, from which he had dismounted on a necessary occasion, impressed the belief of his death; and the enthusiasm of the black squadrons was ably conducted by Abdallah, the uncle of his competitor. After an irretrievable defeat, the caliph escaped to Mosul; but the colors of the Abbassides were displayed from the rampart; he suddenly repassed the Tigris, cast a melancholy look on his palace of Haran, crossed the Euphrates, abandoned the fortifications of Damascus, and, without halting in Palestine, pitched his last and fatal camp at Busir, on the banks of the Nile. His speed was urged by the incessant diligence of Abdallah, who in every step of the pursuit acquired strength and reputation: the remains of the white faction were finally vanquished in Egypt; and the lance, which terminated the life and anxiety of Mervan, was not less welcome perhaps to the unfortunate than to the victorious chief. The merciless inquisition of the conqueror eradicated the most distant branches of the hostile race: their bones were scattered, their memory was accursed, and the martyrdom of Hossein was abundantly revenged on the posterity of his tyrants. Fourscore of the Ommiades, who had yielded to the faith or clemency of their foes, were invited to a banquet at Damascus. The laws of hospitality were violated by a promiscuous massacre: the board was spread over their fallen bodies; and the festivity of the guests was enlivened by the music of their dying groans. By the event of the civil war, the dynasty of the Abbassides was firmly established; but the Christians only could triumph in the mutual hatred and common loss of the disciples of Mahomet.

    Yet the thousands who were swept away by the sword of war might have been speedily retrieved in the succeeding generation, if the consequences of the revolution had not tended to dissolve the power and unity of the empire of the Saracens. In the proscription of the Ommiades, a royal youth of the name of Abdalrahman alone escaped the rage of his enemies, who hunted the wandering exile from the banks of the Euphrates to the valleys of Mount Atlas. His presence in

    the neighborhood of Spain revived the zeal of the white faction. The name and cause of the Abbassides had been first vindicated by the Persians: the West had been pure from civil arms; and the servants of the abdicated family still held, by a precarious tenure, the inheritance of their lands and the offices of government. Strongly prompted by gratitude, indignation, and fear, they invited the grandson of the caliph Hashem to ascend the throne of his ancestors; and, in his desperate condition, the extremes of rashness and prudence were almost the same. The acclamations of the people saluted his landing on the coast of Andalusia: and, after a successful struggle, Abdalrahman established the throne of Cordova, and was the father of the Ommiades of Spain, who reigned above two hundred and fifty years from the Atlantic to the Pyrenees. He slew in battle a lieutenant of the Abbassides, who had invaded his dominions with a fleet and army: the head of Ala, in salt and camphire, was suspended by a daring messenger before the palace of Mecca; and the caliph Almansor rejoiced in his safety, that he was removed by seas and lands from such a formidable adversary. Their mutual designs or declarations of offensive war evaporated without effect; but instead of opening a door to the conquest of Europe, Spain was dissevered from the trunk of the monarchy, engaged in perpetual hostility with the East, and inclined to peace and friendship with the Christian sovereigns of Constantinople and France. The example of the Ommiades was imitated by the real or fictitious progeny of Ali, the Edrissites of Mauritania, and the more powerful Fatimites of Africa and Egypt. In the tenth century, the chair of Mahomet was disputed by three caliphs or commanders of the faithful, who reigned at Bagdad, Cairoan, and Cordova, excommunicating each other, and agreed only in a principle of discord, that a sectary is more odious and criminal than an unbeliever.

    Mecca was the patrimony of the line of Hashem, yet the Abbassides were never tempted to reside either in the birthplace or the city of the prophet. Damascus was disgraced by the choice, and polluted with the blood, of the Ommiades;

    and, after some hesitation, Almansor, the brother and successor of Saffah, laid the foundations of Bagdad, the Imperial seat of his posterity during a reign of five hundred years. The chosen spot is on the eastern bank of the Tigris, about fifteen miles above the ruins of Modain: the double wall was of a circular form; and such was the rapid increase of a capital, now dwindled to a provincial town, that the funeral of a popular saint might be attended by eight hundred thousand men and sixty thousand women of Bagdad and the adjacent villages. In this city of peace, amidst the riches of the East, the Abbassides soon disdained the abstinence and frugality of the first caliphs, and aspired to emulate the magnificence of the Persian kings. After his wars and buildings, Almansor left behind him in gold and silver about thirty millions sterling: and this treasure was exhausted in a few years by the vices or virtues of his children. His son Mahadi, in a single pilgrimage to Mecca, expended six millions of dinars of gold. A pious and charitable motive may sanctify the foundation of cisterns and caravanseras, which he distributed along a measured road of seven hundred miles; but his train of camels, laden with snow, could serve only to astonish the natives of Arabia, and to refresh the fruits and liquors of the royal banquet. The courtiers would surely praise the liberality of his grandson Almamon, who gave away four fifths of the income of a province, a sum of two millions four hundred thousand gold dinars, before he drew his foot from the stirrup. At the nuptials of the same prince, a thousand pearls of the largest size were showered on the head of the bride, and a lottery of lands and houses displayed the capricious bounty of fortune. The glories of the court were brightened, rather than impaired, in the decline of the empire, and a Greek ambassador might admire, or pity, the magnificence of the feeble Moctader. “The caliph’s whole army,” says the historian Abulfeda, “both horse and foot, was under arms, which together made a body of one hundred and sixty thousand men. His state officers, the favorite slaves, stood near him in splendid apparel, their belts glittering with gold and gems. Near them were seven thousand eunuchs, four thousand of them white, the remainder black. The porters or door-keepers were in number seven hundred.

    Barges and boats, with the most superb decorations, were seen swimming upon the Tigris. Nor was the palace itself less splendid, in which were hung up thirty-eight thousand pieces of tapestry, twelve thousand five hundred of which were of silk embroidered with gold. The carpets on the floor were twenty-two thousand. A hundred lions were brought out, with a keeper to each lion. Among the other spectacles of rare and stupendous luxury was a tree of gold and silver spreading into eighteen large branches, on which, and on the lesser boughs, sat a variety of birds made of the same precious metals, as well as the leaves of the tree. While the machinery affected spontaneous motions, the several birds warbled their natural harmony. Through this scene of magnificence, the Greek ambassador was led by the vizier to the foot of the caliph’s throne.” In the West, the Ommiades of Spain supported, with equal pomp, the title of commander of the faithful. Three miles from Cordova, in honor of his favorite sultana, the third and greatest of the Abdalrahmans constructed the city, palace, and gardens of Zehra. Twenty-five years, and above three millions sterling, were employed by the founder: his liberal taste invited the artists of Constantinople, the most skilful sculptors and architects of the age; and the buildings were sustained or adorned by twelve hundred columns of Spanish and African, of Greek and Italian marble. The hall of audience was incrusted with gold and pearls, and a great basin in the centre was surrounded with the curious and costly figures of birds and quadrupeds. In a lofty pavilion of the gardens, one of these basins and fountains, so delightful in a sultry climate, was replenished not with water, but with the purest quicksilver. The seraglio of Abdalrahman, his wives, concubines, and black eunuchs, amounted to six thousand three hundred persons: and he was attended to the field by a guard of twelve thousand horse, whose belts and cimeters were studded with gold.

    Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part III.

    In a private condition, our desires are perpetually repressed by poverty and subordination; but the lives and labors of millions are devoted to the service of a despotic prince, whose laws are blindly obeyed, and whose wishes are instantly gratified. Our imagination is dazzled by the splendid picture; and whatever may be the cool dictates of reason, there are few among us who would obstinately refuse a trial of the comforts and the cares of royalty. It may therefore be of some use to borrow the experience of the same Abdalrahman, whose magnificence has perhaps excited our admiration and envy, and to transcribe an authentic memorial which was found in the closet of the deceased caliph. “I have now reigned above fifty years in victory or peace; beloved by my subjects, dreaded by my enemies, and respected by my allies. Riches and honors, power and pleasure, have waited on my call, nor does any earthly blessing appear to have been wanting to my felicity. In this situation, I have diligently numbered the days of pure and genuine happiness which have fallen to my lot: they amount to Fourteen: — O man! place not thy confidence in this present world!” The luxury of the caliphs, so useless to their private happiness, relaxed the nerves, and terminated the progress, of the Arabian empire. Temporal and spiritual conquest had been the sole occupation of the first successors of Mahomet; and after supplying themselves with the necessaries of life, the whole revenue was scrupulously devoted to that salutary work. The Abbassides were impoverished by the multitude of their wants, and their contempt of conomy. Instead of pursuing the great object of ambition, their leisure, their affections, the powers of their mind, were diverted by pomp and pleasure: the rewards of valor were embezzled by women and eunuchs, and the royal camp was encumbered by the luxury of the palace. A similar temper was diffused among the subjects of the caliph. Their stern enthusiasm was softened by time and prosperity. they sought riches in the occupations of industry, fame in the pursuits of literature, and happiness in the tranquillity of domestic life. War was no longer the passion of the Saracens; and the increase of pay, the repetition of donatives, were insufficient to allure the posterity of those

    voluntary champions who had crowded to the standard of Abubeker and Omar for the hopes of spoil and of paradise.

    Under the reign of the Ommiades, the studies of the Moslems were confined to the interpretation of the Koran, and the eloquence and poetry of their native tongue. A people continually exposed to the dangers of the field must esteem the healing powers of medicine, or rather of surgery; but the starving physicians of Arabia murmured a complaint that exercise and temperance deprived them of the greatest part of their practice. After their civil and domestic wars, the subjects of the Abbassides, awakening from this mental lethargy, found leisure and felt curiosity for the acquisition of profane science. This spirit was first encouraged by the caliph Almansor, who, besides his knowledge of the Mahometan law, had applied himself with success to the study of astronomy. But when the sceptre devolved to Almamon, the seventh of the Abbassides, he completed the designs of his grandfather, and invited the muses from their ancient seats. His ambassadors at Constantinople, his agents in Armenia, Syria, and Egypt, collected the volumes of Grecian science at his command they were translated by the most skilful interpreters into the Arabic language: his subjects were exhorted assiduously to peruse these instructive writings; and the successor of Mahomet assisted with pleasure and modesty at the assemblies and disputations of the learned. “He was not ignorant,” says Abulpharagius, “that they are the elect of God, his best and most useful servants, whose lives are devoted to the improvement of their rational faculties. The mean ambition of the Chinese or the Turks may glory in the industry of their hands or the indulgence of their brutal appetites. Yet these dexterous artists must view, with hopeless emulation, the hexagons and pyramids of the cells of a beehive: these fortitudinous heroes are awed by the superior fierceness of the lions and tigers; and in their amorous enjoyments they are much inferior to the vigor of the grossest and most sordid quadrupeds. The teachers of wisdom are the true luminaries and legislators of a world, which, without their aid, would

    again sink in ignorance and barbarism.” The zeal and curiosity of Almamon were imitated by succeeding princes of the line of Abbas: their rivals, the Fatimites of Africa and the Ommiades of Spain, were the patrons of the learned, as well as the commanders of the faithful; the same royal prerogative was claimed by their independent emirs of the provinces; and their emulation diffused the taste and the rewards of science from Samarcand and Bochara to Fez and Cordova. The vizier of a sultan consecrated a sum of two hundred thousand pieces of gold to the foundation of a college at Bagdad, which he endowed with an annual revenue of fifteen thousand dinars. The fruits of instruction were communicated, perhaps at different times, to six thousand disciples of every degree, from the son of the noble to that of the mechanic: a sufficient allowance was provided for the indigent scholars; and the merit or industry of the professors was repaid with adequate stipends. In every city the productions of Arabic literature were copied and collected by the curiosity of the studious and the vanity of the rich. A private doctor refused the invitation of the sultan of Bochara, because the carriage of his books would have required four hundred camels. The royal library of the Fatimites consisted of one hundred thousand manuscripts, elegantly transcribed and splendidly bound, which were lent, without jealousy or avarice, to the students of Cairo. Yet this collection must appear moderate, if we can believe that the Ommiades of Spain had formed a library of six hundred thousand volumes, forty-four of which were employed in the mere catalogue. Their capital, Cordova, with the adjacent towns of Malaga, Almeria, and Murcia, had given birth to more than three hundred writers, and above seventy public libraries were opened in the cities of the Andalusian kingdom. The age of Arabian learning continued about five hundred years, till the great eruption of the Moguls, and was coeval with the darkest and most slothful period of European annals; but since the sun of science has arisen in the West, it should seem that the Oriental studies have languished and declined.

    In the libraries of the Arabians, as in those of Europe, the far greater part of the innumerable volumes were possessed only of local value or imaginary merit. The shelves were crowded with orators and poets, whose style was adapted to the taste and manners of their countrymen; with general and partial histories, which each revolving generation supplied with a new harvest of persons and events; with codes and commentaries of jurisprudence, which derived their authority from the law of the prophet; with the interpreters of the Koran, and orthodox tradition; and with the whole theological tribe, polemics, mystics, scholastics, and moralists, the first or the last of writers, according to the different estimates of sceptics or believers. The works of speculation or science may be reduced to the four classes of philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, and physic. The sages of Greece were translated and illustrated in the Arabic language, and some treatises, now lost in the original, have been recovered in the versions of the East, which possessed and studied the writings of Aristotle and Plato, of Euclid and Apollonius, of Ptolemy, Hippocrates, and Galen. Among the ideal systems which have varied with the fashion of the times, the Arabians adopted the philosophy of the Stagirite, alike intelligible or alike obscure for the readers of every age. Plato wrote for the Athenians, and his allegorical genius is too closely blended with the language and religion of Greece. After the fall of that religion, the Peripatetics, emerging from their obscurity, prevailed in the controversies of the Oriental sects, and their founder was long afterwards restored by the Mahometans of Spain to the Latin schools. The physics, both of the Academy and the Lycæum, as they are built, not on observation, but on argument, have retarded the progress of real knowledge. The metaphysics of infinite, or finite, spirit, have too often been enlisted in the service of superstition. But the human faculties are fortified by the art and practice of dialectics; the ten predicaments of Aristotle collect and methodize our ideas, and his syllogism is the keenest weapon of dispute. It was dexterously wielded in the schools of the Saracens, but as it is more effectual for the detection of error than for the investigation of truth, it is not surprising that new generations of masters and disciples

    should still revolve in the same circle of logical argument. The mathematics are distinguished by a peculiar privilege, that, in the course of ages, they may always advance, and can never recede. But the ancient geometry, if I am not misinformed, was resumed in the same state by the Italians of the fifteenth century; and whatever may be the origin of the name, the science of algebra is ascribed to the Grecian Diophantus by the modest testimony of the Arabs themselves. They cultivated with more success the sublime science of astronomy, which elevates the mind of man to disdain his diminutive planet and momentary existence. The costly instruments of observation were supplied by the caliph Almamon, and the land of the Chaldæans still afforded the same spacious level, the same unclouded horizon. In the plains of Sinaar, and a second time in those of Cufa, his mathematicians accurately measured a degree of the great circle of the earth, and determined at twenty-four thousand miles the entire circumference of our globe. From the reign of the Abbassides to that of the grandchildren of Tamerlane, the stars, without the aid of glasses, were diligently observed; and the astronomical tables of Bagdad, Spain, and Samarcand, correct some minute errors, without daring to renounce the hypothesis of Ptolemy, without advancing a step towards the discovery of the solar system. In the Eastern courts, the truths of science could be recommended only by ignorance and folly, and the astronomer would have been disregarded, had he not debased his wisdom or honesty by the vain predictions of astrology. But in the science of medicine, the Arabians have been deservedly applauded. The names of Mesua and Geber, of Razis and Avicenna, are ranked with the Grecian masters; in the city of Bagdad, eight hundred and sixty physicians were licensed to exercise their lucrative profession: in Spain, the life of the Catholic princes was intrusted to the skill of the Saracens, and the school of Salerno, their legitimate offspring, revived in Italy and Europe the precepts of the healing art. The success of each professor must have been influenced by personal and accidental causes; but we may form a less fanciful estimate of their general knowledge of anatomy, botany, and chemistry, the threefold basis of their theory and practice. A superstitious

    reverence for the dead confined both the Greeks and the Arabians to the dissection of apes and quadrupeds; the more solid and visible parts were known in the time of Galen, and the finer scrutiny of the human frame was reserved for the microscope and the injections of modern artists. Botany is an active science, and the discoveries of the torrid zone might enrich the herbal of Dioscorides with two thousand plants. Some traditionary knowledge might be secreted in the temples and monasteries of Egypt; much useful experience had been acquired in the practice of arts and manufactures; but the science of chemistry owes its origin and improvement to the industry of the Saracens. They first invented and named the alembic for the purposes of distillation, analyzed the substances of the three kingdoms of nature, tried the distinction and affinities of alcalis and acids, and converted the poisonous minerals into soft and salutary medicines. But the most eager search of Arabian chemistry was the transmutation of metals, and the elixir of immortal health: the reason and the fortunes of thousands were evaporated in the crucibles of alchemy, and the consummation of the great work was promoted by the worthy aid of mystery, fable, and superstition.

    But the Moslems deprived themselves of the principal benefits of a familiar intercourse with Greece and Rome, the knowledge of antiquity, the purity of taste, and the freedom of thought. Confident in the riches of their native tongue, the Arabians disdained the study of any foreign idiom. The Greek interpreters were chosen among their Christian subjects; they formed their translations, sometimes on the original text, more frequently perhaps on a Syriac version; and in the crowd of astronomers and physicians, there is no example of a poet, an orator, or even an historian, being taught to speak the language of the Saracens. The mythology of Homer would have provoked the abhorrence of those stern fanatics: they possessed in lazy ignorance the colonies of the Macedonians, and the provinces of Carthage and Rome: the heroes of Plutarch and Livy were buried in oblivion; and the history of

    the world before Mahomet was reduced to a short legend of the patriarchs, the prophets, and the Persian kings. Our education in the Greek and Latin schools may have fixed in our minds a standard of exclusive taste; and I am not forward to condemn the literature and judgment of nations, of whose language I am ignorant. Yet I know that the classics have much to teach, and I believe that the Orientals have much to learn; the temperate dignity of style, the graceful proportions of art, the forms of visible and intellectual beauty, the just delineation of character and passion, the rhetoric of narrative and argument, the regular fabric of epic and dramatic poetry. The influence of truth and reason is of a less ambiguous complexion. The philosophers of Athens and Rome enjoyed the blessings, and asserted the rights, of civil and religious freedom. Their moral and political writings might have gradually unlocked the fetters of Eastern despotism, diffused a liberal spirit of inquiry and toleration, and encouraged the Arabian sages to suspect that their caliph was a tyrant, and their prophet an impostor. The instinct of superstition was alarmed by the introduction even of the abstract sciences; and the more rigid doctors of the law condemned the rash and pernicious curiosity of Almamon. To the thirst of martyrdom, the vision of paradise, and the belief of predestination, we must ascribe the invincible enthusiasm of the prince and people. And the sword of the Saracens became less formidable when their youth was drawn away from the camp to the college, when the armies of the faithful presumed to read and to reflect. Yet the foolish vanity of the Greeks was jealous of their studies, and reluctantly imparted the sacred fire to the Barbarians of the East.

    In the bloody conflict of the Ommiades and Abbassides, the Greeks had stolen the opportunity of avenging their wrongs and enlarging their limits. But a severe retribution was exacted by Mohadi, the third caliph of the new dynasty, who seized, in his turn, the favorable opportunity, while a woman and a child, Irene and Constantine, were seated on the Byzantine throne. An army of ninety-five thousand Persians

    and Arabs was sent from the Tigris to the Thracian Bosphorus, under the command of Harun, or Aaron, the second son of the commander of the faithful. His encampment on the opposite heights of Chrysopolis, or Scutari, informed Irene, in her palace of Constantinople, of the loss of her troops and provinces. With the consent or connivance of their sovereign, her ministers subscribed an ignominious peace; and the exchange of some royal gifts could not disguise the annual tribute of seventy thousand dinars of gold, which was imposed on the Roman empire. The Saracens had too rashly advanced into the midst of a distant and hostile land: their retreat was solicited by the promise of faithful guides and plentiful markets; and not a Greek had courage to whisper, that their weary forces might be surrounded and destroyed in their necessary passage between a slippery mountain and the River Sangarius. Five years after this expedition, Harun ascended the throne of his father and his elder brother; the most powerful and vigorous monarch of his race, illustrious in the West, as the ally of Charlemagne, and familiar to the most childish readers, as the perpetual hero of the Arabian tales. His title to the name of Al Rashid (the Just) is sullied by the extirpation of the generous, perhaps the innocent, Barmecides; yet he could listen to the complaint of a poor widow who had been pillaged by his troops, and who dared, in a passage of the Koran, to threaten the inattentive despot with the judgment of God and posterity. His court was adorned with luxury and science; but, in a reign of three-and-twenty years, Harun repeatedly visited his provinces from Chorasan to Egypt; nine times he performed the pilgrimage of Mecca; eight times he invaded the territories of the Romans; and as often as they declined the payment of the tribute, they were taught to feel that a month of depredation was more costly than a year of submission. But when the unnatural mother of Constantine was deposed and banished, her successor, Nicephorus, resolved to obliterate this badge of servitude and disgrace. The epistle of the emperor to the caliph was pointed with an allusion to the game of chess, which had already spread from Persia to Greece. “The queen (he spoke of Irene) considered you as a rook, and herself as a pawn. That

    pusillanimous female submitted to pay a tribute, the double of which she ought to have exacted from the Barbarians. Restore therefore the fruits of your injustice, or abide the determination of the sword.” At these words the ambassadors cast a bundle of swords before the foot of the throne. The caliph smiled at the menace, and drawing his cimeter, samsamah, a weapon of historic or fabulous renown, he cut asunder the feeble arms of the Greeks, without turning the edge, or endangering the temper, of his blade. He then dictated an epistle of tremendous brevity: “In the name of the most merciful God, Harun al Rashid, commander of the faithful, to Nicephorus, the Roman dog. I have read thy letter, O thou son of an unbelieving mother. Thou shalt not hear, thou shalt behold, my reply.” It was written in characters of blood and fire on the plains of Phrygia; and the warlike celerity of the Arabs could only be checked by the arts of deceit and the show of repentance. The triumphant caliph retired, after the fatigues of the campaign, to his favorite palace of Racca on the Euphrates: but the distance of five hundred miles, and the inclemency of the season, encouraged his adversary to violate the peace. Nicephorus was astonished by the bold and rapid march of the commander of the faithful, who repassed, in the depth of winter, the snows of Mount Taurus: his stratagems of policy and war were exhausted; and the perfidious Greek escaped with three wounds from a field of battle overspread with forty thousand of his subjects. Yet the emperor was ashamed of submission, and the caliph was resolved on victory. One hundred and thirty-five thousand regular soldiers received pay, and were inscribed in the military roll; and above three hundred thousand persons of every denomination marched under the black standard of the Abbassides. They swept the surface of Asia Minor far beyond Tyana and Ancyra, and invested the Pontic Heraclea, once a flourishing state, now a paltry town; at that time capable of sustaining, in her antique walls, a month’s siege against the forces of the East. The ruin was complete, the spoil was ample; but if Harun had been conversant with Grecian story, he would have regretted the statue of Hercules, whose attributes, the club, the bow, the quiver, and the lion’s hide, were sculptured in massy gold.

    The progress of desolation by sea and land, from the Euxine to the Isle of Cyprus, compelled the emperor Nicephorus to retract his haughty defiance. In the new treaty, the ruins of Heraclea were left forever as a lesson and a trophy; and the coin of the tribute was marked with the image and superscription of Harun and his three sons. Yet this plurality of lords might contribute to remove the dishonor of the Roman name. After the death of their father, the heirs of the caliph were involved in civil discord, and the conqueror, the liberal Almamon, was sufficiently engaged in the restoration of domestic peace and the introduction of foreign science.

    Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part IV.

    Under the reign of Almamon at Bagdad, of Michael the Stammerer at Constantinople, the islands of Crete and Sicily were subdued by the Arabs. The former of these conquests is disdained by their own writers, who were ignorant of the fame of Jupiter and Minos, but it has not been overlooked by the Byzantine historians, who now begin to cast a clearer light on the affairs of their own times. A band of Andalusian volunteers, discontented with the climate or government of Spain, explored the adventures of the sea; but as they sailed in no more than ten or twenty galleys, their warfare must be branded with the name of piracy. As the subjects and sectaries of the whiteparty, they might lawfully invade the dominions of the black caliphs. A rebellious faction introduced them into Alexandria; they cut in pieces both friends and foes, pillaged the churches and the moschs, sold above six thousand Christian captives, and maintained their station in the capital of Egypt, till they were oppressed by the forces and the presence of Almamon himself. From the mouth of the Nile to the Hellespont, the islands and sea-coasts both of the Greeks and Moslems were exposed to their depredations; they saw, they envied, they tasted the fertility of Crete, and soon returned with forty galleys to a more serious attack. The

    Andalusians wandered over the land fearless and unmolested; but when they descended with their plunder to the sea-shore, their vessels were in flames, and their chief, Abu Caab, confessed himself the author of the mischief. Their clamors accused his madness or treachery. “Of what do you complain?” replied the crafty emir. “I have brought you to a land flowing with milk and honey. Here is your true country; repose from your toils, and forget the barren place of your nativity.” “And our wives and children?” “Your beauteous captives will supply the place of your wives, and in their embraces you will soon become the fathers of a new progeny.” The first habitation was their camp, with a ditch and rampart, in the Bay of Suda; but an apostate monk led them to a more desirable position in the eastern parts; and the name of Candax, their fortress and colony, has been extended to the whole island, under the corrupt and modern appellation of Candia. The hundred cities of the age of Minos were diminished to thirty; and of these, only one, most probably Cydonia, had courage to retain the substance of freedom and the profession of Christianity. The Saracens of Crete soon repaired the loss of their navy; and the timbers of Mount Ida were launched into the main. During a hostile period of one hundred and thirty-eight years, the princes of Constantinople attacked these licentious corsairs with fruitless curses and ineffectual arms.

    The loss of Sicily was occasioned by an act of superstitious rigor. An amorous youth, who had stolen a nun from her cloister, was sentenced by the emperor to the amputation of his tongue. Euphemius appealed to the reason and policy of the Saracens of Africa; and soon returned with the Imperial purple, a fleet of one hundred ships, and an army of seven hundred horse and ten thousand foot. They landed at Mazara near the ruins of the ancient Selinus; but after some partial victories, Syracuse was delivered by the Greeks, the apostate was slain before her walls, and his African friends were reduced to the necessity of feeding on the flesh of their own horses. In their turn they were relieved by a powerful

    reënforcement of their brethren of Andalusia; the largest and western part of the island was gradually reduced, and the commodious harbor of Palermo was chosen for the seat of the naval and military power of the Saracens. Syracuse preserved about fifty years the faith which she had sworn to Christ and to Cæsar. In the last and fatal siege, her citizens displayed some remnant of the spirit which had formerly resisted the powers of Athens and Carthage. They stood above twenty days against the battering-rams and catapult, the mines and tortoises of the besiegers; and the place might have been relieved, if the mariners of the Imperial fleet had not been detained at Constantinople in building a church to the Virgin Mary. The deacon Theodosius, with the bishop and clergy, was dragged in chains from the altar to Palermo, cast into a subterraneous dungeon, and exposed to the hourly peril of death or apostasy. His pathetic, and not inelegant, complaint may be read as the epitaph of his country. From the Roman conquest to this final calamity, Syracuse, now dwindled to the primitive Isle of Ortygea, had insensibly declined. Yet the relics were still precious; the plate of the cathedral weighed five thousand pounds of silver; the entire spoil was computed at one million of pieces of gold, (about four hundred thousand pounds sterling,) and the captives must outnumber the seventeen thousand Christians, who were transported from the sack of Tauromenium into African servitude. In Sicily, the religion and language of the Greeks were eradicated; and such was the docility of the rising generation, that fifteen thousand boys were circumcised and clothed on the same day with the son of the Fatimite caliph. The Arabian squadrons issued from the harbors of Palermo, Biserta, and Tunis; a hundred and fifty towns of Calabria and Campania were attacked and pillaged; nor could the suburbs of Rome be defended by the name of the Cæsars and apostles. Had the Mahometans been united, Italy must have fallen an easy and glorious accession to the empire of the prophet. But the caliphs of Bagdad had lost their authority in the West; the Aglabites and Fatimites usurped the provinces of Africa, their emirs of Sicily aspired to independence; and the design of conquest and dominion was degraded to a repetition of predatory inroads.

    In the sufferings of prostrate Italy, the name of Rome awakens a solemn and mournful recollection. A fleet of Saracens from the African coast presumed to enter the mouth of the Tyber, and to approach a city which even yet, in her fallen state, was revered as the metropolis of the Christian world. The gates and ramparts were guarded by a trembling people; but the tombs and temples of St. Peter and St. Paul were left exposed in the suburbs of the Vatican and of the Ostian way. Their invisible sanctity had protected them against the Goths, the Vandals, and the Lombards; but the Arabs disdained both the gospel and the legend; and their rapacious spirit was approved and animated by the precepts of the Koran. The Christian idols were stripped of their costly offerings; a silver altar was torn away from the shrine of St. Peter; and if the bodies or the buildings were left entire, their deliverance must be imputed to the haste, rather than the scruples, of the Saracens. In their course along the Appian way, they pillaged Fundi and besieged Gayeta; but they had turned aside from the walls of Rome, and by their divisions, the Capitol was saved from the yoke of the prophet of Mecca. The same danger still impended on the heads of the Roman people; and their domestic force was unequal to the assault of an African emir. They claimed the protection of their Latin sovereign; but the Carlovingian standard was overthrown by a detachment of the Barbarians: they meditated the restoration of the Greek emperors; but the attempt was treasonable, and the succor remote and precarious. Their distress appeared to receive some aggravation from the death of their spiritual and temporal chief; but the pressing emergency superseded the forms and intrigues of an election; and the unanimous choice of Pope Leo the Fourth was the safety of the church and city. This pontiff was born a Roman; the courage of the first ages of the republic glowed in his breast; and, amidst the ruins of his country, he stood erect, like one of the firm and lofty columns that rear their heads above the fragments of the Roman forum. The first days of his reign were consecrated to the purification and removal of relics, to prayers and processions, and to all the solemn offices of religion, which served at least to heal the

    imagination, and restore the hopes, of the multitude. The public defence had been long neglected, not from the presumption of peace, but from the distress and poverty of the times. As far as the scantiness of his means and the shortness of his leisure would allow, the ancient walls were repaired by the command of Leo; fifteen towers, in the most accessible stations, were built or renewed; two of these commanded on either side of the Tyber; and an iron chain was drawn across the stream to impede the ascent of a hostile navy. The Romans were assured of a short respite by the welcome news, that the siege of Gayeta had been raised, and that a part of the enemy, with their sacrilegious plunder, had perished in the waves.

    But the storm, which had been delayed, soon burst upon them with redoubled violence. The Aglabite, who reigned in Africa, had inherited from his father a treasure and an army: a fleet of Arabs and Moors, after a short refreshment in the harbors of Sardinia, cast anchor before the mouth of the Tyber, sixteen miles from the city: and their discipline and numbers appeared to threaten, not a transient inroad, but a serious design of conquest and dominion. But the vigilance of Leo had formed an alliance with the vassals of the Greek empire, the free and maritime states of Gayeta, Naples, and Amalfi; and in the hour of danger, their galleys appeared in the port of Ostia under the command of Cæsarius, the son of the Neapolitan duke, a noble and valiant youth, who had already vanquished the fleets of the Saracens. With his principal companions, Cæsarius was invited to the Lateran palace, and the dexterous pontiff affected to inquire their errand, and to accept with joy and surprise their providential succor. The city bands, in arms, attended their father to Ostia, where he reviewed and blessed his generous deliverers. They kissed his feet, received the communion with martial devotion, and listened to the prayer of Leo, that the same God who had supported St. Peter and St. Paul on the waves of the sea, would strengthen the hands of his champions against the adversaries of his holy name. After a similar prayer, and with equal resolution, the Moslems advanced to the attack of the Christian galleys,

    which preserved their advantageous station along the coast. The victory inclined to the side of the allies, when it was less gloriously decided in their favor by a sudden tempest, which confounded the skill and courage of the stoutest mariners. The Christians were sheltered in a friendly harbor, while the Africans were scattered and dashed in pieces among the rocks and islands of a hostile shore. Those who escaped from shipwreck and hunger neither found, nor deserved, mercy at the hands of their implacable pursuers. The sword and the gibbet reduced the dangerous multitude of captives; and the remainder was more usefully employed, to restore the sacred edifices which they had attempted to subvert. The pontiff, at the head of the citizens and allies, paid his grateful devotion at the shrines of the apostles; and, among the spoils of this naval victory, thirteen Arabian bows of pure and massy silver were suspended round the altar of the fishermen of Galilee. The reign of Leo the Fourth was employed in the defence and ornament of the Roman state. The churches were renewed and embellished: near four thousand pounds of silver were consecrated to repair the losses of St. Peter; and his sanctuary was decorated with a plate of gold of the weight of two hundred and sixteen pounds, embossed with the portraits of the pope and emperor, and encircled with a string of pearls. Yet this vain magnificence reflects less glory on the character of Leo than the paternal care with which he rebuilt the walls of Horta and Ameria; and transported the wandering inhabitants of Centumcellæ to his new foundation of Leopolis, twelve miles from the sea-shore. By his liberality, a colony of Corsicans, with their wives and children, was planted in the station of Porto, at the mouth of the Tyber: the falling city was restored for their use, the fields and vineyards were divided among the new settlers: their first efforts were assisted by a gift of horses and cattle; and the hardy exiles, who breathed revenge against the Saracens, swore to live and die under the standard of St. Peter. The nations of the West and North who visited the threshold of the apostles had gradually formed the large and populous suburb of the Vatican, and their various habitations were distinguished, in the language of the times, as the schools of the Greeks and Goths, of the Lombards and Saxons.

    But this venerable spot was still open to sacrilegious insult: the design of enclosing it with walls and towers exhausted all that authority could command, or charity would supply: and the pious labor of four years was animated in every season, and at every hour, by the presence of the indefatigable pontiff. The love of fame, a generous but worldly passion, may be detected in the name of the Leonine city, which he bestowed on the Vatican; yet the pride of the dedication was tempered with Christian penance and humility. The boundary was trod by the bishop and his clergy, barefoot, in sackcloth and ashes; the songs of triumph were modulated to psalms and litanies; the walls were besprinkled with holy water; and the ceremony was concluded with a prayer, that, under the guardian care of the apostles and the angelic host, both the old and the new Rome might ever be preserved pure, prosperous, and impregnable.

    The emperor Theophilus, son of Michael the Stammerer, was one of the most active and high-spirited princes who reigned at Constantinople during the middle age. In offensive or defensive war, he marched in person five times against the Saracens, formidable in his attack, esteemed by the enemy in his losses and defeats. In the last of these expeditions he penetrated into Syria, and besieged the obscure town of Sozopetra; the casual birthplace of the caliph Motassem, whose father Harun was attended in peace or war by the most favored of his wives and concubines. The revolt of a Persian impostor employed at that moment the arms of the Saracen, and he could only intercede in favor of a place for which he felt and acknowledged some degree of filial affection. These solicitations determined the emperor to wound his pride in so sensible a part. Sozopetra was levelled with the ground, the Syrian prisoners were marked or mutilated with ignominious cruelty, and a thousand female captives were forced away from the adjacent territory. Among these a matron of the house of Abbas invoked, in an agony of despair, the name of Motassem; and the insults of the Greeks engaged the honor of her kinsman to avenge his indignity, and to answer her appeal.

    Under the reign of the two elder brothers, the inheritance of the youngest had been confined to Anatolia, Armenia, Georgia, and Circassia; this frontier station had exercised his military talents; and among his accidental claims to the name of Octonary, the most meritorious are the eight battles which he gained or fought against the enemies of the Koran. In this personal quarrel, the troops of Irak, Syria, and Egypt, were recruited from the tribes of Arabia and the Turkish hordes; his cavalry might be numerous, though we should deduct some myriads from the hundred and thirty thousand horses of the royal stables; and the expense of the armament was computed at four millions sterling, or one hundred thousand pounds of gold. From Tarsus, the place of assembly, the Saracens advanced in three divisions along the high road of Constantinople: Motassem himself commanded the centre, and the vanguard was given to his son Abbas, who, in the trial of the first adventures, might succeed with the more glory, or fail with the least reproach. In the revenge of his injury, the caliph prepared to retaliate a similar affront. The father of Theophilus was a native of Amorium in Phrygia: the original seat of the Imperial house had been adorned with privileges and monuments; and, whatever might be the indifference of the people, Constantinople itself was scarcely of more value in the eyes of the sovereign and his court. The name of Amorium was inscribed on the shields of the Saracens; and their three armies were again united under the walls of the devoted city. It had been proposed by the wisest counsellors, to evacuate Amorium, to remove the inhabitants, and to abandon the empty structures to the vain resentment of the Barbarians. The emperor embraced the more generous resolution of defending, in a siege and battle, the country of his ancestors. When the armies drew near, the front of the Mahometan line appeared to a Roman eye more closely planted with spears and javelins; but the event of the action was not glorious on either side to the national troops. The Arabs were broken, but it was by the swords of thirty thousand Persians, who had obtained service and settlement in the Byzantine empire. The Greeks were repulsed and vanquished, but it was by the arrows of the Turkish cavalry; and had not their bowstrings been damped

    and relaxed by the evening rain, very few of the Christians could have escaped with the emperor from the field of battle. They breathed at Dorylæum, at the distance of three days; and Theophilus, reviewing his trembling squadrons, forgave the common flight both of the prince and people. After this discovery of his weakness, he vainly hoped to deprecate the fate of Amorium: the inexorable caliph rejected with contempt his prayers and promises; and detained the Roman ambassadors to be the witnesses of his great revenge. They had nearly been the witnesses of his shame. The vigorous assaults of fifty-five days were encountered by a faithful governor, a veteran garrison, and a desperate people; and the Saracens must have raised the siege, if a domestic traitor had not pointed to the weakest part of the wall, a place which was decorated with the statues of a lion and a bull. The vow of Motassem was accomplished with unrelenting rigor: tired, rather than satiated, with destruction, he returned to his new palace of Samara, in the neighborhood of Bagdad, while the unfortunate Theophilus implored the tardy and doubtful aid of his Western rival the emperor of the Franks. Yet in the siege of Amorium about seventy thousand Moslems had perished: their loss had been revenged by the slaughter of thirty thousand Christians, and the sufferings of an equal number of captives, who were treated as the most atrocious criminals. Mutual necessity could sometimes extort the exchange or ransom of prisoners: but in the national and religious conflict of the two empires, peace was without confidence, and war without mercy. Quarter was seldom given in the field; those who escaped the edge of the sword were condemned to hopeless servitude, or exquisite torture; and a Catholic emperor relates, with visible satisfaction, the execution of the Saracens of Crete, who were flayed alive, or plunged into caldrons of boiling oil. To a point of honor Motassem had sacrificed a flourishing city, two hundred thousand lives, and the property of millions. The same caliph descended from his horse, and dirtied his robe, to relieve the distress of a decrepit old man, who, with his laden ass, had tumbled into a ditch. On which of these actions did he reflect with the most pleasure, when he was summoned by the angel of death?

    With Motassem, the eighth of the Abbassides, the glory of his family and nation expired. When the Arabian conquerors had spread themselves over the East, and were mingled with the servile crowds of Persia, Syria, and Egypt, they insensibly lost the freeborn and martial virtues of the desert. The courage of the South is the artificial fruit of discipline and prejudice; the active power of enthusiasm had decayed, and the mercenary forces of the caliphs were recruited in those climates of the North, of which valor is the hardy and spontaneous production. Of the Turks who dwelt beyond the Oxus and Jaxartes, the robust youths, either taken in war or purchased in trade, were educated in the exercises of the field, and the profession of the Mahometan faith. The Turkish guards stood in arms round the throne of their benefactor, and their chiefs usurped the dominion of the palace and the provinces. Motassem, the first author of this dangerous example, introduced into the capital above fifty thousand Turks: their licentious conduct provoked the public indignation, and the quarrels of the soldiers and people induced the caliph to retire from Bagdad, and establish his own residence and the camp of his Barbarian favorites at Samara on the Tigris, about twelve leagues above the city of Peace. His son Motawakkel was a jealous and cruel tyrant: odious to his subjects, he cast himself on the fidelity of the strangers, and these strangers, ambitious and apprehensive, were tempted by the rich promise of a revolution. At the instigation, or at least in the cause of his son, they burst into his apartment at the hour of supper, and the caliph was cut into seven pieces by the same swords which he had recently distributed among the guards of his life and throne. To this throne, yet streaming with a father’s blood, Montasser was triumphantly led; but in a reign of six months, he found only the pangs of a guilty conscience. If he wept at the sight of an old tapestry which represented the crime and punishment of the son of Chosroes, if his days were abridged by grief and remorse, we may allow some pity to a parricide, who exclaimed, in the bitterness of death, that he had lost both this world and the world to come. After this act of treason, the ensigns of royalty, the garment and walking-

    staff of Mahomet, were given and torn away by the foreign mercenaries, who in four years created, deposed, and murdered, three commanders of the faithful. As often as the Turks were inflamed by fear, or rage, or avarice, these caliphs were dragged by the feet, exposed naked to the scorching sun, beaten with iron clubs, and compelled to purchase, by the abdication of their dignity, a short reprieve of inevitable fate. At length, however, the fury of the tempest was spent or diverted: the Abbassides returned to the less turbulent residence of Bagdad; the insolence of the Turks was curbed with a firmer and more skilful hand, and their numbers were divided and destroyed in foreign warfare. But the nations of the East had been taught to trample on the successors of the prophet; and the blessings of domestic peace were obtained by the relaxation of strength and discipline. So uniform are the mischiefs of military despotism, that I seem to repeat the story of the prætorians of Rome.

    While the flame of enthusiasm was damped by the business, the pleasure, and the knowledge, of the age, it burnt with concentrated heat in the breasts of the chosen few, the congenial spirits, who were ambitious of reigning either in this world or in the next. How carefully soever the book of prophecy had been sealed by the apostle of Mecca, the wishes, and (if we may profane the word) even the reason, of fanaticism might believe that, after the successive missions of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet, the same God, in the fulness of time, would reveal a still more perfect and permanent law. In the two hundred and seventy-seventh year of the Hegira, and in the neighborhood of Cufa, an Arabian preacher, of the name of Carmath, assumed the lofty and incomprehensible style of the Guide, the Director, the Demonstration, the Word, the Holy Ghost, the Camel, the Herald of the Messiah, who had conversed with him in a human shape, and the representative of Mohammed the son of Ali, of St. John the Baptist, and of the angel Gabriel. In his mystic volume, the precepts of the Koran were refined to a more spiritual sense: he relaxed the duties of ablution, fasting,

    and pilgrimage; allowed the indiscriminate use of wine and forbidden food; and nourished the fervor of his disciples by the daily repetition of fifty prayers. The idleness and ferment of the rustic crowd awakened the attention of the magistrates of Cufa; a timid persecution assisted the progress of the new sect; and the name of the prophet became more revered after his person had been withdrawn from the world. His twelve apostles dispersed themselves among the Bedoweens, “a race of men,” says Abulfeda, “equally devoid of reason and of religion;” and the success of their preaching seemed to threaten Arabia with a new revolution. The Carmathians were ripe for rebellion, since they disclaimed the title of the house of Abbas, and abhorred the worldly pomp of the caliphs of Bagdad. They were susceptible of discipline, since they vowed a blind and absolute submission to their Imam, who was called to the prophetic office by the voice of God and the people. Instead of the legal tithes, he claimed the fifth of their substance and spoil; the most flagitious sins were no more than the type of disobedience; and the brethren were united and concealed by an oath of secrecy. After a bloody conflict, they prevailed in the province of Bahrein, along the Persian Gulf: far and wide, the tribes of the desert were subject to the sceptre, or rather to the sword of Abu Said and his son Abu Taher; and these rebellious imams could muster in the field a hundred and seven thousand fanatics. The mercenaries of the caliph were dismayed at the approach of an enemy who neither asked nor accepted quarter; and the difference between, them in fortitude and patience, is expressive of the change which three centuries of prosperity had effected in the character of the Arabians. Such troops were discomfited in every action; the cities of Racca and Baalbec, of Cufa and Bassora, were taken and pillaged; Bagdad was filled with consternation; and the caliph trembled behind the veils of his palace. In a daring inroad beyond the Tigris, Abu Taher advanced to the gates of the capital with no more than five hundred horse. By the special order of Moctader, the bridges had been broken down, and the person or head of the rebel was expected every hour by the commander of the faithful. His lieutenant, from a motive of fear or pity, apprised Abu Taher of

    his danger, and recommended a speedy escape. “Your master,” said the intrepid Carmathian to the messenger, “is at the head of thirty thousand soldiers: three such men as these are wanting in his host: ” at the same instant, turning to three of his companions, he commanded the first to plunge a dagger into his breast, the second to leap into the Tigris, and the third to cast himself headlong down a precipice. They obeyed without a murmur. “Relate,” continued the imam, “what you have seen: before the evening your general shall be chained among my dogs.” Before the evening, the camp was surprised, and the menace was executed. The rapine of the Carmathians was sanctified by their aversion to the worship of Mecca: they robbed a caravan of pilgrims, and twenty thousand devout Moslems were abandoned on the burning sands to a death of hunger and thirst. Another year they suffered the pilgrims to proceed without interruption; but, in the festival of devotion, Abu Taher stormed the holy city, and trampled on the most venerable relics of the Mahometan faith. Thirty thousand citizens and strangers were put to the sword; the sacred precincts were polluted by the burial of three thousand dead bodies; the well of Zemzem overflowed with blood; the golden spout was forced from its place; the veil of the Caaba was divided among these impious sectaries; and the black stone, the first monument of the nation, was borne away in triumph to their capital. After this deed of sacrilege and cruelty, they continued to infest the confines of Irak, Syria, and Egypt: but the vital principle of enthusiasm had withered at the root. Their scruples, or their avarice, again opened the pilgrimage of Mecca, and restored the black stone of the Caaba; and it is needless to inquire into what factions they were broken, or by whose swords they were finally extirpated. The sect of the Carmathians may be considered as the second visible cause of the decline and fall of the empire of the caliphs.

    Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. —

    Part V.

    The third and most obvious cause was the weight and magnitude of the empire itself. The caliph Almamon might proudly assert, that it was easier for him to rule the East and the West, than to manage a chess-board of two feet square: yet I suspect that in both those games he was guilty of many fatal mistakes; and I perceive, that in the distant provinces the authority of the first and most powerful of the Abbassides was already impaired. The analogy of despotism invests the representative with the full majesty of the prince; the division and balance of powers might relax the habits of obedience, might encourage the passive subject to inquire into the origin and administration of civil government. He who is born in the purple is seldom worthy to reign; but the elevation of a private man, of a peasant, perhaps, or a slave, affords a strong presumption of his courage and capacity. The viceroy of a remote kingdom aspires to secure the property and inheritance of his precarious trust; the nations must rejoice in the presence of their sovereign; and the command of armies and treasures are at once the object and the instrument of his ambition. A change was scarcely visible as long as the lieutenants of the caliph were content with their vicarious title; while they solicited for themselves or their sons a renewal of the Imperial grant, and still maintained on the coin and in the public prayers the name and prerogative of the commander of the faithful. But in the long and hereditary exercise of power, they assumed the pride and attributes of royalty; the alternative of peace or war, of reward or punishment, depended solely on their will; and the revenues of their government were reserved for local services or private magnificence. Instead of a regular supply of men and money, the successors of the prophet were flattered with the ostentatious gift of an elephant, or a cast of hawks, a suit of silk hangings, or some pounds of musk and amber.

    After the revolt of Spain from the temporal and spiritual supremacy of the Abbassides, the first symptoms of disobedience broke forth in the province of Africa. Ibrahim, the

    son of Aglab, the lieutenant of the vigilant and rigid Harun, bequeathed to the dynasty of the Aglabites the inheritance of his name and power. The indolence or policy of the caliphs dissembled the injury and loss, and pursued only with poison the founder of the Edrisites, who erected the kingdom and city of Fez on the shores of the Western ocean. In the East, the first dynasty was that of the Taherites; the posterity of the valiant Taher, who, in the civil wars of the sons of Harun, had served with too much zeal and success the cause of Almamon, the younger brother. He was sent into honorable exile, to command on the banks of the Oxus; and the independence of his successors, who reigned in Chorasan till the fourth generation, was palliated by their modest and respectful demeanor, the happiness of their subjects and the security of their frontier. They were supplanted by one of those adventures so frequent in the annals of the East, who left his trade of a brazier (from whence the name of Soffarides) for the profession of a robber. In a nocturnal visit to the treasure of the prince of Sistan, Jacob, the son of Leith, stumbled over a lump of salt, which he unwarily tasted with his tongue. Salt, among the Orientals, is the symbol of hospitality, and the pious robber immediately retired without spoil or damage. The discovery of this honorable behavior recommended Jacob to pardon and trust; he led an army at first for his benefactor, at last for himself, subdued Persia, and threatened the residence of the Abbassides. On his march towards Bagdad, the conqueror was arrested by a fever. He gave audience in bed to the ambassador of the caliph; and beside him on a table were exposed a naked cimeter, a crust of brown bread, and a bunch of onions. “If I die,” said he, “your master is delivered from his fears. If I live, thismust determine between us. If I am vanquished, I can return without reluctance to the homely fare of my youth.” From the height where he stood, the descent would not have been so soft or harmless: a timely death secured his own repose and that of the caliph, who paid with the most lavish concessions the retreat of his brother Amrou to the palaces of Shiraz and Ispahan. The Abbassides were too feeble to contend, too proud to forgive: they invited the powerful dynasty of the Samanides, who passed the Oxus with

    ten thousand horse so poor, that their stirrups were of wood: so brave, that they vanquished the Soffarian army, eight times more numerous than their own. The captive Amrou was sent in chains, a grateful offering to the court of Bagdad; and as the victor was content with the inheritance of Transoxiana and Chorasan, the realms of Persia returned for a while to the allegiance of the caliphs. The provinces of Syria and Egypt were twice dismembered by their Turkish slaves of the race of Toulon and Ilkshid. These Barbarians, in religion and manners the countrymen of Mahomet, emerged from the bloody factions of the palace to a provincial command and an independent throne: their names became famous and formidable in their time; but the founders of these two potent dynasties confessed, either in words or actions, the vanity of ambition. The first on his death-bed implored the mercy of God to a sinner, ignorant of the limits of his own power: the second, in the midst of four hundred thousand soldiers and eight thousand slaves, concealed from every human eye the chamber where he attempted to sleep. Their sons were educated in the vices of kings; and both Egypt and Syria were recovered and possessed by the Abbassides during an interval of thirty years. In the decline of their empire, Mesopotamia, with the important cities of Mosul and Aleppo, was occupied by the Arabian princes of the tribe of Hamadan. The poets of their court could repeat without a blush, that nature had formed their countenances for beauty, their tongues for eloquence, and their hands for liberality and valor: but the genuine tale of the elevation and reign of the Hamadanites exhibits a scene of treachery, murder, and parricide. At the same fatal period, the Persian kingdom was again usurped by the dynasty of the Bowides, by the sword of three brothers, who, under various names, were styled the support and columns of the state, and who, from the Caspian Sea to the ocean, would suffer no tyrants but themselves. Under their reign, the language and genius of Persia revived, and the Arabs, three hundred and four years after the death of Mahomet, were deprived of the sceptre of the East.

    Rahadi, the twentieth of the Abbassides, and the thirty-ninth of the successors of Mahomet, was the last who deserved the title of commander of the faithful; the last (says Abulfeda) who spoke to the people, or conversed with the learned; the last who, in the expense of his household, represented the wealth and magnificence of the ancient caliphs. After him, the lords of the Eastern world were reduced to the most abject misery, and exposed to the blows and insults of a servile condition. The revolt of the provinces circumscribed their dominions within the walls of Bagdad: but that capital still contained an innumerable multitude, vain of their past fortune, discontented with their present state, and oppressed by the demands of a treasury which had formerly been replenished by the spoil and tribute of nations. Their idleness was exercised by faction and controversy. Under the mask of piety, the rigid followers of Hanbal invaded the pleasures of domestic life, burst into the houses of plebeians and princes, the wine, broke the instruments, beat the musicians, and dishonored, with infamous suspicions, the associates of every handsome youth. In each profession, which allowed room for two persons, the one was a votary, the other an antagonist, of Ali; and the Abbassides were awakened by the clamorous grief of the sectaries, who denied their title, and cursed their progenitors. A turbulent people could only be repressed by a military force; but who could satisfy the avarice or assert the discipline of the mercenaries themselves? The African and the Turkish guards drew their swords against each other, and the chief commanders, the emirs al Omra, imprisoned or deposed their sovereigns, and violated the sanctuary of the mosch and harem. If the caliphs escaped to the camp or court of any neighboring prince, their deliverance was a change of servitude, till they were prompted by despair to invite the Bowides, the sultans of Persia, who silenced the factions of Bagdad by their irresistible arms. The civil and military powers were assumed by Moezaldowlat, the second of the three brothers, and a stipend of sixty thousand pounds sterling was assigned by his generosity for the private expense of the commander of the faithful. But on the fortieth day, at the

    audience of the ambassadors of Chorasan, and in the presence of a trembling multitude, the caliph was dragged from his throne to a dungeon, by the command of the stranger, and the rude hands of his Dilemites. His palace was pillaged, his eyes were put out, and the mean ambition of the Abbassides aspired to the vacant station of danger and disgrace. In the school of adversity, the luxurious caliphs resumed the grave and abstemious virtues of the primitive times. Despoiled of their armor and silken robes, they fasted, they prayed, they studied the Koran and the tradition of the Sonnites: they performed, with zeal and knowledge, the functions of their ecclesiastical character. The respect of nations still waited on the successors of the apostle, the oracles of the law and conscience of the faithful; and the weakness or division of their tyrants sometimes restored the Abbassides to the sovereignty of Bagdad. But their misfortunes had been imbittered by the triumph of the Fatimites, the real or spurious progeny of Ali. Arising from the extremity of Africa, these successful rivals extinguished, in Egypt and Syria, both the spiritual and temporal authority of the Abbassides; and the monarch of the Nile insulted the humble pontiff on the banks of the Tigris.

    In the declining age of the caliphs, in the century which elapsed after the war of Theophilus and Motassem, the hostile transactions of the two nations were confined to some inroads by sea and land, the fruits of their close vicinity and indelible hatred. But when the Eastern world was convulsed and broken, the Greeks were roused from their lethargy by the hopes of conquest and revenge. The Byzantine empire, since the accession of the Basilian race, had reposed in peace and dignity; and they might encounter with their entire strength the front of some petty emir, whose rear was assaulted and threatened by his national foes of the Mahometan faith. The lofty titles of the morning star, and the death of the Saracens, were applied in the public acclamations to Nicephorus Phocas, a prince as renowned in the camp, as he was unpopular in the city. In the subordinate station of great domestic, or general of

    the East, he reduced the Island of Crete, and extirpated the nest of pirates who had so long defied, with impunity, the majesty of the empire. His military genius was displayed in the conduct and success of the enterprise, which had so often failed with loss and dishonor. The Saracens were confounded by the landing of his troops on safe and level bridges, which he cast from the vessels to the shore. Seven months were consumed in the siege of Candia; the despair of the native Cretans was stimulated by the frequent aid of their brethren of Africa and Spain; and after the massy wall and double ditch had been stormed by the Greeks a hopeless conflict was still maintained in the streets and houses of the city. * The whole island was subdued in the capital, and a submissive people accepted, without resistance, the baptism of the conqueror. Constantinople applauded the long-forgotten pomp of a triumph; but the Imperial diadem was the sole reward that could repay the services, or satisfy the ambition, of Nicephorus.

    After the death of the younger Romanus, the fourth in lineal descent of the Basilian race, his widow Theophania successively married Nicephorus Phocas and his assassin John Zimisces, the two heroes of the age. They reigned as the guardians and colleagues of her infant sons; and the twelve years of their military command form the most splendid period of the Byzantine annals. The subjects and confederates, whom they led to war, appeared, at least in the eyes of an enemy, two hundred thousand strong; and of these about thirty thousand were armed with cuirasses: a train of four thousand mules attended their march; and their evening camp was regularly fortified with an enclosure of iron spikes. A series of bloody and undecisive combats is nothing more than an anticipation of what would have been effected in a few years by the course of nature; but I shall briefly prosecute the conquests of the two emperors from the hills of Cappadocia to the desert of Bagdad. The sieges of Mopsuestia and Tarsus, in Cilicia, first exercised the skill and perseverance of their troops, on whom, at this moment, I shall not hesitate to bestow the name of Romans. In

    the double city of Mopsuestia, which is divided by the River Sarus, two hundred thousand Moslems were predestined to death or slavery, a surprising degree of population, which must at least include the inhabitants of the dependent districts. They were surrounded and taken by assault; but Tarsus was reduced by the slow progress of famine; and no sooner had the Saracens yielded on honorable terms than they were mortified by the distant and unprofitable view of the naval succors of Egypt. They were dismissed with a safe-conduct to the confines of Syria: a part of the old Christians had quietly lived under their dominion; and the vacant habitations were replenished by a new colony. But the mosch was converted into a stable; the pulpit was delivered to the flames; many rich crosses of gold and gems, the spoils of Asiatic churches, were made a grateful offering to the piety or avarice of the emperor; and he transported the gates of Mopsuestia and Tarsus, which were fixed in the walls of Constantinople, an eternal monument of his victory. After they had forced and secured the narrow passes of Mount Amanus, the two Roman princes repeatedly carried their arms into the heart of Syria. Yet, instead of assaulting the walls of Antioch, the humanity or superstition of Nicephorus appeared to respect the ancient metropolis of the East: he contented himself with drawing round the city a line of circumvallation; left a stationary army; and instructed his lieutenant to expect, without impatience, the return of spring. But in the depth of winter, in a dark and rainy night, an adventurous subaltern, with three hundred soldiers, approached the rampart, applied his scaling-ladders, occupied two adjacent towers, stood firm against the pressure of multitudes, and bravely maintained his post till he was relieved by the tardy, though effectual, support of his reluctant chief. The first tumult of slaughter and rapine subsided; the reign of Cæsar and of Christ was restored; and the efforts of a hundred thousand Saracens, of the armies of Syria and the fleets of Africa, were consumed without effect before the walls of Antioch. The royal city of Aleppo was subject to Seifeddowlat, of the dynasty of Hamadan, who clouded his past glory by the precipitate retreat which abandoned his kingdom and capital to the

    Roman invaders. In his stately palace, that stood without the walls of Aleppo, they joyfully seized a well-furnished magazine of arms, a stable of fourteen hundred mules, and three hundred bags of silver and gold. But the walls of the city withstood the strokes of their battering-rams: and the besiegers pitched their tents on the neighboring mountain of Jaushan. Their retreat exasperated the quarrel of the townsmen and mercenaries; the guard of the gates and ramparts was deserted; and while they furiously charged each other in the market-place, they were surprised and destroyed by the sword of a common enemy. The male sex was exterminated by the sword; ten thousand youths were led into captivity; the weight of the precious spoil exceeded the strength and number of the beasts of burden; the superfluous remainder was burnt; and, after a licentious possession of ten days, the Romans marched away from the naked and bleeding city. In their Syrian inroads they commanded the husbandmen to cultivate their lands, that they themselves, in the ensuing season, might reap the benefit; more than a hundred cities were reduced to obedience; and eighteen pulpits of the principal moschs were committed to the flames to expiate the sacrilege of the disciples of Mahomet. The classic names of Hierapolis, Apamea, and Emesa, revive for a moment in the list of conquest: the emperor Zimisces encamped in the paradise of Damascus, and accepted the ransom of a submissive people; and the torrent was only stopped by the impregnable fortress of Tripoli, on the sea-coast of Phnicia. Since the days of Heraclius, the Euphrates, below the passage of Mount Taurus, had been impervious, and almost invisible, to the Greeks. The river yielded a free passage to the victorious Zimisces; and the historian may imitate the speed with which he overran the once famous cities of Samosata, Edessa, Martyropolis, Amida, and Nisibis, the ancient limit of the empire in the neighborhood of the Tigris. His ardor was quickened by the desire of grasping the virgin treasures of Ecbatana, a well-known name, under which the Byzantine writer has concealed the capital of the Abbassides. The consternation of the fugitives had already diffused the terror of his name; but the fancied riches of Bagdad had

    already been dissipated by the avarice and prodigality of domestic tyrants. The prayers of the people, and the stern demands of the lieutenant of the Bowides, required the caliph to provide for the defence of the city. The helpless Mothi replied, that his arms, his revenues, and his provinces, had been torn from his hands, and that he was ready to abdicate a dignity which he was unable to support. The emir was inexorable; the furniture of the palace was sold; and the paltry price of forty thousand pieces of gold was instantly consumed in private luxury. But the apprehensions of Bagdad were relieved by the retreat of the Greeks: thirst and hunger guarded the desert of Mesopotamia; and the emperor, satiated with glory, and laden with Oriental spoils, returned to Constantinople, and displayed, in his triumph, the silk, the aromatics, and three hundred myriads of gold and silver. Yet the powers of the East had been bent, not broken, by this transient hurricane. After the departure of the Greeks, the fugitive princes returned to their capitals; the subjects disclaimed their involuntary oaths of allegiance; the Moslems again purified their temples, and overturned the idols of the saints and martyrs; the Nestorians and Jacobites preferred a Saracen to an orthodox master; and the numbers and spirit of the Melchites were inadequate to the support of the church and state. Of these extensive conquests, Antioch, with the cities of Cilicia and the Isle of Cyprus, was alone restored, a permanent and useful accession to the Roman empire.

    Chapter LIII:

    Fate Of The Eastern Empire.

    Part I.

    Fate Of The Eastern Empire In The Tenth Century. — Extent And Division. — Wealth And Revenue. — Palace Of Constantinople. — Titles And Offices. — Pride And Power Of The Emperors. — Tactics Of The Greeks, Arabs, And Franks. — Loss Of The Latin Tongue. — Studies And Solitude Of The Greeks.

    A ray of historic light seems to beam from the darkness of the tenth century. We open with curiosity and respect the royal volumes of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, which he composed at a mature age for the instruction of his son, and which promise to unfold the state of the eastern empire, both in peace and war, both at home and abroad. In the first of these works he minutely describes the pompous ceremonies of the church and palace of Constantinople, according to his own practice, and that of his predecessors. In the second, he attempts an accurate survey of the provinces, the themes, as they were then denominated, both of Europe and Asia. The system of Roman tactics, the discipline and order of the troops, and the military operations by land and sea, are explained in the third of these didactic collections, which may be ascribed to Constantine or his father Leo. In the fourth, of the administration of the empire, he reveals the secrets of the Byzantine policy, in friendly or hostile intercourse with the nations of the earth. The literary labors of the age, the

    practical systems of law, agriculture, and history, might redound to the benefit of the subject and the honor of the Macedonian princes. The sixty books of the Basilics, the code and pandects of civil jurisprudence, were gradually framed in the three first reigns of that prosperous dynasty. The art of agriculture had amused the leisure, and exercised the pens, of the best and wisest of the ancients; and their chosen precepts are comprised in the twenty books of the Geoponics of Constantine. At his command, the historical examples of vice and virtue were methodized in fifty-three books, and every citizen might apply, to his contemporaries or himself, the lesson or the warning of past times. From the august character of a legislator, the sovereign of the East descends to the more humble office of a teacher and a scribe; and if his successors and subjects were regardless of his paternal cares, we may inherit and enjoy the everlasting legacy.

    A closer survey will indeed reduce the value of the gift, and the gratitude of posterity: in the possession of these Imperial treasures we may still deplore our poverty and ignorance; and the fading glories of their authors will be obliterated by indifference or contempt. The Basilics will sink to a broken copy, a partial and mutilated version, in the Greek language, of the laws of Justinian; but the sense of the old civilians is often superseded by the influence of bigotry: and the absolute prohibition of divorce, concubinage, and interest for money, enslaves the freedom of trade and the happiness of private life. In the historical book, a subject of Constantine might admire the inimitable virtues of Greece and Rome: he might learn to what a pitch of energy and elevation the human character had formerly aspired. But a contrary effect must have been produced by a new edition of the lives of the saints, which the great logothete, or chancellor of the empire, was directed to prepare; and the dark fund of superstition was enriched by the fabulous and florid legends of Simon the Metaphrast. The merits and miracles of the whole calendar are of less account in the eyes of a sage, than the toil of a single husbandman, who multiplies the gifts of the Creator, and supplies the food of

    his brethren. Yet the royal authors of the Geoponics were more seriously employed in expounding the precepts of the destroying art, which had been taught since the days of Xenophon, as the art of heroes and kings. But the Tactics of Leo and Constantine are mingled with the baser alloy of the age in which they lived. It was destitute of original genius; they implicitly transcribe the rules and maxims which had been confirmed by victories. It was unskilled in the propriety of style and method; they blindly confound the most distant and discordant institutions, the phalanx of Sparta and that of Macedon, the legions of Cato and Trajan, of Augustus and Theodosius. Even the use, or at least the importance, of these military rudiments may be fairly questioned: their general theory is dictated by reason; but the merit, as well as difficulty, consists in the application. The discipline of a soldier is formed by exercise rather than by study: the talents of a commander are appropriated to those calm, though rapid, minds, which nature produces to decide the fate of armies and nations: the former is the habit of a life, the latter the glance of a moment; and the battles won by lessons of tactics may be numbered with the epic poems created from the rules of criticism. The book of ceremonies is a recital, tedious yet imperfect, of the despicable pageantry which had infected the church and state since the gradual decay of the purity of the one and the power of the other. A review of the themes or provinces might promise such authentic and useful information, as the curiosity of government only can obtain, instead of traditionary fables on the origin of the cities, and malicious epigrams on the vices of their inhabitants. Such information the historian would have been pleased to record; nor should his silence be condemned if the most interesting objects, the population of the capital and provinces, the amount of the taxes and revenues, the numbers of subjects and strangers who served under the Imperial standard, have been unnoticed by Leo the philosopher, and his son Constantine. His treatise of the public administration is stained with the same blemishes; yet it is discriminated by peculiar merit; the antiquities of the nations may be doubtful or fabulous; but the geography and manners of the Barbaric

    world are delineated with curious accuracy. Of these nations, the Franks alone were qualified to observe in their turn, and to describe, the metropolis of the East. The ambassador of the great Otho, a bishop of Cremona, has painted the state of Constantinople about the middle of the tenth century: his style is glowing, his narrative lively, his observation keen; and even the prejudices and passions of Liutprand are stamped with an original character of freedom and genius. From this scanty fund of foreign and domestic materials, I shall investigate the form and substance of the Byzantine empire; the provinces and wealth, the civil government and military force, the character and literature, of the Greeks in a period of six hundred years, from the reign of Heraclius to his successful invasion of the Franks or Latins.

    After the final division between the sons of Theodosius, the swarms of Barbarians from Scythia and Germany over-spread the provinces and extinguished the empire of ancient Rome. The weakness of Constantinople was concealed by extent of dominion: her limits were inviolate, or at least entire; and the kingdom of Justinian was enlarged by the splendid acquisition of Africa and Italy. But the possession of these new conquests was transient and precarious; and almost a moiety of the Eastern empire was torn away by the arms of the Saracens. Syria and Egypt were oppressed by the Arabian caliphs; and, after the reduction of Africa, their lieutenants invaded and subdued the Roman province which had been changed into the Gothic monarchy of Spain. The islands of the Mediterranean were not inaccessible to their naval powers; and it was from their extreme stations, the harbors of Crete and the fortresses of Cilicia, that the faithful or rebel emirs insulted the majesty of the throne and capital. The remaining provinces, under the obedience of the emperors, were cast into a new mould; and the jurisdiction of the presidents, the consulars, and the counts were superseded by the institution of the themes, or military governments, which prevailed under the successors of Heraclius, and are described by the pen of the royal author. Of the twenty-nine themes, twelve in Europe

    and seventeen in Asia, the origin is obscure, the etymology doubtful or capricious: the limits were arbitrary and fluctuating; but some particular names, that sound the most strangely to our ear, were derived from the character and attributes of the troops that were maintained at the expense, and for the guard, of the respective divisions. The vanity of the Greek princes most eagerly grasped the shadow of conquest and the memory of lost dominion. A new Mesopotamia was created on the western side of the Euphrates: the appellation and prætor of Sicily were transferred to a narrow slip of Calabria; and a fragment of the duchy of Beneventum was promoted to the style and title of the theme of Lombardy. In the decline of the Arabian empire, the successors of Constantine might indulge their pride in more solid advantages. The victories of Nicephorus, John Zimisces, and Basil the Second, revived the fame, and enlarged the boundaries, of the Roman name: the province of Cilicia, the metropolis of Antioch, the islands of Crete and Cyprus, were restored to the allegiance of Christ and Cæsar: one third of Italy was annexed to the throne of Constantinople: the kingdom of Bulgaria was destroyed; and the last sovereigns of the Macedonian dynasty extended their sway from the sources of the Tigris to the neighborhood of Rome. In the eleventh century, the prospect was again clouded by new enemies and new misfortunes: the relics of Italy were swept away by the Norman adventures; and almost all the Asiatic branches were dissevered from the Roman trunk by the Turkish conquerors. After these losses, the emperors of the Comnenian family continued to reign from the Danube to Peloponnesus, and from Belgrade to Nice, Trebizond, and the winding stream of the Meander. The spacious provinces of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, were obedient to their sceptre; the possession of Cyprus, Rhodes, and Crete, was accompanied by the fifty islands of the Ægean or Holy Sea; and the remnant of their empire transcends the measure of the largest of the European kingdoms.

    The same princes might assert, with dignity and truth, that of

    all the monarchs of Christendom they possessed the greatest city, the most ample revenue, the most flourishing and populous state. With the decline and fall of the empire, the cities of the West had decayed and fallen; nor could the ruins of Rome, or the mud walls, wooden hovels, and narrow precincts of Paris and London, prepare the Latin stranger to contemplate the situation and extent of Constantinople, her stately palaces and churches, and the arts and luxury of an innumerable people. Her treasures might attract, but her virgin strength had repelled, and still promised to repel, the audacious invasion of the Persian and Bulgarian, the Arab and the Russian. The provinces were less fortunate and impregnable; and few districts, few cities, could be discovered which had not been violated by some fierce Barbarian, impatient to despoil, because he was hopeless to possess. From the age of Justinian the Eastern empire was sinking below its former level; the powers of destruction were more active than those of improvement; and the calamities of war were imbittered by the more permanent evils of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. The captive who had escaped from the Barbarians was often stripped and imprisoned by the ministers of his sovereign: the Greek superstition relaxed the mind by prayer, and emaciated the body by fasting; and the multitude of convents and festivals diverted many hands and many days from the temporal service of mankind. Yet the subjects of the Byzantine empire were still the most dexterous and diligent of nations; their country was blessed by nature with every advantage of soil, climate, and situation; and, in the support and restoration of the arts, their patient and peaceful temper was more useful than the warlike spirit and feudal anarchy of Europe. The provinces that still adhered to the empire were repeopled and enriched by the misfortunes of those which were irrecoverably lost. From the yoke of the caliphs, the Catholics of Syria, Egypt, and Africa retired to the allegiance of their prince, to the society of their brethren: the movable wealth, which eludes the search of oppression, accompanied and alleviated their exile, and Constantinople received into her bosom the fugitive trade of Alexandria and Tyre. The chiefs of Armenia and Scythia, who fled from hostile

    or religious persecution, were hospitably entertained: their followers were encouraged to build new cities and to cultivate waste lands; and many spots, both in Europe and Asia, preserved the name, the manners, or at least the memory, of these national colonies. Even the tribes of Barbarians, who had seated themselves in arms on the territory of the empire, were gradually reclaimed to the laws of the church and state; and as long as they were separated from the Greeks, their posterity supplied a race of faithful and obedient soldiers. Did we possess sufficient materials to survey the twenty-nine themes of the Byzantine monarchy, our curiosity might be satisfied with a chosen example: it is fortunate enough that the clearest light should be thrown on the most interesting province, and the name of Peloponnesus will awaken the attention of the classic reader.

    As early as the eighth century, in the troubled reign of the Iconoclasts, Greece, and even Peloponnesus, were overrun by some Sclavonian bands who outstripped the royal standard of Bulgaria. The strangers of old, Cadmus, and Danaus, and Pelops, had planted in that fruitful soil the seeds of policy and learning; but the savages of the north eradicated what yet remained of their sickly and withered roots. In this irruption, the country and the inhabitants were transformed; the Grecian blood was contaminated; and the proudest nobles of Peloponnesus were branded with the names of foreigners and slaves. By the diligence of succeeding princes, the land was in some measure purified from the Barbarians; and the humble remnant was bound by an oath of obedience, tribute, and military service, which they often renewed and often violated. The siege of Patras was formed by a singular concurrence of the Sclavonians of Peloponnesus and the Saracens of Africa. In their last distress, a pious fiction of the approach of the prætor of Corinth revived the courage of the citizens. Their sally was bold and successful; the strangers embarked, the rebels submitted, and the glory of the day was ascribed to a phantom or a stranger, who fought in the foremost ranks under the character of St. Andrew the Apostle. The shrine

    which contained his relics was decorated with the trophies of victory, and the captive race was forever devoted to the service and vassalage of the metropolitan church of Patras. By the revolt of two Sclavonian tribes, in the neighborhood of Helos and Lacedæmon, the peace of the peninsula was often disturbed. They sometimes insulted the weakness, and sometimes resisted the oppression, of the Byzantine government, till at length the approach of their hostile brethren extorted a golden bull to define the rites and obligations of the Ezzerites and Milengi, whose annual tribute was defined at twelve hundred pieces of gold. From these strangers the Imperial geographer has accurately distinguished a domestic, and perhaps original, race, who, in some degree, might derive their blood from the much-injured Helots. The liberality of the Romans, and especially of Augustus, had enfranchised the maritime cities from the dominion of Sparta; and the continuance of the same benefit ennobled them with the title of Eleuthero, or Free-Laconians. In the time of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, they had acquired the name of Mainotes, under which they dishonor the claim of liberty by the inhuman pillage of all that is shipwrecked on their rocky shores. Their territory, barren of corn, but fruitful of olives, extended to the Cape of Malea: they accepted a chief or prince from the Byzantine prætor, and a light tribute of four hundred pieces of gold was the badge of their immunity, rather than of their dependence. The freemen of Laconia assumed the character of Romans, and long adhered to the religion of the Greeks. By the zeal of the emperor Basil, they were baptized in the faith of Christ: but the altars of Venus and Neptune had been crowned by these rustic votaries five hundred years after they were proscribed in the Roman world. In the theme of Peloponnesus, forty cities were still numbered, and the declining state of Sparta, Argos, and Corinth, may be suspended in the tenth century, at an equal distance, perhaps, between their antique splendor and their present desolation. The duty of military service, either in person or by substitute, was imposed on the lands or benefices of the province; a sum of five pieces of gold was assessed on each of the substantial tenants; and the same capitation was shared

    among several heads of inferior value. On the proclamation of an Italian war, the Peloponnesians excused themselves by a voluntary oblation of one hundred pounds of gold, (four thousand pounds sterling,) and a thousand horses with their arms and trappings. The churches and monasteries furnished their contingent; a sacrilegious profit was extorted from the sale of ecclesiastical honors; and the indigent bishop of Leucadia was made responsible for a pension of one hundred pieces of gold.

    But the wealth of the province, and the trust of the revenue, were founded on the fair and plentiful produce of trade and manufacturers; and some symptoms of liberal policy may be traced in a law which exempts from all personal taxes the mariners of Peloponnesus, and the workmen in parchment and purple. This denomination may be fairly applied or extended to the manufacturers of linen, woollen, and more especially of silk: the two former of which had flourished in Greece since the days of Homer; and the last was introduced perhaps as early as the reign of Justinian. These arts, which were exercised at Corinth, Thebes, and Argos, afforded food and occupation to a numerous people: the men, women, and children were distributed according to their age and strength; and, if many of these were domestic slaves, their masters, who directed the work and enjoyed the profit, were of a free and honorable condition. The gifts which a rich and generous matron of Peloponnesus presented to the emperor Basil, her adopted son, were doubtless fabricated in the Grecian looms. Danielis bestowed a carpet of fine wool, of a pattern which imitated the spots of a peacock’s tail, of a magnitude to overspread the floor of a new church, erected in the triple name of Christ, of Michael the archangel, and of the prophet Elijah. She gave six hundred pieces of silk and linen, of various use and denomination: the silk was painted with the Tyrian dye, and adorned by the labors of the needle; and the linen was so exquisitely fine, that an entire piece might be rolled in the hollow of a cane. In his description of the Greek manufactures, an historian of Sicily discriminates their price,

    according to the weight and quality of the silk, the closeness of the texture, the beauty of the colors, and the taste and materials of the embroidery. A single, or even a double or treble thread was thought sufficient for ordinary sale; but the union of six threads composed a piece of stronger and more costly workmanship. Among the colors, he celebrates, with affectation of eloquence, the fiery blaze of the scarlet, and the softer lustre of the green. The embroidery was raised either in silk or gold: the more simple ornament of stripes or circles was surpassed by the nicer imitation of flowers: the vestments that were fabricated for the palace or the altar often glittered with precious stones; and the figures were delineated in strings of Oriental pearls. Till the twelfth century, Greece alone, of all the countries of Christendom, was possessed of the insect who is taught by nature, and of the workmen who are instructed by art, to prepare this elegant luxury. But the secret had been stolen by the dexterity and diligence of the Arabs: the caliphs of the East and West scorned to borrow from the unbelievers their furniture and apparel; and two cities of Spain, Almeria and Lisbon, were famous for the manufacture, the use, and, perhaps, the exportation, of silk. It was first introduced into Sicily by the Normans; and this emigration of trade distinguishes the victory of Roger from the uniform and fruitless hostilities of every age. After the sack of Corinth, Athens, and Thebes, his lieutenant embarked with a captive train of weavers and artificers of both sexes, a trophy glorious to their master, and disgraceful to the Greek emperor. The king of Sicily was not insensible of the value of the present; and, in the restitution of the prisoners, he excepted only the male and female manufacturers of Thebes and Corinth, who labor, says the Byzantine historian, under a barbarous lord, like the old Eretrians in the service of Darius. A stately edifice, in the palace of Palermo, was erected for the use of this industrious colony; and the art was propagated by their children and disciples to satisfy the increasing demand of the western world. The decay of the looms of Sicily may be ascribed to the troubles of the island, and the competition of the Italian cities. In the year thirteen hundred and fourteen, Lucca alone, among her sister republics, enjoyed the lucrative

    monopoly. A domestic revolution dispersed the manufacturers to Florence, Bologna, Venice, Milan, and even the countries beyond the Alps; and thirteen years after this event the statutes of Modena enjoin the planting of mulberry-trees, and regulate the duties on raw silk. The northern climates are less propitious to the education of the silkworm; but the industry of France and England is supplied and enriched by the productions of Italy and China.

    Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire. —

    Part II.

    I must repeat the complaint that the vague and scanty memorials of the times will not afford any just estimate of the taxes, the revenue, and the resources of the Greek empire. From every province of Europe and Asia the rivulets of gold and silver discharged into the Imperial reservoir a copious and perennial stream. The separation of the branches from the trunk increased the relative magnitude of Constantinople; and the maxims of despotism contracted the state to the capital, the capital to the palace, and the palace to the royal person. A Jewish traveller, who visited the East in the twelfth century, is lost in his admiration of the Byzantine riches. “It is here,” says Benjamin of Tudela, “in the queen of cities, that the tributes of the Greek empire are annually deposited and the lofty towers are filled with precious magazines of silk, purple, and gold. It is said, that Constantinople pays each day to her sovereign twenty thousand pieces of gold; which are levied on the shops, taverns, and markets, on the merchants of Persia and Egypt, of Russia and Hungary, of Italy and Spain, who frequent the capital by sea and land.” In all pecuniary matters, the authority of a Jew is doubtless respectable; but as the three hundred and sixty-five days would produce a yearly income exceeding seven millions sterling, I am tempted to retrench at least the numerous festivals of the Greek calendar. The mass of treasure that was saved by Theodora and Basil the Second will suggest a splendid, though indefinite, idea of their

    supplies and resources. The mother of Michael, before she retired to a cloister, attempted to check or expose the prodigality of her ungrateful son, by a free and faithful account of the wealth which he inherited; one hundred and nine thousand pounds of gold, and three hundred thousand of silver, the fruits of her own economy and that of her deceased husband. The avarice of Basil is not less renowned than his valor and fortune: his victorious armies were paid and rewarded without breaking into the mass of two hundred thousand pounds of gold, (about eight millions sterling,) which he had buried in the subterraneous vaults of the palace. Such accumulation of treasure is rejected by the theory and practice of modern policy; and we are more apt to compute the national riches by the use and abuse of the public credit. Yet the maxims of antiquity are still embraced by a monarch formidable to his enemies; by a republic respectable to her allies; and both have attained their respective ends of military power and domestic tranquillity.

    Whatever might be consumed for the present wants, or reserved for the future use, of the state, the first and most sacred demand was for the pomp and pleasure of the emperor, and his discretion only could define the measure of his private expense. The princes of Constantinople were far removed from the simplicity of nature; yet, with the revolving seasons, they were led by taste or fashion to withdraw to a purer air, from the smoke and tumult of the capital. They enjoyed, or affected to enjoy, the rustic festival of the vintage: their leisure was amused by the exercise of the chase and the calmer occupation of fishing, and in the summer heats, they were shaded from the sun, and refreshed by the cooling breezes from the sea. The coasts and islands of Asia and Europe were covered with their magnificent villas; but, instead of the modest art which secretly strives to hide itself and to decorate the scenery of nature, the marble structure of their gardens served only to expose the riches of the lord, and the labors of the architect. The successive casualties of inheritance and forfeiture had rendered the sovereign proprietor of many

    stately houses in the city and suburbs, of which twelve were appropriated to the ministers of state; but the great palace, the centre of the Imperial residence, was fixed during eleven centuries to the same position, between the hippodrome, the cathedral of St. Sophia, and the gardens, which descended by many a terrace to the shores of the Propontis. The primitive edifice of the first Constantine was a copy, or rival, of ancient Rome; the gradual improvements of his successors aspired to emulate the wonders of the old world, and in the tenth century, the Byzantine palace excited the admiration, at least of the Latins, by an unquestionable preëminence of strength, size, and magnificence. But the toil and treasure of so many ages had produced a vast and irregular pile: each separate building was marked with the character of the times and of the founder; and the want of space might excuse the reigning monarch, who demolished, perhaps with secret satisfaction, the works of his predecessors. The economy of the emperor Theophilus allowed a more free and ample scope for his domestic luxury and splendor. A favorite ambassador, who had astonished the Abbassides themselves by his pride and liberality, presented on his return the model of a palace, which the caliph of Bagdad had recently constructed on the banks of the Tigris. The model was instantly copied and surpassed: the new buildings of Theophilus were accompanied with gardens, and with five churches, one of which was conspicuous for size and beauty: it was crowned with three domes, the roof of gilt brass reposed on columns of Italian marble, and the walls were incrusted with marbles of various colors. In the face of the church, a semicircular portico, of the figure and name of the Greek sigma, was supported by fifteen columns of Phrygian marble, and the subterraneous vaults were of a similar construction. The square before the sigma was decorated with a fountain, and the margin of the basin was lined and encompassed with plates of silver. In the beginning of each season, the basin, instead of water, was replenished with the most exquisite fruits, which were abandoned to the populace for the entertainment of the prince. He enjoyed this tumultuous spectacle from a throne resplendent with gold and gems, which was raised by a marble staircase to the height of

    a lofty terrace. Below the throne were seated the officers of his guards, the magistrates, the chiefs of the factions of the circus; the inferior steps were occupied by the people, and the place below was covered with troops of dancers, singers, and pantomimes. The square was surrounded by the hall of justice, the arsenal, and the various offices of business and pleasure; and the purple chamber was named from the annual distribution of robes of scarlet and purple by the hand of the empress herself. The long series of the apartments was adapted to the seasons, and decorated with marble and porphyry, with painting, sculpture, and mosaics, with a profusion of gold, silver, and precious stones. His fanciful magnificence employed the skill and patience of such artists as the times could afford: but the taste of Athens would have despised their frivolous and costly labors; a golden tree, with its leaves and branches, which sheltered a multitude of birds warbling their artificial notes, and two lions of massy gold, and of natural size, who looked and roared like their brethren of the forest. The successors of Theophilus, of the Basilian and Comnenian dynasties, were not less ambitious of leaving some memorial of their residence; and the portion of the palace most splendid and august was dignified with the title of the golden triclinium. With becoming modesty, the rich and noble Greeks aspired to imitate their sovereign, and when they passed through the streets on horseback, in their robes of silk and embroidery, they were mistaken by the children for kings. A matron of Peloponnesus, who had cherished the infant fortunes of Basil the Macedonian, was excited by tenderness or vanity to visit the greatness of her adopted son. In a journey of five hundred miles from Patras to Constantinople, her age or indolence declined the fatigue of a horse or carriage: the soft litter or bed of Danielis was transported on the shoulders of ten robust slaves; and as they were relieved at easy distances, a band of three hundred were selected for the performance of this service. She was entertained in the Byzantine palace with filial reverence, and the honors of a queen; and whatever might be the origin of her wealth, her gifts were not unworthy of the regal dignity. I have already described the fine and curious manufactures of Peloponnesus,

    of linen, silk, and woollen; but the most acceptable of her presents consisted in three hundred beautiful youths, of whom one hundred were eunuchs; “for she was not ignorant,” says the historian, “that the air of the palace is more congenial to such insects, than a shepherd’s dairy to the flies of the summer.” During her lifetime, she bestowed the greater part of her estates in Peloponnesus, and her testament instituted Leo, the son of Basil, her universal heir. After the payment of the legacies, fourscore villas or farms were added to the Imperial domain; and three thousand slaves of Danielis were enfranchised by their new lord, and transplanted as a colony to the Italian coast. From this example of a private matron, we may estimate the wealth and magnificence of the emperors. Yet our enjoyments are confined by a narrow circle; and, whatsoever may be its value, the luxury of life is possessed with more innocence and safety by the master of his own, than by the steward of the public, fortune.

    In an absolute government, which levels the distinctions of noble and plebeian birth, the sovereign is the sole fountain of honor; and the rank, both in the palace and the empire, depends on the titles and offices which are bestowed and resumed by his arbitrary will. Above a thousand years, from Vespasian to Alexius Comnenus, the Cæsar was the second person, or at least the second degree, after the supreme title of Augustus was more freely communicated to the sons and brothers of the reigning monarch. To elude without violating his promise to a powerful associate, the husband of his sister, and, without giving himself an equal, to reward the piety of his brother Isaac, the crafty Alexius interposed a new and supereminent dignity. The happy flexibility of the Greek tongue allowed him to compound the names of Augustus and Emperor (Sebastos and Autocrator,) and the union produces the sonorous title of Sebastocrator. He was exalted above the Cæsar on the first step of the throne: the public acclamations repeated his name; and he was only distinguished from the sovereign by some peculiar ornaments of the head and feet. The emperor alone could assume the purple or red buskins,

    and the close diadem or tiara, which imitated the fashion of the Persian kings. It was a high pyramidal cap of cloth or silk, almost concealed by a profusion of pearls and jewels: the crown was formed by a horizontal circle and two arches of gold: at the summit, the point of their intersection, was placed a globe or cross, and two strings or lappets of pearl depended on either cheek. Instead of red, the buskins of the Sebastocrator and Cæsar were green; and on their open coronets or crowns, the precious gems were more sparingly distributed. Beside and below the Cæsar the fancy of Alexius created the Panhypersebastos and the Protosebastos, whose sound and signification will satisfy a Grecian ear. They imply a superiority and a priority above the simple name of Augustus; and this sacred and primitive title of the Roman prince was degraded to the kinsmen and servants of the Byzantine court. The daughter of Alexius applauds, with fond complacency, this artful gradation of hopes and honors; but the science of words is accessible to the meanest capacity; and this vain dictionary was easily enriched by the pride of his successors. To their favorite sons or brothers, they imparted the more lofty appellation of Lord or Despot, which was illustrated with new ornaments, and prerogatives, and placed immediately after the person of the emperor himself. The five titles of, 1. Despot; 2. Sebastocrator; 3. Cæsar; 4. Panhypersebastos; and, 5. Protosebastos; were usually confined to the princes of his blood: they were the emanations of his majesty; but as they exercised no regular functions, their existence was useless, and their authority precarious.

    But in every monarchy the substantial powers of government must be divided and exercised by the ministers of the palace and treasury, the fleet and army. The titles alone can differ; and in the revolution of ages, the counts and præfects, the prætor and quæstor, insensibly descended, while their servants rose above their heads to the first honors of the state. 1. In a monarchy, which refers every object to the person of the prince, the care and ceremonies of the palace form the most respectable department. The Curopalata, so illustrious in the age of Justinian, was supplanted by the Protovestiare, whose primitive functions were limited to the custody of the wardrobe. From thence his jurisdiction was extended over the numerous menials of pomp and luxury; and he presided with his silver wand at the public and private audience. 2. In the ancient system of Constantine, the name of Logothete, or accountant, was applied to the receivers of the finances: the principal officers were distinguished as the Logothetes of the domain, of the posts, the army, the private and public treasure; and the great Logothete, the supreme guardian of the laws and revenues, is compared with the chancellor of the Latin monarchies. His discerning eye pervaded the civil administration; and he was assisted, in due subordination, by the eparch or præfect of the city, the first secretary, and the keepers of the privy seal, the archives, and the red or purple ink which was reserved for the sacred signature of the emperor alone. The introductor and interpreter of foreign ambassadors were the great Chiauss and the Dragoman, two names of Turkish origin, and which are still familiar to the Sublime Porte. 3. From the humble style and service of guards, the Domestics insensibly rose to the station of generals; the military themes of the East and West, the legions of Europe and Asia, were often divided, till the great Domestic was finally invested with the universal and absolute command of the land forces. The Protostrator, in his original functions, was the assistant of the emperor when he mounted on horseback: he gradually became the lieutenant of the great Domestic in the field; and his jurisdiction extended over the stables, the cavalry, and the royal train of hunting and hawking. The Stratopedarch was the great judge of the camp: the Protospathaire commanded the guards; the Constable, the great Æteriarch, and the Acolyth, were the separate chiefs of the Franks, the Barbarians, and the Varangi, or English, the mercenary strangers, who, a the decay of the national spirit, formed the nerve of the Byzantine armies. 4. The naval powers were under the command of the great Duke; in his absence they obeyed the great Drungaire of the fleet; and, in his place, the Emir, or Admiral, a name of Saracen extraction, but which has been naturalized in all the modern languages of Europe.

    Of these officers, and of many more whom it would be useless to enumerate, the civil and military hierarchy was framed. Their honors and emoluments, their dress and titles, their mutual salutations and respective preëminence, were balanced with more exquisite labor than would have fixed the constitution of a free people; and the code was almost perfect when this baseless fabric, the monument of pride and servitude, was forever buried in the ruins of the empire.

    Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire. Part III.

    The most lofty titles, and the most humble postures, which devotion has applied to the Supreme Being, have been prostituted by flattery and fear to creatures of the same nature with ourselves. The mode of adoration, of falling prostrate on the ground, and kissing the feet of the emperor, was borrowed by Diocletian from Persian servitude; but it was continued and aggravated till the last age of the Greek monarchy. Excepting only on Sundays, when it was waived, from a motive of religious pride, this humiliating reverence was exacted from all who entered the royal presence, from the princes invested with the diadem and purple, and from the ambassadors who represented their independent sovereigns, the caliphs of Asia, Egypt, or Spain, the kings of France and Italy, and the Latin emperors of ancient Rome. In his transactions of business, Liutprand, bishop of Cremona, asserted the free spirit of a Frank and the dignity of his master Otho. Yet his sincerity cannot disguise the abasement of his first audience. When he approached the throne, the birds of the golden tree began to warble their notes, which were accompanied by the roarings of the two lions of gold. With his two companions Liutprand was compelled to bow and to fall prostrate; and thrice to touch the ground with his forehead. He arose, but in the short interval, the throne had been hoisted from the floor to the ceiling, the Imperial figure appeared in new and more gorgeous apparel, and the interview was concluded in haughty and majestic silence. In this honest and curious narrative, the Bishop of Cremona represents the ceremonies of the Byzantine court, which are still practised in the Sublime Porte, and which were preserved in the last age by the dukes of Muscovy or Russia. After a long journey by sea and land, from Venice to Constantinople, the ambassador halted at the golden gate, till he was conducted by the formal officers to the hospitable palace prepared for his reception; but this palace was a prison, and his jealous keepers prohibited all social intercourse either with strangers or natives. At his first audience, he offered the gifts of his master, slaves, and golden vases, and costly armor. The ostentatious payment of the officers and troops displayed before his eyes the riches of the empire: he was entertained at a royal banquet, in which the ambassadors of the nations were marshalled by the esteem or contempt of the Greeks: from his own table, the emperor, as the most signal favor, sent the plates which he had tasted; and his favorites were dismissed with a robe of honor. In the morning and evening of each day, his civil and military servants attended their duty in the palace; their labors were repaid by the sight, perhaps by the smile, of their lord; his commands were signified by a nod or a sign: but all earthly greatness stood silent and submissive in his presence. In his regular or extraordinary processions through the capital, he unveiled his person to the public view: the rites of policy were connected with those of religion, and his visits to the principal churches were regulated by the festivals of the Greek calendar. On the eve of these processions, the gracious or devout intention of the monarch was proclaimed by the heralds. The streets were cleared and purified; the pavement was strewed with flowers; the most precious furniture, the gold and silver plate, and silken hangings, were displayed from the windows and balconies, and a severe discipline restrained and silenced the tumult of the populace. The march was opened by the military officers at the head of their troops: they were followed in long order by the magistrates and ministers of the civil government: the person of the emperor was guarded by his eunuchs and domestics, and at the church door he was solemnly received by the patriarch and his clergy. The task of applause was not abandoned to the rude and spontaneous voices of the crowd. The most convenient stations were occupied by the bands of the blue and green factions of the circus; and their furious conflicts, which had shaken the capital, were insensibly sunk to an emulation of servitude. From either side they echoed in responsive melody the praises of the emperor; their poets and musicians directed the choir, and long life and victory were the burden of every song. The same acclamations were performed at the audience, the banquet, and the church; and as an evidence of boundless sway, they were repeated in the Latin, Gothic, Persian, French, and even English language, by the mercenaries who sustained the real or fictitious character of those nations. By the pen of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, this science of form and flattery has been reduced into a pompous and trifling volume, which the vanity of succeeding times might enrich with an ample supplement. Yet the calmer reflection of a prince would surely suggest that the same acclamations were applied to every character and every reign: and if he had risen from a private rank, he might remember, that his own voice had been the loudest and most eager in applause, at the very moment when he envied the fortune, or conspired against the life, of his predecessor.

    The princes of the North, of the nations, says Constantine, without faith or fame, were ambitious of mingling their blood with the blood of the Cæsars, by their marriage with a royal virgin, or by the nuptials of their daughters with a Roman prince. The aged monarch, in his instructions to his son, reveals the secret maxims of policy and pride; and suggests the most decent reasons for refusing these insolent and unreasonable demands. Every animal, says the discreet emperor, is prompted by the distinction of language, religion, and manners. A just regard to the purity of descent preserves the harmony of public and private life; but the mixture of foreign blood is the fruitful source of disorder and discord. Such had ever been the opinion and practice of the sage Romans: their jurisprudence proscribed the marriage of a citizen and a stranger: in the days of freedom and virtue, a senator would have scorned to match his daughter with a king: the glory of Mark Antony was sullied by an Egyptian wife: and the emperor Titus was compelled, by popular censure, to dismiss with reluctance the reluctant Berenice. This perpetual interdict was ratified by the fabulous sanction of the great Constantine. The ambassadors of the nations, more especially of the unbelieving nations, were solemnly admonished, that such strange alliances had been condemned by the founder of the church and city. The irrevocable law was inscribed on the altar of St. Sophia; and the impious prince who should stain the majesty of the purple was excluded from the civil and ecclesiastical communion of the Romans. If the ambassadors were instructed by any false brethren in the Byzantine history, they might produce three memorable examples of the violation of this imaginary law: the marriage of Leo, or rather of his father Constantine the Fourth, with the daughter of the king of the Chozars, the nuptials of the granddaughter of Romanus with a Bulgarian prince, and the union of Bertha of France or Italy with young Romanus, the son of Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself. To these objections three answers were prepared, which solved the difficulty and established the law. I. The deed and the guilt of Constantine Copronymus were acknowledged. The Isaurian heretic, who sullied the baptismal font, and declared war against the holy images, had indeed embraced a Barbarian wife. By this impious alliance he accomplished the measure of his crimes, and was devoted to the just censure of the church and of posterity. II. Romanus could not be alleged as a legitimate emperor; he was a plebeian usurper, ignorant of the laws, and regardless of the honor, of the monarchy. His son Christopher, the father of the bride, was the third in rank in the college of princes, at once the subject and the accomplice of a rebellious parent. The Bulgarians were sincere and devout Christians; and the safety of the empire, with the redemption of many thousand captives, depended on this preposterous alliance. Yet no consideration could dispense from the law of Constantine: the clergy, the senate, and the people, disapproved the conduct of Romanus; and he was reproached, both in his life and death, as the author of the public disgrace. III. For the marriage of his own son with the daughter of Hugo, king of Italy, a more honorable defence is contrived by the wise Porphyrogenitus. Constantine, the great and holy, esteemed the fidelity and valor of the Franks; and his prophetic spirit beheld the vision of their future greatness. They alone were excepted from the general prohibition: Hugo, king of France, was the lineal descendant of Charlemagne; and his daughter Bertha inherited the prerogatives of her family and nation. The voice of truth and malice insensibly betrayed the fraud or error of the Imperial court. The patrimonial estate of Hugo was reduced from the monarchy of France to the simple county of Arles; though it was not denied, that, in the confusion of the times, he had usurped the sovereignty of Provence, and invaded the kingdom of Italy. His father was a private noble; and if Bertha derived her female descent from the Carlovingian line, every step was polluted with illegitimacy or vice. The grandmother of Hugo was the famous Valdrada, the concubine, rather than the wife, of the second Lothair; whose adultery, divorce, and second nuptials, had provoked against him the thunders of the Vatican. His mother, as she was styled, the great Bertha, was successively the wife of the count of Arles and of the marquis of Tuscany: France and Italy were scandalized by her gallantries; and, till the age of threescore, her lovers, of every degree, were the zealous servants of her ambition. The example of maternal incontinence was copied by the king of Italy; and the three favorite concubines of Hugo were decorated with the classic names of Venus, Juno, and Semele. The daughter of Venus was granted to the solicitations of the Byzantine court: her name of Bertha was changed to that of Eudoxia; and she was wedded, or rather betrothed, to young Romanus, the future heir of the empire of the East. The consummation of this foreign alliance was suspended by the tender age of the two parties; and, at the end of five years, the union was dissolved by the death of the virgin spouse. The second wife of the emperor Romanus was a maiden of plebeian, but of Roman, birth; and their two daughters, Theophano and Anne, were given in marriage to the princes of the earth. The eldest was bestowed, as the pledge of peace, on the eldest son of the great Otho, who had solicited this alliance with arms and embassies. It might legally be questioned how far a Saxon was entitled to the privilege of the French nation; but every scruple was silenced by the fame and piety of a hero who had restored the empire of the West. After the death of her father-in-law and husband, Theophano governed Rome, Italy, and Germany, during the minority of her son, the third Otho; and the Latins have praised the virtues of an empress, who sacrificed to a superior duty the remembrance of her country. In the nuptials of her sister Anne, every prejudice was lost, and every consideration of dignity was superseded, by the stronger argument of necessity and fear. A Pagan of the North, Wolodomir, great prince of Russia, aspired to a daughter of the Roman purple; and his claim was enforced by the threats of war, the promise of conversion, and the offer of a powerful succor against a domestic rebel. A victim of her religion and country, the Grecian princess was torn from the palace of her fathers, and condemned to a savage reign, and a hopeless exile on the banks of the Borysthenes, or in the neighborhood of the Polar circle. Yet the marriage of Anne was fortunate and fruitful: the daughter of her grandson Joroslaus was recommended by her Imperial descent; and the king of France, Henry I., sought a wife on the last borders of Europe and Christendom.

    In the Byzantine palace, the emperor was the first slave of the ceremonies which he imposed, of the rigid forms which regulated each word and gesture, besieged him in the palace, and violated the leisure of his rural solitude. But the lives and fortunes of millions hung on his arbitrary will; and the firmest minds, superior to the allurements of pomp and luxury, may be seduced by the more active pleasure of commanding their equals. The legislative and executive powers were centred in the person of the monarch, and the last remains of the authority of the senate were finally eradicated by Leo the philosopher. A lethargy of servitude had benumbed the minds of the Greeks: in the wildest tumults of rebellion they never aspired to the idea of a free constitution; and the private character of the prince was the only source and measure of their public happiness. Superstition rivetted their chains; in the church of St. Sophia he was solemnly crowned by the patriarch; at the foot of the altar, they pledged their passive and unconditional obedience to his government and family. On his side he engaged to abstain as much as possible from the capital punishments of death and mutilation; his orthodox creed was subscribed with his own hand, and he promised to obey the decrees of the seven synods, and the canons of the holy church. But the assurance of mercy was loose and indefinite: he swore, not to his people, but to an invisible judge; and except in the inexpiable guilt of heresy, the ministers of heaven were always prepared to preach the indefeasible right, and to absolve the venial transgressions, of their sovereign. The Greek ecclesiastics were themselves the subjects of the civil magistrate: at the nod of a tyrant, the bishops were created, or transferred, or deposed, or punished with an ignominious death: whatever might be their wealth or influence, they could never succeed like the Latin clergy in the establishment of an independent republic; and the patriarch of Constantinople condemned, what he secretly envied, the temporal greatness of his Roman brother. Yet the exercise of boundless despotism is happily checked by the laws of nature and necessity. In proportion to his wisdom and virtue, the master of an empire is confined to the path of his sacred and laborious duty. In proportion to his vice and folly, he drops the sceptre too weighty for his hands; and the motions of the royal image are ruled by the imperceptible thread of some minister or favorite, who undertakes for his private interest to exercise the task of the public oppression. In some fatal moment, the most absolute monarch may dread the reason or the caprice of a nation of slaves; and experience has proved, that whatever is gained in the extent, is lost in the safety and solidity, of regal power.

    Whatever titles a despot may assume, whatever claims he may assert, it is on the sword that he must ultimately depend to guard him against his foreign and domestic enemies. From the age of Charlemagne to that of the Crusades, the world (for I overlook the remote monarchy of China) was occupied and disputed by the three great empires or nations of the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Franks. Their military strength may be ascertained by a comparison of their courage, their arts and riches, and their obedience to a supreme head, who might call into action all the energies of the state. The Greeks, far inferior to their rivals in the first, were superior to the Franks, and at least equal to the Saracens, in the second and third of these warlike qualifications.

    The wealth of the Greeks enabled them to purchase the service of the poorer nations, and to maintain a naval power for the protection of their coasts and the annoyance of their enemies. A commerce of mutual benefit exchanged the gold of Constantinople for the blood of Sclavonians and Turks, the Bulgarians and Russians: their valor contributed to the victories of Nicephorus and Zimisces; and if a hostile people pressed too closely on the frontier, they were recalled to the defence of their country, and the desire of peace, by the well-managed attack of a more distant tribe. The command of the Mediterranean, from the mouth of the Tanais to the columns of Hercules, was always claimed, and often possessed, by the successors of Constantine. Their capital was filled with naval stores and dexterous artificers: the situation of Greece and Asia, the long coasts, deep gulfs, and numerous islands, accustomed their subjects to the exercise of navigation; and the trade of Venice and Amalfi supplied a nursery of seamen to the Imperial fleet. Since the time of the Peloponnesian and Punic wars, the sphere of action had not been enlarged; and the science of naval architecture appears to have declined. The art of constructing those stupendous machines which displayed three, or six, or ten, ranges of oars, rising above, or falling behind, each other, was unknown to the ship-builders of Constantinople, as well as to the mechanicians of modern days. The Dromones, or light galleys of the Byzantine empire, were content with two tier of oars; each tier was composed of five-and-twenty benches; and two rowers were seated on each

    bench, who plied their oars on either side of the vessel. To these we must add the captain or centurion, who, in time of action, stood erect with his armor-bearer on the poop, two steersmen at the helm, and two officers at the prow, the one to manage the anchor, the other to point and play against the enemy the tube of liquid fire. The whole crew, as in the infancy of the art, performed the double service of mariners and soldiers; they were provided with defensive and offensive arms, with bows and arrows, which they used from the upper deck, with long pikes, which they pushed through the portholes of the lower tier. Sometimes, indeed, the ships of war were of a larger and more solid construction; and the labors of combat and navigation were more regularly divided between seventy soldiers and two hundred and thirty mariners. But for the most part they were of the light and manageable size; and as the Cape of Malea in Peloponnesus was still clothed with its ancient terrors, an Imperial fleet was transported five miles over land across the Isthmus of Corinth. The principles of maritime tactics had not undergone any change since the time of Thucydides: a squadron of galleys still advanced in a crescent, charged to the front, and strove to impel their sharp beaks against the feeble sides of their antagonists. A machine for casting stones and darts was built of strong timbers, in the midst of the deck; and the operation of boarding was effected by a crane that hoisted baskets of armed men. The language of signals, so clear and copious in the naval grammar of the moderns, was imperfectly expressed by the various positions and colors of a commanding flag. In the darkness of the night, the same orders to chase, to attack, to halt, to retreat, to break, to form, were conveyed by the lights of the leading galley. By land, the fire-signals were repeated from one mountain to another; a chain of eight stations commanded a space of five hundred miles; and Constantinople in a few hours was apprised of the hostile motions of the Saracens of Tarsus. Some estimate may be formed of the power of the Greek emperors, by the curious and minute detail of the armament which was prepared for the reduction of Crete. A fleet of one hundred and twelve galleys, and seventy-five vessels of the Pamphylian style, was equipped in the capital, the islands of the Ægean Sea, and the seaports of Asia, Macedonia, and Greece. It carried thirty-four thousand mariners, seven thousand three hundred and forty soldiers, seven hundred Russians, and five thousand and eighty-seven Mardaites, whose fathers had been transplanted from the mountains of Libanus. Their pay, most probably of a month, was computed at thirty-four centenaries of gold, about one hundred and thirty-six thousand pounds sterling. Our fancy is bewildered by the endless recapitulation of arms and engines, of clothes and linen, of bread for the men and forage for the horses, and of stores and utensils of every description, inadequate to the conquest of a petty island, but amply sufficient for the establishment of a flourishing colony.

    The invention of the Greek fire did not, like that of gun powder, produce a total revolution in the art of war. To these liquid combustibles the city and empire of Constantine owed their deliverance; and they were employed in sieges and sea-fights with terrible effect. But they were either less improved, or less susceptible of improvement: the engines of antiquity, the catapultæ, balistæ, and battering-rams, were still of most frequent and powerful use in the attack and defence of fortifications; nor was the decision of battles reduced to the quick and heavy fire of a line of infantry, whom it were fruitless to protect with armor against a similar fire of their enemies. Steel and iron were still the common instruments of destruction and safety; and the helmets, cuirasses, and shields, of the tenth century did not, either in form or substance, essentially differ from those which had covered the companions of Alexander or Achilles. But instead of accustoming the modern Greeks, like the legionaries of old, to the constant and easy use of this salutary weight, their armor was laid aside in light chariots, which followed the march, till, on the approach of an enemy, they resumed with haste and reluctance the unusual encumbrance. Their offensive weapons consisted of swords, battle-axes, and spears; but the Macedonian pike was shortened a fourth of its length, and reduced to the more convenient measure of twelve cubits or feet. The sharpness of the Scythian and Arabian arrows had been severely felt; and the emperors lament the decay of archery as a cause of the public misfortunes, and recommend, as an advice and a command, that the military youth, till the age of forty, should assiduously practise the exercise of the bow. The bands, or regiments, were usually three hundred strong; and, as a medium between the extremes of four and sixteen, the foot soldiers of Leo and Constantine were formed eight deep; but the cavalry charged in four ranks, from the reasonable consideration, that the weight of the front could not be increased by any pressure of the hindmost horses. If the ranks of the infantry or cavalry were sometimes doubled, this cautious array betrayed a secret distrust of the courage of the troops, whose numbers might swell the appearance of the line, but of whom only a chosen band would dare to encounter the spears and swords of the Barbarians. The order of battle must have varied according to the ground, the object, and the adversary; but their ordinary disposition, in two lines and a reserve, presented a succession of hopes and resources most agreeable to the temper as well as the judgment of the Greeks. In case of a repulse, the first line fell back into the intervals of the second; and the reserve, breaking into two divisions, wheeled round the flanks to improve the victory or cover the retreat. Whatever authority could enact was accomplished, at least in theory, by the camps and marches, the exercises and evolutions, the edicts and books, of the Byzantine monarch. Whatever art could produce from the forge, the loom, or the laboratory, was abundantly supplied by the riches of the prince, and the industry of his numerous workmen. But neither authority nor art could frame the most important machine, the soldier himself; and if the ceremonies of Constantine always suppose the safe and triumphal return of the emperor, his tactics seldom soar above the means of escaping a defeat, and procrastinating the war. Notwithstanding some transient success, the Greeks were sunk in their own esteem and that of their neighbors. A cold hand and a loquacious tongue was the vulgar description of the nation: the author of the tactics was besieged in his capital; and the last of the Barbarians, who trembled at the name of the Saracens, or Franks, could proudly exhibit the medals of gold and silver which they had extorted from the feeble sovereign of Constantinople. What spirit their government and character denied, might have been inspired in some degree by the influence of religion; but the religion of the Greeks could only teach them to suffer and to yield. The emperor Nicephorus, who restored for a moment the discipline and glory of the Roman name, was desirous of bestowing the honors of martyrdom on the Christians who lost their lives in a holy war against the infidels. But this political law was defeated by the opposition of the patriarch, the bishops, and the principal senators; and they strenuously urged the canons of St. Basil, that all who were polluted by the bloody trade of a soldier should be separated, during three years, from the communion of the faithful.

    These scruples of the Greeks have been compared with the tears of the primitive Moslems when they were held back from battle; and this contrast of base superstition and high-spirited enthusiasm, unfolds to a philosophic eye the history of the rival nations. The subjects of the last caliphs had undoubtedly degenerated from the zeal and faith of the companions of the prophet. Yet their martial creed still represented the Deity as the author of war: the vital though latent spark of fanaticism still glowed in the heart of their religion, and among the Saracens, who dwelt on the Christian borders, it was frequently rekindled to a lively and active flame. Their regular force was formed of the valiant slaves who had been educated to guard the person and accompany the standard of their lord: but the Mussulman people of Syria and Cilicia, of Africa and Spain, was awakened by the trumpet which proclaimed a holy war against the infidels. The rich were ambitious of death or victory in the cause of God; the poor were allured by the hopes of plunder; and the old, the infirm, and the women, assumed their share of meritorious service by sending their substitutes, with arms and horses, into the field. These offensive and defensive arms were similar in strength and temper to those of the Romans, whom they far excelled in the management of the horse and the bow: the massy silver of their belts, their bridles, and their swords, displayed the magnificence of a prosperous nation; and except some black archers of the South, the Arabs disdained the naked bravery of their ancestors. Instead of wagons, they were attended by a long train of camels, mules, and asses: the multitude of these animals, whom they bedecked with flags and streamers, appeared to swell the pomp and magnitude of their host; and the horses of the enemy were often disordered by the uncouth figure and odious smell of the camels of the East. Invincible by their patience of thirst and heat, their spirits were frozen by a winter’s cold, and the consciousness of their propensity to sleep exacted the most rigorous precautions against the surprises of the night. Their order of battle was a long square of two deep and solid lines; the first of archers, the second of cavalry. In their engagements by sea and land, they sustained with patient firmness the fury of the attack, and seldom advanced to the charge till they could discern and oppress the lassitude of their foes. But if they were repulsed and broken, they knew not how to rally or renew the combat; and their dismay was heightened by the superstitious prejudice, that God had declared himself on the side of their enemies. The decline and fall of the caliphs countenanced this fearful opinion; nor were there wanting, among the Mahometans and Christians, some obscure prophecies which prognosticated their alternate defeats. The unity of the Arabian empire was dissolved, but the independent fragments were equal to populous and powerful kingdoms; and in their naval and military armaments, an emir of Aleppo or Tunis might command no despicable fund of skill, and industry, and treasure. In their transactions of peace and war with the Saracens, the princes of Constantinople too often felt that these Barbarians had nothing barbarous in their discipline; and that if they were destitute of original genius, they had been endowed with a quick spirit of curiosity and imitation. The model was indeed more perfect than the copy; their ships, and engines, and fortifications, were of a less skilful construction; and they confess, without shame, that the same God who has given a tongue to the Arabians, had more nicely fashioned the hands of the Chinese, and the heads of the Greeks.

    Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire. Part IV.

    A name of some German tribes between the Rhine and the Weser had spread its victorious influence over the greatest part of Gaul, Germany, and Italy; and the common appellation of Franks was applied by the Greeks and Arabians to the Christians of the Latin church, the nations of the West, who stretched beyond their knowledge to the shores of the Atlantic Ocean. The vast body had been inspired and united by the soul of Charlemagne; but the division and degeneracy of his race soon annihilated the Imperial power, which would have rivalled the Cæsars of Byzantium, and revenged the indignities of the Christian name. The enemies no longer feared, nor could the subjects any longer trust, the application of a public revenue, the labors of trade and manufactures in the military service, the mutual aid of provinces and armies, and the naval squadrons which were regularly stationed from the mouth of the Elbe to that of the Tyber. In the beginning of the tenth century, the family of Charlemagne had almost disappeared; his monarchy was broken into many hostile and independent states; the regal title was assumed by the most ambitious chiefs; their revolt was imitated in a long subordination of anarchy and discord, and the nobles of every province disobeyed their sovereign, oppressed their vassals, and exercised perpetual hostilities against their equals and neighbors. Their private wars, which overturned the fabric of government, fomented the martial spirit of the nation. In the system of modern Europe, the power of the sword is possessed, at least in fact, by five or six mighty potentates; their operations are conducted on a distant frontier, by an order of men who devote their lives to the study and practice of the military art: the rest of the country and community enjoys in the midst of war the tranquillity of peace, and is only made sensible of the change by the aggravation or decrease of the public taxes. In the disorders of the tenth and eleventh centuries, every peasant was a soldier, and every village a fortification; each wood or valley was a scene of murder and rapine; and the lords of each castle were compelled to assume the character of princes and warriors. To their own courage and policy they boldly trusted for the safety of their family, the protection of their lands, and the revenge of their injuries; and, like the conquerors of a larger size, they were too apt to transgress the privilege of defensive war. The powers of the mind and body were hardened by the presence of danger and necessity of resolution: the same spirit refused to desert a friend and to forgive an enemy; and, instead of sleeping under the guardian care of a magistrate, they proudly disdained the authority of the laws. In the days of feudal anarchy, the instruments of agriculture and art were converted into the weapons of bloodshed: the peaceful occupations of civil and ecclesiastical society were abolished or corrupted; and the bishop who exchanged his mitre for a helmet, was more forcibly urged by the manners of the times than by the obligation of his tenure.

    The love of freedom and of arms was felt, with conscious pride, by the Franks themselves, and is observed by the Greeks with some degree of amazement and terror. “The Franks,” says the emperor Constantine, “are bold and valiant to the verge of temerity; and their dauntless spirit is supported by the contempt of danger and death. In the field and in close onset, they press to the front, and rush headlong against the enemy, without deigning to compute either his numbers or their own. Their ranks are formed by the firm connections of consanguinity and friendship; and their martial deeds are prompted by the desire of saving or revenging their dearest companions. In their eyes, a retreat is a shameful flight; and flight is indelible infamy.” A nation endowed with such high and intrepid spirit, must have been secure of victory if these advantages had not been counter-balanced by many weighty defects. The decay of their naval power left the Greeks and Saracens in possession of the sea, for every purpose of annoyance and supply. In the age which preceded the institution of knighthood, the Franks were rude and unskilful in the service of cavalry; and in all perilous emergencies, their warriors were so conscious of their ignorance, that they chose to dismount from their horses and fight on foot. Unpractised in the use of pikes, or of missile weapons, they were encumbered by the length of their swords, the weight of their armor, the magnitude of their shields, and, if I may repeat the satire of the meagre Greeks, by their unwieldy intemperance. Their independent spirit disdained the yoke of subordination, and abandoned the standard of their chief, if he attempted to keep the field beyond the term of their stipulation or service. On all sides they were open to the snares of an enemy less brave but more artful than themselves. They might be bribed, for the Barbarians were venal; or surprised in the night, for they neglected the precautions of a close encampment or vigilant sentinels. The fatigues of a summer’s campaign exhausted their strength and patience, and they sunk in despair if their voracious appetite was disappointed of a plentiful supply of wine and of food. This general character of the Franks was marked with some national and local shades, which I should ascribe to accident rather than to climate, but which were visible both to natives and to foreigners. An ambassador of the great Otho declared, in the palace of Constantinople, that the Saxons could dispute with swords better than with pens, and that they preferred inevitable death to the dishonor of turning their backs to an enemy. It was the glory of the nobles of France, that, in their humble dwellings, war and rapine were the only pleasure, the sole occupation, of their lives. They affected to deride the palaces, the banquets, the polished manner of the Italians, who in the estimate of the Greeks themselves had degenerated from the liberty and valor of the ancient Lombards.

    By the well-known edict of Caracalla, his subjects, from Britain to Egypt, were entitled to the name and privileges of Romans, and their national sovereign might fix his occasional or permanent residence in any province of their common country. In the division of the East and West, an ideal unity was scrupulously observed, and in their titles, laws, and statutes, the successors of Arcadius and Honorius announced themselves as the inseparable colleagues of the same office, as the joint sovereigns of the Roman world and city, which were bounded by the same limits. After the fall of the Western monarchy, the majesty of the purple resided solely in the princes of Constantinople; and of these, Justinian was the first who, after a divorce of sixty years, regained the dominion of ancient Rome, and asserted, by the right of conquest, the august title of Emperor of the Romans. A motive of vanity or discontent solicited one of his successors, Constans the Second, to abandon the Thracian Bosphorus, and to restore the pristine honors of the Tyber: an extravagant project, (exclaims the malicious Byzantine,) as if he had despoiled a beautiful and blooming virgin, to enrich, or rather to expose, the deformity of a wrinkled and decrepit matron. But the sword of the Lombards opposed his settlement in Italy: he entered Rome not as a conqueror, but as a fugitive, and, after a visit of twelve days, he pillaged, and forever deserted, the ancient capital of the world. The final revolt and separation of Italy was accomplished about two centuries after the conquests of Justinian, and from his reign we may date the gradual oblivion of the Latin tongue. That legislator had composed his Institutes, his Code, and his Pandects, in a language which he celebrates as the proper and public style of the Roman government, the consecrated idiom of the palace and senate of Constantinople, of the campus and tribunals of the East. But this foreign dialect was unknown to the people and soldiers of the Asiatic provinces, it was imperfectly understood by the greater part of the interpreters of the laws and the ministers of the state. After a short conflict, nature and habit prevailed over the obsolete institutions of human power: for the general benefit of his subjects, Justinian promulgated his novels in the two languages: the several parts of his voluminous jurisprudence were successively translated; the original was forgotten, the version was studied, and the Greek, whose intrinsic merit deserved indeed the preference, obtained a legal, as well as popular establishment in the Byzantine monarchy. The birth and residence of succeeding princes estranged them from the Roman idiom: Tiberius by the Arabs, and Maurice by the Italians, are distinguished as the first of the Greek Cæsars, as the founders of a new dynasty and empire: the silent revolution was accomplished before the death of Heraclius; and the ruins of the Latin speech were darkly preserved in the terms of jurisprudence and the acclamations of the palace. After the restoration of the Western empire by Charlemagne and the Othos, the names of Franks and Latins acquired an equal signification and extent; and these haughty Barbarians asserted, with some justice, their superior claim to the language and dominion of Rome. They insulted the alien of the East who had renounced the dress and idiom of Romans; and their reasonable practice will justify the frequent appellation of Greeks. But this contemptuous appellation was indignantly rejected by the prince and people to whom it was applied. Whatsoever changes had been introduced by the lapse of ages, they alleged a lineal and unbroken succession from Augustus and Constantine; and, in the lowest period of degeneracy and decay, the name of Romans adhered to the last fragments of the empire of Constantinople.

    While the government of the East was transacted in Latin, the Greek was the language of literature and philosophy; nor could the masters of this rich and perfect idiom be tempted to envy the borrowed learning and imitative taste of their Roman disciples. After the fall of Paganism, the loss of Syria and Egypt, and the extinction of the schools of Alexandria and Athens, the studies of the Greeks insensibly retired to some regular monasteries, and above all, to the royal college of Constantinople, which was burnt in the reign of Leo the Isaurian. In the pompous style of the age, the president of that foundation was named the Sun of Science: his twelve associates, the professors in the different arts and faculties, were the twelve signs of the zodiac; a library of thirty-six thousand five hundred volumes was open to their inquiries; and they could show an ancient manuscript of Homer, on a roll of parchment one hundred and twenty feet in length, the intestines, as it was fabled, of a prodigious serpent. But the seventh and eight centuries were a period of discord and darkness: the library was burnt, the college was abolished, the Iconoclasts are represented as the foes of antiquity; and a savage ignorance and contempt of letters has disgraced the princes of the Heraclean and Isaurian dynasties.

    In the ninth century we trace the first dawnings of the restoration of science. After the fanaticism of the Arabs had subsided, the caliphs aspired to conquer the arts, rather than the provinces, of the empire: their liberal curiosity rekindled the emulation of the Greeks, brushed away the dust from their ancient libraries, and taught them to know and reward the philosophers, whose labors had been hitherto repaid by the pleasure of study and the pursuit of truth. The Cæsar Bardas, the uncle of Michael the Third, was the generous protector of letters, a title which alone has preserved his memory and excused his ambition. A particle of the treasures of his nephew was sometimes diverted from the indulgence of vice and folly; a school was opened in the palace of Magnaura; and the presence of Bardas excited the emulation of the masters and students. At their head was the philosopher Leo, archbishop of Thessalonica: his profound skill in astronomy and the mathematics was admired by the strangers of the East; and this occult science was magnified by vulgar credulity, which modestly supposes that all knowledge superior to its own must be the effect of inspiration or magic. At the pressing entreaty of the Cæsar, his friend, the celebrated Photius, renounced the freedom of a secular and studious life, ascended the patriarchal throne, and was alternately excommunicated and absolved by the synods of the East and West. By the confession even of priestly hatred, no art or science, except poetry, was foreign to this universal scholar, who was deep in thought, indefatigable in reading, and eloquent in diction. Whilst he exercised the office of protospathaire or captain of the guards, Photius was sent ambassador to the caliph of Bagdad. The tedious hours of exile, perhaps of confinement, were beguiled by the hasty composition of his Library, a living monument of erudition and criticism. Two hundred and fourscore writers, historians, orators, philosophers, theologians, are reviewed without any regular method: he abridges their narrative or doctrine, appreciates their style and character, and judges even the fathers of the church with a discreet freedom, which often breaks through the superstition of the times. The emperor Basil, who lamented the defects of his own education, intrusted to the care of Photius his son and successor, Leo the philosopher; and the reign of that prince and of his son Constantine Porphyrogenitus forms one of the most prosperous æras of the Byzantine literature. By their munificence the treasures of antiquity were deposited in the Imperial library; by their pens, or those of their associates, they were imparted in such extracts and abridgments as might amuse the curiosity, without oppressing the indolence, of the public. Besides the Basilics, or code of laws, the arts of husbandry and war, of feeding or destroying the human species, were propagated with equal diligence; and the history of Greece and Rome was digested into fifty-three heads or titles, of which two only (of embassies, and of virtues and vices) have escaped the injuries of time. In every station, the reader might contemplate the image of the past world, apply the lesson or warning of each page, and learn to admire, perhaps to imitate, the examples of a brighter period. I shall not expatiate on the works of the Byzantine Greeks, who, by the assiduous study of the ancients, have deserved, in some measure, the remembrance and gratitude of the moderns. The scholars of the present age may still enjoy the benefit of the philosophical commonplace book of Stobæus, the grammatical and historical lexicon of Suidas, the Chiliads of Tzetzes, which comprise six hundred narratives in twelve thousand verses, and the commentaries on Homer of Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica, who, from his horn of plenty, has poured the names and authorities of four hundred writers. From these originals, and from the numerous tribe of scholiasts and critics, some estimate may be formed of the literary wealth of the twelfth century: Constantinople was enlightened by the genius of Homer and Demosthenes, of Aristotle and Plato: and in the enjoyment or neglect of our present riches, we must envy the generation that could still peruse the history of Theopompus, the orations of Hyperides, the comedies of Menander, and the odes of Alcæus and Sappho. The frequent labor of illustration attests not only the existence, but the popularity, of the Grecian classics: the general knowledge of the age may be deduced from the example of two learned females, the empress Eudocia, and the princess Anna Comnena, who cultivated, in the purple, the arts of rhetoric and philosophy. The vulgar dialect of the city was gross and barbarous: a more correct and elaborate style distinguished the discourse, or at least the compositions, of the church and palace, which sometimes affected to copy the purity of the Attic models.

    In our modern education, the painful though necessary attainment of two languages, which are no longer living, may consume the time and damp the ardor of the youthful student. The poets and orators were long imprisoned in the barbarous dialects of our Western ancestors, devoid of harmony or grace; and their genius, without precept or example, was abandoned to the rule and native powers of their judgment and fancy. But the Greeks of Constantinople, after purging away the impurities of their vulgar speech, acquired the free use of their ancient language, the most happy composition of human art, and a familiar knowledge of the sublime masters who had pleased or instructed the first of nations. But these advantages only tend to aggravate the reproach and shame of a degenerate people. They held in their lifeless hands the riches of their fathers, without inheriting the spirit which had created and improved that sacred patrimony: they read, they praised, they compiled, but their languid souls seemed alike incapable of thought and action. In the revolution of ten centuries, not a single discovery was made to exalt the dignity or promote the happiness of mankind. Not a single idea has been added to the speculative systems of antiquity, and a succession of patient disciples became in their turn the dogmatic teachers of the next servile generation. Not a single composition of history, philosophy, or literature, has been saved from oblivion by the intrinsic beauties of style or sentiment, of original fancy, or even of successful imitation. In prose, the least offensive of the Byzantine writers are absolved from censure by their naked and unpresuming simplicity: but the orators, most eloquent in their own conceit, are the farthest removed from the models whom they affect to emulate. In every page our taste and reason are wounded by the choice of gigantic and obsolete words, a stiff and intricate phraseology, the discord of images, the childish play of false or unseasonable ornament, and the painful attempt to elevate themselves, to astonish the reader, and to involve a trivial meaning in the smoke of obscurity and exaggeration. Their prose is soaring to the vicious affectation of poetry: their poetry is sinking below the flatness and insipidity of prose. The tragic, epic, and lyric muses, were silent and inglorious: the bards of Constantinople seldom rose above a riddle or epigram, a panegyric or tale; they forgot even the rules of prosody; and with the melody of Homer yet sounding in their ears, they confound all measure of feet and syllables in the impotent strains which have received the name of political or city verses. The minds of the Greek were bound in the fetters of a base and imperious superstition which extends her dominion round the circle of profane science. Their understandings were bewildered in metaphysical controversy: in the belief of visions and miracles, they had lost all principles of moral evidence, and their taste was vitiates by the homilies of the monks, an absurd medley of declamation and Scripture. Even these contemptible studies were no longer dignified by the abuse of superior talents: the leaders of the Greek church were humbly content to admire and copy the oracles of antiquity, nor did the schools of pulpit produce any rivals of the fame of Athanasius and Chrysostom.

    In all the pursuits of active and speculative life, the emulation of states and individuals is the most powerful spring of the efforts and improvements of mankind. The cities of ancient Greece were cast in the happy mixture of union and independence, which is repeated on a larger scale, but in a looser form, by the nations of modern Europe; the union of language, religion, and manners, which renders them the spectators and judges of each other’s merit; the independence of government and interest, which asserts their separate freedom, and excites them to strive for preëminence in the career of glory. The situation of the Romans was less favorable; yet in the early ages of the republic, which fixed the national character, a similar emulation was kindled among the states of Latium and Italy; and in the arts and sciences, they aspired to equal or surpass their Grecian masters. The empire of the Cæsars undoubtedly checked the activity and progress of the human mind; its magnitude might indeed allow some scope for domestic competition; but when it was gradually reduced, at first to the East and at last to Greece and Constantinople, the Byzantine subjects were degraded to an abject and languid temper, the natural effect of their solitary and insulated state. From the North they were oppressed by nameless tribes of Barbarians, to whom they scarcely imparted the appellation of men. The language and religion of the more polished Arabs were an insurmountable bar to all social intercourse. The conquerors of Europe were their brethren in the Christian faith; but the speech of the Franks or Latins was unknown, their manners were rude, and they were rarely connected, in peace or war, with the successors of Heraclius. Alone in the universe, the self-satisfied pride of the Greeks was not disturbed by the comparison of foreign merit; and it is no wonder if they fainted in the race, since they had neither competitors to urge their speed, nor judges to crown their victory. The nations of Europe and Asia were mingled by the expeditions to the Holy Land; and it is under the Comnenian dynasty that a faint emulation of knowledge and military virtue was rekindled in the Byzantine empire.